Fall 2003 Stanford Historical Society Volume 27, No. 3

Sandstone&Tile

Japanese American Student Relocation in World War II Lagunita Student Diary: First Week After Pearl Harbor IN THIS ISSUE

Throughout 1941, war news had mingled with the university’s celebration of its 50th year, with classes, sports, social life, and campus fashion statements. News of the December 7 Japanese at- tack on Pearl Harbor, however, stunned the campus. “We were all very surprised at the speed and power of the Japanese,” wrote Stanford Daily columnist Cheslie Saroyan three days later. “And so we were at war and we tried to think that books and classes were important and we kept right on with our work.” The articles in this issue reveal how difficult it was to continue studies as usual. Stanford senior Margaret Tuttle kept a diary of the first seven days of the war from the perspective of Lagunita Court students as world and local events collided with finals week (pages 24-28). For students of Japanese ancestry, the interruption had particularly grave implications. Katie Buchanan’s essay places their plight in the broader context of efforts by the National Japanese American Student Relocation Committee to resettle West Coast students from internment camps to Midwestern and Eastern colleges (pages 3-16). Professor Gordon Chang describes the experience of history Professor Yamato Ichihashi in the days leading up to his internment in May 1942 (pages 20-23).

COVER: In May 1942, the remaining members of the Japanese Student Association in- OPPOSITE: scribed this photograph to longstanding supporter President Ray Lyman Wilbur. Wilbur Three young women, had written the House Select Committee Investigating National Defense Migration in identities unknown, mid-April: “It has been impossible for me to answer the many questions put to me by the smile from behind the students as to why [they must relocate]. Everything that they have learned from babyhood barbed wire of one of up in this country is negatived [sic] by their present experience.” the relocation camps.

PHOTO: ARCHIVES HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES

Barbed Wire Neurosis: Education, Assimilation, and Japanese American Internment

BY K ATHERINE B UCHANAN

As I, an American of Japanese ancestry, oy Nakata was born on April 16, 1924, in stand today on the threshold of success or fail- Alameda, , eldest son of T. Nakata, ure in life, I have a definite plan to continue one of the many Japanese immigrants recruited studying and try my humble part in serving in to as cheap labor for Bay Area constructionR projects. Instead of returning to Japan as he the best possible manner this great land of mine. Instead of being sent to an internment camp had originally intended, T. Nakata stayed in California and wasting away what little knowledge I have after the Bay Bridge’s completion in 1938, working as a gained thus far as well as much precious time, gardener. Despite his modest occupation, he remained my parents tell me they are willing to sacrifice convinced that his children would benefit from an Amer- all they have towards my education. It is my ican upbringing. sincere hope that that I be allowed the privilege Roy and his sister, Grace (born 1929), rose to meet of attending an institution of good name so that their father’s expectations. Roy became a decorated Boy I may fulfill their dreams and that I may mold Scout, and after the family moved from Los Altos to Palo myself into a better American and do my part Alto during his sophomore year of high school, Roy ex- in building an even greater America. Katherine Buchanan is co-winner of the society’s 2003 — Roy Nakata, “The Story of My Life,” application essay student essay contest. Her paper was originally written to Japanese Student Relocation Council. Santa Anita Tem- for Professor David Kennedy’s history class on the 20th porary Relocation Center, June 1942.1 Century .

3 PALO ALTO TIMES, MAY 23, 1942 and sent to relocation camps, an esti- mated 6,000 were college or college- bound students.4 During the three years of internment, stretching from May 1942 to mid-1945, these young stu- dents, an elite portion of the so-called Nisei generation, saw their individual hopes dashed and then gradually re- shaped.5 Many were eventually able to continue their educations, but the paths they followed in order to do so reflected the unique historic crucible in which they lived. The Japanese, like all minorities in American society, had always faced the dilemma of difference—the tension that exists between cultural preservation and assimilation—but evacuation and in- ternment put a disproportionate burden on the Nisei to posit an immediate “so- lution.” Although Executive Order 9066 encountered harsh opposition both then and later, cheerful legal compliance with internment and marked efforts to prove themselves worthy of full citizenship emerged as the dominant Nisei strate- gies. Archival documents, including indi- vidual student narratives and the official correspondence of the National Japanese celled both academically and socially. In the words of his American Student Relocation Council reveal the unique guidance counselor, “Roy is definitely college material, a position that higher education occupied in this campaign. good student, active in school life, always a gentleman.”2 In particular, it can be shown that post-secondary school He was slated to graduate in June 1942. Roy, his par- students were treated as a special class of evacuees owing ents, and even his father’s white employers, well-to-do to an unexpected consensus between the Japanese Amer- Palo Alto citizens Rowland and Alice Sinclair Dodge, ican and liberal white communities. Moreover, strategic fully expected him to go to college and then use his edu- educational assimilation buoyed internees’ faith in cation to break into the ranks of the middle class. democracy during the war, set Japanese Americans up for Executive Order 9066 shattered Roy’s original economic success after the war, and contributed to the dream. Issued by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt on larger American community’s perception of Japanese February 19, 1942, it provided for the exclusion of Americans as a “model minority,” a politically-charged Japanese Americans from the West Coast. As Alice label that is still with us today. Dodge reflected in a letter to her niece, “If they [the Nakata’s] could have stayed here he [Roy] would have Limited Options, Cultural Heritage gone to a state junior college without any cost to him. Now he must plan otherwise. Remember, he is an Amer- Lead to Assimilation ican citizen, born here, and just 18 years old, and he The need for racial diplomacy in 1942 can hardly be faces an unhappy situation. He told Rowland that he contested. Even before evacuation, the Pearl Harbor at- thought most Japanese Americans are loyal to the U.S. tack had spurred a revival of the Yellow Peril phe- but that they feel very badly about the war.”3 nomenon of the late 1930s. As before, California’s Roy Nakata’s story is not unique. Of the approxi- Hearst and McClatchy newspapers took the lead in por- mately 120,000 Japanese and Japanese Americans who traying the Japanese generally as treacherous, slant-eyed were evacuated from their West Coast homes in 1942 spies.6 On February 20, 1942, the day after FDR issued

4 Executive Order 9066, the Los Angeles Times printed an special threat: “We believe that when we are dealing with abbreviated transcript of Mayor Fletcher Bowron’s radio the Caucasian race we have methods that will test the address in which the mayor proposed a constitutional loyalty of them, and we believe that we can, in dealing amendment through which “every American-born Jap with the Germans and the Italians arrive at some fairly and all persons, who within the past 10 years, changed sound conclusions…. But when we deal with the their citizenship from Germany or Italian to American Japanese, we are in an entirely different field.”9 These would be reclassified and made to labor.”7 Bowron’s telling comments reveal how far anti-Japanese attitudes suggestion points up the greater degree of racist discrim- had permeated American society by February 1942. ination leveled at Japanese Americans as compared with Because of the extreme racism directed particularly German Americans or Italian Americans—he easily col- against them and the resulting restrictions placed on their lapses the distinction between American-born and for- civil liberties in 1942—for example, the 8 p.m. curfew es- eign-born Japanese, highlighting their status as a perpet- tablished on March 24—the Japanese American commu- ual foreigner. With the bombing of Pearl Harbor by nity chose its response to World War II from a very lim- Japanese naval forces, many other Americans singled out ited array of possibilities.10 One of the strongest pulls to- Japanese Americans as well as Japanese nationals as the ward strategic educational assimilation was that “real” enemy and decades-old stereotypes resurfaced. education seemed to be one place where the Japanese One landlord, for example, referred casually to Japanese ethos and the American value system intersected. Their American West Coast presence as the “monkey prob- immigrant parents had taught the Nisei that the model lem.”8 citizen was one who was “industrious, non-resentful, California’s Attorney General (and future U.S. Chief and compliant to the social order.” Their primary moral Justice) Earl Warren deemed the Japanese Americans a influences included Confucianism and Buddhism, both

HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES

Thomas Bodine’s photographs, taken as he toured relocation camps for the National Japanese American Student Relocation Council, were meant to be thought-provoking. He labeled this photo of two college students: “American Citizens: behind barbed wire in the U.S.A.”

5 of which emphasize selflessness and family honor.11 gence…. In a way, it is better that I delayed writing many In a series of experiments and interviews conducted of my letters because those who received our first letters during the 1960s, Japanese American sociologist Harry certainly must not have enjoyed hearing our gripes.”16 Kitano found that these culturally embedded values not Even more striking is the students’ ardent desire to only predisposed Japanese Americans to an inhibition of prove their patriotism and please their parents through expression and a predictability and control of mind, they their academic performance. In a letter to his younger sis- also prompted responses of “deference and obsequious- ter on her way to a temporary internment camp at Santa ness” in situations of embarrassment or anxiety, and es- Anita, Charles Kikuichi, a student removed from the pecially in relation to whites.12 Hence, Alice Dodge’s ob- University of California at Berkeley in 1942 wrote, “so servation: “The Japanese have left behind them every- it’s up to people like you who have gone out to prove to where a reputation for being patient and polite and most other Americans that we are American too (even if we cooperative.”13 Rather than challenge the status quo in have yellow fever faces!). It’s hard on the old people, but ways that might suggest ego-centrism, the Japanese Amer- for the Nisei it can be made an opportunity if they don’t icans, even before the war, had sought to prove their start getting to feel sorry for themselves and develop a worth and loyalty through achievement: “by achieving he persecutionist attitude.”17 Roy Nakata repeatedly ex- could assuage his guilt feeling, atone for previous bad be- plained to the Dodges that his desire to complete his uni- havior, and bring honor and praise to the family.”14 versity degree was owing to his wish to “prove to my As the key to opportunity and advancement in Amer- folks that I could fulfill some of their hopeful dreams.”18 ican life, education was an essen- tial component of arriving at this 1941 STANFORD QUAD 1940 STANFORD QUAD level of success. It is explicitly rec- ognized as such in the emblematic Japanese American Citizen’s League Creed, written in 1938: “Although some individuals may discriminate against me, I shall never become bitter or lose faith, for I know that such persons are not representative of the majority of the American people. True, I shall do all in my power to dis- courage such practices, but I shall do it in the American way— above board, in the open, through courts of law, by educa- tion, by proving myself to be wor- thy of equal treatment and con- Matsuye Takeshita (left), from the Fresno area, received her A.B. in political 15 sideration” (emphasis added). science at Stanford in 1941. At the time, she was the Japanese Student Association’s In a sense, then, a pattern of only female member. She married George Taoka (right) of Watsonville, president Japanese American strategic as- of the association. Taoka, A.B. economics 1940, M.A. 1942, earned his doctorate similation had been established from Columbia in 1955 and became professor of international business at the long before the outbreak of University of Toledo. World War II. Internment merely brought these existing sociological responses to adversity into In another letter, he adds, “I realize more than anything sharper focus. Indeed, letters to white friends, like Stan- that only after thoroughly preparing myself [through ed- ford student Matsuye Takeshita Taoka’s greeting to her ucation] can one have faith for any hope of future secu- former professor, Payson J. Treat, show the young Nisei rity.”19 In spite of their bleak prospects, the Nisei held students’ politeness and emotional restraint: “I am very fast to the belief that the key to eventual success and ac- much ashamed to find that you had obtained our address ceptance in American society was education; therefore, from someone else. No one but you and Mrs. Treat education, was “conducted much like a military cam- would be so kind to remember us in spite of our negli- paign against a hostile world.”20

6 dent Ray Lyman Wilbur, saw the educational overture as Education to Maintain Loyalty a preliminary social lubricant for post-war racial rela- An influential part of the white community also tions. The words “loyalty,” “assimilation,” and “integra- viewed higher education as a campaign, albeit with a dif- tion” pepper the three-page vision statement.22 Thus, this ferent military spin. This unexpected convergence of elite group of liberal, white intellectuals were able to use opinion between the Japanese American and white com- their structural power to open otherwise hostile or indif- munities is what ultimately opened the path of education ferent institutions to Nisei students. to the Nisei. On May 29, 1942, a group of prominent Once the NJASRC framework was in place—a American university presidents, clergymen, and social Philadelphia office responsible for recruiting East Coast workers convened in Chicago at the behest of Milton and Midwest universities to participate in the program Eisenhower, director of the War Relocation Authority and a Berkeley office charged with soliciting applications and brother of Dwight Eisenhower. After extensive dis- from evacuees—student relocation proceeded at a brisk cussion and debate, the group chose to form the Na- pace. Students were able to vacate camps as soon as As- tional Japanese American Student Relocation Council sistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy gave the pro- (NJASRC) on the rationale that allowing evacuated stu- gram his blessing on August 1, 1942. By January 1, dents to immediately pursue their educations at the col- 1943, some 2,535 students had applied, and 800 had be- lege level would “help maintain the loyalty of the entire gun their studies at one of the 344 colleges and universi- evacuated group and help ties approved by Captain preserve their faith in John M. Hall of the War democratic institutions.”21 HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES Department. An addi- The “Digest of Points tional sixty schools were Presented By Those At- in the process of being tending the Conference cleared, and another 360 Called in Chicago for the students had been ac- Consideration of the Prob- cepted for the fall term. lems Connected with Re- Nearly half (47 percent) location of the American- of the students who sub- Born Japanese Students mitted applications sought Who Have Been Evacu- placement as college fresh- ated From Pacific Coast men. The low percentage Colleges and Universities” of applications for place- presents a clear vision of ment as seniors (6 per- selection, organization, cent) reflects the fact that adjustment, finance, and many schools, including publicity designed to di- Stanford University, had minish anti-Caucasian awarded degrees to evac- sentiment in the relocation uees in absentia. camps and to promote The Berkeley office rapport between Japanese could boast of a staff of and Caucasian Americans. 23 employees, mostly vol- A primary criterion for se- unteers, to deal with the lection of candidates was continuing onslaught of certification of their loy- applications. On the fi- alty to the United States. nancial side, the Philadel- The group’s leaders, in- phia office, largely by cluding West Coast Direc- means of a nationwide tor Thomas Ray Bodine, speaking tour, had suc- Swarthmore President “Closing the door on a career,” noted Tom Bodine of his ceeded in raising John W. Nason, Clarence photo of this unnamed member of Phi Beta Kappa and $107,430 in scholarship E. Pickett of the American past-president of a national Japanese sorority. The sorority, funds. Donations came Friends Service Commit- Fuyo Kai, contributed its building fund to the American from philanthropic grants tee, and Stanford Presi- Friends Service Committee. continued on page 10

7 HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES

West Coast student relocation office staff, summer 1942. Tom Bodine stands behind Tom Bodine at Quaker graduate right shoulder of Joe Conrad (with bundle of papers). To Bodine’s right, in dark school Pendle Hill in 1941. shirt and lighter jumper, is Trudy King. Their letters to students in the camps helped raise morale. Helping Interned Students Get Back to School

ven before relocation became a new approaches to world peace and fornia, as the pragmatic hub of logistical reality to Stanford students and nonviolent social change. arrangements for individual student re- faculty, the American Friends Ser- That spring and summer, in the locations. vice Committee (AFSC) and other confusion surrounding some 100 mili- Among the staff was alumna Trudy Ereligious and educational groups began tary directives covering various counties King, who had received her master’s thinking about how to transfer college- in Washington, Oregon, California, and degree from Stanford in 1941 (following age students of Japanese ancestry to Arizona, the AFSC helped provide pre- her 1938 bachelor’s degree from Vas- Midwestern and Eastern campuses. evacuation advice, food and supplies, sar). Like Bodine, she already had had Good candidates to undertake this work transportation and information, as indi- experience with Quaker relief efforts. were recent college graduates Thomas viduals of Japanese ancestry collected After leaving Stanford, she had worked Bodine and Trudy King.1 at assembly centers. As soon as trans- on a community project in rural Georgia, Arriving on the West Coast in Jan- fers to permanent “relocation camps” and later in 1941 had assisted European uary 1942, Thomas R. Bodine, Wesleyan began, the AFSC also began agitating refugees, helping them get to the ’37, took part in the work of the Seattle for improvement of camp conditions. United States, find jobs, and get settled. Friends Committee. Like other West On May 29, 1942, the Quaker King, like Bodine, had trained for Coast Quaker groups, the Seattle group played an important role in the foreign service overseas, participating Friends were working to help Japanese establishment of the National Japanese in a three-month training course at Pen- Americans voluntarily move away from American Student Relocation Council dle Hill, a Quaker graduate school in the coast to avoid internment. AFSC had (NJASRC), which was charged with Pennsylvania, where the two had first been established in 1917 to coordinate moving interned college students to col- met. “We learned or brushed up on our pacifist and relief activities of various leges in the Midwest. By June, a West French and German, delved in Quaker groups of Friends (Quakers) in the Coast staff, directed by Tom Bodine, philosophy, heard what the Quakers United States, and continued to seek had been assembled in Berkeley, Cali- had done in past years and got all set to

8 go overseas to help with the refugees as an overriding philosophy regarding plight did, in fact, exist outside of the and the feeding problems,” she wrote. their work with the NJASR. Bodine later camps.”5 “Then came Pearl Harbor and a slight told Hayashi: “Trudy and I had very high —Roxanne Nilan change in plans.”2 standards. We said this isn’t just a job By early 1942, she was in Southern of getting these kids out and onto col- California, helping Japanese American lege campuses. We are restoring the ENDNOTES families with the details of evacuation. morale of a generation of people who 1 The official records of the NJASRC, That summer, she joined the West were badly treated. And therefore we originally housed at the Quaker offices Coast office of the NJASRC in Berkeley, are going to treat the students that we in Philadelphia, were destroyed by fire. taking on the U.S. government bureau- deal with as human beings, not just as Bodine’s and King’s collections of official cracy: obtaining permits and leave clear- numbers, cases. The letters are going and personal correspondence, photo- ances for individuals, requesting military to be personal; they are going to be graphs, and other materials are preserved clearances for schools, helping stu- friendly.”4 at the Hoover Institution Archives at dents collect and organize documents. “Their determination to restore Stanford, as are those of NJASRC In short, “I write the students, write the morale by writing such letters took pre- director John Nason. colleges, write Washington, write cious time,” writes Hayashi, and their 2 King quoted in Ann Koto Hayashi, members of the community.”3 bosses did not necessarily appreciate Face of the Enemy, Heart of a Patriot: The student relocation process their personal but time-consuming Japanese-American Internment Narra- was a long-distance marathon for staff methods. And ironically, through per- tives (New York: Garland Publishing, and students alike, with numerous sonal attention and good humor, Bodine 1995), p. 50. forms, clearances, and questionnaires and King raised hopes that could not al- 3 Ibid, p. 1. to wade through. Financial resources ways be met. Nevertheless, as Hayashi 4 Bodine quoted in ibid, p. 52. had to be confirmed for travel costs, points out, “the letters reinforced the college fees, and living expenses, and belief that people who cared about their 5 Ibid, p. 54. letters gathered from banks, notary publics, tenants, trustees, or prospec- tive employers. Just as individual stu- HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES dents were expected to go through the usual process of applying to colleges, the NJASRC had to get War Depart- ment clearances for individual colleges, gather evidence that public opinion in the college town was not unfavorable, and line up sponsors to help the stu- dents once they arrived. Overworked, understaffed, and short on funds, the office underwent ad- ministrative shakeups and reassign- ments typical of many organizations in the early years of the war. The NJASRC program was centralized in Philadelphia to facilitate contact with the War Relo- cation Authority. King kept on with her work in Berkeley, while Bodine became field director, serving as liaison between counselors and students at the various relocation camps and the main office. He continued traveling extensively among the various camps, interviewing college age students, and counseling them about campus possibilities. King’s and Bodine’s correspon- dence with students, notes historian Ann Koto Hayashi, clearly reflects their Photo and label by Tom Bodine, West Coast director of the NJASRC and concern for individual students as well later field representative, reveal his strong feelings about “relocation.”

9 continued from page 7 cess of their educational campaign. “That was the first time I was ever near one of her kind [a Japanese Ameri- (the Carnegie Corporation provided an initial endow- can] and if they are all like her they fit in my heart,” ment of $10,000), religious organizations (most promi- wrote one black Chicago domestic.28 Similarly positive nently, the Quaker community and Student Christian As- when he presented a diploma to an internee for the first sociations), and sympathetic individuals (like the time at Pomona College commencement exercises in Jan- Dodges, whose generous financial support of the uary 1943, President E. Wilson Lyon grandly declared, NJASRC ensured Roy Nakata’s enrollment at Oberlin in “May this ceremony, not only for the recipient of the de- January 1943). In his 1942 year-end report, Thomas Bo- gree, but to all her fellow citizens of Japanese ancestry, dine estimated that the bulk of the council’s work could serve as a pledge of faith and goodwill on the part of be completed by October 1943.23 (See separate story, American higher education.”29 Yet internal correspon- pages 8-9.) dence and some of the student letters received after Oc- tober 1943 indicate that the council’s work was not above criticism. NJASRC’s Report Card In particular, student complaints were met with de- The impact of the NJASRC initiative on evacuees fensive rebuttals. Bob Nakasone complained about his was immense. Response was especially positive during rejection: “I would be insincere if I told you I did not feel the summer and early fall of 1942. On July 3, evacuated bitter about my refusal. At present I am in Montana Stanford Professor Yamato Ichihashi wrote to Stanford’s working in the sugar fields to aid the shortage of labor. I President Wilbur of his first meeting with representatives volunteered for this work and it’s back-breaking labor from the council, held informally at the temporary relo- with no compensation to speak of.” Nason answered cation center in Santa Anita.24 Just five days later, Stan- him curtly: “As a person of Japanese ancestry you have ford student Matsuye Takeshita Taoka spoke of “en- to face prejudices in many localities…. As I see it, that is couraging news about student relocation” in her letter to the situation today.” The sometimes less-than-sympa- Professor Treat. Likewise Kazuyuki Takahashi’s letter to thetic attitude of NJASRC officials was partially the Treat, also dated July 8, remarked that news of the product of frustrating work conditions. As early as Council had bolstered morale in the “Stanford bar- September 1942, Berkeley employee Howard K. Beale racks.”25 lamented inadequate administrative funding and quali- As selected students trickled out of the camps and fied staff. In a confidential interoffice memo he claimed made their way by train to new colleges to the East, letters that, “under budget conditions as they existed…nothing of appreciation poured in to the NJASRC offices. “No was being satisfactorily done.”30 words can ever express my deep gratitude to you and the Yet scarce resources do not account for difficulties many many American Friends for the great privilege of be- built into the application process itself. The NJASRC ex- ing able to attend a university and for the wonderful op- pected each selected student to be an “outstanding rep- portunity to help promote a better understanding of the resentative of the Japanese people,” and drew seemingly Niseis,” wrote one student enrolled in Denison University arbitrary lines between the “real Americans” and the po- in Ohio. “Through your kind generosities and through tentially disloyal.31 The language of official reports your extreme sacrifices, I have become the happiest and could be patronizing: Reed Cary deemed just 1,400 of the luckiest person in the world…. If success should ever 2,300 applicants “truly deserving of academic reloca- knock at my door, I will never forget the many persons, tion.”32 Individual students shouldered the burden of known and unknown to me, who kindly blazed the path proving their patriotism. They were responsible for col- to my door.”26 Another student reaffirmed his commit- lecting letters of recommendation from white acquain- ment to succeed: “A great responsibility lies ahead of me tances as well as other evidence of their “Americaness.” and I will not overlook my opportunity. I have come here The NJASRC asked that these recommendations address for a purpose and I shall endeavor to do my utmost in “opinions of this individual with respect to such matters making good…the students at University of Denver and as the extent of Americanization through education and the people in general are all very friendly and kind. This upbringing, general standing and reputation in the com- makes me feel very good as I am conscious of the fact that munity and occupational abilities.”33 One disgruntled I am a Japanese American.”27 student alleged that the council had rejected his applica- The NJASRC core could point to these letters, as tion based on the rumor that he had visited Japan once at well as those from members of the surrounding commu- the age of 18 months.34 nity and participating universities, as evidence of the suc- Furthermore, obtaining placement at a university de-

10 HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES

Gila River camp near Poston, Arizona, photographed by Tom Bodine in January 1945.

pended heavily on each individual student’s ability to pay were available only for a limited range of topics and were for transportation and educational expenses; the system often poorly monitored.38 Moreover, graduate and was far from need-blind. Forty percent of the applicants medical students often fell beyond the scope of the coun- demonstrated scholarship need, a figure that greatly out- cil’s program. Many of these older students attempted to stripped available funds.35 The situation was made more fledge the council’s nest and solicit educational opportu- difficult because some donors, especially religious nities directly from universities, but when they did so groups, stipulated that their money could only be they encountered repeated procedural delays and thinly awarded to specific types of students; for example one veiled racism. The University of Chicago Medical School Methodist Ladies’ Club insisted that their scholarship be told one hopeful student that they “wouldn’t have any- bestowed upon an “upright Methodist.”36 In a gross thing to do with those from relocation camps.”39 irony, many of the families who had substantial personal Louisville Medical College was even more emphatically savings could not access them because the War Depart- racist in its refusal: we “will not consider Mongolians,” ment had frozen their assets. Thus, Howard Beale’s state- wrote the admissions officer. ment that, “I think insofar as the per student cost is nec- Medical student Richard Iwata had been so frus- essary to move them all, it is justified as their [the trated by a mounting stack of rejection letters that he for- Japanese students’] payment to democracy to keep warded excerpts from 52 of them to NJASRC director democracy functioning in regard to this minority Nason. Before internment Iwata had distinguished him- group,”37 seems especially callous. Financial limitations self during his first two years of medical study at the Col- combined with the pressure to produce evidence of ex- lege of Medical Evangelists, ranking in the upper third of traordinary loyalty—down to Boy Scout merit badges his class. Even in light of his ample qualifications, school and church membership—probably dissuaded many stu- after school rejected him. “We are overwhelmed with ap- dents from applying at all. plicants in any case,” Harvard University wrote, “and it Once the NJASRC had rejected an applicant, the stu- is unfortunately not possible under our present regula- dent had virtually no recourse. Some, like George Sugi- tions to consider students of Japanese origins.” Har- hara, elected to take correspondence courses, but these vard’s defense was a common one: schools often claimed

11 that their actions were determined by forces beyond their A movement was also afoot in the Berkeley office to control. “I regret that I did not recognize by your name devise new ways to capitalize on the fact that as of Jan- that you were of Japanese descent,” wrote one admis- uary 1, 1944, Japanese American students could offi- sions officer from the State University of in a letter cially participate in the Army Specialized Training Pro- rescinding a previous offer for an interview. “I sympa- gram, a new government effort to put groups of service- thize very much with many of our Japanese people who men in special programs in universities.44 I am sure are as loyal Americans as any. But modern For these reasons, the council pressed forward for warfare is so terrible that many innocent people will be one more year, actively relocating students until Decem- compelled to suffer in order that we may win.” As Na- ber 1944, when the Supreme Court’s decision in Ex son wrote to his colleagues, “Iwata is on the horns of a Parte Endo made it illegal for the War Relocation Au- dilemma which is not of his own creating…. Mr. Iwata’s thority to exclude or detain citizens from the West case is by no means unique. There are many other loyal Coast. Final records of the NJASRC, which was for- Americans of Japanese ancestry who find themselves mally dissolved in 1946, indicate that the council placed squeezed out of training in their chosen profession by the a total of 4,300 students.45 This is no insignificant same combination of circumstances.”40 statistic, considering the immediate impact student relo- cation had on individual lives. Beyond Academia Lingering Questions: While the hard work of the council could make un- dergraduate spaces in universities available to Japanese Did NJASRC do enough? American students, the council found itself powerless in By and large, those students who had successfully securing employment for the students. The disparity be- been placed through the NJASRC put an optimistic tween a student’s on- and off-campus receptions was of- slant on their WWII experience: “Even the evacuation ten tremendous. “I was rather disgusted and nearly lost has left me feeling it was all for the good and that we are all faith in continuing my education,” wrote Jack Fu- going to profit by the experience,” Matsuye Takeshita rukawa from Enid, Oklahoma, in a letter unusual in its Taoka wrote to Professor Treat from her new home in frank admission of dissatisfaction. “I never found any Ohio. “Even though that sounds a bit childish, it does job in this city, and I am still hunting for work…. The my soul good.”46 students elected me as the Student body representative Similarly, Kazuyuki Takahashi’s letters explain how for the Freshman Class and the Friendliest Freshman boy student relocation rescued his faith in democracy. In on the campus. I have been given many honors on this January 1943, before he left Manzanar, he wrote in de- campus even though the town people are different. spair, “I really feel helpless and thoroughly sick in seeing Many of the Christian people are nice to me, but because race hatred develop right in front of my eyes…the pro- of my nationality, I cannot get any work.”41 American majority is helpless because it hasn’t anything The Stanford contingent also reported war- time employment problems. Although many of 1940 STANFORD QUAD the Stanford students were eventually able to find work, they often took jobs for which they were clearly overqualified. Kazuyuki Takahashi be- Kazuyuki Takahashi, came a research assistant in the Department of from Tokyo. He had Zoology at Washington University despite the received his B.S. in fact that his field of specialty was genetics, not zo- biology from Stan- ology. Matsuye Takeshita Taoka worked as a ford in 1940 and en- billing clerk.42 tered Stanford Medi- It was largely with the purpose of redressing cal School when he shortcomings like these that the council decided was uprooted to to continue work after the projected stop-date of Camp Manzanar. He October 1943.43 Officials hoped to clear more returned to complete schools, place more applicants, work on the em- his medical degree in ployment issue, and possibly extend the council’s 1949, and practiced services to Japanese citizens who had been study- medicine in the Bay ing under student visas in 1942. Area for 25 years.

12 to stand on.” Six months later, after being installed as a tion was an overwhelmingly successful part of the Ni- graduate student at Washington University, he was able sei’s endeavor to gain mainstream acceptance. In 1945, to take a more positive position. “I cannot express in 34 of 88 known Stanford Nisei alumni sent in individual words how happy we are to have left Manzanar. That descriptions to be published in the annual Stanford Ni- place is a moral concentration camp; and we used to sei Alumni Newsletter. Almost all of these personal up- joke about ‘barbed wire neurosis’ though we knew that dates related stories of career advancement in fields as that was partially true, especially for the young genera- diverse as medicine, law, scientific research, and civil ser- tion. The 16 months in camp was not a waste of time by vice.51 At the national level, census data from 1960 any means, though.”47 showed that 56 percent of the Nisei held white-collar The reversal in Takahashi’s attitude testifies to the jobs, compared to 42.1 percent of whites. Median Nisei powerful psychological and political implications of trun- income approximately equaled that of whites as well cating young students’ internment. The founders of the ($4,306 for Nisei; $4,338 for whites).52 Since many pro- NJASRC had been correct insofar as the educational ini- fessional, high-paying jobs are available only to those tiative smoothed the way for post-war Japanese Ameri- with college degrees, these statistics make a strong case can/Caucasian relationships. By putting men like Taka- for the positive economic impact of student relocation. hashi in close contact with, as he called them, “liberal They also imply that in the 15 years immediately fol- Caucasian staff members,” the council showed internees lowing World War II, white employers were amenable that co-existence and integration were still possible. 48 to hiring Japanese Americans and did not pay them sig- Roy Nakata was yet another NJASRC success story. nificantly less than their white counterparts. Although he abandoned his studies at Oberlin when he Although it is hard to separate education from other was drafted in 1943, he eventually earned two engineer- influential variables such as Nisei military service, it ing degrees from Stanford. Apparently well situated af- seems likely that it contributed to whites’ overall ter the war, he married in 1950.49 friendly posture toward Japanese Americans immedi- Looking back at the overall achievements and short- ately after the war. By 1944, majority white opinion comings of World War II Japanese American student re- seemed to favor the end of internment. Navy Lieutenant location, this much is clear: wartime educational oppor- Edward L. Butterworth, in an editorial to the Stanford tunities were the result of a joint venture undertaken by Daily on November 30, 1944, that argued passionately the Japanese and liberal white communities, and, once for an immediate end to internment, wrote: “Where lies obtained, exemption status had an immediate positive justice in punishing some of our own citizens whom we psychological impact on young Japanese Americans. suspect of subversive thoughts because we cannot read Yet larger questions still loom: was this pointedly 1949 STANFORD QUAD PALO ALTO TIMES, SEPT. 3, 1942 “American way, above board”50 initiative an adequate and appropriate part of the ef- fort to solve the racial dilemma posed by internment? What were the long-range implica- tions of the NJASRC? Could it have done more? To be sure, the 4,300 students placed by the NJASRC represent some- thing akin to the “talented tenth” of Japanese Americans. Yet their educational choices were severely limited and, in some ways, the NJASRC proce- dures worked more as a socio- economic funnel, rather than as a facilitator. Stanford senior Roy Nakata, a graduate of Palo Alto High School. After intern- On the surface, however, ment and army service, he returned to Stanford to earn his B.S. (1949) and M.S. strategic educational assimila- (1950) degrees in electrical engineering.

13 STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES Yet as Asian American scholars like Pei-Te Lien have pointed out, the “model minority” la- History Professor bel is far from benign. For one, it draws implicit Payson J. Treat comparisons between minority groups, asserting continued to corre- that one is superior to others. This may, in turn, spond with former preclude the “model minority” from being con- students throughout sidered as a viable partner in liberal coali- their relocation expe- tions.57 In the specific realm of higher educa- rience. Their letters, tion, this fragmentary tendency has manifested preserved in the Treat itself in recent affirmative action controversies. papers, are among Perplexing questions about Japanese Americans several important and other “non-preferred” minorities first sur- collections of the faced in 1978, and continue to vex the system Hoover Institution today.58 In the mid-1990s, the University of Archives documenting California at Berkeley changed its admissions the experience of system to address the problem of having “too Japanese American many” Asian students.59 students. Some Japanese American leaders also worry that the focus on education and eco- nomic success as embedded in the “model mi- nority” tag, has stunted growth of the Japanese their minds and because they look like our enemies American community and conscribed its political ac- across the Pacific? This threatened punishment seems to tivism. As Hosokawa points out in The Quiet Ameri- have a flavor of Hitler’s racial policies.”53 His words are cans, the community was virtually silent in the decades a far cry from those of General DeWitt in a 1942 edito- immediately following the war.60 It wasn’t until 1988 rial where he pronounced his opinion that “A Jap’s a that Japanese Americans received a formal apology for Jap. It makes no difference whether he’s an American cit- internment from the federal government.61 Even today, izen or not.”54 In December 1944, white community ac- many Japanese Americans seem wary of ethnocentrism: tivists in Los Angeles formed Democracy in Action, a less than 20 percent of Japanese Americans participate in California group devoted to the “limited field of helping ethnic-based groups in contrast to the 25 percent of Chi- correct the mistakes and heal the wounds of the forced nese and 32 percent of Koreans that do.62 Some loss of evacuation from the West Coast of all citizens and aliens group cohesion is to be expected with full societal inte- of Japanese descent.”55 Apparently the group approved gration, but as they continue to negotiate the dilemma of of strategic educational assimilation, because one of its difference in the 21st century, Japanese Americans must primary campaigns was sponsorship of Japanese Ameri- closely scrutinize any label that may advance their can college students. progress in certain economic spheres at the expense of their political development. If Roy’s dream of “building an even greater America” is to be fully realized, Japanese Educational Assimilation in the Long Term Americans must continue to build upon their unique his- As time passed, high levels of education among torical relationship with higher education—one that Japanese Americans certainly contributed to their percep- crystallized in the crucible of World War II internment— tion in the wider community as a “model minority.” By to garner not only an economic stake in American capi- 1970, the ratio of Japanese Americans in elite academic talism, but also a political stake in American pluralism. institutions was consistently higher than the ratio of The trauma of barbed wire neurosis must be recorded in Japanese Americans to the total population. High levels the dominant discourse on American history, lest it be al- of education correlated with higher earning power; the lowed to masquerade in less obvious forms today and in median income for Japanese Americans surpassed that of the future. whites in the 1970 census. Many Japanese took pride in this image of their race as intelligent and industrious, agreeing with the words of one proud Issei parent: “The Japanese peoples, they never liked to depend on relief. How hard they suffered, they always made it out.”56

14 Katherine Buchanan is a Stanford senior majoring in 22 Nason collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. English with an interdisciplinary focus. She is currently 23 A copy of the year-end report is included in the Nason working on an honors thesis regarding education policy Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. and changes to the American literary canon. A Public 24 Yamato Ichihashi’s diary and collected correspondence Service Scholar, Katie also is a peer writing tutor and were published in 1997 by Gordon Chang in Morning has taught English for foreign students. She is a native Glory, Evening Shadow. of Edmond, Oklahoma. 25 Payson J. Treat Collection, Box 19, Hoover Archives. 26 A packet of student letter excerpts is contained in the John W. Nason Collection, Box21, Hoover Archives. The stu- ENDNOTES dents are not identified by their full names. 27 John W. Nason Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. 1 Nakata’s essay excerpt and biographical information can 28 Ibid. be found in his correspondence with Rowland and Alice 29 Ibid. Sinclair Dodge, Alice Dodge Collection, Hoover Archives. 30 Both the Nakasone and Beale letters are part of the Nason 2 Alice Dodge quotes the counselor in a letter to her niece. Collection, Hoover Archives. Alice Dodge Papers, Hoover Archives. 31 Phrase taken from National Japanese American Student 3 Ibid. Relocation Council founding documents. 4 Estimate of National Japanese American Student Reloca- 32 Carbon copy of Cary’s report, Nason Collection, Box 21, tion Council. Hoover Archives. 5 As the children of Issei or first generation Japanese immi- 33 Nason Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. grants, Nisei means “second generation.” The third genera- tion was subsequently dubbed Sansei. 34 Robert Hosokowa to John Nason. Nason Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. 6 Leslie T. Hatamiya, Righting a Wrong, Japanese Americans and the Passage of the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, p. 9. 35 Nason’s financial report, 1943. Nason Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. 7 Excerpts from the article appear in Gwynne Nettler, The Relationship Between Attitude and Information Concern- 36 Letter to NJASRC, 1943. Nason Collection, Box 21, ing the Japanese in America, p. 31. Hoover Archives. 8 Frank E. Christison, landlord, to John W. Nason Nov. 13, 37 Ibid. 1943. Nason Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. 38 Sugihara’s letter to NJASRC. Nason Collection, Box 21, 9 Nettler, p. 40. Hoover Archives. 10 Hatamiya, p. xvii. 39 Letter to Uniji Goto, December 14, 1943. Nason Collec- tion, Box 21, Hoover Archives. 11 Minako K. Maykovich discusses Nisei moral influences in depth in Japanese American Identity Dilemma, p. 2-28. 40 Iwata’s case is detailed in the Nason Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. 12 Kitano’s findings are summarized in Maykovich, p. 31. 41 Furukawa’s letter to Nason. Nason Collection, Box 21, 13 Alice Dodge papers, Hoover Archives. Hoover Archives. 14 Maykovich, p. 36. 42 Takahashi’s and Taoka’s letters to Payson J. Treat, Box 15 A copy of the JACL creed is included in the Alice Sinclair 20, Hoover Archives. Dodge papers, Hoover Archives. 43 It should be noted that adjustments to the council’s agenda 16 Payson J. Treat’s letters and other correspondence are held had already been made following the February 1, 1943, in the Hoover Archives. Direct quotes in this paper come change in classification of eligible Japanese American from letters in Box 19. draftees from 4-E to 1-A, largely to fill the ranks of what 17 Kikuichi quoted in Wallace Kuroiwa’s The Internment of would become the primarily Japanese 442nd Infantry Di- Japanese in America during WWII: And Interpretation Ac- vision, created on January 28 by Secretary of War Henry cording to the Ethics of Character, p. 292. Stimson. Kuroiwa discusses the formation of the 442nd in her book The Internment of Japanese in America during 18 Alice Dodge Papers, Hoover Archives. WWII, p. 234. 19 Ibid. 44 Vision for post-October 1943 work included in Nason 20 Maykovich, p. 52. Collection, Box 19, Hoover Archives. 21 Unless otherwise specified, all information in this paper 45 Statistic reported in Chang, notes, p. 495. concerning the National Japanese American Student Relo- 46 Payson J. Treat Collection, Box 20, Hoover Archives. cation Council was drawn from Box 21 of the John W. Nason papers, held in the Hoover Archives. 47 Ibid.

15 48 Takahashi’s own phrase, used in letter to Professor Treat. SOURCES Payson J. Treat Collection, Box 20, Hoover Archives. 49 Alice Dodge Collection, Hoover Archives. Archival sources: 50 Phrase taken from Japanese American Citizens’ League Dodge, Alice Sinclair. Collected Papers and Correspondence. Creed, 1938. Hoover Institution Archives. 51 Copies of three Stanford Nisei Alumni Newsletters are Nason, John W. Collected Papers and Correspondence, boxes available in the Hoover Archives. 20-21. Hoover Institution Archives. 52 Census data reported in Maykovich, p. 52. Stanford Nisei Alumni Newsletter. Volumes I-III. Hoover In- 53 Alice Dodge Collection, Hoover Archives. stitution Archives. 54 Article excerpts published in Nettler, p. 36. Treat, Payson J. Collected Papers and Correspondence, boxes 55 Democracy in Action charter letter, in Alice Dodge Collec- 19-20. Hoover Institution Archives. tion, Hoover Archives. Publications: 56 Letter from Ida M. Imai, immigrant from Japan, to John W. Nason, thanking him for his NJASRC work. Nason Bresler, Robert. “Affirmative Action on the Rocks.” USA Collection, Box 21, Hoover Archives. Today Magazine July 1996. In Bailey and Kennedy, ed. The 57 American Spirit vol 2. New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., Pei-Te Lien. The Making of Asian America, p. 127. 1997, 614-616. 58 The question of “non-preferred” minorities was raised Chang, Gordon, ed. Morning Glory, Evening Shadow, Yam- during arguments before the Supreme Court in the Bakke ato Ichihashi and His Internment Writings, 1942-1945. Stan- case, 1978. ford: Stanford University Press, 1997. 59 Robert Bresler, “Affirmative Action on the Rocks.” USA Today Magazine. July 1996. Hatamiya, Leslie T. Righting a Wrong, Japanese Americans and the Passage of the Civil Liberties Act of 1988. Stanford, 60 Bill Hosokawa, The Quiet Americans, deals explicitly with California: Stanford University Press, 1993. the Nisei/Sansei generation gap. Hosokawa, Bill. The Quiet Americans. New York: W. Mor- 61 Hatamiya, p. xi. row, 1969. 62 Pei-Te Lien, p. 187. Kuroiwa, Wallace Hisashi Ryan. The Internment of Japanese in America During WWII: An Interpretation According to the Ethics of Character. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms Inter- national, 1984. Lien, Pei-Te. The Making of Asian America through Political Participation. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001. Maykovich, Minako K. Japanese American Identity Dilemma. Tokyo: Waseda Univeristy Press, 1972. Nettler, Gwynne. The Relationship Between Attitude and In- formation Concerning the Japanese in America. New York: Arno Press, 1980. Regents of the University of California v. Bakke (1978), 265- 281, 387-402.

16 STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES

The Japanese Student Association Clubhouse, built in 1916 at 420 Santa Ynez Street. Japanese Student Association At Home on Santa Ynez

hrough their own initiative and book, preserved in the University ries or off-campus housing. Unlike the fundraising abilities, members Archives, document construction that fraternities, however, the Japanese Stu- of the Japanese Student Associ- fall of their substantial California dent Association was smiled upon by T ation accomplished their dream Craftsman-style house at 420 Santa newly inaugurated Stanford President in 1916—a home of their own on the Ynez Street. (The Chinese Club took up Ray Lyman Wilbur, who may have Stanford campus. Unfortunately, the residence on Salvatierra.) helped the club arrange its leasehold of dream of a safe haven faded 25 years The scrapbook also reveals a bit of campus land in 1916. later with Japan’s attack on Pearl campus life between 1916 and 1925, Wilbur was intent on cleaning up Harbor and the subsequent internment where a healthy dose of athletics—par- fraternity row, where scholarship, fi- of Stanford students and faculty of ticularly the association’s photogenic nancial responsibility, and general de- Japanese ancestry. tennis team—takes center stage. Stan- portment were, in his view, well below From Stanford’s early days, ford fielded a strong team, not only par. Determined to downplay “the Japanese and Japanese American stu- trouncing California’s Japanese club sideshows” of college life, he warned dents formed a notable presence on team during the early 1920’s, but con- students and their parents: “The stu- campus. Starting with seven students in tributing top-ranked players among dent who is not content to lead the sim- 1891, enrollment jumped to 19 by more than 60 participants in the annual ple, clean, industrious life expected on 1900. When it was founded in 1903, campus singles tournament. the Stanford campus should go else- membership in the Japanese Student The 1920’s were bonanza years where.”1 On the other hand, Stanford’s Association numbered nearly 30. for the Japanese Student Association, Japanese students, Wilbur noted a few In 1916, when residents of Encina just as they were for Stanford’s frater- years later, “have demonstrated a ca- Hall refused to admit a Chinese stu- nities and sororities. With the end of pacity for work, a steadiness of purpose dent, both the Japanese and Chinese World War I, more than twice as many and a constant striving for high ideals clubs determined to build their own students were living in Stanford’s 24 that could well be emulated by many of houses on campus. Photos in the fraternities, nine sororities, and three our own American youth.”2 Japanese Student Association’s scrap- clubhouses as were living in dormito- Although supportive, Wilbur, like 17 STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES transfer center at Santa Anita racetrack, where they formed a “Stanford Club.” During the war, the Japanese Club- house on Santa Ynez was leased to a lo- cal cooperative “until the Japanese stu- dents wish to return.”3 Seniors, so close to graduation, were granted their diplo- The Japanese mas. Some unndergraduates would re- Student Association turn to Stanford after the war, but oth- produced many ers never finished their Stanford educa- accomplished tion. athletes, including Many of Stanford’s Japanese and this trophy-winning Japanese American students “didn’t tennis team want to have much to do with Stanford after the war,” comments Professor in 1925-26. Gordon Chang, biographer of Professor Basketball was Yamato Ichihashi. “It was not so much second only to that the university had treated them tennis as a favorite poorly, none of them said that. But it sport of club was a period of their life that was sad members in the and bitter, and they didn’t want to re- 1920’s. vive those memories. But once they STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES were back, and President Casper wel- comed them back [in 1993] as part of the university community, they were very touched and proud to be part of the Stanford community again.”3 By then, however, the house on Santa Ynez was long gone. In 1949, the house had again be- come home to international students, this time a group rooted in Stanford’s Cosmopolitan Club. Founded in January 1908 by five students, the Cosmopolitan Club’s aims were simple: to promote good fellow- ship and to assist foreign students when they first arrived on campus. It’s first president was Yamato Ichihashi, an early member of the Japanese Student Association and future professor of many Californians, viewed Japanese Japan’s declaration of war against Japanese history and government at and Japanese American students alike the United States and attack on Pearl Stanford. as a foreign population. He saw in the Harbor in December 1941 brought the Just as President Wilbur fostered club “renewed hope” for better under- club to an end. Some students, antici- the Japanese Student Association, the standing between Japan and the pating relocation, transferred to Mid- Cosmopolitan’s patron was President United States as its members came to western colleges, but others hoped they and later Chancellor David Starr Jor- know Americans and returned to could complete their studies at Stan- dan, “the apostle of cosmopolitanism,” Japan with an appreciation of Ameri- ford. In May 1942, fewer than a dozen who associated the promotion of world can values. “We cannot but feel that students remained at the Clubhouse peace with the exchange of knowledge. they will be better citizens for their when a poster outlining military direc- “One of the university’s noblest pur- stay with us.” tives for “relocation” was tacked on the poses,” he wrote in a 1922 history of More importantly for its mem- telephone pole outside the house. the club, “is to teach the youth that tal- bers, though, the clubhouse fostered Within the week, they would join other ent and wisdom are the products of no friendships and provided a safe, hos- Japanese and Japanese Americans from one race or nation or century. There are pitable campus home. Santa Clara County at the relocation men and women worth knowing in ev- 18 STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES

ery country, and the best of these are drawn to the university.”5 The Cosmopolitan Club fell on hard times during the Depression years, but was revived in 1938 as the Interna- tional Club, which, in 1949, took over the Japanese Clubhouse on Santa Ynez. In 1946, the International Club had become the social arm of ASSU’s Institute of International Relations. Members left the Japanese Clubhouse behind with its new relationship with Stanford’s International Center, which opened in 1957 at 539 Lasuen (across from Dinkelspiel) as a guest house, lounge, and administrative center. The original Japanese Clubhouse on Santa Ynez, renamed Tamarack Cosmopolitan Club students and faculty, seen here circa 1911 with club mentor, House, served as housing for interna- President . Along with charter members Jordan and history Professor tional students until 1964. It was torn Payson Treat, other faculty took an active interest during the 1920’s, including down by 1968, and now is the site of P.A. Martin of History, Guido Marx of Mechanical Engineering, J.P.M. Stillman of the home of Kenneth and Selma Ar- row. Chemistry, and Alumni Secretary and Academic Secretary John Ezra McDowell. In an emotional reunion organized STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES in 1993 by student members of Stan- ford’s Asian American community, more than 30 former Stanford students who were interned during World War II were honored by the university. Among the nine alumni to attend were Dr. Kazuyuki Takahashi and Professor George M. Taoka. (See “Barbed Wire Neurosis,” page 3 of this issue.) Taking part in the ceremony was Ray Lyman Wilbur III, grandson of President Ray Lyman Wilbur. In addition, the newly remodeled Okada House in Wilbur Hall was re- dedicated as the Asian American theme house. —Roxanne Nilan

ENDNOTES 1 Letter to parents, August 5, 1916, reprinted in President’s Annual Report, 1916-1917, pp. 21-22. 2 Stanford (Stanford, CA: Japanese Student Association, 1921), vol. 1, p. i. President Ray Lyman Wilbur and Prof. Yamato Ichihashi, front row, pose with 3 Palo Alto Times, May 18, 1942. members of the 1941 Japanese Student Association. Front row, left to right: Paul Yama- 4 Interview with Gordon Chang by moto, Yoshio Okumoto, Wilbur, Ichihashi, Matsuye Takeshita. Second row: Yoshio Anne Flatte, Becoming Stanford Oishi, Setsuo Dairiki, Alan Yamakawa (?), Cornelius Chiamori, Kay Kitagawa, Ichiro (video), 1995 Nagai, Takeo Omori. Third row: Pete Ida, Kazuyuki Takahashi, Goro Oishi, Thomas 5 David Starr Jordan in The Stanford Kawahara, Iwao Bando (?), Paul Fujii. Fourth row: Harold Arai, Roy Nakagawa, Neil Cosmopolitan Club: Its History, Kosasa, Wataru Takeshita, Tohru Inouye. Top row: Elmer Tanase, George Kitagawa. Aims and Ideals (Palo Alto: 1922).

19 From Stanford to Santa Anita, 1941-1942

BY G ORDON C HANG

The following, taken from Professor Gordon Chang’s biographical essay of Professor Yamato Ichihashi, describes the Stanford experience of the Ichihashi family immediately following the December 7, 1941, bombing of Pearl Harbor. Ichihashi’s extensive first- person record of his internment experience, preserved in diaries, essays, and correspon- dence with Stanford friends and colleagues, was edited and annotated by Professor Chang and published with the biographical essay in 1997 as Morning Glory, Evening Shadow: Yamato Ichihashi and His Internment Writings, 1942-1945. Excerpts from Morning Glory, Evening Shadow are published here with permission of Stanford University Press.

STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES he lights were off, Robinson, then the chair of and Yamato Ichi- the History Department and hashi’s Stanford a lifelong friend, and talked T campus house was about what he should do.3 dark and quiet on He thought he might con- the evening of Sunday, De- tinue to teach until the end cember 7, 1941. On Mon- of the quarter, only a few day, December 8, the day weeks away, and then take after the Japanese attack on a sabbatical leave. He said Pearl Harbor, the senior pro- he did not want to “embar- fessor peered into his Stan- rass” the University. After ford classroom and asked the meeting, Robinson apprehensively, “Shall I wrote in his private diary come in?” The students ap- that Ichihashi had been “the plauded and welcomed him.1 gentleman” he had always The outbreak of war be- been but that he tragically tween Japan and the United had also seen “the death of States stunned him, even all his hopes and his life.” though just two months be- Ichihashi then went to see fore he had expressed fear of Ray Lyman Wilbur, presi- an eventual clash between dent of Stanford, and sub- the two countries. Though mitted his resignation. But unquestionably sympathetic the supportive and insistent to the people of his home- president persuaded him to land, he condemned the reconsider, urging that he Japanese military for starting Prof. Yamato Ichihashi in his Stanford office. After take a paid leave of absence the conflict and began instead. Ichihashi resisted receiving his A.B. (1907) and M.A. (1908) from monthly purchases of $100 the idea of remaining on the Stanford and earned his doctorate at Harvard, U.S. war bonds.2 payroll, but finally accepted Ichihashi began teaching at Stanford in 1913, Despite the understand- the argument that his leave ing of his students, Ichihashi, specializing in Japanese history and government, could be considered compa- feeling betrayed and dis- international relations, and the Japanese American rable to those given for un- graced by his homeland, was experience. He was the first to hold an endowed usual medical needs. On too distraught to continue professorship at Stanford, and one of the History December 9, Wilbur con- teaching. He visited Edgar Department’s longest serving faculty members. firmed that Ichihashi would 20 be given a leave with full salary for the STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES remainder of the academic year 1941- 42. In addition, Wilbur left open the possibility of granting Ichihashi a spe- cial “sabbatical leave” for the follow- ing, and of course completely uncer- tain, year to come.4 Despite ugly anti-Asian agitation in the late nineteenth and early twenti- eth centuries in Palo Alto, the Stanford Members of vicinity in recent years had not been Stanford’s known to be particularly anti- Japanese Student Japanese in climate, and the university Association, itself had been a relatively hospitable founded in 1903 place for students of Japanese ances- in a house in try. Still, the outbreak of war ignited College Terrace, popular fears, and suspicions about pose with the Japanese who lived in the area President David quickly mounted, as they did through- Starr Jordan, out the rest of the country. On De- cember 8, the Palo Alto police, on in- about 1905. structions from the FBI, began to stop Yamato and question “any Japanese observed Ichihashi is motoring to determine their identity second from and business.” Nationally, within days the right, the FBI took into custody 1,500 issei top row. (first-generation Japanese immi- grants), many of them community, business, and religious leaders, as sus- pect or dangerous enemy aliens. The Palo Alto Times, however, called on the surrounding community to reject “indiscriminate animosity” toward the local Japanese: “We are at war with Japan but not with our Nipponese selves.” They concluded by pledging army soon organized Military Zones 1 neighbors, many of whom have their full support to the American war and 2, a continuous zone, 200-300 proved their loyalty and most of effort. On December 10, President miles deep, along the coastal and bor- whom can be counted on for self-sac- Wilbur pointedly included a call for der areas of Washington, Oregon, rificing devotion to this country, “tolerance” toward Japanese students California, and Arizona and began which they have adopted or where in an address to a convocation of planning the mass exclusion of per- they were born.”5 3,500 persons from the Stanford com- sons of Japanese ancestry from the Many local Japanese Americans munity. “They are just as good Stan- zones. From that point on, restrictions 6 immediately felt it necessary to affirm ford people as we are,” he counseled. mounted rapidly. In early March, the publicly their loyalty to the United Ichihashi endured the immediate head of the Western Defense Com- States. The Palo Alto Japanese-Ameri- crisis alone. Kei, his wife, had been mand, General John L. DeWitt, ad- can Association did so within days of away in Oregon since September, vised all persons of Japanese ancestry the Pearl Harbor attack. On campus, helping their son, Woodrow, settle in to move themselves voluntarily to ar- the Stanford Japanese Student Associ- at the University of Oregon. She soon eas outside the sensitive military re- ation officers wrote Wilbur an open returned to Stanford, however, to face gion. The Ichihashis, unlike some letter, saying: “As American citizens of with Yamato the mounting pressures 10,000 other West Coast Japanese, Japanese ancestry, we have been pre- for the ordered removal of Japanese did not avail themselves of this oppor- pared to assume and discharge our du- from the West Coast. On February 19, tunity, but remained on campus in- ties and responsibilities which have 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt stead. (After the war, Ichihashi been placed upon us. Yet little did we signed Executive Order 9066, which claimed that he had forgone the dream that we would be called upon authorized the War Department to chance to move in order to be of ser- to prove our loyalty under the circum- form security zones from which desig- vice to his fellow Japanese and to ex- 7 stances in which we now find our- nated people could be excluded. The perience the war as they did. If he 21 HOOVER INSTITUTION ARCHIVES had wanted to do so, he would have had little difficulty arranging affilia- tion with a university in the Midwest or the eastern United States as a senior professor.) On March 27, however, the mili- tary reversed itself and ordered all per- sons of Japanese ancestry to remain in place in the restricted zone until gov- ernment plans were completed for their controlled evacuation. From that day on, the forced removal of resi- dents of Japanese ancestry from the zones was quickly and methodically carried out, district by district. By November 1942, over 120,000 per- sons of Japanese ancestry, citizen and alien alike, were forcibly moved from their homes and incarcerated first in temporary “assembly centers” and History Professor Payson Treat and Jesse McGilvray Treat in Kyoto in 1935, later in “relocation camps.” In 1942, hosted by Japanese students who had visited Stanford the previous summer. the total population of persons of Japanese ancestry in the continental Treat, Stanford’s first history Ph.D. (1910), had been encouraged by President United States was 127,000. Over 60 Jordan to switch from American to Asian history. He was among America’s percent were citizens. first academic specialists in Asian studies. Although the army claimed that evacuees would receive approximately to keep it as he left it, and on Ichi- that day. She sensed “the humiliation one week’s notice before they had to hashi’s request, opened a special ac- he must have been feeling,” and re- depart, the Ichihashis officially count to hold the funds from his members “how he sat quietly half way learned of their evacuation order less salary to await his return. When that down on the left side of the bus, very than three days before they were to might be, of course, no one knew.9 disciplined and remote from his fellow leave. On Saturday, May 23, 1942, Just after three o’clock on Mon- passengers. We thought how he was just days before the end of the aca- day, May 25, Yamato Ichihashi went from a different social class than most demic year, notices were posted on the to the president’s office to see his old of them, how he was the most distin- Stanford campus ordering Japanese friend and colleague Ray Lyman guished of all.”11 Incongruent with Americans to bring only what they Wilbur. The two men had known each the setting, Yamato was wearing could carry. The Ichihashis hurriedly other and worked together for almost knickers.12 tried to arrange their household af- 30 years, their association beginning The May 26 edition of the Stan- fairs, including having a gardener and even before Wilbur became Stanford’s ford Daily marked the departure of neighbors care for their home, with its third president in 1916. Ichihashi the Japanese from Stanford in a small well-tended yard, graced by tall bam- wanted to say goodbye and leave his article buried on page three: “Farm boo, a maple tree, lavender and bego- forwarding address. He and Kei were Japanese To Leave Today” (“Farm” nia plants, and a fishpond. The couple required to go to the Santa Anita race- being a nickname for the university lived in one half of a semidetached, track, outside Los Angeles, the largest campus). “At noon today the last re- three-story Victorian row house, close of fifteen assembly centers for the maining Japanese students will leave to the center of the Stanford campus evacuees, even though the closest as- the campus and their organization will at 523 Salvatierra Street. Two elderly sembly center would have been the be closed,” the paper reported. In ad- sisters, the Stoltenbergs, lived in the Tanforan racetrack, just one half dition, several university staff mem- other half of the house, and promised hour’s drive north of Palo Alto.10 The bers and faculty housekeepers, includ- to help the Ichihashis rent their home next morning, on Tuesday, May 26, ing those of the widow of David Starr during their absence.8 Ichihashi, how- the Ichihashis left their Stanford home Jordan, Stanford’s first president, of ever, did not have the time, or perhaps for the departure site from Palo Alto. the Wilbur family, and of fellow histo- the inclination, to return the hundreds A member of the local meeting of the rian Payson Treat, also departed. The of books he had checked out from the American Friends, which lent moral article did not mention Professor Stanford Library over the years. The support and comfort to the relocating Yamato and Kei Ichihashi.13 History Department locked his office Japanese, recalls seeing the Ichihashis Just before “evacuation,” Payson

22 Treat, Yamato Ichihashi’s best ENDNOTES hashi’s son and wife, Kei, who were in friend, and his wife Jessie, received Oregon at the time; Wilbur to Donald the following poignant message: (abridged from pages 490-492 of M. Erb, Dec. 26, 1942, RLW, B118, Morning Glory, Evening Shadow) History. Dear Mr. and Mrs. P. Treat: 7 Ichihashi to Don Nugent, May 21, Within a very short time, we 1 Diary entry of Lisette Fast, Dec. 7, 1946, IP, B7, F3. shall be leaving our work, our 1941, according to author’s conversa- 8 Author’s interview with John John- friends, our homes, and our church. tion with her niece, Lynn Bonner, Oct. son, Sept. 8, 1992. Johnson was a col- In many ways our evacuation is 1993. league of Ichihashi’s and lived in the ad- not a pleasant thing to contemplate, 2 Audrie Girdner and Anne Loftis, The joining unit after the Stoltenbergs; Clara but we feel that it is a necessity Great Betrayal (New York: MacMillan, Stoltenberg to Ichihashis, Aug. 8, 1942, brought on by the circumstances of 1969), pp. 10, 98; handwritten draft IP, B5, F1. Clara S. Stoltenberg (1865- war, and we shall cooperate to the letter in Japanese, Ichihashi to Ichihashi I950), a professor of anatomy who had utmost. Above all, we shall remain Shizuko, Oct. 1945 [?], Ichihashi received her degrees from Stanford and had become emerita in 1930. true to the best traditions of our Papers [IP], B6, F8, Stanford University Archives. Ichihashi continued to buy 9 American citizenship. Stanford Daily, May 26, 1942. bonds until November 1942, when he The church that we shall have 10 asked the Stanford pay roll office to C.R. to Wilbur, May 25, 1942, to abandon for the duration has discontinue purchases; bond purchase RLW, B118, History. The Army took meant a great deal to us, not only as receipts and memorandum, Stanford over Santa Anita racetrack on March a sanctuary of worship, but as a financial vice president to Ichihashi, 20, and the first residents began to symbol of American-Japanese Nov. 9, 1942, both in IP, B5, FT. arrive on April 3. Milton Silverman, “Assembly Centers: Santa Anita,” friendship in this community. 3 Edgar Eugene Robinson (1887-1977) [1942], JERS, B9.01. As we take leave, we thank you joined the Stanford History Department 11 for your past kindness. Wherever we in 1911 and became an institution at Irwin Abrams to author, Nov. 1, may go, we shall take with us the the university. Although he never com- 1992, in author’s possession. Abrams memory of your Christian friendship. pleted a doctorate, he was head of his and his wife, Freda Morrill Abrams, were members of the local meeting of Farewell, and may God Bless department for 24 years, beginning in the American Friends. Abrams taught You abundantly. 1929, and occasionally served as act- ing president of the university in Ray in the History Department at Stanford Lyman Wilbur’s absence. from 1938 to 1943 and is now Distin- Faithfully yours, guished University Professor Emeritus, 4 PALO ALTO JAPANESE CHURCH Robinson diary entry of Dec. 8, 1941, Antioch University. Grace Yoshida Edgar Eugene Robinson Papers [EER], 12 Recollection of Wat Takeshita. Secretary14 B66, 1941, Diary. Stanford University Archives; Wilbur to Robinson, Dec. 9, Japanese American Alumni Information 1941, EER, B15, F220. Ichihashi to Sheet, 1993- Collection of Stanford Yamato, age 63, and Kei, age 50, Robinson, Dec. 10, 1941; Wilbur to Asian American Activities Center. were among the 144 Japanese Amer- Ichihashi, Dec. 19, 1941; Ichihashi to 13 Stanford Daily, May 26, 1942; Ichi- icans from the Palo Alto area who Wilbur, Dec. 26, 1941; all in RLW, hashi to Wilbur, April 18, 1913, RLW, faced the uncertain future. When B118, History. B50, F3. Katzuzo Nakasawa worked in asked whether he would like to re- 5 Palo Alto Times, Dec. 8 and 9, 1941; the Jordan home almost continuously turn to Palo Alto someday, an un- Roger Daniels, Asian America: Chinese for 40 years, from Dec. 1902 until evac- named Stanford graduate who was and Japanese in the United States since uation. He died in camp in Nov. 1942 quoted in the local newspaper on the 1950 (Seattle: Univ. of Washington at the age of 66, from complications day of relocation shrugged his shoul- Press, 1988), p. 202. Even as the Palo of a prewar stroke; Jessie Knight Jordan ders and answered, “Yes, but who Alto newspaper called for fair treatment to Whom It May Concern, March 5, knows?”15 of the Japanese, it referred to alien and 1942, David Starr Jordan Papers, citizen alike with an inappropriate term. Hoover Archives, B87, F1. A woman named Fusako worked as a maid for 6 Palo Alto Times, Dec. 9, 1941; the Treats. Y. Ichihashi to J. Treat, June Gordon H. Chang is associate pro- Yoshiro Oishi, President, and Peter Ida, 9, 1942, Payson J. Treat Papers [PJT], fessor of history at Stanford, and Secretary, Japanese Student Association Hoover Archives, B38, Ichihashis. chair of the Asian American Studies of Stanford University, to Dr. Wilbur, 14 Yoshida to Treats, May 4, 1942, Program. In addition to Morning Stanford Daily, Dec. 11, 1941; Wilbur PJT, B 19, 1942 A-J. Glory, Evening Shadow, he is the address to student body, Dec. 10 1941, 15 author of Friends and Enemies: The Wilbur Personal Papers, B48, 1941, Beecher Kellogg, “144 Japanese Say Stanford University Archives. Wilbur Goodbye to Homes Here,” Palo Alto United States, China, and the Soviet sent a personal letter to the president Times, May 26, 1942, clipping in Union, 1948-1972 (1990). of the University of Oregon to ask him Japanese file, Palo Alto Public Library. to watch out for the well-being of Ichi- 23 The First Week of War as I saw it at Stanford University, California

B Y M ARGARET T UTTLE S ANCHEZ

1942 STANFORD QUAD On December 7, 1941, Margaret Tuttle, a senior English major living at Lagunita Court, was busy studying for finals. Within hours of the Pearl Harbor bombing, the Bay Area started bracing itself for attack. Anti-submarine mines were laid in the bay. On the Golden Gate Bridge, the military searched cars driven by anyone who looked Japanese, and throughout the Bay Area, blackouts began. Rumors of Japanese warplanes were exaggerated, but Japanese submarines soon brought the war close to home by targeting oil tankers and an isolated oil refinery along the California coast. Sensing the historic nature of world and local events unfolding around her, Margaret kept a diary of the first days of the war. Her account, preserved in the Margaret Tuttle’s senior photo. University Archives, is excerpted here.

SUNDAY, December 7, 1941 and sang Christmas carols to English faculty was there, the houses of Congress had passed their friends. Bob closed his men standing still, silent, and the declaration: the Senate In the early afternoon, Bob eyes and tried to hear the smoking till the air was blue, unanimously; the House with [fiancé Robert Davis Goff, a broadcast; I gave that up and the women seated. I sat. one dissenting vote. We were graduate of the University of listened instead to the singing. The radio announced the then officially and constitution- Wisconsin] and I sat in the Eu- When it finished and the girls President. He spoke for 10 min- ally at war. calypto Social Room at Lagunita, left the room the radio was still utes to the Congress, assem- All day, whenever I was talking. We stopped to listen for giving war news. Silent Night, bled in the House of Represen- not studying, or concentrating a moment to the news flashes, Holy Night! The war quite en- tatives. After stating the facts intently upon other things, my but I was not aware of their compassed the Christmas spirit, of the Japanese surprise attack, mind dealt with the war. The seriousness. In the evening we though that could prevail for he asked that the Congress de- general conversation was upon listened to them again, and a moment. Even so, I could not clare that a state of war exists it. I was startled when I saw my intently. I then realized that comprehend what I heard. between the United States and face in the mirror after lunch, the Japanese had bombed the the Japanese Empire. The Star not having dreamed that I Hawaiian Islands and the Philip- Spangled Banner was played. looked so terribly sober. In the MONDAY, December 8 pines, and their submarines I hesitated; Miss [Edith] Mir- evening, I went to the lobby to were between the United My 9:00 class was dis- rielees rose, and the rest of us make a phone call to Los Altos, States and Hawaii. Japan had missed, and, not having seen with her. We listened to the de- and was astounded to see girls declared war on the United a paper, I did not know why. scription of the Senate leaving frantically trying to get the long States and Great Britain, and Finally I was told that the Presi- the House to return to its own distance operator to make calls we were on a full war basis. My dent of the United States was chambers. We were quiet and to San Francisco and elsewhere immediate reaction was strong: to speak at 9:30. I went to see sober. At 9:45, the ad of a com- in the Bay Area. I learned that the United States must not go Mr. [Yvor] Winters in his office, mercial program came on the the City was blacked out, and to war because of this. and at 9:30 he invited me to air, and we relaxed into laugh- that at 6:20 the radios were cut While we listened, several come into the English office to ter and left.... off, enemy planes being located girls came into the social room hear the broadcast. Most of the At 11:00, I learned that both to the west, following the

24 beams in. At that point I was the end of the main course, at 11:30 and 7:30. Strangely walls of the main floor, and all concerned for Bob, and won- 7:40, the lights in the dining enough, my first conscious other seats occupied by stu- dered what he and Emmett room went out. The girls were thought was upon several prob- dents. All rose and applauded [Bob’s younger brother] were quiet at once, and Miss Crandall lems raised by the air raid pre- as Wilbur appeared. He appar- doing, for civilian defense or and Mrs. [Erna B.] Lehan [direc- cautions. What should girls do ently spoke without notes, and otherwise [they were living at tor of Lagunita dining hall] rose if blackout prevents them from his address lasted just over half the YMCA in San Francisco].... and took charge. Miss Crandall reaching the dorm before clos- an hour. announced that the casa presi- ing time? Will taxis and buses He sketched the history of dents and resident assistants be able to run, and how far be- peace negotiations in the Pa- TUESDAY, December 9 would be sent to turn off the hind schedule during blackout? cific, and showed the shift from I attended classes, and the light switches in the casas if If the raid is during the day, defense action to war action be- professors spent some of their she learned that the blackout should students move about ing made by the committees in time giving us advice and en- was official. They were sent; campus to classes as usual? I America in the face of this cri- couragement. Announcements one candle was set upon each asked Bea May, casa president, sis, and showed how the univer- were posted on all of the bul- of the service tables, and the these questions, and she reas- sity is also making this shift. letin boards: Dr. [Ray Lyman] heavy curtains were drawn. The sured me with commonsense Summer quarter will offer a full Wilbur is to speak at an all uni- hashers cleared the tables and replies. program; ROTC offers military versity assembly tomorrow at set on the dessert in the dim At late breakfast, one of training, and faculty and student 11:00 on “The Stanford Student candlelight. The girls were quiet the girls told how she had been committees are swinging into and the War Crisis.” Phil and orderly, but gradually the scared stiff at night, imagining action against all emergencies. [brother Philip C. Tuttle, a Stan- amusing side of the situation danger lurking everywhere in University students are a se- ford freshman] told me at noon became apparent and jokes her room, and had finally slept lected group, privileged to that the Hoover Tower had re- and laughter sounded here and with a light on and windows study, and it is up to each to mained dark last night. I learned there, as well as a few scat- shut. Others were kept awake do his very best here until the that campus streetlights and tered attempts at singing.... by the clamor of sirens and government specifically calls lights on the Quad had been I returned to my casa and whistles from Menlo Park and him elsewhere. Among us are turned off. joined the girls in Scotty’s room Palo Alto during the early morn- potential leaders, and potential At lunch at Lagunita, Miss to hear the end of the Presi- ing blackout. discoverers of new and all- [Elizabeth B.] Crandall [director dent’s speech. He said that all The morning Chronicle car- important war machines, and of Lagunita] rose to make an of the axis powers are united ried San Francisco air raid in- we must keep on with our work, announcement. She informed in the war against us; therefore structions, a list of emergency and the university with its pro- us that Mr. [Frank Fish] Walker we are united with the allies hospitals, the first official gov- gram of research. Meanwhile [financial vice president] of the against all of the axis powers. ernment casualty list, sobering we shall become adjusted to university had been in constant What one ally does is important news of American naval losses being on a war basis. We must touch with Mayor [Angello] for all of the others. Our interre- in the Pacific, Mayor Rossi’s be serious about air raid precau- Rossi of San Francisco and with lationship is clear. All defense tirade against the inefficiency of tions and blackouts. We either army officials of Moffett Field industries are to go on a seven- San Francisco’s Monday night do or we don’t obey instruc- and the vicinity last night, and day-week basis. The food sup- blackout, the text of the Presi- tions, and if we don’t, we’re that at no time had there been ply of our country is sufficient; dent’s address, statements by knocked on the head. Our coun- any need for a blackout of the there is no shortage. We must Japanese American citizens of try must fight until Japan is only entire campus. She summoned learn to do without many metal San Francisco, an unbelievable a second-rate power, and for casa presidents and resident things, however, for 50 percent account of mob action in Seattle the maintenance of all in which assistants to a meeting immedi- of the amount of metal used in smashing store windows and we believe. Wilbur announced a ately after lunch.... civilian goods last year must looting while trying to get lights practice blackout on the campus I wrote a letter to my family, now go for defense. turned off, the possibility of ex- tonight at 7:00, and a testing of containing all the war news After this I went to my tending the draft age limits to whistles at 1:00. I had at the time. Among other room, tested my flashlight, 18 to 44 and a declaration of After the assembly, I talked things I said that we, too, at which is quite weak, and got united action on the part of la- with Phil, comparing notes on Stanford, were prepared to ready for bed. I then wrote this bor to speed defense industry.... last night’s blackout. When it blackout when necessary. With- much of this account. By a quarter of 11:00, came, Phil was at dinner in the in half an hour from the time Memorial Hall was well filled Commons, and the fellows re- I mailed that letter, I sat in the with students, and by the time turned to their rooms in Encina WEDNESDAY, December 10 darkness of a total blackout. President Wilbur walked upon in complete blackness, for the It was dinnertime at Lagunita. I awoke and saw that my the stage at 11:10, the seats on main switch had been pulled. Miss Crandall had asked all of electric clock had stopped for the stage were completely filled The whistle, which Lagunita had us to remain after dinner to hear four and a quarter hours during with faculty members, and the been too distant to hear, had the air raid regulations. Toward the night, sometime between pit, balcony steps, side and back blasted Encina to deafness. 25 STANFORD NEWS SERVICE

Lagunita Court, circa 1940. “The whistle, which Lagunita had been too distant to hear, had blasted Encina to deafness.”

Miss Crandall announced at were out, and the windows of situation, and late news bul- LaGuardia, national head of lunch that special casa meet- the other casas dark, did we letins. The report on last night’s civilian defense, went through ings would be held at 5:45, and realize that the blackout was practice blackout was highly San Francisco like a streak of dinner would be at 6:00, so as under way. At once Bea May favorable, but car lights, bicycle light yesterday, leaving behind a to be over by the 7:00 blackout and Maisie turned off the light lights, and cigarettes were visi- revitalized and newly organized practice. switches, and we sat with the ble at times, and Encina was system of defense. He sum- Planes were flying by all light of a candle on the card slow to black out. Provision will moned all of the police and fire day long. I’ve resolved to count table, and the red corridor light be made for blacking the corri- chiefs of every county in the all planes as ours until I have for illumination. The candle dor windows so that their lights vicinity to meet with him at reason to know otherwise! I am seemed dangerously bright can remain on during blackouts. 11:00 yesterday morning, and somewhat concerned over the against the window curtains, As for the signal, which Lagu- he gave them speedy and em- Chronicle’s announcement that heavy as they were, but we nita could not hear, a new 10- phatic instructions as to how to the Japanese may be using placed our confidence in the ob- inch, two-toned whistle, with deal with incendiary bombs and poison gas. Does that rise in servers at the top of the Hoover an effective sounding radius of the like, and how to organize air the air or sink, I wonder? Tower, feeling sure they would three miles, was to be installed warden squadrons, firefighting During casa meeting, Bea report on any campus light that today. Comments by administra- crews, special police corps, May announced that Mrs. Met- was visible. In 10 minutes we tive officers and faculty mem- messengers, first-aid workers, zger will turn off the corridor saw the streetlights on again, bers were published, as well as and rescue squads. He told light switches as well as other and a few lights in the next student reactions and editorials. housewives to cover the win- lights during her rounds at 2:30. casa, and knew that the black- Suggested things students can dows of at least one room in Regulations included each girl’s out was over and that we had do to help in defense also ap- their houses so that they can drawing her shades, turning off again missed the signal. peared, including saving such have a light on inside during the her lights, and closing the door I learned before going to things as rags, paper, strings, blackouts. Special light-proof before going to dinner. Girls bed at 11:00 that unidentified and bobbie pins. material for window coverings were warned not to turn on planes were over Los Angeles, I spent an hour after break- will be manufactured in quantity lights indiscriminately when and that planes from the South- fast reading the Chronicle. It and sold at a standard price all waking in the night. west were above Boulder Dam, was full of war news, and was over the country within a very After dinner, girls gathered which had promptly taken a interesting as well as practical short time, he said, and also gas in the social room, playing cards surprise blackout. reading. Again full instructions masks will have to be supplied and talking. I went to my room for air raids were given. The for the millions of inhabitants of THURSDAY, December 11 to test the effects of my flash- San Francisco signals have areas directly menaced by the light on the windows, and found I looked at my clock as soon been changed so that now one war. Above all, train people, he that reflected light on the as I awoke, checking it with my two-minute fluctuating signal emphasized, so that everyone shades probably was visible watch, and saw that the elec- indicates blackout, and a two- will know what to do. from outside, though how seri- tricity had not been turned off minute continuous signal is the No new rubber tires for ous this might be I didn’t know. during the night. At late break- all-clear. Also, when San Fran- automobiles may be sold be- Going back to the social room, fast, most of the girls were cisco blacks out in the future, tween now and December 22 I waited with the others, but we reading copies of the special all visible lights for a distance by any person anywhere in this didn’t hear any signal at 7:00, bulletin of the Daily, with in- of 50 miles, as far south as San country.... and not until we saw from the structions and information for Jose, are to go out, too. During the day, I heard bits window that the streetlights the campus concerning the war [New York] Mayor [Fiorello] of radio news here and there,

26 and learned that Hitler and and we saw her white figure outside. Miss Crandall from the lobby Mussolini have declared war on moving cautiously up and down We held hands as we phone, and was told that no the United States; that Congress the stairs. “There are twelve walked through the dark corri- girls should use the darkroom has declared war on Germany in the first flight,” she said to dors, and felt our way slowly for study, for it is not properly and Italy, and that the President someone with her, and I was down steps. Corners were eas- ventilated nor equipped for such has signed the declarations; amused to see that blackouts ier, for we just kept on going a purpose. that the Congress is about to make people do such things as until we saw a red light shining We returned to our casa pass a bill making the service count steps.... down the next corridor, at right through the court, finding it of army men extend for a period One girl told how someone angles to the one we were in. much brighter and easier going of six months after the end of yelled up to the men who went When we finally reached the than the corridors had been. We the war; and that it is passing to the top of the Hoover Tower main lobby, we located the found when we entered one of the repeal of all limitations on to observe the practice blackout voice of Mrs. Metzger and an- the dark halls that going away where soldiers can be sent. of the campus to turn off their nounced our presence. She was from a red light is much more Miss Crandall said, “I had own lights, for the tower was equipped with a flashlight cov- difficult than going toward it. forgotten that there were such glowing brightly in the dark- ered with red cloth, and seemed It’s surprising how much any things as vacations,” when I ness. A while later, I went to alarmingly visible when she sort of a light can help! When asked her for a room at Union the window again and saw turned it on. We told her we we returned, Miss Crandall was this Christmas. At lunch she that the brightness had left the wanted to test the darkroom going through our casa, asking read an announcement asking clouds.... windows from outside, and she the girls to go to bed until the all girls with first-aid training, The girls became desperate asked a fellow who was sitting blackout was over. with station wagons or cars about their studies, for tomor- in the darkness of the lobby if I went down to the dark- with convertible seats, and all row is another day of finals, and he would go with us.... room, and was amazed to find with cars willing to use them some retired into the laundry, On our way back to the about five girls sitting there for messenger service to report and others to their closets. At lobby, we saw two such lighted studying, with candles burning to the proper authorities.... last I suggested to Maisie that windows in Eucalypto and in the blackness. On one table The girls have noticed that we investigate the use of the called until they, too, were dark- two fat red candles sat, in the little Japanese maids are darkroom as a lightproof study ened. Mrs. Metzger asked who ornate porcelain candlesticks, now speaking English as they room. Vail [Goss] went with we were as we stepped in the on the ferrotype plate beside work around the halls, and are us to the basement, where we door, and Maisie promptly told the enlarger. I told the girls that unusually willing to understand checked the tightness of the her. We asked next to speak Miss Crandall had vetoed the English when it is spoken to roofing paper, which I had with Miss Crandall, and the girl idea and that they would have them. tacked onto the windows, and at the telephone switchboard to go back upstairs, and they There has been no blackout then she remained with a flash- turned on a glow of red light by soon gathered their candles so far tonight, and I have not light while Maisie and I headed which to see, Maisie spoke with and pillows and books and left. heard the radio recently. It is I carried up one of the chairs 11:30, and I am going to bed. STANFORD UNIVERSITY ARCHIVES that had been brought down by the girls, and as I waited at the FRIDAY, December 12 top of the stairs for Vail to come My clock ran all night. I back for her flashlight and her studied for a final exam all own chair, Miss Crandall came morning, and not until nearly down the corridor. I could not 1:00 did I look at the Chronicle.... see her; I only heard her voice In the afternoon, I took my as she passed, but, thinking final and wrote a letter. Until what a mess my idea had made, 7:30 in the evening I had no I hoped she would not see me. contact with the war. At 7:30 I And, stepping back into the heard the air raid signal for the darkness again, I suddenly lost first time, and in a couple of all sense of direction. For a sec- minutes Lagunita was blacked ond I was blind. As I moved out. I joined several of the girls about in the darkness I suddenly in the social room, which was caught a glimpse of a red light completely dark this time except down a corridor, and I was ori- for the red emergency light over Lagunita Court’s dining room: “Toward the end of the ented again. I went downstairs the fire alarm. Maisie was in main course, at 7:40, the lights in the dining room went with Vail, and left the room as her slip as she ran to turn off out...one candle was set upon each of the service tables, we had found it, though a pud- the light switches in the casa, and the heavy curtains were drawn.” dle of red tallow lay on one of

27 the tables to mark the strange time, that would be all right, during air raids was published students walked silently in, little study nook that had ex- but purely social calls are not in the Chronicle, saying, among opened their books and went to isted there for a moment. I permitted. other things, that if students are work, and when the thing was locked the door, wondering still Today’s Chronicle said that sent home it is for the entire over walked silently out. how so many girls could have the blackout covered the entire day. No more casualty lists are Miss Crandall said that La- made themselves so much at 50-mile area around San Fran- to be published, though death gunita will probably black sev- home there in so short a time.... cisco, and gave bits of news notices will be sent by telegram eral of the social rooms which I hardly tried to sleep when about how people took it. Bars to the next of kin. Casualty lists open on the court, so that girls I was in bed. I wondered what in the City were crowded, and might furnish information help- can meet their dates there, and time it was, whether I would people sang there and drank ful to the enemy. An eyewitness so that some place in the court be awake when the blackout drinks mixed in the dark; no account of the bombing of can be lighted during the black- ended, and how our rooms trains left the city during the Honolulu, and photographs of outs. We assured her that any could be made lightproof with- blackout; buses and cars were the warfare were in the paper. color of paint will do so long as out looking dismal. I wondered stopped in the streets and the Congress is passing a bill for it is opaque, and that the result if enemy planes had really been people got out and huddled in the registration of all men from needn’t be somber just because located nearby, what San Fran- the darkened doorways nearby; 18 to 65, those from 19 to 44 to it has to be lightproof. Appar- cisco was like during the black- people in the movie theaters be eligible for active service. ently Olivo and Granada social out, and what the all-clear were advised to stay, and many The President has closed San rooms will not be permitted signal would sound like. saw the show through twice; Francisco harbor to all vessels, to have lights on because too I finally heard a faint high- Katherine Cornell walked to her as well as San Diego harbor, many large windows are in- pitched whistle in the distance, theater with her dachshund, and and the straits of Juan de Fuca volved nearby. So far as dates and it sounded several times the play was performed before and Puget Sound on the West are concerned, Miss Crandall and one or two other distant the 300 people who stumbled Coast. Japanese, German, and said that nothing has been de- whistles joined it, but I could in to the seats; the two bridges Italian aliens are not to have cided yet, except that no girl distinguish no definite signal. were completely cleared of traf- cameras or firearms in their should go out alone during a As I lay still, lights flashed fic; traffic in the streets, how- possession. Violators of the blackout. If a fellow calls for a about my room from the head- ever, was halted so suddenly Los Angeles blackouts will be girl, the situation is different. lights of cars going down the that cars remained in the inter- fined $500 or sent to jail for At 9:05, the siren blew for a road, and I knew that the black- sections and added to the jam six months. The Normandie blackout. Having gotten ready out must be over, yet I kept when the all-clear came; one has been taken by the United for bed immediately after din- wondering if the drivers were room in the Elks Club remained States, and can readily be con- ner, I lay down in the darkness mistaken. Then I heard the lighted in the darkness and the verted into an aircraft carrier, and waited for the blackout to honking of horns, and at last the manager pulled the main switch being basically built as such.... end. I was rather furious at my- campus whistle, a husky low saying it was the only thing he At dinner, I sat at head table, self for not having done first tone with a high one chiming could do if one person out of and the conversation about last things first, having read poetry in a second behind. It sounded 2,000 couldn’t take care of his night’s blackout was quite lively. instead of writing this report, slowly four times with pauses own switch. The blackout was Miss Crandall was proud of the for instance. Many of the girls between, and four more times, considered to be very complete way Lagunita girls took it, and were mad at the blackout for and by then I was out of bed by the military authorities. mad about the noise on the Row. interrupting their studies again. and in the corridor shouting to The area along Ocean Beach Jean Nowell, on the Daily staff, The attitude seems to have the other figures emerging up blacked out first, and the rest said that the sororities on the changed from wild excitement and down the hall, “It’s over!” of the City soon after. It was 20 Row had a real problem in the to making the best of things to It was 10:15.... minutes before Berkeley was number of men students who in- boredom and anger as the well blacked out, however. The vaded them during the blackout. blackouts continue to come.... SATURDAY, December 13 first report of planes came from We talked about other campus I longed for light.... At lunch, Mrs. Metzger, who San Mateo, and soon after from problems, too. Not expecting the sat at our table, told us how the numerous other districts. Planes blackout to be so long, several Margaret Tuttle Sanchez, switchboard functioned during of the Fourth Interceptor Com- students left their books in the ’42, is a poet who taught the blackout. She said that all mand roared over the City, but Libe, and were frantic not to be English for nine years at incoming calls were answered, no official reason was given able to get them afterwards. Brigham Young University. but that none were put through for the calling of the blackout. Others walked out with reserve She is preparing to publish unless they were long distance Apparently from now on we’ll books in hand. Jean told also Poet’s Progress, a selection or emergency calls. If a girl never be sure whether the en- how terrible the Daily shack is, of 65 years of poems with were to phone in during a black- emy is upon us or miles away. blacked up so that the lights descriptive headnotes. A na- out because she would be un- A more complete set of can remain on there. During the tive of Glencoe, Illinois, she able to get back before closing rules for San Francisco schools blackout, several engineering now lives in Provo, Utah.

28 Stanford Through the Century

100 YEARS AGO 1903 13-13. A week later, the Cardinal de- ( 1903) feated heavily favored Army, 26-0, at Yankee Stadium in New York, in a 2003 game considered one of the best-ever The Japanese Club, which orga- exhibitions of coaching by Glenn nized in the spring, now launched a Scobey “Pop” Warner. Japanese literary society to encourage discussion, debate, and reading in 50 YEARS AGO English. The group also proposed con- Juan Hill. Sousa, previously booked ( 1953) struction of a clubhouse “large enough for a campus performance, played “El to accommodate the whole club of Capitan,” “Stars and Stripes Forever,” about 30 members,” according to the and the “Star-Spangled Banner” (des- University trustees approved a rec- Stanford Alumnus. (See related story, ignated as national anthem during ommendation from President J.E. page 17.) Hoover’s term). Hoover’s eyes filled to relocate the School with tears as students then sang the of Medicine and its hospital from San 75 YEARS AGO Stanford Hymn. A nationwide radio Francisco to the main campus. Sterling ( 1928) hookup transmitted the celebration. told trustees that the “key relationship The day before, a crowd estimated at of medical education and science to 10,000 cheered Hoover as he arrived other scientific fields can best be Stanford alumnus, trustee, and res- at the Palo Alto train station and rode strengthened and advanced by bring- ident , ’95, was elected up Palm Drive to his home. Hoover ing the School of Medicine into the 31st president of the United States. Late cast his ballot at a polling station in closest possible physical and intellec- in the evening of Nov. 6, as his land- the Women’s Clubhouse of the Stan- tual relationship to the whole univer- slide over Alfred E. Smith became ap- ford Union. sity.” The move was completed six parent, 2,000 students accompanied years later. “March King” John Phillip Sousa and On the football field, Stanford his 70-piece band to serenade the scored a touchdown in the last seconds More than 500,000 fish specimens president-elect at his home on San of an exciting Big Game to tie Berkeley were moved from cramped quarters to a large room that had been fitted with 9,000 square feet of steel shelving in STANFORD NEWS SERVICE Stanford’s Natural History Museum, located in the south wing of the Stan- ford Museum. The huge ichthyology collection, started by first president David Starr Jordan, ranked as one of the world’s best. Only one bottle out of 150,000 was broken in the move. The Natural History Museum was closed in the 1960s and the fish collec- tion transferred to San Francisco’s California Academy of Sciences in 1969.

25 YEARS AGO ( 1978)

As part of the thaw in Chinese- American relations, six scientists from the People’s Republic of China arrived in October for two-year stays; they were followed by a larger group in January. Several Stanford scholars went to China a year later as part of an exchange between Stanford and the Community members salute Herbert Hoover at his campus home on election Chinese Academy of Sciences arranged night, 1928. by John W. Lewis, William Haas pro-

29 Stanford Through the Century

STANFORD NEWS SERVICE fessor of Chinese politics, and Douglas P. Murray, director of Stanford’s U.S.- China Relations Program. Although other American universities had hosted individual scholars, Stanford’s was the first reciprocal institutional arrange- ment. An eight-inch water main broke near Meyer Library, flooding the base- ment for 24 minutes before it was shut off at 3:15 a.m. on a Saturday morn- ing. Within hours, head librarian David Weber put out an appeal for volunteers to help pack and move 45,000 wet books to giant freezers un- til they could be vacuum dried, then restored. Bekins Moving Co. sent more than 2,400 packing boxes, Peninsula Creamery provided a truck, and Modern Ice Co. of San Jose do- nated cold storage. Damage was esti- mated at $1 million. On New Year’s Eve, coach Bill Walsh led Stanford from a 0-22 deficit early in the third quarter to defeat Georgia 25-22 in the Bluebonnet Bowl in Houston. Quarterback Steve Dils completed 17 of 28 passes for 210 yards and three touchdowns, and was voted offensive MVP. —Karen Bartholomew Thousands of fish specimens were stored on the museum stairs while storage space was built nearby. Jay Savage, holding a dried sturgeon New Book Features and surrounded by a sea of fish, led the work crew that moved the collection. Helping were (left to right) Wilbur Ebersold, Allahverdi Historic Front Pages Farmanfarmaian of Iran, and Paul Arnaud Jr. from Stanford Daily

A compilation of historic front pages from issue of the Daily to select the final list Member Discount Offered Stanford’s student newspaper has been pub- from more than 15,000 front pages. lished in The Stanford Daily: 100 Years of In his introduction, Taubman noted The Stanford Daily: 100 Years of Headlines, Headlines. The hardcover, 9- by 12-inch book that many books have been written about which retails for $34.95 in local bookstores or contains nearly 200 front pages from the Stanford’s history. But “none have cap- with an additional $5 shipping charge by mail, newspaper’s founding in September 1892 up tured that history quite like this,” he wrote. is being offered to members of the Historical to June 2003. “There is no omniscient narrator here, no Society at the discounted price of $24.95. Edited by Ken Fenyo, class of ’88, the overarching analytical point. Including the $5 shipping charge, the cost book includes an introduction by Philip Taub- “Instead, there is the immediacy of to out-of-state residents is $29.95; California man, class of ’70, who served as Daily editor each day’s news, sometimes of great con- residents should include 8.25 percent sales tax, in 1969 and is now Washington bureau chief sequence, as in the April 1906 earthquake bringing the total to $32. of the New York Times. that shattered campus buildings, and Checks should be made out to Ken Fenyo Fenyo developed the idea for highlights sometimes of no enduring significance, as and mailed to: of the Stanford Daily during his years working in the unfurling of a gigantic ‘Beat Cal’ Ladera Publishing Corporation there as a staff writer, columnist, news edi- banner down the side of the Leaning 160 Durazno Way tor, and managing editor. He and a team of Tower of Pisa in November 1960. (It was a Portola Valley, CA 94028 editors spent three months reviewing every great stunt.)”

30 Bunnell Debunks Admissions Acceptance Myths

L.A. CICERO, STANFORD NEWS SERVICE Reprinted from Stanford Report, classes,” Bunnell recalled. “What November 19, 2003 makes admission frustrating is that it’s a zero-sum game. If you’re going to BY THERESA JOHNSTON put some students in, who are you go- ing to take out?” During his 35 years in Stanford’s Over the years, the task of sorting Office of Undergraduate Admission, through all those applications was John Bunnell spent most of his time made harder by the development of al- answering two basic questions. The ternative schools and unusual grading first was, “How do I get into Stan- policies. “We would receive applica- ford?” The second was, “Why didn’t I tions from 5,000 or more schools and get into Stanford?” among them were some very different “When you’re admitting only one grading systems,” said Bunnell, who in seven candidates, you’re bound to read around half a million applica- have rumors as to how that student is tions during his career. “There was a admitted,” the associate dean and di- school in Montana, for example, that rector of admission, emeritus, ac- had five ratings: 1=best, 2=good, knowledged in a November 13, 2003, 3=ordinary, 4=worse and 5=worst. Historical Society talk, “Taking the Another school’s system went like Mythery out of Stanford Undergradu- this: S=super, P=praiseworthy, ate Admissions: A Historical Perspec- N=note worthy, C=competent, A=ade- tive,” at Tresidder Union. quate and D=deficient.” For a while, many students were Another headache for admissions convinced that Stanford was only in- staffers, particularly during “the feel- John Bunnell, who spoke to the His- terested in “All-American Joes or good ’70s,” was the proliferation of Josephines.” Later, the buzz was that torical Society on undergraduate ad- weird class names on student tran- “we were only interested in ‘angular’ missions in November. scripts. Among the most memorable students—not the well-rounded ones “academic” courses listed: Introduc- but those who could show real accom- tory Macramé, Gregariousness, Losing plishment in just one or two areas.” tering a scholastic aptitude test—six Things, Sunshine, Ghosts and Goblins, In fact, Bunnell said, Stanford’s ad- years before the College Board came It’s Up to You (“It was up to us,” Bun- missions policies have been remark- out with its version. The university nell quipped, “so we didn’t count it”), ably consistent over the course of the also devised the beginnings of a point Bachelor Know-How, Eat to Win, university’s 112-year history. In 1892, system that admissions staffers still use Tourism (with lab), and AP Girls for example, applicants had to be ac- to sort students based on grades and Gym. “We thought Women on the credited either by certificate or exam test scores. By 1941—the earliest year Move might be a history class,” Bun- in 10 subjects, including English, and for which Bunnell could find data— nell said to laughter. “It turned out to they had to present certificates of Stanford had 1,139 applicants and ac- be Driver Ed.” good moral character. Today, the pri- cepted 948, an admit rate of 83 per- During the 1990s, the Office of mary criterion for admission is still cent. Ten years later—just before Stan- Undergraduate Admission tweaked its academic excellence; the most impor- ford moved admissions out of the point system by adding another rating tant credentials are the transcript and registrar’s purview and into a separate for intellectual vitality—basically an letters of recommendation. office—there were 2,020 applicants, effort to flag applicants demonstrating Stanford’s 1892 admissions guide- and Stanford admitted 72 percent. particular intellectual curiosity and a lines did have some interesting Victo- During the time that Bunnell desire to learn. “It’s a hard thing to rian quirks. In one part of the admis- served in the Office of Undergraduate measure,” Bunnell acknowledged, “but sions examination, for example, Admission, from 1963 to 1998, Stan- we felt it was important.” Another prospective students were asked to ford saw dramatic changes in both the particularly vital quality, in Bunnell’s “quote five lines each from any four of number and diversity of its applicants. opinion, is an applicant’s “CQ,” or the following: Snow-Bound, Evange- In 1978, 10,000 students applied to contribution quotient. “When reading line, The Lady of the Lake, The Mer- Stanford, of whom 23 percent were files, we continually asked ourselves, chant of Venice, or Julius Caesar.” admitted. By the time Bunnell left the ‘What will this student contribute to Another question required applicants office, there were nearly 19,000 appli- the Stanford community, to dorm life, to give “a succinct outline either of cants and the admission rate was to the classroom?’ ” Thackeray’s The Newcomes or Scott’s down to 13 percent. “Half the appli- On the subject of SAT scores, he Antiquary.” cants in my last year had better than a added: “I always viewed them the way In 1920, Stanford decided to sup- 3.8 grade point average and 73 per- a drunk uses a light post: more for plement applicants’ files by adminis- cent were in the top 10 percent of their support than illumination.” 31 MEMBERSHIP FALL 2003 VOL. 27 NO. 3 Membership is open to all who are interested Make checks payable to in Stanford history. Annual dues are: STANFORD HISTORICAL SOCIETY and mail to: Sandstone & Tile STAFF Students (currently registered), $10 Full, $40 P.O. Box 20028 Roxanne Nilan Heritage, $100 Editor Stanford University Distinguished heritage, $500 Stanford, CA 94309 Karen Bartholomew Patron, $1,000 & Jean Deken Life, $5,000 Associate Editors To join or renew by credit card visit our web site: http://histsoc.stanford.edu Joanna McClean Click on “Membership” link at left and then click on the credit-card link to the Designer Development Office web site. For further information, contact the society office (see lower left on this page). STANFORD HISTORICAL SOCIETY Upcoming Society Activities BOARD OF DIRECTORS Confirmation of date and notification of time and location will be sent to members shortly before each event. G. Robert Hamrdla, President Susan Schofield, Vice President January 22, 2004 Campus and City Plans: Emerius Marvin Herrington is interviewed William Stone, Vice President The Design and Influence of Stanford’s Land by Bill Stone. Miriam Palm, Secretary Devlopments. Margaret Pugh O’Mara. Don Price, Treasurer April 25 Stanford Historic Houses tour. April 4 Community Day and Founders’ POSTPONED. Marian Leib Adams Celebration. Karen Bartholomew May 12 Annual Meeting: President Emeritus John Bunnell April 13 “One Cool Cop”: Marv Herrington Richard W. Lyman in conversation with Nancy Anne Dauer Tells All (Almost!). Stanford Police Chief Packer, Lane Professor in the Humanities Emerita. Lois Fariello James Gibbons G. Robert Hamrdla Laurence Hoagland Jr. William Kaufmann David Kennedy Non-Profit Org. Margaret Kimball U.S. POSTAGE Carné Linder PAID Julie Lythcott-Haims Palo Alto, CA Permit No. 28 Carolyn Lougee Chappell P.O. BOX 20028 STANFORD UNIVERSITY Rosemary McAndrews STANFORD, CA 94309 Kent Peterson Susan Ward Schofield William Stone

STAFF

Carol Miller, Office Administrator P.O. Box 20028 Stanford University Stanford, CA 94309 650 725-3332 Email: [email protected] Web: http://histsoc.stanford.edu Office: 3rd floor, Green Library

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