Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified] 1

Manifesto of the Left Wing Section of the of America. As modified by Local Cuyahoga County, Socialist Party.

As published in The Ohio Socialist [Cleveland], February 26, 1919, pg. 2. Document was checked back to the original version, published as a pamphlet in 1919 (see Comintern Archive f. 515, op. 1, d. 4, l. 33-40) and reprinted in The Class Struggle [Brooklyn], May 1919, pp. 209-216. Italicized segments represent addenda to the New York version that were published in the Ohio version; bracketed and struck through sections represent deletions from the New York version missing from the Ohio version.

INTRODUCTION MANIFESTO

The members of the Socialist Party of America Prior to August 1914 the nations of the world are entitled to an explanation for the issuance of this lived on a volcano. Violent eruptions from time to time pamphlet by the Left Wing [Section] Group. gave warning of the cataclysm to come, but the diplo- First of all, be it understood, we are not a secession- mats and statesmen managed to localize the outbreaks, ist movement, nor do we contemplate splitting the party. and the masses, slightly aroused, sank back into their We are a very active and growing section of the Social- accustomed lethargy with doubts and misgivings, and ist Party which is attempting to reach the rank and file the subterranean fires continued to smoulder. Surely, with our urgent message over the heads of the powers the people reasoned, no one would be so mad as to precipi- that be, who, through inertia or a lack of vision, can- tate a world war! not see the necessity for a critical analysis of the party’s Besides, they [Many] trusted blindly—some in policies and tactics. their statesmen, some in the cohesive power of Chris- The daily [official Socialist Party] press is [in the tianity, their common religion, and some in the grow- main] closed to us; therefore we cannot adequately ing strength of the international socialist movement. present our side of the case. Had not the German Social Democracy exchanged In the various discussions that arise wherever dramatic telegrams with the French Socialist Party, each party members or delegates assemble, both sides grow pledging itself not to fight in case their governments too heated for calm, dispassionate judgment. declared war on each other! A general strike of workers Therefore we have decided to issue our Mani- led by these determined Socialists would quickly bring festo and Program in pamphlet form, so that the rank the governments to their senses! and file may read and judge our case on its merits. So the workers reasoned, until the thunder clap Comrades — and this is addressed exclusively to of Sarajevo and ’s ultimatum to Serbia. Then, members of the party — the situation is such that a suddenly, the storm broke. Mobilization everywhere. careful study of our position is absolutely imperative. [Everywhere] Declarations of war. In three or four days We come to you, the court of last resort, for judg- Europe was in arms. ment. The present structure of society — Capitalism — with its pretensions to democracy on the one hand, and its commercial rivalries, armament rings, and

1 2 Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified]

standing armies on the other, all based on the exploi- THE DEVELOPMENT OF tation of the working class and the division of the loot, MODERATE “” was cast into the furnace of the war. Two things only could issue from the flames: either international capi- In the latter part of the nineteenth century, the talist control, through a League of Nations, or Social Social Democrats of Europe set out to “legislate Capi- Revolution and the Dictatorship of the . talism out of office.” The class struggle was to be won Both of these forms are today contending for world in the capitalist legislatures. Step by step concessions power. were to be wrested from the state; the working class The Social Democracies of Europe, unable [or and the socialist parties were to be strengthened by unwilling] to meet the crisis, were themselves hurled means of “constructive” reform and social legislation; into the conflagration, to be tempered and consumed each concession would act as a rung in the ladder of by it. Social Revolution, upon which the workers could climb step by step, until finally, some bright, sunny morn- THE COLLAPSE OF ing, the peoples would awake to find the Cooperative THE Commonwealth functioning without disorder, con- fusion, or hitch on the ruins of the capitalist state. At first the question which agitated Socialists’ minds But what happened? When a few legislative seats all over the world was: Why have they failed? All sorts of had been captured, the thunderous denunciations of extenuating circumstances were pleaded in their behalf the Socialist legislators suddenly ceased. No more were — “defensive war,” and “a low type of civilization men- the parliaments used as platforms from which the chal- aces a higher type,” and “Socialism must fight on the side lenge of militant [revolutionary] socialism was flung of democracy,” and “Socialism is not free from the virus of to all corners of Europe. Another era had set in, the nationalism.” All these excuses equally begged the ques- era of “constructive” [reforms” and cabinet portfolios tion. — the “cooperation of classes,” the policy of openly We know that great mass demonstrations were or tacitly declaring that the coming of socialism was a held in every European country by Socialists protest- concern “of all the classes,” instead of emphasizing the ing against their governments’ declarations of war and Marxian policy that the construction of the Socialist mobilizations for war. And we know, too, that these system is the task of the revolutionary proletariat alone. demonstrations were suddenly rendered impotent by “Moderate Socialism” accepted the bourgeois state as the complete surrender of the Socialist parliamentary the leaders,] social reform legislation. All powers to shape leaders and the official socialist press [, with their the policies and tactics of the Socialist parties were en- “justifications” of “defensive wars” and the safeguard- trusted to the parliamentary leaders. And these lost sight ing of “democracy”]. of Socialism’s original purpose; their goal became two- Why the sudden change of front? Why did the fold — “constructive reforms” and Cabinet portfo- socialist leaders in the parliaments of the future bellig- lios, of the means to an end they made an end in itself. erents vote the war credits? [Why did not Moderate Moderate Socialism, in the hands of these parliamentary Socialism carry out the policy of the Basle Manifesto, leaders, was now ready to share responsibility with the namely: the converting of an imperialist war into a bourgeoisie in the control of the capitalist state, even civil war — into a proletarian revolution? Why did it to the extent of defending the bourgeoisie against either openly favor the war or adopt a policy of petty- the working class — as for instance during the first bourgeois pacifism?] Why did the official socialist press Briand Ministry in , when the official party press in , France, Italy, Belgium, etc., suddenly re- was opened to a defense of the shooting of striking verse its position and call for resistance to the invader? In railway workers at the order of the Socialist-Bourgeois short, why did the dominant Socialists support their gov- Coalition Cabinet. ernments? We shall attempt to answer these questions. Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified] 3

“SAUSAGE SOCIALISM” of the corrupt, bureaucratic Tsarist regime opened the floodgates of revolution. Centuries of oppression had This situation was brought about by mixing [the paved the way. democratic cant of the eighteenth century with Three main contending parties attempted to ride scientific Socialism] pure scientific Socialism with bour- into power on the revolutionary tide: the Cadets, the geois reforms and the democratic cant of the eighteenth “moderate socialists” (Mensheviki and Social Revolu- century. The result was what called tionaries) and the revolutionary socialist[s — the] Bol- “Sausage Socialism.” The Socialist parliamentarians for- sheviki. The Cadets were first to be swept into power; got that a chain is no stronger than the weakest link. They but they tried to stem the still-rising flood with a few [The “Moderates”] emphasized petty-bourgeois social abstract political ideals and were carried away. The reformism in order to attract tradesmen, shopkeepers, soldiers, workers, and peasants could no longer be and members of the professions, and, of course, the fooled by phrases. The Mensheviki and Social Revo- latter flocked to the Socialist movement in great num- lutionaries succeeded the Cadets. And now came the bers, seeking relief from the constant grinding between crucial test: would they, in accord with Marxian teach- corporate capital and awakening labor. ings, make themselves the ruling class and sweep away The Socialist organizations actively competed for the old conditions of production, and thus prepare votes, on the basis of social reforms, with the bour- the way for the Cooperative Commonwealth? Or geois- liberal political parties. And so they catered to would they tinker with the old machinery and try to the ignorance and prejudices of the workers, trading foist it on the masses as something just as good? promises of immediate reforms for votes. They did the latter, and proved for all time that Dominant “moderate Socialism” forgot the “moderate Socialism” can not be trusted. teachings of the founders of scientific Socialism, for- The Socialists began to understand why dominant got its function as a proletarian movement — “the “moderate Socialism” had broken down. “Moderate So- most resolute and advanced section of the working cialism” was not prepared to seize the power for the class parties” —and permitted the bourgeois and self- workers during a revolution. “Moderate Socialism” had seeking trade-union element to shape its policies and a rigid formula — “‘constructive’ social-reform legis- tactics. lation within the capitalist state” — and to that for- This was the condition in which the Social De- mula it clung. It believed that bourgeois democracy mocracies of Europe found themselves at the outbreak could be used as a means of constructing the socialist of war in 1914. Demoralized and confused by the cross- [system] order; therefore it must wait until the people, currents within their own parties, vacillating and com- through a Constituent Assembly, should vote social- promising with the bourgeois state, they fell an easy ism into existence. And in the meantime, it held that prey to social- and nationalism. there must be established a Government of Coalition This is the explanation of the failure of the Social- with the enemy, the bourgeoisie. As if, with all the ist movements of Europe in the crisis of 1914. means of controlling public opinion in the hands of the bourgeoisie, a Constituent Assembly could or SPARTACIDES AND BOLSHEVIKI would ever vote the socialists into power! Revolutionary Socialists hold, with the founders But was not destined to of scientific Socialism, that there are two dominant lie inert for long. In Germany, Karl Liebknecht, Franz classes in society — the bourgeoisie and the proletariat; Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg, and [Otto Ruhle] Clara that between those two classes a struggle must go on, Zetkin organized the Spartacus group. But their voices until the working class, through the seizure of the in- were drowned in the roar of cannon and the shrieks of struments of production and distribution, the aboli- the dying and the maimed. tion of the capitalist state, and the establishment of Russia, however, was to be the first battleground the dictatorship of the proletariat, creates a Socialist where “moderate” and revolutionary Socialism came [system] order. Revolutionary Socialists do not [believe to grips for the mastery of the state. The breakdown they can be voted into power. They struggle for the 4 Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified] conquest of power by the revolutionary proletariat. Already there is formidable industrial unrest, a Then comes the transition period from capitalism to seething ferment of discontent, evidenced by inarticu- socialism, of which Marx speaks in his Critique of the late rumblings which presage striking occurrences. The Gotha Program when he says: “Between the capitalis- transformation of industry from a war to a peace basis tic society and the communistic, lies the period of the has thoroughly disorganized the economic structure. revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Thousands upon thousands of workers are being This corresponds to a political transition period, in thrown out of work. Demobilized sailors and soldiers which the state cannot be anything else but the dicta- find themselves a drug on the labor market, unless they torship of the proletariat.] propose to wait until the vast act as scabs and strikebreakers. Skilled mechanics, majority of the people vote them into power; but, “if the fighting desperately to maintain their war-wage and proletariat during its struggle with the bourgeoisie their industrial status, are forced to strike. Women, is compelled, by force of circumstances, to organize who during the war have been welcomed into indus- itself as a class; if, by means of a revolution, it makes tries hitherto closed to them are struggling to keep itself the ruling class, and as such sweeps away by their jobs. And to cap the climax, the capitalists, force the old conditions of production; then it will, through their Chambers of Commerce and their Mer- along with these conditions, have swept away the chants’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, have resolved conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and to take advantage of the situation to break down even of classes generally, and will thereby have abolished the inadequate organizations labor has built up through its own supremacy as a class.” generations of painful struggle. Marx and Engels clearly explain the function of The temper of the workers and the soldiers, af- the socialist movement. It is the “moderate Socialists,” ter the sacrifices they have made in the war, is such through intellectual gymnastics, evasions, misquota- that they will not endure the reactionary labor condi- tions, and the tearing of sentences and phrases from tions so openly advocated by the master class. A series their context, who make Marx and Engels sponsors of labor struggles is bound to follow — indeed, is be- for their perverted version of Socialism. ginning now. Shall the Socialist Party continue to feed the workers with social reform legislation at this criti- PROBLEMS OF AMERICAN SOCIALISM cal period? Shall it approach the whole question from the standpoint of votes and the election of representa- At the present moment, the Socialist Party of tives to the legislature? Shall it emphasized the America is agitated by several cross-currents, some lo- consumer’s point of view, when socialist principles cal in their character, and some a reflex of cleavages teach that the workers is robbed at the point of pro- within the European Socialist movements. Many see duction? Shall it talk about Cost of Living and Taxa- in this internal dissension merely an unimportant dif- tion, when it should be explaining how the worker is ference of opinion, or at most, dissatisfaction with the robbed at his job? control of the party, and the desire to replace those There are many signs of the awakening of labor. who have misused it with better men. [Strikes are developing which verge on revolutionary We, however, maintain that there is a fundamen- action; the trade unions are organizing a Labor Party, tal distinction in views concerning party policies and in an effort to conserve what they have won and wrest tactics. And we believe that this difference is so vast new concessions from the master class. The organiza- that from our standpoint a radical change in party tion of the Labor Party is an immature expression of a policies and tactics is necessary. new spirit in the Labor movement; but a Labor Party This essential task is being shirked by our party is not the instrument for the emancipation of the work- leaders and officials generally. In view of the impending ing class; its policy would be in general what is now change in the tactics of organized labor in this country, the official policy of the Socialist Party — reforming we must hurry to readjust the Socialist movement to the Capitalism on the basis of the bourgeois state. Laborism new conditions or find ourselves left behind by the march is as much a danger to the revolutionary proletariat as of events. “moderate” socialism; neither is an instrument for the Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified] 5

conquest of power.] The organized trade unions, against kets, new zones of influence, new protectorates; not the definite commands of their leaders, are resorting to alone, and not in competition with other capitalist na- independent political action, in an effort to conserve what tions, but in cooperation with them. They will divide the they have won and wrest new concessions from the master world among them. And the League of Nations will be class. What shall be our attitude toward the awakening the instrument through which they will work. workers? The [capitalist] master class of America [is us- On the basis of the class struggle we shall go among ing] will soon attempt to use organized labor for its im- them, impregnating them with revolutionary socialism; perialistic purposes. But a restless and discontented work- we shall teach them solidarity; we shall teach them class- ing class cannot pile up profits. Therefore in this country consciousness; we shall teach them the hopelessness of so- we may soon expect the [capitalist] master class, in true cial reform; we shall teach them the meaning of revolu- Bismarckian fashion, to grant factory laws, medical tion. And the industrial unrest, the ferment of discon- laws, old age pensions, unemployment insurance, sick tent, will compel them to listen! benefits, and the whole [litter]category of bourgeois reforms, so that the workers may be kept physically CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM and mentally fit to produce the greatest profits at the greatest speed. Among the many problems immediately confront- ing us are those new questions springing from capitalist- DANGERS TO AMERICAN SOCIALISM imperialism, the final and decisive stage of capitalism. How shall the Socialist Party meet these problems? There is danger that the Socialist Party of Imperialism is [the final] that stage of Capital- America might make use of these purely bourgeois re- ism, in which the accumulated capital or surplus of a forms to attract the workers’ votes, by claiming that nation is too great [to be reinvested in the home mar- they [are victories for Socialism and that they] have ket] for the home market to reinvest or absorb. The in- been won by Socialist political action when, as a mat- creased productivity of the working class, due to im- ter of fact, the object of these master class measures is proved machinery and efficiency methods, and the to prevent the growing class consciousness of the work- mere subsistence wage which permits the worker to ers, and to divert them from their revolutionary aim. buy back only a small portion of what he produces, By agitating for these reforms, therefore, the Socialist causes an ever-increasing accumulation of commodi- Party would be playing into the hands of our Ameri- ties, which in turn become capital and must be in- can imperialists. vested in further production. When Capitalism has On the basis of the class struggle, then, the So- reached the stage in which it imports raw materials cialist Party of America must reorganize itself, must from underdeveloped countries and exports them again prepare to come to grips with the master class during in the shape of manufactured products, it has reached the difficult period of capitalist readjustment now go- its highest development. ing on. This it can do only by teaching the working This process is universal. Foreign markets, class the truth about present-day conditions; it must spheres of influence and protectorates, under the in- preach revolutionary industrial unionism and urge the tensive development of capitalist industry and finance workers to turn their craft unions into industrial in turn become highly developed. They, too, seek the unions, the only form of labor organization which can markets. National capitalist control, to save itself from cope with the power of great modern aggregations of ruin, breaks its national bonds and emerges full-grown capital. It must carry on its political campaigns, not as a capitalist League of Nations, with international merely as means of electing officials to political office, armies and navies to maintain its supremacy. as in the past, but as a year-around educational cam- [The United States no longer holds itself] The paign to arouse the workers to class conscious eco- new situation the Socialist Party must meet. From now nomic and political actions, and to keep alive the burn- on the United States will no longer hold itself aloof, iso- ing ideal of revolution in the hearts of the people. lated and provincial. It is reaching out for new mar- 6 Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified]

FOR NEW POLICIES AND TACTICS revolutionary weapon. But both in the nature and the purpose of this We believe that the time has come for the Socialist form of political action, revolutionary socialism and Party of America to adopt the following course of action: “moderate socialism” are completely at odds. To throw off its parliamentary opportunism and to stand squarely behind the Soviet Republic of Russia, the Sparta- From this point, the “New York” and “Ohio” cus group in Germany, and the revolutionary working versions of the Left Wing manifesto differ greatly. class movement in Europe. Thus it will be ready when The ending of the “New York” version appears the hour strikes in this country — and it will strike soon first below: — to take the leadership of the revolutionary proletariat in its struggle with the capitalist class instead of obstruct- Political action, revolutionary and emphasizing ing its path with the palliative of parliamentary reforms the implacable character of the class struggle, is a valu- and lead the workers forward to the dictatorship of the able means of propaganda. It must at all times arouse proletariat, the final phase of the class struggle necessary the revolutionary mass action of the proletariat — its to the ushering in of the Cooperative Commonwealth. use is both agitational and obstructive. It must on all issues wage war upon capitalism and the state. Revo- POLITICAL ACTION lutionary Socialism uses the forum of parliament for agitation; but it does not intend to and cannot use the Realizing that the vital difference between revolu- bourgeois state as a means of introducing Socialism; tionary socialism and “moderate socialism” lies in their this bourgeois state must be destroyed by the mass varying conception of political action, and realizing, too, action of the revolutionary proletariat. The proletar- that on this point revolutionary socialists are most mis- ian dictatorship in the form of a Soviet state is the understood and misrepresented, we append a detailed immediate objective of the class struggle. explanation of the scientific socialist conception of politi- Marx declared that “the working class cannot cal action. simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery and Since we assert with Marx that “the class struggle wield it for its own purposes.” This machinery must is essentially a political struggle,” we can only ac- be destroyed. But “moderate socialism” makes the state cept his own oft-repeated interpretation of that phrase. the center of all its action. The class struggle, whether it manifest itself on the The attitude towards the state divides the Anar- industrial field or in the direct struggle for govern- chist (anarcho-syndicalist), the “moderate Socialist,” ment control, is essentially a struggle for the capture and the revolutionary Socialist. Eager to abolish the and destruction of the capitalist political state. This is state (which is the ultimate purpose of revolutionary a political act. In this broader view of the term “politi- Socialism), the Anarchist and Anarcho-Syndicalist fail cal,” Marx includes revolutionary . In to realize that a state is necessary in the transition pe- other words, the objective of Socialist industrial ac- riod from Capitalism to Socialism; the “moderate So- tion is also “political,” in the sense that it aims to un- cialist” proposes to use the bourgeois state with its dermine the state, which “is nothing less than a ma- fraudulent democracy, its illusory theory of “unity of chine for the oppression of one class by another all the classes,” its standing army, police, and bureau- and that no less so in a democratic republic than cracy oppressing and baffling the masses; the revolu- under a monarchy.” tionary Socialist maintains that the bourgeois state must be completely destroyed, and proposes the orga- PARTICIPATION IN ELECTIONS nization of a new state — the state of organized pro- ducers — of the Federated Soviets — on the basis of Political action is also and more generally used which alone can Socialism be introduced. to refer to participation in election campaigns for the Industrial Unionism, the organization of the pro- immediate purpose of capturing legislative seats. In letariat in accordance with the integration of industry this sense also we urge the use of political action as a and for the overthrow of Capitalism, is a necessary Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified] 7 phase of revolutionary Socialist agitation. Potentially, by the proletariat through revolutionary mass action. industrial unionism constructs the basis and develops They imply the new Soviet state of the organized pro- the ideology of the industrial state of Socialism; but ducers, the dictatorship of the proletariat; they are pre- industrial unionism alone cannot perform the revolu- liminary revolutionary measures for the expropriation tionary act of seizure of the power of the state, since of capital and the introduction of communist social- under the conditions of Capitalism it is impossible to ism. organize the whole working class, or an overwhelming majority, into industrial unions. In contrast to this original text, the “Ohio It is the task of a revolutionary Socialist party to version” of the Left Wing manifesto reads as fol- direct the struggles of the proletariat and provide a lows: program for the culminating crisis. Its propaganda must be so directed that when this crisis comes, the We contend that such political action is a valuable workers will be prepared to accept a program of the means of propaganda; and further, capturing the politi- following character: cal state, but — and here is the vital point, for the “mod- (a) The organization of Workmen’s Councils; rec- erate socialist” goes no further — we hold that this cap- ognition of, and propaganda for, these mass or- ture of the political state is merely for the purpose of de- ganizations of the working class as instruments stroying it. The nature of socialist parliamentary activity in the immediate struggle, as the form of expres- should be purely destructive. sion of the class struggle, and as the instruments “Moderate Socialism” aims to “simply lay hold of for the seizure of the power of the state and the the ready-made machinery and wield it for its own pur- basis of the new proletarian state of the orga- poses” — the attainment of Socialism. And so the “mod- nized producers and the dictatorship of the pro- erate” falls into the error of believing that parliamentary letariat. activity is constructive — that he can eventually legislate (b) Workmen’s control of industry, to be exercised socialism into existence. by the industrial organizations (industrial unions This error leads to two dangerous practices: (1) mak- or Soviets) of the workers and the industrial vote, ing parliamentary activity an end in itself, and (2) mak- as against government ownership or state con- ing essentially destructive political action the instrument trol of industry. for constructing the Socialist order. (c) Repudiation of all national debts — with pro- To avoid these dangers, and to strengthen labor’s visions to safeguard small investors. political arm, the Socialist ballot must be supported by (d) Expropriation of the banks — a preliminary the might of “the industrial organization of the working measure for the complete expropriation of capi- class.” Only the economic organization of the working tal. class can build the new society within the frame of the (e) Expropriation of the railways and the large old. (trust) organizations of capital — no compen- sation to be paid, as “buying out” the capitalists REVOLUTIONARY would insure a continuance of the exploitation INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM of the workers; provision, however, to be made during the transition period for the protection “Moderate Socialism” constantly overlooks this fact. of small owners of stock. We must continually remind the working class that labor’s (f) The Socialization of foreign trade. economic organizations are naturally the school for Socialism. All political parties, and without excep- These are not the “immediate demands” com- tion, whatever their complexion may be, warm up prised in the social reform planks now in the platform the working class only for a season, transitorily. of our party; they are not a compromise with the capi- Only through his industrial organization can the talist state, but imply a revolutionary struggle against worker receive training in the control of production. It is that state and against capitalism, the conquest of power by means of this weapon that the working class will even- 8 Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified] tually take over and hold the mines, mills, and factories, PROGRAM not for the purpose of destroying them but for their per- manent control and development. Thus, the only thing 1. We stand for a uniform declaration of prin- worth taking from capitalist society and keeping — the ciples in all party platforms, both local and national, highly developed means of production and distribution and the abolition of all social reform planks now con- — will be won for the working class by its revolution- tained in them. ary economic organization. 2. The party must teach, propagate, and agitate Because of its constructive nature, our economic exclusively for the overthrow of capitalism, and the arm, unlike our political arm, may take “a little at a establishment of socialism through a proletarian dic- time.” Our economic movement is not unlike a military tatorship. movement. All means are used to win a war — infantry 3. The Socialist candidates elected to office shall attacks, heavy and light artillery, bombardments, sieges, adhere strictly to the above provisions. and guerilla fighting. In the industrial struggle the work- 4. Realizing that a political party cannot reorga- ing class employs strikes, boycotts, and the like. The po- nize and reconstruct the industrial organizations of the litical movement, however, has for its object only the storm- working class and that that is the task of the economic ing of the political citadel of capitalist tyranny; therefore organizations themselves, we demand that the party the political arm cannot compromise. Our political move- assist this process or reorganization by a propaganda ment should be the essence and incarnation of our revo- for revolutionary and industrial unionism as part of lutionary arm. With Liebknecht we say, “To its general activities. We believe it is the mission of the parliamentarize is to compromise, to log-roll, to sell out.” socialist movement to encourage and assist the prole- tariat to adopt newer and more effective forms of or- SYNDICALISM AND PARLIAMENTARISM ganization and to stir it into newer and more revolu- tionary modes of action. In characteristic utopian fashion the syndicalists for- 5. We demand that the official party press be get that the social revolution must in part grow “within party-owned and controlled. the capitalist shell.” They forget that the state, the engine 6. We demand that officially recognized educa- of oppression employed by the capitalist class, must be de- tional institutions be party-owned and controlled. stroyed through capture by the working class. 7. We demand that the party discard its obsolete In equally characteristic utopian fashion, the “mod- literature and publish new literature in keeping with erate socialist,” with his pure and simple parliamenta- the politics and tactics above mentioned. rism, forgets that “because of its destructive object and because of its structure, which is arbitrary and de- IMMEDIATE DEMANDS termined by geographical lines, the political arm of labor cannot be used as a means of taking away [8.] 1. We demand that the National Executive from the capitalists and holding for the working men Committee call an immediate emergency national con- the means of production.” vention for the purpose of [formulating] reorganizing Thus the utopian syndicalist fails to utilize the po- party policies and tactics to meet the present crisis. litical weapon; and the 20th Century utopian socialist [9.] 2. We demand that the American Socialist misuses the political weapon and fails altogether to uti- Party [repudiate the Berne Congress or any other con- lize the industrial weapon. ference] shall not participate in the proposed Lauzanne A combination of these two methods is necessary to conference engineered by “moderate Socialists” and so- the revolutionary socialist movement, and this combina- cial patriots. tion the Left Wing intends to effect. [10.] 3. We demand that the Socialist Party [shall elect delegates to the International Congress proposed by the Communist Party of Russia (Bolsheviki); that The New York and the Ohio versions of our party shall participate only in a new international the Left Wing Manifesto conclude similarly: with which are affiliated the Communist Party of Rus- Manifesto of the Left Wing Section [As Modified] 9 sia (Bolsheviki), the Communist Labor Party of Ger- many (Spartacus), and all other Left Wing parties and groups] of America issue a call for an international con- gress of those groups of the Socialist movement that par- ticipated both in the in Sep- tember, 1915, and the Kienthal Conference of 1916, and those groups that are in agreement with them today. 4. We demand the unequivocal endorsement of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. 5. We demand the unequivocal endorsement of the Spartacus Group of Germany. 6. We demand the unequivocal endorsement of the Left Wing movements of Europe.

Edited by Tim Davenport. © 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2004. • Free reproduction permitted.

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