Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA

RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE

Research Response Number: IND33034 Country: Date: 13 March 2008

Keywords: India – Punjab – State politics – – Congress Party – Sikh communities

This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein.

Questions

1. What is the current political situation in Punjab, and the situation since 2007? 2. What is the situation for (Sikh) Congress party supporters in Punjab? 3. Are there Sikh communities outside Punjab and are there difficulties in Sikhs living in other states?

RESPONSE

1. What is the current political situation in Punjab, and the situation since 2007?

The response to this question explores state politics in Punjab, political conflict since the 2007 state elections, and the situation beyond mainstream politics.

State politics in Punjab

The website of the Government of Punjab outlines the structures of government in place in the state:

The government and administration in Punjab are organized on the same lines as in other states of India. The legislative wing of the State is the House of People or the Vidhan Sabha. Punjab has an unicameral legislature, having abolished the upper house, the Vidhan Parishad in the ‘60s. The and members of his cabinet are members of the legislature and they are at the top of the executive wing of the government and are accountable to the legislature. As elsewhere, the MLAs, or Members of the Legislative Assembly, wield considerable influence over policy-making and implementation, more so because they are members of District level Planning and Grievance Committees set up by the government in each district. Local government

The system of local government consists of Municipal Corporations, Municipalities, and Notified Area Committees in urban areas. Their main source of revenue is octroi and their main administrative functions are conservancy, local health laws, and approving building plans in their local jurisdiction, In rural areas, there is the usual set up of village panchayats, panchayat samitis and zilla parishads though, in practice, they do not wield administrative or legal powers of any consequence. Unlike in states such as Karnataka or Maharashtra, local government cannot be said to be highly developed in Punjab.

The judiciary

The judiciary and the executive are separated in Punjab as in other states in the country. However, the state shares a common High Court with the state of and the Union Territory of (‘Government – Overview’ (undated), Government of Punjab website http://punjabgovt.nic.in/GOVERNMENT/GOVERNMENT1.HTM – Accessed 4 March 2008 – Attachment 1).

In recent years, victories in state elections (Legislative Assembly) have alternated between the Congress party (more formally known as the or INC and also known as Congress I) on one side, and the combine of the (BJP) and Shiromani (SAD) on the other side. The UK Home Office Country of Information Report on India provides a brief background to these parties:

Akali Dal also termed as

A Sikh party, formed in 1920 and demanding an independent Sikh state. This demand has been dropped since the Punjab peace accord of 1985. Formed an alliance with the BJP in 1997, but lost the Punjab state elections in 2002. Strong performance in the 2004 elections, winning 10 out of 13 seats in Punjab. It is a major player in the northern state of Punjab…

…Bharatiya Janata Party (Indian People’s Party) (BJP)

...The BJP was formed in 1980 from the former Bharatiya Jana Sangh, founded in 1951 as the political wing of the extremist Hindu nationalist organisation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), responsible for outbreaks of communal violence in which a mosque was destroyed at Ayodhya. The BJP and its allies (NDA) were routed in a surprise defeat in the 2004 elections. The former PM Atal Behari Vajpayee is viewed as the leading moderate while former deputy PM and current BJP parliamentary leader L.K. Advani fronts the hardline faction. [5h] [66]

…Indian National Congress (INC)

Party of Indian independence, then of Government for 45 of the following 50 years under Nehru, his daughter (Congress I) and grandson . Had support throughout India, but suffered massive losses in the North and partially in the West in 1998 and lost the confidence of traditional voters such as Muslims and scheduled castes. , widow of Rajiv Gandhi, took over as President of Congress (I) in April 1998. In December 2003, Congress began actively seeking alliance partners. The 2004 national elections ended governance by the BJP and brought in a new left-leaning coalition Government, the United Progressive Alliance, led by Prime Minister after Sonia Gandhi declined the post. The INC with its allies won 217 seats (35.8% of the votes) in the parliamentary election. [66] (UK Home Office 2008, Country of Origin Information Report: India, 31 January, pp. 15-16 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs08/india- 310108.doc – Accessed 1 February 2008 – Attachment 7; for reports on past elections, and for a more detailed background on the political situation in Punjab in recent years see Luce, E. 2002, ‘Asia-Pacific – Regional polls in India set to weaken grip of BJP’, Financial Times, 15 February – Attachment 2; Election Commission of India 2002, Statistical Report on General Election, 2002, to the Legislative Assembly of Punjab, Election Commission of India website http://www.eci.gov.in/archive/se2002/Stat_rep_2002_PB.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2003 – Attachment 3; ‘Congress gets a simple majority in Punjab’ 2002, Rediff, 24 February http://www.rediff.com/election/2002/feb/24_pun_agen_rep_20.htm – Accessed 5 August 2004 – Attachment 4).

Punjab last held state elections in February 2007, with the results showing victory for the Shiromani Akali Dal – Bharatiya Janata Party (SAD-BJP) combine. In the aftermath of the election, SAD leader was sworn in as Punjab Chief Minister for the fourth time, after having served three previous terms in 1970–1971, 1977–1980, and 1997– 2002. Rediff reported:

Akali Dal leader Parkash Singh Badal was on Friday sworn in as Punjab Chief Minister for a record fourth time.

Punjab Governor S F Rodrigues administered the oath of office and secrecy to Badal at a ceremony held at PCA stadium in Mohali.

He will head the SAD-BJP alliance government, thus ending the five-year rule of -led Congress government (‘Badal sworn in as Punjab CM’ 2007, Rediff, http://in.rediff.com/news/2007/mar/02punpoll.htm – Accessed 9 July 2007 – Attachment 5; see also Anand, A. K. 2007, ‘Badal prepares for fourth term as CM’, Rediff, 28 February http://in.rediff.com/news/2007/feb/28punpoll6.htm – Accessed 9 July 2007 – Attachment 6; UK Home Office 2008, Country of Origin Information Report: India, 31 January, pp. 15-16 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs08/india-310108.doc – Accessed 1 February 2008 – Attachment 7).

Municipal elections are also held in Punjab at various times, Zee News reported on elections in August 2007:

The three main opposition parties in Punjab – Congress, CPI and CPM – demanded fresh elections in all the four municipal corporations in the state in view of what they described as large scale irregularities, including “mass booth capturing and rigging”.

The opposition parties in a memorandum submitted to Governor S F Rodrigues here demanded that the MC poll in , , and Ludhiana be declared as “null and void.”

“The government of Punjab be dismissed for its undemocratic and unconstitutional act and the police and civil officers involved be reprimanded for their conduct in these elections,” the joint memorandum signed by the leaders of the three parties said.

The memorandum said, “the entire election process from day one has been conducted in a way to give impression to the general public that the election is being contested by the police. The Congress candidates in many cases, particularly in paTIala [sic] were made to withdraw with threats [of] implicating them in false cases” (‘Opposition demands fresh MC poll in Punjab’ 2007, Zee News, 10 August http://www.zeenews.com/znnew/articles.asp?aid=388081&sid=REG&sname=&news=Opposi tion%20demands%20fresh%20MC%20poll%20in%20Punjab – Accessed 6 September 2007 – Attachment 8; for a report on municipal protests in previous years see ‘MC elections record heavy polling’ 2003, , 2 March http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030303/punjab1.htm – Accessed 5 March 2008 – Attachment 9).

For more information on the Indian Constitution, the national government, and the various governments throughout the states of India see the RRT Research & Information package titled The Republic & States of India at a Glance (RRT Country Research 2006, The Republic & States of India at a Glance, August – Attachment 10).

Political conflict since 2007 state elections

Several sources, such as the BBC News, the UK Home Office and the South Asia Terrorism Portal, state that in recent years the political situation in Punjab has been relatively peaceful compared with the past. Nonetheless, there have still been reports of conflict between the major parties (Biswas, S. 2005, ‘The fading of Sikh militancy’, 16 March http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3733271.stm – Accessed 10 March 2008 – Attachment 28; UK Home Office 2008, Country of Origin Information Report: India, 31 January, pp. 15- 16 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs08/india-310108.doc – Accessed 1 February 2008 – Attachment 7; ‘Punjab Assessment – Year 2008’ 2008, South Asia Terrorism Portal website http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/punjab/index.html – Accessed 4 March 2008 – Attachment 11).

The South Asia Terrorism Portal’s ‘Punjab Assessment’ for 2008 suggested that Punjab generally “remained peaceful” and “free of major political violence” in 2007:

The north-west Indian State of Punjab remained peaceful through 2007, though it was marred by a single and significant terrorist strike at Ludhiana in October. This is the 14th consecutive year the State has remained relatively free of major political violence after the widespread terrorist-secessionist movement for ‘Khalistan’ was comprehensively defeated in 1993 (‘Punjab Assessment – Year 2008’ 2008, South Asia Terrorism Portal website http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/punjab/index.html – Accessed 4 March 2008 – Attachment 11).

On the other hand, there were a number of reports of political conflict between the major political parties in Punjab throughout 2007. The Tribune reported on pre-election violence in Beas during March 2007:

Jasbir Singh Dimpa and Manjinder Singh Kang, Congress and SAD candidates, have started door-to-door campaigning for the coming election to be held on March 11.

The election was postponed due to violence between supporters of Congress and SAD that led to the killing of one Akali supporter on January 29.

However, the people of the area seemed less interested as the government has been formed by the SAD-BJP. But the two political parties was in no mood to leave any stone unturned for this constituency as political bigwigs were scheduled to arrive in the town to support their candidates (Walia, V. & Bumbroo, S. 2007, ‘Dimpa’s bail plea gone; campaign on’, The Tribune, 7 March http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070307/punjab1.htm – Accessed 7 March 2008 – Attachment 25).

Another article in The Tribune from August 2007 commented on “Widespread violence, alleged rigging, booth-capturing and firing” during the municipal elections Amritsar: Widespread violence, alleged rigging, booth-capturing and firing today marred the civic body elections even as supporters of SAD and Congress fought pitched battles in various parts of the Holy City that left more than three dozen persons injured, including mayor Sunil Dutti.

Violence despite the presence of a heavy posse of policemen, which is reminiscent of the Bihar poll scene, is unprecedented in corporation elections here.

The police picked up Ashwani Pappu, senior Congress leader, when he went to cast his vote in the polling station. The agitating Congress workers then gheraoed C Division where Ashwani Kumar was taken. An old man, Kashmiri Lal who had levelled serious charges against Baxi Ram Arora, former chairman of the Improvement Trust, was thrashed by BJP workers on Lawrence Road. The ruling party leaders did not spare even crew of electronic media.

The local administration had allegedly failed to stop armed outsiders from entering the city.

Panic gripped ward number 5 when some workers of the ruling party opened fire. In the melee that ensued, somebody carried away the electronic voting machine (EVM) from polling booth no 4, in Gumtala village where polling was subsequently postponed.

The clashes between Congress and Akali workers in this ward left over a dozen persons injured. Workers of both parties also pelted stones on each other and polling staff and voters had to take shelter in the rooms. The clashes resulted in the suspension of polling at booth numbers 4 , 5 and 6 for more than an hour. Agitated voters later burnt the furniture of the polling station. Senior Akali leader Manjit Singh Manna and SHO Sadar also exchanged hot words (Walia, V. & Mohan, V. 2007, ‘Violence mars MC elections: Mayor among 36 hurt in Amritsar violence’, The Tribune, 8 August http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070809/punjab1.htm#1 – Accessed 7 March 2008 – Attachment 26; see also’Poll violence: 7 cases registered’ 2007, The Tribune, 8 August http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070809/punjab1.htm#5 – Accessed 7 March 2008 – Attachment 27).

Sources also indicate that the potential for political conflict is not confined to election periods. The Tribune reported of one potential clash between Congress and SAD-BJP workers in Amritsar in October 2007 that was averted:

The Congress was marginalised here today even as the BJP scored a point by organising Dussehra celebrations at the main venue at the Chheharta grain market, courtesy the district administration. Tempers ran high and a possible clash between workers of the two parties was averted.

To register their protest, Congress workers burnt the effigy of Ravana on the main Amritsar- Attari road after they were not allowed by the BJP workers to carry the effigies of the three demons inside the venue. Portions of one of the effigies were also damaged when the Congress workers tried to smuggle it into the venue from the second entrance but were pushed back.

A Congress leader alleged that the district administration had assured them that both parties would jointly organise the show. However, the said change of stance of the district administration at the eleventh hour infuriated the Congress, which boycotted the function, alleging that it had been hijacked by the ruling SAD-BJP alliance. Timely intervention by Congress MLA O.P. Soni pacified the crowd of Congress supporters, some of whom appeared ready to barge into the Dussehra ground with sticks and rods. Soni said even though the district administration had promised us that it would be a joint celebration with five leaders of both parties on the stage, the Congress was not allowed to participate. The BJP leadership tried to spoil the peace of the area but the Congress still showed maturity by burning the effigies on the road itself. Families from the area boycotted the show, he added (Mohan, V. 2007, ‘Evil burnt, govt-Cong bitterness remains: Clash averted over Dussehra celebrations’, 22 October http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20071022/punjab1.htm – Accessed 5 March 2008 – Attachment 12).

Other significant events in 2007 include conflict between the spiritual organisation Sacha Sauda and the Sikh community, as reported by the South Asia Terrorism Portal:

A constant campaign was re-orchestrated by the radicals against the – a group regarded as ‘heretic’ by orthodox Sikhs – and its head, Baba Gurmit Ram Rahim Singh, accused of ‘blasphemy’ and of ‘hurting Sikh sentiments’. The Dera had published advertisements with Ram Rahim Singh dressed as the Tenth Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh. The controversy had dovetailed into party political conflicts, since the Dera had supported the Congress Party in the Legislative Assembly Elections in February 2007, helping the Congress secure 37 of 65 seats in the Malwa belt, where the Dera boasted hundreds of thousands of followers. The Congress Party was, nonetheless, defeated in the Assembly Elections, but the victorious Shiromani Akali Dal, a party that secured its mandate from its claim to represent Sikh interests, was left with an issue to pick with the Dera. Further, intelligence sources did confirm that the troubles had started from the Gurudwara at Talwandi Sabo after “a significant amount of ‘chatter’ between priests there and Pakistani Inter- Services Intelligence handlers as well as Wadhawa Singh, the Babbar Khalsa International ‘chief’, who is being retained in comfort – with a small surviving rump of cadres – at Karachi” (‘Punjab Assessment – Year 2008’ 2008, South Asia Terrorism Portal website http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/punjab/index.html – Accessed 4 March 2008 – Attachment 11; for reports on conflict between the Dera and police see ‘Dera Violence: Day IV’ 2007, The Tribune, 18 May http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070518/punjab1.htm#1 – Accessed 5 March 2008 – Attachment 13; ‘Punjab: All parties meet, situation tense’ 2007, Rediff, 18 May http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/may/18dera2.htm – Accessed 5 March 2008 – Attachment 14).

A BBC News report from 18 May noted:

The group at the centre of the controversy is the Dera Sacha Sauda (DSS), one of many religious sects operating in northern India.

These sects usually take root by offering community services and social welfare as well as spiritual leadership.

Over time, as their followings grow, they often start clamouring for political influence.

… Analysts say the alleged action by the DSS has to be seen in the context of state elections held in Punjab in February.

Many of the Sikh protesters have been armed

The DSS issued a public appeal for people to vote for the Congress party. Most Sikhs in Punjab support the rival Akali Dal party. According to Punjabi journalist, Jagtar Singh, religious sects have traditionally been very subtle about their support for political parties. They have usually issued internal appeals asking their followers to vote for the political party of their choice.

“This is the first time that a public appeal had been made to favour a political party,” Jagtar Singh says.

Sikh leaders, angry at the direct intervention by the DSS in the elections, seized the opportunity to whip up popular sentiments of their community against the DSS.

Observers say the latest conflict threatens to lead to a polarisation of the communities.

“The call for a social, political and religious boycott of the DSS followers by the Sikh clergy, would divide the Dalits and the peasant, Jat [Sikh farmer] community in the state,” says Jagtar Singh (Singh, J. 2007, ‘What is behind Sikh protests?’, BBC News, 18 May http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6670569.stm – Accessed 6 March 2008 – Attachment 15)

Some sources have suggested that the May 2007 clash between Dera Sacha Sauda and the BJP-SAD combine may also be seen as a political clash between supporters of the Congress party on one side and the predominantly Sikh supporters of the BJP-SAD combine on the other. A report from stated:

The clash is arguably about Akali Dal versus Congress. But it also reflects the inability of organised Sikhism as an increasingly “monolithic” religion to adapt to the aspirations and needs of the people in a changing world, says Sukhdev Singh, who teaches in Panjab University and who has tracked the Sacha Sauda phenomenon in for 18 years. “While the world becomes more multi-cultural, Sikhism is narrowing under the SGPC”.

There is a history of tension and conflict between Sikhs and the Deras — for instance, the recurring clash with Baba Ashutosh followers at Noor Mahal and with supporters of Baba Piara Singh Bhaniarawalla near Ropar in 1998.

But the battle may not be wholly either Akali Dal versus Congress or Derawad versus organized Sikhism, warn others. There is a third party to this conflict: the so-called radicals or “fringe elements”, who might seize the initiative.

The ruling party is mindful of this, says Manpreet Badal, finance minister in the Akali government, in Chandigarh. “We have decided that our cadres must lead from the front in the protest march on May 31st, we will not allow the fringe elements to take over again.”

But these “radicals” and “fringe elements” are also a fuzzy and changeable invocation in Punjab today. Akali leaders in Chandigarh use it to underline their own indispensability in the present juncture. In Bathinda, Baljit Singh Dadoowal, who is himself seen as a hardliner, also warns that “anything can happen” by some undefined unorganised others, if “Sikh anger” is not assuaged (Mishra, V. 2007, ‘Behind Dera-Sikh clash, the shadowboxing’, Indian Express, 27 May http://www.indianexpress.com/story/31994.html – Accessed 5 March 2008 – Attachment 20; see also ‘Dera followers back on streets’ 2007, , 28 June – Attachment 21; ‘Peace pact in Punjab after more clashes’ 2007, Hindustan Times, 15 May – Attachment 22).

RRT Research Response IND32740 from January 2008 also explores the relationship between Dera Sacha Sauda and the SAD further (RRT Research & Information 2008, Research Response IND32740, 16 January – Attachment 29). RRT Research Response IND30647 from October 2006 also explored political relations between Congress and Akali Dal in Punjab, and this may be of relevance (RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response IND30647, 9 October – Attachment 16).

Beyond mainstream politics

Beyond mainstream politics, the UK Home Office Country of Origin Information Report on India from 2006 noted that a BBC News report of March 2006 had related that Sikh militancy had been fading in the state, and the “divide between Sikhs and Hindus has been bridged”:

BBC News reported on 16 March 2005 in an article entitled: “The fading of Sikh militancy”, over two decades after the militancy period began in Punjab, the divide between Sikhs and Hindus has been bridged and the antagonism with the Congress party largely disappeared. “The elevation last year of Manmohan Singh as India’s first Sikh prime minister was the culmination in the changing relations. ‘The alienation between the Sikhs and Congress is a distant memory now. The ground realities are very different now,’ according to analyst Mahesh Rangarajan. In the 1999 general elections the Congress led in Punjab over its rivals the Akali Dal. Two years ago, the Congress convincingly won the state elections in Punjab, dislodging the Akali Dal from power. The state continues to have a Congress-led government” (UK Home Office 2006, Country of Origin Information Report: India, April, section 6.148 – Attachment 17).

In spite of this “fading”, as reported in 2005, recent sources suggest that Sikh militancy is still a concern. The South Asia Terrorism Portal’s ‘Punjab Assessment’ for 2008 reported on the revival of militants in Punjab during 2007:

The most significant among the surviving leaders of the Khalistani militant groups and many cadres are currently hosted by the ISI in , and there is a constant effort to revive recruitment and terrorism in Punjab, as well as a continuous vigil for opportunities that may help provoke a favourable extremist mobilisation. In early May 2007, for instance, intelligence agencies revealed that the LeT and the ISI were trying to revive militancy in Punjab through sympathisers of Sikh militant groups like the BKI, the International Sikh Youth Federation (ISYF), Khalistan Zindabad Force (KZF) and (KCF). Information was reportedly sent to the about plans to target towns in the Jalandhar, Ludhiana and Pathankot regions. Instructions had, at this junction, been issued to the authorities to monitor the activities of sympathisers of these groups, who were allegedly sending funds through hawala (illegal money transfers) to “re-launch their separatist movement” (‘Punjab Assessment – Year 2008’ 2008, South Asia Terrorism Portal website http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/punjab/index.html – Accessed 4 March 2008 – Attachment 11).

A report in The Panthic Weekly from 22 August 2007 suggests that Sikh political activities linked to independence movements have also been suppressed in Punjab:

The Sikhs referred to continued repression in Punjab as a raft of Sikh leaders, including Simranjeet Singh Mann, have been recently repeatedly detained, tortured and charged with sedition for simply calling for Sikh independence by exclusively peaceful and democratic means. This sustained repression of legitimate Sikh political activity had made the recent Punjab elections a farce and the Sikhs requested that the UK Government make it clear to India that such repression was an unacceptable breach of human rights and democratic norms. When asked about the current Chief Minister of Punjab and his ability to protect Sikh interests, it was pointed out that both he and his predecessor have previously openly called for an independent Sikh state and the FCO must draw its own conclusions about their subsequent ‘rehabilitation’ within the Indian establishment without achieving a single gain for the Sikhs in the process (Srai, R. 2007, ‘Sikhs Brief UK Foreign Office on Sikh Struggle for Khalistan’, The Panthic Weekly, 22 August http://www.panthic.org/news/124/ARTICLE/3495/2007-08- 22.html – Accessed 6 September 2007 – Attachment 18).

Sources further indicate that the only terrorist attack for 2007 occurred on 14 October, when explosives were detonated in a cinema in Ludhiana; the South Asia Terrorism Portal reported that Sikh militants were believed to be responsible:

There was only one terrorist attack in Punjab during 2007 – Sikh militants did manage to trigger a bomb blast inside a cinema hall in Ludhiana, killing seven persons, including a 10- year old child, and injuring 40 others on October 14, 2007. The victims were identified as migrants from other States, who were watching a Bhojpuri language film at the city’s Shringaar Cinema. Two days after the blast, on October 16, National Security Advisor (NSA) M.K. Narayanan stated that attempts were being made in Pakistan to revive Sikh extremism in Punjab (‘Punjab Assessment – Year 2008’ 2008, South Asia Terrorism Portal website http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/punjab/index.html – Accessed 4 March 2008 – Attachment 11; see also Nanjappa, V. 2007, ‘Smaller towns are the new terror targets: IB’, Rediff, 15 October http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/oct/15punjab4.htm – Accessed 26 November 2007 – Attachment 19).

2. What is the situation for (Sikh) Congress party supporters in Punjab?

No information could be found in the searches conducted on the targeting of Sikh supporters of the Congress (INC) party in Punjab in recent times. Instead, the response to this question addresses the history of Sikh-Congress relations, and then explores recent relations.

History of Sikh-Congress relations

Sources indicate that there has been a long history of tension between Sikhs and the Congress party in India. Sikhs were active in the Indian pro-independence movement during the 1940s, but in the early 1960s tensions developed between Sikhs and the Congress-led government when some in the Sikh community began to demand a separate Sikh state (Singh, P. 1999, ‘An Indian Assessment: Low Intensity Conflicts & High Intensity Crime’, Faultlines, vol. 5 http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/publication/faultlines/volume5/Fault5-10psingh.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 30).

A Global Security report provides a brief history of Sikhs in Punjab:

Following the partition of India in 1947, the Sikhs were concentrated in India in east Punjab. Sikh leaders demanded a Punjabi language majority state which would have included most Sikhs. Fearing that a Punjabi state might lead to a separatist Sikh movement, the Government opposed the demand. [22] In 1966 a compromise was reached, when two new states of Punjab and Haryana were created. Punjabi became the official language of Punjab, and Chandigarh became the shared capital of the two states. However the agreement did not resolve the Sikh question.

In 1977, Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, an obscure but charismatic religious leader, made his appearance. He preached strict fundamentalism and armed struggle for national liberation. His speeches inflamed both young students and small farmers dissatisfied with their economic lot.

Tensions between Sikhs and New heightened during the 1980s, as the government did not respond to Sikh grievances. Over the years that followed, Punjab was faced with escalating confrontations and increased terrorist incidents. Akali Dal only achieved limited concessions from the government and Sikh separatists prepared for battle. In the enclosure 10,000 Sikhs took an oath to lay down their lives if necessary in the struggle. Renewed confrontations in October 1983 resulted in Punjab being placed under central government authority.

The violence continued and hundreds of Sikhs were detained in the first part of 1984. Followers of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale established a terrorist stronghold inside the Golden Temple. The Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, then initiated which took place on 5-6 June 1984. The Golden Temple was shelled and besieged by the army to dislodge the terrorists. The fighting continued for five days. Bhindranwale was killed and there was serious damage to sacred buildings.

Official figures put the casualties at 493 “civilians/ terrorists” killed and 86 wounded, and 83 troops killed and 249 wounded. Later in the year official sources put the total number killed at about 1,000. Unofficial sources estimated that the civilian casualties alone were much higher. There were apparently more than 3,000 people in the temple when Operation Blue Star began, among them 950 pilgrims, 380 priests and other temple employees and their families, 1,700 Akali Dal supporters, 500 followers of Bhindranwale and 150 members of other armed groups.

The intervention had disastrous consequences for the Sikh community and the whole country. Sikh-Hindu communalism was aggravated, Sikh extremism was reinforced, and political assassinations increased.

On 31 October 1984 Indira Gandhi was assassinated in by two Sikh bodyguards. In the days that followed, anti-Sikh rioting paralysed New Delhi, ultimately claiming at least 2,000 lives; unofficial estimates were higher. Sikhs were also attacked in other cities in northern India.

A peace agreement was concluded between the Indian Government and moderate Akali Dal Sikhs led by Harchand Singh Longowal in July 1985, which granted many of the Sikh community’s longstanding demands. However the extremists regarded Longowal as a traitor to the Sikh cause and he was assassinated in August 1985. Moreover the promised reforms did not take place.

In 1987 the state government was dismissed and Punjab was placed under President’s Rule. Extremists spread terror throughout Punjab and the Indian government mounted a campaign of anti-terrorist measures designed to restore the situation in Punjab to normal. In May 1988 the Punjab police and Indian paramilitary forces launched against armed extremists who had again created a fortified stronghold within the Golden Temple. At least 40 extremists and several police officers were killed during the battle.

President’s Rule was finally brought to an end following elections in February 1992, which were won by Congress (I). However the elections were boycotted by the leading factions of Akali Dal and attracted an extremely low turnout (only about 22% of the electorate). of the Congress (I) was sworn in as Chief Minister, but his government lacked any real credibility. Despite the continuing violence between the separatists and the security forces, the large turnout in the municipal elections in September 1992, the first in 13 years, afforded some hope that normality was returning to Punjab. The local council elections in January 1993, the first for 10 years, also attracted a large turnout (‘Sikhs in Punjab’ (undated), Global Security http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/punjab.htm – Accessed 11 March 2008 – Attachment 31; for another brief history see Singh, P. 1999, ‘An Indian Assessment: Low Intensity Conflicts & High Intensity Crime’, vol. 5 http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/publication/faultlines/volume5/Fault5-10psingh.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 30).

Operation Blue Star in June 1984, as explained above, caused a rift between many Sikhs and the Congress party. Thousands of Sikh soldiers in the army protested against the government, resulting in a number of desertions. Meanwhile Sikh members of Congress left the party in protest. According to a 2002 Frontline report, Amarinder Singh, a Sikh MLA (Member of the Legislative Assembly) from Punjab, “left the Congress(I), embittered by Operation Bluestar and its legacy” (Swami, P. 2002, ‘A BJP wipe-out’, Frontline, vol. 19, no. 5, 2 March http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/fline/fl1905/19050180.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 32; for reports on the desertion of Sikh soldiers see ‘General Promises to Punish Sikh Mutineers’ 1984, The New York Times, 2 July – Attachment 33).

The subsequent assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards resulted in widespread anti-Sikh violence in India, further heightening the tensions between the Congress party and Sikhs. A Faultline report from 1999 commented on the aftermath of Indira Gandhi’s assassination:

Her assassination, in turn, led to anti-Sikh riots at different places in which more than 3,000 Sikhs were killed, adding to the anguish the Sikhs. The fact that the perpetrators of the crime belonged to the ruling Congress and were not brought to book, caused profound resentment and anger among the Sikh community and, in course of time, led to violence on a scale, and accompanied by a brutality, perhaps not seen elsewhere till then (Singh, P. 1999, ‘An Indian Assessment: Low Intensity Conflicts & High Intensity Crime’, vol. 5 http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/publication/faultlines/volume5/Fault5-10psingh.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 30; for an additional report on the assassination of Indira Gandhi and the aftermath of this see Pace, E. 1984, ‘Assassination In India: Sikhs At The Center Of The Drama; Sikh Separation Dates Back To ‘47’, The New York Times, 1 November – Attachment 34; for more on Sikh separatism see (Telford, H. 1992, ‘The Political Economy of Punjab: Creating Space for Sikh Militancy’, Asian Survey, vol. 32, no. 11, November, pp. 969–987 – Attachment 35).

Several inquiries into the riots have been conducted since 1984, but sources indicate that these have failed to bring those responsible to justice. A book review published in The Tribune reported:

Phoolka and co-author Manoj Mitta have based the details of the book mainly on evidence produced before the nine panels and trial courts and high courts in the form of sworn affidavits by hundreds of witnesses, mainly from the victims family who clearly identified the perpetrators, yet neither these committees and commissions, nor the courts were able to nail down them.

The main reasons cited for this was callous and uncooperative role of both civil and police officials, including those who were at the helm of affairs at relevant time and latter when the inquiries were on.

…Based on eyewitness accounts as recorded in voluminous affidavits placed before these panels, the book said instead of aggressors the police cracked down on the Sikh victims, who had been exercising the right of self defence when their homes and properties were attacked by hundreds of hooligans, led by local Congress leaders (Negi, S. S. 2007, ‘84 Anti-Sikh Riot Probes: Book presents gloomy picture of justice denied’, The Tribune, 31 October http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20071031/nation.htm#8 – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 36). Sources suggest that the alleged participation of Congress members in fueling the riots may also have contributed towards the longevity of poor relations between Sikhs and the Congress party. The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies noted in a 2004 report:

The pattern of these riots showed that they were organized and planned against a particular community and the many senior Congress leaders were alleged to have participated in the anti-Sikh riots. The main accused in these riots were H.K.L.Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar and Jagdish Tytler. All these senior Congress leaders were exonerated till the CBI on July 11, 2003 filed an appeal against a lower court which acquitted Sajjan Kumar (Rajeshwari, B. 2004, ‘Communal Riots in India: A Chronology (1947-2003)’, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, March, p. 13 http://www.ipcs.org/IRP03.pdf – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 37; for other reports on the participation of Congress members see ‘CBI to reinvestigate Anti-Sikh riots case’ 2007, Newstrack India, 18 December http://www.newstrackindia.com/newsdetails/1823 – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 38).

Recent Relations

Sources suggest that tensions between Sikhs and the Congress party may have died down in recent years, and there are a number of prominent Sikh members of the Congress party in Punjab and India in general. BBC News reported in 2005:

But now, over two decades after it all began, the divide between Sikhs, who make up 3% of India’s population, and Hindus has been bridged and the antagonism with the Congress party largely disappeared (Biswas, S. 2005, ‘The fading of Sikh militancy’, BBC News, 16 March http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3733271.stm – Accessed 10 March 2008 – Attachment 28).

In an interview with Rediff, Amarinder Singh (mentioned above), now once again a member of the Congress party after rejoining in 1997 (the party he belonged to, Shiromani Akali Dal (Panthic), merged with the Congress party), gave his explanation for recent Sikh support for the Congress party in Punjab:

What are the Congress party’s chances in Punjab? According to some news reports you have been predicting a clean sweep for your party. Is that true?

Of course the Congress party is going to sweep polls in Punjab. Haven’t you seen the big rallies that we have been holding in the state? Five years ago such rallies were unthinkable. Sikhs from Punjab are coming and attending our election meetings in big numbers.

Do you mean they have forgotten anti-Sikh riots of 1984?

Nobody talks about the 1984 riots anymore. It is part of history. You cannot carry on ’84 forever. The people of Punjab now want to move on. We cannot live in the past forever. This is evident from the support we are getting from the masses (‘The 1984 anti-Sikh riot is part of history now’ 1999, Rediff, 4 September http://www.rediff.com/election/1999/sep/04amar.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 39).

Beyond Amarinder Singh, there are a number of other prominent Sikh members of the Congress party. These include the current Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, who is also a Sikh from the Punjab. In a Rediff report from 1999, Manmohan Singh commented on Congress’s relations with Sikh’s since 1984: Addressing reporters at the Press Club of India, Dr Singh said the 1984 riots were “a black spot and the saddest event”. But the Congress as an organisation had no role in it, he claimed. “It should not have happened.”

He pointed out that in 1984 he was awarded the Padma Vibhushan by the President of India. Had there been any institutionalised anti-Sikh bias in the Congress, which was then the ruling party, he would not have got the coveted award, he argued.

The first information reports lodged at different police stations in Delhi prove that several RSS men were involved in the riots, Dr Singh said.

He dismissed as “BJP propaganda” reports that Sikh voters had asked him during campaigning how they could vote for a party that had “blood on its hands”.

He said the BJP had no right to dictate from where he could contest. “How can they prevent me from contesting an election just because I am a Sikh?” he challenged (‘Manmohan blames RSS for anti-Sikh riots’ 1999, Rediff, 2 September http://www.rediff.com/election/1999/sep/02man.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 40).

Although tensions appear to be calmer than in the past, a BBC Religion & Ethics report on the history of Sikhism from 2003 suggested that there is still “cause for alarm”:

The 300th anniversary of the Sikh Khalsa in 1999 changed the Sikh community. It was covered positively and approvingly in the Indian (and world) press, which did much to restore Sikh confidence that they were appreciated for their true worth.

The Punjab is presently peaceful, although in the last two or three years the rise of Hindu nationalism, and renewed claims that Sikhism is nothing more than a Hindu sect, have given Sikhs cause for alarm (‘Origins of Sikhism’ 2003, BBC Religion & Ethics, 29 August http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/sikhism/history/history_print.html – Accessed 12 March 2008 – Attachment 41).

In 2007, BBC News reported that “Most Sikhs in Punjab support the rival Akali Dal party” (Singh, J. 2007, ‘What is behind Sikh protests?’, BBC News, 18 May http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6670569.stm – Accessed 6 March 2008 – Attachment 15). However, this did not stop Congress gaining power in the 2002 elections in Punjab (UK Home Office 2008, Country of Origin Information Report: India, 31 January, p. 157 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs08/india-310108.doc – Accessed 1 February 2008 – Attachment 7).

Several other RRT Research Responses have also explored relations between Sikhs, Akali Dal, and Congress, and the most relevant of these are listed below:

- RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response IND30647, 9 October – Attachment 16 (relations between Akali Dal and Congress in Punjab) - RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response IND30740, 5 October – Attachment 42 (situation of Sikhs in Punjab) - RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response IND30435, 17 August – Attachment 43 (historical background to Sikh conflict in Punjab) - RRT Country Research 2005, Research Response IND17527, 26 September – Attachment 44 (relations between Akali Dal and Congress in Punjab) - RRT Country Research 2004, Research Response IND16659, 3 May – Attachment 45 (historical background to relations between Sikhs and Congress in Punjab) - RRT Country Research 2003, Research Response IND16042, 13 October – Attachment 46 (situation of Sikhs in Punjab) - RRT Country Research 2003, Research Response IND16062, 25 July – Attachment 47 (relations between Akali Dal and Congress in Punjab, relations between Akali Dal and Hindus in Punjab) - RRT Country Research 2003, Research Response IND15714, 29 January – Attachment 48 (relations between Akali Dal and Congress in Punjab, relations between Akali Dal and Hindus in Punjab)

3. Are there Sikh communities outside Punjab and are there difficulties in Sikhs living in other states?

A recent UK Home Office Country of Origin Information Report on India addressed the issue of Sikh communities outside Punjab, and of internal relocation for Sikhs:

Internal Relocation for Sikhs

19.95 As noted in an Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) of Canada Response to Information Request, dated 18 January 2006, the Indian Constitution allows for freedom of movement of citizens. A human right activist stated that “theoretically, Sikhs can, like others, move and relocate themselves in any part of India that does not come under excluded or restricted zones like some parts in the northeast of India.” [4c]

19.96 After consulting various sources, the same source recorded that:

“Although the majority of Sikhs in India reside in Punjab state…there are many Sikh communities in India located outside of Punjab state… In correspondence to the Research Directorate, a specialist in Indian affairs reported that Sikhs are located in every state in India, and in 579 districts out of a total of 593 districts (23 Nov. 2005). After Punjab state, the next greatest numbers of Sikhs reside in northern Haryana state (1,170,662 persons), northern Rajasthan state (818,420 persons), north central Uttar Pradesh state (678,059 persons), northern Delhi union territory (555,602 persons), northern Jammu and Kashmir state (207,154), central Maharashtra state (215,837 persons), north central Uttaranchal state (212, 025 persons) and central Madhya Pradesh state (150,772 persons). Statistics on the Sikh population in India received by the Research Directorate from the World Sikh Organization (WSO), which are drawn from the results of the 2001 Indian census, corroborate the information that most Sikhs live in the states cited above by the specialist in Indian affairs, though the numbers of Sikhs reported by WSO are slightly lower in each state, except for Jammu and Kashmir state, in which the number of Sikhs is considerably higher at 500,000 people… Minorities at Risk, a University of Maryland research project that monitors and analyzes ethnic conflict worldwide, also indicates the presence of Sikhs in the capital Delhi, as do news articles…A professor of Asian studies, with extensive experience in India, commented in a telephone interview with the Research Directorate that Sikh communities are ‘doing quite well’ in various states in India and that they consider these places their home (14 Nov. 2005).” [4c] 19.97 The IRB response continued “Citizens are not required to register their faith in India. Several oral sources consulted for this response commented that Sikhs are able to practise their religion without restriction in every state of India. The central Indian government recognizes Sikhs as one of five religious minority groups and, as such, Sikhs are provided access to ‘various Constitutional guarantees’ for the protection of the rights of religious minorities.” Sikhs hold prominent positions in India, Manmohan Singh is India’s first non-Hindu Prime Minister. (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 18 January 2006) [4c]

19.98 There were no checks on a newcomer to any part of India arriving from another part of India, even if the person is a Punjabi Sikh. Local police forces have neither the resources nor the language abilities to perform background checks on people arriving from other parts of India. There is no system of registration of citizens, and often people have no identity cards, which in any event can be easily forged. “Sikhs relocating from Punjab state to other parts of India do not have to register with the police in their area of relocation, unless they are on parole…” (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 18 January 2006) [4c]

19.99 The Danish Immigration Service fact-finding mission to Punjab, dated March to April 2000, noted “The Director of the South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre believed that a high-profile person would not be able to move elsewhere in India without being traced, but that this would be possible for low-profile people.” Sources from foreign diplomatic missions in India considered that there was no reason to believe that someone who has or has had problems in Punjab would not be able to reside elsewhere in India. Reference was made to the fact that the authorities in Delhi are not informed about those wanted in Punjab. [37] (p53)

19.100 The US Citizenship and Immigration Services, in a response to a query (updated on 22 September 2003), noted that:

“Observers generally agree that Punjab police will try to catch a wanted suspect no matter where he has relocated in India. Several say, however, that the list of wanted militants has been winnowed [whittled] down to ‘high-profile’ individuals. By contrast, other Punjab experts have said in recent years that any Sikh who has been implicated in political militancy would be at risk anywhere in India. Beyond this dispute over who is actually at risk, there is little doubt that Punjab police will pursue a wanted suspect. ‘Punjab police and other police and intelligence agencies in India do pursue those militants, wherever they are located, who figure in their lists of those who were engaged in separatist political activities and belonged to armed opposition groups in the past,’ a prominent Indian human rights lawyer said in an e-mail message to the Resource Information Center (RIC) (Indian human rights lawyer 4 May 2003).” [86] (p1)

19.101 The Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) of Canada indicated in a response paper dated 18 January 2006 that “A professor of Asian studies, commented that in pursuing a wanted individual, it is unlikely that the central Indian authorities will attempt to locate the person in another state, and this is the case with Sikhs…such pursuits have more to do with the profile of the individual than with the faith the individual subscribes to.” A human rights activist consulted said he was not aware of any police sweeps or searches of Sikhs in India on the basis of their religion. [4c]

19.102 The same source indicated that Punjabi, which is the Sikh language, closely resembles Hindi and is also spoken by Hindus and Muslims living in Punjab state. Opinion differs as to whether Sikhs would be understood in all other states as they would understand Hindi, Urdu or English; however others argue that Sikhs would only be understood in certain areas and if the individual only spoke Punjabi then they would only be understood in northern and eastern parts of India, so would have to learn the local language. [4c]

19.103 Sikhs would have unlimited access to housing in localities outside Punjab state to whatever extent they could afford it, as the main factor limiting access to housing is financial rather than religion, according to two sources consulted by the Canadian IRB in their response dated 18 January 2006. The report continues to state that Muslims experience the greatest discrimination in housing, not Sikhs, and although there may be isolated instances of discrimination against Sikhs in terms of housing, it is by no means a common occurrence. Citizens may buy agricultural land only in their state of residence except for Punjab state, where agricultural land may be purchased by Indian citizens living in any Indian state. It was thought by one source that the application of this law was mainly used against Sikhs and other religious minorities. (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 18 January 2006) [4c]

19.104 Upon relocation Sikhs would have indiscriminate access to employment dependent on their skill level. There may be isolated instances where an individual feels discriminated against because of a tendency by some firms to employ locally born and educated people. Sikhs would also have indiscriminate access to health care in states outside of Punjab although access depends largely on their financial situation and their proximity to an urban location. It was also agreed by two sources that Sikhs would have access to education outside of Punjab and again poverty is the main obstacle to education and proximity to an urban area affects the availability of education. (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 18 January 2006) [4c] (UK Home Office 2008, Country of Origin Information Report: India, 31 January, pp. 83-89 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs08/india-310108.doc – Accessed 1 February 2008 – Attachment 23).

An Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada report from 2006, quoted in the above UK Home Office report, also comments on Sikh communities, and on the ability of Sikhs to relocate in India, and this has been attached (Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2006, IND100771.EX – India: Ability of Sikhs to relocate within India; issues to be considered when relocating; safety concerns; treatment by authorities (March 2005 – December 2005), 18 January http://www.irb- cisr.gc.ca/en/research/publications/index_e.htm?docid=296&cid=0 – Accessed 4 October 2006 – Attachment 24).

DFAT advice from 2003 also comments on relocation within India:

Indian citizens have the freedom to relocate from one area of India to another, with two exceptions: in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, Indian citizens from other states are not allowed to buy property, but can stay in any part of the state without seeking official permission. Indian citizens who are not residents of the particular area are required to obtain a permit to visit some border areas of Jammu and Kashmir, and border areas in the north- eastern states of India. The permits are valid for six months. Indian citizens who have been arrested and released on bail are required to report regularly to local police authorities. In these instances judicial permission is required to relocate to another part of the country (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2003, DFAT Report 254 – India RRT Information Request IND16042, 13 October – Attachment 49).

A previous RRT Research Response has also addressed the issue of relocating Sikhs in India (RRT Country Research 2004, Research Response IND16553, 17 March – Attachment 50). List of Sources Consulted

Internet Sources: Google http://www.google.com.au/ All the web http://www.alltheweb.com/ Altavista http://www.altavista.com/ Ask http://www.ask.com/?ax=5 Exalead http://www.exalead.com/search Yahoo! http://search.yahoo.com/

Government Information & Reports Immigration & Refugee Board of Canada http://www.irb.gc.ca/ UK Home Office http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk US Department of State http://www.state.gov/ Non-Government Organisations Amnesty International website http://www.amnesty.org/ Human Rights Watch http://www.hrw.org/ International News & Politics BBC News http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/index.shtml

Databases: BACIS (DIMA Country Information database) REFINFO (IRBDC (Canada) Country Information database) ISYS (RRT Country Research database, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, US Department of State Reports) RRT Library Catalogue

List of Attachments

1. ‘Government – Overview’ (undated), Government of Punjab website http://punjabgovt.nic.in/GOVERNMENT/GOVERNMENT1.HTM – Accessed 4 March 2008.

2. Luce, E. 2002, ‘Asia-Pacific – Regional polls in India set to weaken grip of BJP’, Financial Times, 15 February.

3. Election Commission of India 2002, Statistical Report on General Election, 2002, to the Legislative Assembly of Punjab, Election Commission of India website http://www.eci.gov.in/archive/se2002/Stat_rep_2002_PB.pdf – Accessed 29 May 2003.

4. ‘Congress gets a simple majority in Punjab’ 2002, Rediff, 24 February http://www.rediff.com/election/2002/feb/24_pun_agen_rep_20.htm – Accessed 5 August 2004.

5. ‘Badal sworn in as Punjab CM’ 2007, Rediff, http://in.rediff.com/news/2007/mar/02punpoll.htm – Accessed 9 July 2007.

6. Anand, A. K. 2007, ‘Badal prepares for fourth term as CM’, Rediff, 28 February http://in.rediff.com/news/2007/feb/28punpoll6.htm – Accessed 9 July 2007. 7. UK Home Office 2008, ‘Country of Origin Information Report: India’, UK Home Office website, 31 January http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs08/india- 310108.doc – Accessed 1 February 2008.

8. ‘Opposition demands fresh MC poll in Punjab’ 2007, Zee News, 10 August http://www.zeenews.com/znnew/articles.asp?aid=388081&sid=REG&sname=&news =Opposition%20demands%20fresh%20MC%20poll%20in%20Punjab – Accessed 6 September 2007.

9. ‘MC elections record heavy polling’ 2003, The Tribune, 2 March http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030303/punjab1.htm – Accessed 5 March 2008.

10. RRT Country Research 2006, The Republic & States of India at a Glance, August.

11. ‘Punjab Assessment – Year 2008’ 2008, South Asia Terrorism Portal website http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/india/states/punjab/index.html – Accessed 4 March 2008.

12. Mohan, V. 2007, ‘Evil burnt, govt-Cong bitterness remains: Clash averted over Dussehra celebrations’, 22 October http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20071022/punjab1.htm – Accessed 5 March 2008.

13. ‘Dera Violence: Day IV’ 2007, The Tribune, 18 May http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070518/punjab1.htm#1 – Accessed 5 March 2008.

14. ‘Punjab: All parties meet, situation tense’ 2007, Rediff, 18 May http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/may/18dera2.htm – Accessed 5 March 2008.

15. Singh, J. 2007, ‘What is behind Sikh protests?’, BBC News, 18 May http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6670569.stm – Accessed 6 March 2008.

16. RRT Research & Information 2006, Research Response IND30647, 9 October.

17. UK Home Office 2006, Country of Origin Information Report: India, April.

18. Srai, R. 2007, ‘Sikhs Brief UK Foreign Office on Sikh Struggle for Khalistan’, The Panthic Weekly, 22 August http://www.panthic.org/news/124/ARTICLE/3495/2007- 08-22.html – Accessed 6 September 2007.

19. Nanjappa, V. 2007, ‘Smaller towns are the new terror targets: IB’, Rediff, 15 October http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/oct/15punjab4.htm – Accessed 26 November 2007.

20. Mishra, V. 2007, ‘Behind Dera-Sikh clash, the shadowboxing’, Indian Express, 27 May http://www.indianexpress.com/story/31994.html – Accessed 5 March 2008.

21. ‘Dera followers back on streets’ 2007, Hindustan Times, 28 June.

22. ‘Peace pact in Punjab after more clashes’ 2007, Hindustan Times, 15 May.

23. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2006, IND100771.EX India: Ability of Sikhs to relocate within India; issues to be considered when relocating; safety concerns; treatment by authorities (March 2005 – December 2005), 18 January http://www.irb-cisr.gc.ca/en/research/publications/index_e.htm?docid=296&cid=0 – Accessed 4 October 2006.

24. RRT Research and Information 2004, Relocation in India, September.

25. Walia, V. & Bumbroo, S. 2007, ‘Dimpa’s bail plea gone; campaign on’, The Tribune, 7 March http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070307/punjab1.htm – Accessed 7 March 2008.

26. Walia, V. & Mohan, V. 2007, ‘Violence mars MC elections: Mayor among 36 hurt in Amritsar violence’, The Tribune, 8 August http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070809/punjab1.htm#1 – Accessed 7 March 2008.

27. ‘Poll violence: 7 cases registered’ 2007, The Tribune, 8 August http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20070809/punjab1.htm#5 – Accessed 7 March 2008.

28. Biswas, S. 2005, ‘The fading of Sikh militancy’, BBC News, 16 March http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/3733271.stm – Accessed 10 March 2008.

29. RRT Research & Information 2008, Research Response IND32740, 16 January.

30. Singh, P. 1999, ‘An Indian Assessment: Low Intensity Conflicts & High Intensity Crime’, Faultlines, vol. 5 http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/publication/faultlines/volume5/Fault5-10psingh.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008.

31. ‘Sikhs in Punjab’ (undated), Global Security http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/punjab.htm – Accessed 11 March 2008.

32. Swami, P. 2002, ‘A BJP wipe-out’, Frontline, vol. 19, no. 5, 2 March http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/fline/fl1905/19050180.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008.

33. ‘General Promises to Punish Sikh Mutineers’ 1984, The New York Times, 2 July.

34. Pace, E. 1984, ‘Assassination In India: Sikhs At The Center Of The Drama; Sikh Separation Dates Back To ‘47’, The New York Times, 1 November.

35. Telford, H. 1992, ‘The Political Economy of Punjab: Creating Space for Sikh Militancy’, Asian Survey, vol. 32, no. 11, November, pp. 969–987.

36. Negi, S. S. 2007, ‘84 Anti-Sikh Riot Probes: Book presents gloomy picture of justice denied’, The Tribune, 31 October http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20071031/nation.htm#8 – Accessed 12 March 2008. 37. Rajeshwari, B. 2004, ‘Communal Riots in India: A Chronology (1947-2003)’, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, March, p. 13 http://www.ipcs.org/IRP03.pdf – Accessed 12 March 2008.

38. ‘CBI to reinvestigate Anti-Sikh riots case’ 2007, Newstrack India, 18 December http://www.newstrackindia.com/newsdetails/1823 – Accessed 12 March 2008.

39. ‘The 1984 anti-Sikh riot is part of history now’ 1999, Rediff, 4 September http://www.rediff.com/election/1999/sep/04amar.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008.

40. ‘Manmohan blames RSS for anti-Sikh riots’ 1999, Rediff, 2 September http://www.rediff.com/election/1999/sep/02man.htm – Accessed 12 March 2008.

41. ‘Origins of Sikhism’ 2003, BBC Religion & Ethics, 29 August http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/sikhism/history/history_print.html – Accessed 12 March 2008.

42. RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response IND30740, 5 October.

43. RRT Country Research 2006, Research Response IND30435, 17 August.

44. RRT Country Research 2005, Research Response IND17527, 26 September.

45. RRT Country Research 2004, Research Response IND16659, 3 May.

46. RRT Country Research 2003, Research Response IND16042, 13 October.

47. RRT Country Research 2003, Research Response IND16062, 25 July.

48. RRT Country Research 2003, Research Response IND15714, 29 January.

49. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2003, DFAT Report 254 – India RRT Information Request IND16042, 13 October.

50. RRT Country Research 2004, Research Response IND16553, 17 March.