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Article Title: Czech-: An Ethnic Dilemma

Full Citation: Ivan Dubovický, “Czech-Americans: An Ethnic Dilemma,” Nebraska History 74 (1993): 195-208

URL of article: http://www.nebraskahistory.org/publish/publicat/history/full-text/NH1993CADilemma.pdf Date: 3/17/2015

Article Summary: Ethnically specific activities among Czech-Americans diminished after the world wars. The generation born in America refused to adopt its parents’ romantic understanding of the Czech nation and its culture.

Cataloging Information:

Names: Karel Jonáš, F B Zdrůbek, A Geringer, T G Masaryk, Rev. O Zlámal

Czech-American publications: Slavie, Potrok, Potrok západu, Svornost, Amerikán, Slowan amerikánský

Keywords: Habsburgs, , tabor lidu (patriotic meetings), Catholics, freethinkers, socialists, Bohemian National Alliance, National Union of Czech Catholics, Slovak League, Czechoslovak Foreign Institute (CFI), proletarianization

Photographs / Images: table I: change in occupational status among emigrant families from the Tábor area, 1850- 1870; fig 74: peasant cottage at Horní Heřmanice in northeastern ; fig 75: the Praha section of Omaha; fig 76: pages from the modlitby (Book of the Mass) of Alice Honzik Kovarik, illustrated by Václav Jelínek in 1826; fig 77: poet Jan Štĕpán Brož on a souvenir commemorating the silver jubilee of his priesthood; fig 78: parish church at Pašticky, Stratonice, Bohemia, built 1750-1760; fig 79: St. Wenceslaus , Wahoo; fig 80: pages from a Catholic Czech-language schoolbook; fig 81: banner of the Katolický Dĕlník branch Narození Pánĕ of Dwight, showing the organization’s emblem on one side and the American flag on the other; fig 82: Šárka B Hrbková, University of Nebraska professor; fig 83: Dr Olga Sadílek Šťastný with Josef Melcer at the temporary grave of compatriot Albín Folda; fig 84: Nebraska congressman and radio personality Karl Stefan broadcasting over the Voice of America with Jan Masaryk, foreign minister of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile

Czech-Americans:

By Ivan Dubovicky

A crucial question in the study of interplay between immigrants and a ers, as well as some craftsmen and immigrant groups is how their culture dominant society.2 As a process it artisans (fig. 5). This "proletarianiza­ was affected by contact with new cannot be preserved or lost, for it is tion" process seems to have been un­ surroundings. What processes were at ongoing at every historical moment. derway since the very beginning of work? Was it "uprootedness" or Assimilation, too, cannot be judged as Czech emigration to the "transplantation," "assimilation" or purely negative or positive. It means in 1848. It may be illustrated by the "cultural pluralism?" Each ethnic only that immigrants accepted new following analysis of 2,322 persons in group seems to have developed its own strategies to cope with a variable reality 629 families who left the Tabor area of adaptive strategies, which reflected in which they expected to meet their Bohemia between 1850 and 1870.3 both the attitudes of the host society's material as well as their emotional During this period, peasants (i.e. richer citizens toward the ethnic group and needs. This constant variability makes farmers, cottagers, and crofters), day the group's own cultural background. ethnicity seemingly unpredictable and laborers and servants, together with This study attempts to analyze some illogical, and gives it the character of craftsmen and artisans, formed ninety features of these processes in the case an autonomous social force. to ninety-one percent of the total num­ of Czech immigrants and their descen­ ber of Czech emigrants to the United dants in the United States during the States. As Table 1 reveals, the percent­ early twentieth century. Like many other ethnic groups the age of peasant families among Czech Ethnicity is here understood as never formed an integrated and emigrants declined during the two belonging to, and being perceived by homogenous community. It may be decades, while the percentages of others as belonging to, a specific ethnic assumed that their further social and laborers/servants and craftsmen/arti­ group. The cultural values of such a cultural disintegration is somehow sans increased. group are able to meet the expectations related to their arrival in new and free The decrease in the peasant category of its individual members. This is a cultural surroundings. Therefore, it is would be even greater if the poorest form of social identity that reflects an necessary and appropriate to show the group--the crofters-was separated individual's effort to find his or her extent of the political, social, and from the peasants because the propor­ place in society. I cultural integration of Czechs before tion of crofters did not change much The form of ethnic identity is not they emigrated to America. during the same decades. Such a sepa­ inherited and was not brought by immi­ At the time of emigration, the ration would reveal a decrease of more grants to America. It is a cultural than forty-five percent in the contin­ social~occupational makeup of Czech construct, and a continuous dialog or society was changing from one com­ gent of wealthy and middling farmers posed mainly of peasants to one com­ in the sample. It is, of course, difficult Dr. Ivan Dubovicky is with the Institute of prising an increasing number of day to distinguish a crofter from a day Ethnology at the Charles University in laborer because many crofters were , . laborers and unskilled industrial work­ forced to seek supplementary income

Table 1. Change in occupational status among emigrant families from the Tabor area, 1850-70.

195 Nebraska History . FalIlWinter 1993 by hiring out for day work in addition carried away only 80 to 100 gulden per companies or other firms recruited to their farming chores (fig. 74). If one family, and it was clear that some of heavily among these poorer social could draw this distinction, one would them could not afford to purchase classes or among illegal emigrants.8 expect the percentage of unskilled tickets for trans-Atlantic passage. A Evidence shows that an increasing agricultural laborers to increase even few cases were found where families proportion of emigrants were young more. left Bohemia without any money, men who wished to avoid military service, persecuted socialists, or legally emigrating young women recruited by Americans to come to the United States to work as housemaids.9 Each of these groups contributed to the proletarian­ ization that soon became visible in the rapid increase of membership experi­ enced by various workers' societies in America,1O or in an increasing urban concentration of Czechs who worked in packinghouses, as cigar-makers, or to a lesser extent in the building trades, manufacturing, and iron and steel production (fig. 75).11 Evidence can also be found, beginning in the 1870s, in the rapid development in the United States of a Czech socialist movement, as well as of fraternal societies, whose growth peaked at the tum of the century. This tendency reveals one important fact: at its beginning Czech emigration had all the characteristics later ascribed to the s~-called "old immigration," that Fig.74. A peasant cottage at Hornf Hefmanice in northeastern Bohemia. (D . Murphy, NSHS) is, a high percentage of women and children and a relatively high propor­ The gradual proletarianization of expecting to travel to America free of tion of skilled workers, craftsmen, and Czech emigration is also evident from charge by using "paupers paper."5 farmers . But the subsequent proletari­ the amount of money Czech immi­ Misinformation had circulated in anization of Czech immigrants, and the grants took out of Bohemia. For com­ Bohemia since the early 1850s about fact that Czechs were , led many parative purposes, the two samples the existence of an "American Bureau" Americans to begin to identify Czechs chosen were from the years 1853-54 that was said to have provided poor with the succeeding wave of "new and 1867-68, when emigration reached people with money for the overseas immigrants." This viewpoint survived its highest intensity in each of the two journey.6 for a long time, even after World War decades. Whereas in 1853-54 the Although data for the decades after II. Oscar Handlin, for example, then average amount of money taken per 1870 have not yet been analyzed, it is considered Czechs to be "new immi­ family was 892 gulden or 206 gulden clear from archival records that the grants," but was surprised to find that per person including children, in 1867­ tendency towards proletarianization in spite of their recent immigration,. the 68 it was only 554 gulden per emigrant continued.7 The proportion of un­ proportion of men to women and chil­ family or 134 gulden per person.4 skilled industrial workers among Czech dren was so small that in this respect Especially at the beginning of emigra­ emigrants also increased. Moreover, Czechs ranked far ahead of , tion in the early 1850s, the differences cheaper steamship and railway trans­ Scandinavians, and other groups tradi­ in family assets were considerable. portation, as well as tickets prepaid for tionally identified with the "old immi­ Some families of rich peasants had two, emigrants by their relatives in America, gration."12 Meanwhile, the process of three, or even five thousand gulden. enabled even the lowest social classes differentiation within the Czech com­ Poor families of tailors or shoemakers to emigrate. Agents for steamship munity that had started with religious

196 Dubovicky . An Ethnic Dilemma controversies was later reflected in causes: illegal immigration, and espe­ applications, even though the quota for political, social, and intergenerational cially in the case of the 1930 census, immigrants had already been filled. 16 conflicts. because more Czechs and The total number of Czechoslovaks Beginning with the 1920s Czech claimed their true nationality after the who intended to emigrate to non-Euro­ immigration to the United States was peak years of the Americanization pean countries increased to 250,000 in deeply influenced by American immi­ campaign (1916-25) had passed. 1930, thereby placing gration policy. According to the re­ No doubt illegal immigration by second only to Italy among European striction law of 1921, about 14,000 Czechs occurred, although it is clear nations. I? Of course, such a situation Czechs and Slovaks were allowed to from consular reports that Slovaks led some people to attempt to emigrate immigrate every year. After 1924 this constituted the majority of the illegally to the United States through quota was lowered to only 3,000 immi­ "illegals."14 The proportion of Slovaks other countries in North or South grants. Later, as a result of President to the total immigration from Czecho­ America. The number of these Herbert Hoover's proclamation of reached seventy percent dur­ "illegals" is not known, but official 1928, the number was further reduced ing the 1920s and early 1930s, and Czechoslovak estimates in 1929 spoke to 2,874. Theoretically, during the another eight to ten percent were of "many thousands."18 years 1922 through 1930, some 63,000 Rusfns (Ruthenians). The concept of The immigration policy resulted in Czechs and Slovaks could legally "Czechoslovakism" did not allow a an increase of Czech and Slovak emi­ emigrate to the United States. But distinction between Czechs and Slo­ grants in the 1920s and 1930s, mostly official statistics estimated that about vaks in official statistics. Thus one workers l9 and close relatives of persons 87,000 Czechs and Slovaks were le­ may estimate that Czechs formed only already settled in the United States. But even these had been admitted as Ceska Ctvrt v Omaze. regular quota emigrants since 1925. Pohled lla j iZlll 13. ul ici, h ledic severne. Generally speaking, the flow of Czech emigration to the U.S.A. practically stopped. In 1924-28 only about 2,800 Czechs left Bohemia and and in 1929-35 the total was only 2,188.20 This development would considerably facilitate th~ assimilation of Czech and Slovak immigrants already in America.

Many authors have tried to attribute the roots of the main antagonism within the Czech minority in the United States - the tensions between Catholics and freethinkers - to a freethought "spirit" Fig.7S . The Praha section of Omaha, one ofseveral Czech urban enclaves in the brought from the old homeland, where United States, in a postcard view published by Jan Rosickj's National Printing it had grown out of centuries-old Czech Company. (NSHS C998.1-30) Hussite and Protestant traditions.21 Such a general assumption is unten­ gaIly admitted between 1920 and eighteen to twenty percent of the total able, however, without considering the 1930.13 Ifthese data are compared to 1920s emigration from Czechoslovakia. 15 social structure of immigrant communi­ those of the U. S. cens uses of 1920 and The great interest by Czechoslovaks ties, the differences between cities and 1930, the number of all foreign-born in emigration to America is well docu­ farming areas, and historical develop­ Czechs and Slovaks increased by mented by the number of visa applica­ ments in the Old Country. For the first 139,338 persons during the decade. tions. In 1929, for example, the two decades of Czech immigration, this This difference of more than 50,000 American consular office in Prague assumption is almost completely may be attributed primarily to two reported that it had more than 30,000 wrong. More correct were authors like

197 Fig.76. Pages from the modlitby (Book of the Mass) ofAlice Honzik Kovarik, illuminated by Vaclav Jelinek in 1826, prior to immigration to Saline County, Nebraska. (NSHS Museum 11424-1, C998 .1-657)

Bicha and Svoboda, who considered number of immigrants with definite to in 1866, used to visit the deeply rooted anti-Catholicism freethought convictions was very small, freethought societies, but at the same among Czechs to have been a symbol and their activity did not have a great time he published the Katolicke noviny of Czech resistance to Habsburg rule. impact in any Czech community, where (Catholic News), edited by the free­ But Bicha also assumed a long tradition Czechs, regardless of their religious thinker Antonfn Jurka. of these attitudes before 1848.22 Was views, typically participated in cultural A marked change seems to have this really the case with thousands of life and sometimes joined the same occurred in the second half of the later immigrants to America or have societies. Josef Borecky wrote about 1860s. Zealous freethinkers began to the attitudes of a few intellectuals and a this cooperative spirit: "One did not ask attack the Catholic church to the extent small group of Protestants been as­ anybody whether he believed in any­ that editor Karel Jonas finally refused cribed to all immigrants from Bohemia thing or not. .. whether he visited a to publish their inflammatory state­ and Moravia? church or not; we lived together in ments in his Sltivie. Instead, in 1868 he A majority of Czech immigrants peace and holy quietness ..."24 Non­ decided to issue a new paper, Pokrok were Catholics, at least in a formal Catholics did not offend Catholics and (Progress), in which militant freethink­ sense (fig. 76).23 Up to the 1860s, the vice-versa. Father Molitor, who came ers had free reign under the editorship

198 Dubovickj . An Ethnic Dilemma of Josef Pastor. This newspaper may penetrated by anti-Catholic or even For many Czech peasants, their have laid the foundation for the future atheistic attitudes, which were soon Catholic faith did not automatically disintegration of American Czechs into disseminated throughout the country by mean they were pro-Austrian as some two opposing ideological groups, the or through mass Czech-American freethinkers or social­ freethinkers and Catholics. Later, patriotic meetings (tabor lidu) held ists mistakenly stated.27 In many vil­ Jonas was said to have felt sorry for outdoors at actual and legendary his­ lages Catholic priests had been leading having published this journal. 25 torical sites. These meetings were advocates of the Czech National Re­ A former Protestant pastor, F. B. organized after 1866 on the occasion of vival (fig. 77). Peasants did not con­ Zdrilbek, contributed much to the various anniversaries, with commem­ sider their Catholic faith to be an mutual distrust (fig. 66). Influenced by oration of John Hus's death being the obstacle to patriotism as is evident in Robert Ingersoll, he founded the first most important (fig. 1). southern Bohemia, the least Protestant Free Community in Chicago, which part of the , which was a was officially registered as a sectarian main center of tabor meetings and an community. When he returned briefly increasing adoration of and Jan to Bohemia, Pokrok was discontinued. Zizka.28 Nevertheless, few Czechs Upon his return to America, Zdrilbek converted to , and the edited the Pokrok zapadu (Progress of resurrection of Hussitism would not the West) in Omaha for a short while, come until 1919 with the new Czecho­ and then in 1875 with A. Geringer in slovak church.29 All these develop­ Chicago started a freethought daily, ments testified to a weakness in Svornost (Concord), and a weekly, religious enthusiasm among Czechs no Amerikan. matter whether they were Catholics, Why did the ideological division of Protestants, or freethinkers. the Czech immigrant community occur Moreover, belonging to the Catholic in the 1860s? At that time many Czech church was not just a result of religious intellectuals ceased entirely to believe persuasion. The church filled various in the possibility of fostering any sense functions, especially in the countryside of Austrian nationality as a political, (fig. 78). I! provided education, and its supraethnic identity that would be customs, celebrations, and feasts gave a embraced by all cultures residing in the rhythm to peasant life. This "practical" Empire. The Czechs, as well as other importance also helps explain why the non-Germans, were not considered by stereotype of Catholicism as being anti­ the Habsburg authorities as indepen­ patriotic did not lead to the dent, sovereign nations but only as decatholization of Czechs in the Czech ethnic and linguistic groups within the lands to the same extent and at the political German nation.26 same time as it did among Czech­ On the other hand, when the Americans. Habsburgs instituted constitutional rule In the 1860s emigration to the in 1860-61, Czech political representa­ United States increased rapidly: during tives began to claim the sovereignty of the three years after 1866, the same the Czech nation within the framework number of people emigrated to of the Habsburg Monarchy on the basis America as in the entire previous de­ of historical Bohemian states' rights. cade.3o Among them was a small but When the Habsburgs refused to recog­ influential group of intellectuals, in­ nize these claims after 1867, the Czech Fig.77. The poet Jan Stepan Broz. a cluding J. Pastor, the Capek brothers, political leadership began to define as its Catholic priest who nurtured Czech and A. Geringer, who had already been enemy not only the Habsburg dynasty­ cultural identity in Nebraska; shown influenced by the new idea of Czech with its tradition of germanization and here on the souvenir commemorating patriotism based on anti-clericalism adrninistrativecentralization--butthe the silver jubilee of his priesthood. St. that Pokrok immediately started to dynasty's main supporter, the Catholic Wenceslaus Parish in Dodge. Nebraska. disseminate. Pokrok was said to be the (NSHS Museum 9977-388. C998.1-555) church. Thus, Czech patriotism was first Czech newspaper to abandon

199 Nebraska I&tory . FaUlWinter 1993

St. Louis start regular publication of Hlas (The Voice). The Catholic church in the United States also began to understand the great importance of patriotism for Czech-American believers. The "Czech" character of Catholic parishes and societies is often evident from their having been named for Czech saints (fig. 79).33 Catholic publishers, too, tried to attract their readers by the patriotic names of their journals: tech, Narod (Nation), Vlastimil (Homeland). As far as Czech-language education is

Fig.78. The parish church at Pasticky, Strakonice, Bohemia, built in 1750-60. (D. Murphy, NSHS) definitely the "old-fashioned believed the Church was unprepared to programme of Cech nationalism" and meet their practical needs and they at the same time Pokrok "struck out joined fraternal societies, especially the boldly and openly against clerical­ CSPS (Czecho-Slavonic Benevolent ism."31 These ideas were soon taken up Society), whose members had em­ by Svornost and Dennice Novoveku braced freethought at its founding in (Daily of the New Age). 1862. The change in the character of immi­ Freethinkers by now presided over Fig.79. St. Wenceslaus Catholic Church, gration brought immigrants to America much of the social and cultural life of Wahoo, Nebraska; one 0/ several Czech­ from those social categories that in Czech-American communities, as well American churches named/or Czech Bohemia and Moravia had stood in the as over the leading newspapers and saints. (D . Murphy, NSHS H673.2-9004/ forefront in the spread of freethought magazines whose editorial policy was 23:18) ideas. They included the followers of consistently anti-clerical and some­ Josef Barak, the so-called baracnici, times hostile to all organized religion. concerned, Catholics gave it equal or who were recruited from craftsmen, Czech-American freethinkers exported even more attention than did free­ artisans, small tradesmen, and partly their opinions back to Bohemia, where thinkers (fig. 80). from industrial workers, occupational some of them were listed as "traitors" The more the freethought movement groups that were steadily increasing by the Habsburg authorities.32 Whereas was atheistic, the deeper it penetrated among emigrants at the expense of the first freethought newspaper, Slowan among Czech socialists, whose num­ wealthy and middling farmers, tradi­ ameriMnskj (The American Slav), was bers in the United States steadily in­ tionally the main supporters of Catholi­ established in 1860, the first Czech creased as a result of their persecution cism in Bohemia and Moravia. Catholic newspaper in the United in the Habsburg Monarchy, especially Immigrants in the former occupational States did not appear until 1867-68. after the 1870s. Among the increasing groups, though originally Catholics, Not until 1872 did Father 1. Hessoun of number of workers were many out­

200 Dubovicky • An Ethnic Dilemma standing socialist leaders, as Zdenek clined in popUlarity, especially among Solle explains in his article in this issue the acculturated second and third gen­ of Nebraska History. Angered by their eration Czech-Americans. Their persecution by the Habsburgs, these American culture, based on mutual immigrant socialists held strong anti­ tolerance, did not connect Catholicism, Austrian attitudes and in the United perceived as one religion among others, States organized their socialist party on with hatred towards Czechs. The the basis of ethnicity. By 1913 there ideological conflicts of their fathers were fifty-two branches of the Czech 6. JE-Nt-CEK V KO-STE-LE. seemed completely strange; they were Section of the Socialist Party in Je-ni-cek rad cho-di na miii sva-tou. even ashamed of them before the America, with 1,400 members in six­ Ni-kde se ne-tou-Ia, jen a-by ne-byl po­ American public. Thus, after the flow teen states. 34 Meanwhile, Czech­ zde do ko-ste-Ia a do iiko-Iy. Z do-mo-va of Czech immigration had almost vy-jde v cas. V ko-ste-Ie se cho-va ti-ee a American workers had experienced zboz-ne. Ne-mlu-vi a ne-o-hlf-if Be. MOo ceased in the 1920s, both ideological their own ideological conflicts, many dlf se nl·ze-nee a-ne-bo ma s se-bou mOo extremes were represented only by a of which replicated those of the work­ d1i-teb-ni kniz-ku. Had se di-va na ol-tar. small group of older immigrants, and it Je-ni-cek do-bie vi, ze Je-if-iiek by-dJi ve ers' movement in Bohemia and sva-to-stan-ku a ze se na nej di-va, jak Be would be only a question of time until Moravia. Consequently the Czech cho-va v ko-ste-Ie. Hod-ne dit-ky ri-dy tensions disappeared. Section divided into a larger part advo­ cho-di-vaji kal·de ra-no na miii 8va-tou. The impact of Czech freethought in Je-zi-iiek jim za to ze-hna a jim ve akOole cating American reformism and trade po-ma-h8. the United States should not be over­ unionism and a smaller, more radical estimated. Many American Czechs Fig.80. Pages from a Catholic Czech­ part called the Marxist Federation, were ideologically indifferent. The language schoolbook. (NSHS Museum which later identified itself with the 11345-1 , C998.1-581) typical Czech worker in Chicago or Third International,35 In 1901 the farmer in Nebraska put aside the prob­ Congress of Czech Workers in Chicago of us, if he had at least a little true lems of his old homeland in taking care created a new Czech Workers party, Czech feeling, cannot do anything but of his job or his farm. Culturally he but this new enterprise did not bring take a stand against the church that had had been transplanted to new surround­ the anticipated solidarity.36 Another burnt Hus and caused so many national ings in which he tried to find a new briefly successful organization was the disasters. Finally, as workers we know strategy fOF ethnic survival. If Ger­ Social Speakers Club (Socialne too well that the idea of our emancipa­ manization had been the main threat to recnickj spolek) in , founded tion, of economic liberation of our Czech national identity in the Habsburg in December 1901, whose speakers working class does not have a worse Monarchy, in the United States the attracted listeners by their emphasis on enemy than the Roman popes . .."38 danger came from the very attractive "Czechness" as opposed to proletarian Martinek clearly defined a stereo­ American way of life. This new way internationalism. But after this club type of Czech patriotism, the very of life was not spread forcefully, but it began to advocate internationalism, it existence of which discouraged good attracted immigrants and especially lost support and was soon disbanded.37 relations between socialists and Catho­ their children by its liberal political Other Czech-American workers joined lics. Their quarreling ceased to a large atmosphere, material prosperity, and American political parties. extent only after the establishment of technological sophistication. Its The attitude of Czech-American Czechoslovakia. As is well known, the attractiveness best explains Czech­ socialists towards Catholics was ex­ Czechoslovak Republic did not thor­ Americans' willingness to assimilate. pressed by Joseph Martinek, an out­ oughly separate church and state, did standing leader in the two struggles for not abolish church marriages, and in Czechoslovak independence: "As 1928 reached a modus vivendi with the progressive people we once forever cut Vatican. A Catholic monsignor, Jan our ties not only with the church and its Sramek, became prime minister of the During the two world wars, Czech­ dogma, but with the whole old religious Czechoslovak government in London Americans, despite their serious ideo­ worldview, therefore, we go strictly during World War II. Under these logical differences, demonstrated a against the church. As Czechs we circumstances, anti-Catholicism and remarkable ability to unify themselves, know too well that sad role of the especially atheism lost political appeal. especially on a principle of patriotism Roman church as it had played in the Meanwhile in the United States in in support of American national inter­ fate of our nation and, therefore, each the 1920s and 1930s freethought de­ ests and in opposition to American

201 • Nebraska History· FaUlWinter 1993 isolationism. Karel Pichlfk's article in slovak independence to be "a national Czech national movement was a sense­ this issue of Nebraska History dis­ egoism."42 Nonetheless, they estab­ less prejudice for which the cusses how Czech-Americans and lished a fund for postwar relief of the government had responsibility, and not Slovak-Ainericans gradually came Czech proletariat in the Czech lands. Rome. together during World War I in advo­ The situation of Czech-American Many Catholics believed T. G. cacy of Czechoslovak independence Catholics during the First World War Masaryk embodied this animosity for it (see back cover). In his article in seemed even more complicated. For was he who had taken an active part in Czechoslovak and Central European forty years the freethought press had the movement "away from Rome." It Journal, Bruce Garver emphasizes the been disseminating the prejudice that seems, therefore, that Masaryk's lead­ experience during that war of Czech­ Catholics could not be true Czech ership was one cause of the Catholics' American socialists and Catholics, patriots. This opinion seemed to be refusal to contribute financially to the many of whom did not initially share substantiated when, on the eve of the struggle for Czechoslovak indepen­ the anti-Habsburg attitudes of the war, the Czech bishop in , dence. Zlamal himself criticized majority of Czech-Americans.39 In J. M. Koudelka, officiated at a mass in Masaryk's anti-Catholic activity, but spite of unpreparedness and internal honor of the assassinated successor to recognized him to be a sincere Czech disintegration, formerly opposing the throne of Austria-. Many and fighter for liberation.43 Zlamal Czech-American groups managed to freethinkers were further confirmed in soon gained the confidence not only of unite under the leadership of the Bohe­ their anti-Catholic prejudice when in the Catholics, but also of the BNA. He mian National Alliance (BNA), which 1914 the Catholic press and some initiated the meeting in January 1917 in became recognized as the official priests appealed to Czech-Americans to Chicago that demonstrated the Catho­ representative body for Czechs in help the Austrian war effort. As late as lics' will to help liberate Czecho­ America. 1917 Father H. Dostal of St. Louis, in slovakia. Finally, in May 1917, the Czech-American socialists had to the Catholic journal Hlas, suggested Catholics made common cause with the cope with the dilemma of whether to that Czechs ask the pope to persuade BNA.44 At that time, the National endorse class internationalism or pa­ the Emperor Charles I to be crowned Union of Catholic Czechs was orga­ triotism and like many socialist Ameri­ king of Bohemia in Prague. The re­ nized and became the only representa­ can workers, they took a firm stand fusal of Czech-American Catholics to tive body of Czech-American Catholics against the war. At the beginning of cooperate with the Bohemian National during the First World War. the war, this attitude was seen as a way Alliance (BNA) caused resentment. The pre-1915 ideological disunity of of expressing sympathy with Serbia, The Catholics began to raise funds, not Czech-Americans contributed to confu­ the victim of Austrian and German to support the Czechoslovak liberation sion among Anglo-Americans about aggression. After the majority of movement, but for the suffering people the nature of the Czech nation, making Czech-Americans had endorsed in the Czech lands. the unification of Czech-Americans in Masaryk's struggle to create an inde­ Some Czech-American Catholics, support of Czechoslovak independence pendent Czechoslovakia, they rejected however, began to realize that they extremely important. So was the en­ the anti-war attitudes of the socialists were becoming more and more isolated dorsement of this effort by outstanding and even accused the socialists of being at a time when nearly all Czech­ Czech-Americans such as the renowned in the pay of Germany.40 Because most Americans and even Slovak-American anthropologist Ales Hrdlicka and the Czech-American socialists did not Catholics were unifying in support of congressman A. Sabath. Czech­ subscribe to the view that the Russian the liberation movement. Like Czech­ Americans could then direct their Tsar, whom they considered a tyrant, American socialists, Catholics owed arguments in favor of Czechoslovak would be a savior of Czechs, they much to the efforts of a few individuals independence to representatives of strongly opposed the resolution by for helping to bring about their engage­ American political parties, as well as Czech "patriots" meeting in the Central ment in the liberation movement, espe­ to the American public, in order to Opera House in New York, whereby cially to Rev. O. Zlamal. In various persuade them of the seriousness and the Tsar had been celebrated and the articles and presentations since 1916 he rightfulness of Czech and Slovak Russian anthem played.41 The Czech had explained the necessity of Catholic claims to national independence. Socialist Section and the Union of cooperation with the BNA. At the Workers continued to cry, same time, he tried to convince free­ "Away with the War!" and the social­ thinkers that their identification of ists declared the struggle for Czecho­ Catholicism with animosity to the

202 • Dubovicky . An Ethnic Dilemma

During the First World War, all European countries expected their overseas "branches of the nation" to support their war effort. In part be­ cause the Habsburgs hoped to arouse support for Austria-Hungary among immigrants in the United States, the newly created BNA immediately started propaganda among its members urging them to become American citizens. "We desire to say that we are not hyphenated Americans. There are no Bohemian-Americans. There are American citizens of Bohemian [Czech] extraction, ... we owe no divided alle­ giance."45 Czech-Americans wanted to avoid arousing suspicion that they might become a potential "fifth col­ umn" and to prove their loyalty to­ wards America. The district committee of the BNA in St. Paul, , instructed its local branches to open every important meeting with the American national anthem.46 Czech-Americans had to explain to their fellow American citizens that the American concept of a multi-ethnic nation did not square with the Czechs' bad experience under the authoritarian practices of the supranational Austro­ Fig.81. Foreign or American? The banner of the KatolickY Delnlk branch Narozenl Hungarian Empire. The Czechs as an Pane ofDwight, Nebraska, shows the organization's emblem on one side, and the independent nation had no desire to Americanflag on the other. (Courtesy Catholic Workman Branch No. 32 and Assump­ tion Parish, Dwight; NSHS C998.1-618) support official Austro-Hungarian foreign policy or domestic politics. Czech-Americans in their letters, pam­ sent to prison on evidence furnished to true citizens of their communities. "It phlets, and brochures praised their the [U.S.] government by loyal Cecho­ is a source of genuine pleasure and an capacity to be Americanized and care­ slovaks," wrote Tomas Capek.47 Critics assurance of safety in the future to see fully distinguished their "old home­ of Czech-American support for the our foreign-born citizens celebrate the land" from the United States, their new Allies contended that this "loyalty" anniversary of American Indepen­ one (fig. 81). towards America had been merely a dence," wrote the Cedar Rapids Times 49 Hatred toward the Germans was so consequence of the Czech-Americans' as early as 1878. strong among Czech-Americans that it wish to contribute to the utter defeat of Horace M. Kallen was wrong when spurred them to anti-German activities. the German bid for world power, and he asserted that eastern European "It is not known that many a Teuton had not been motivated by love for immigrants could not be assimilated. 48 plot to foment strikes, to set ware­ America. But long before 1914 Although Czech-Americans were houses and docks on fire, to blow up Czech-Americans had begun to partici­ trying during both world wars to make munition-carrying ships was bared and pate in American patriotic celebrations the "cause" of winning Czechoslovak many an evil-doer apprehended and not as a separate ethnic group, but as independence clear to the American

203 Nebraska History . FaUlWinter 1993 public, there is no doubt that at the an immigrant visited his old homeland more to gain than to lose through as­ beginning of each war this activity was he was proud of having American similation (fig. 82). Even T.G. limited to a small group of Czech­ manners and ideas, and of identifying Masaryk, when visiting America in American political and intellectual himself as a so-called AmerikCm, a man 1907, reminded his immigrant country­ leaders and that the majority of Ameri­ who could say whatever to whomever men to preserve their traditions and can Czechs endorsed this "cause" only without obeisance, who could have love for the old homeland, but at the after the United States entered each war truly black coffee every morning, who same time recommended that they learn against Germany. could donate dollars to repair a church English and concluded that "a lively, The younger generation was proud or "your terrible sidewalk" in his an­ earnest, and sincere share of your that it was "their" America that helped efforts should be directed to being to liberate "their fathers' homeland." worthy citizens of this United States. "51 The idea of "homeland" is basically a At the time of increasing American cultural construct formed as a result of anti-immigration sentiment in the an individual's experience, and the 1920s, Czech-Americans made a major Czech-American experience was an effort to prove their significant contri­ American one. While Kallen, H. P. butions to American as well as to world Fairchild, and other "authorities" ex­ culture in order to counteract preju­ pressed doubt that eastern Europeans diced stereotypes about Slavic immi­ were capable of assimilation, Czech­ grants in the minds of the American American leaders were more and more public. troubled by the reality that "the second generation among Czechoslovaks is, generally speaking, thoroughly Ameri­ canized," and that mixed marriages were becoming common. 50 The First World War demonstrated Among Czech-Americans, before as the remarkable abilities of Czech­ well as after World War I, there were Americans to unite in support of the two contrasting attitudes towards U.S. war effort and of Czechoslovak American culture and its manifestations indepeqdence. At the same time it in language and behavior. One la­ showed that the core of this liberation mented that Americanization, i.e. the Fig.82. Sarka B. Hrbkova. University of movement consisted of a small group loss of original ethnic characteristics, Nebraska professor and Czech patriot. of outstanding individuals, representa­ was a negative process and a disaster (NSHS C998-62) tives of the three main Czech and that could lead to "denationalization." Slovak organizations in America: the This view, often held by the leaders of cestral village, or even actively partici­ BNA, the National Union of Catholic ethnic organizations, represented those pate- "you would not believe" -in Czechs, and the Slovak League. The war Czech-Americans who rather romanti­ shaping political events in America. rather exhausted all Czech-Americans, cally considered language, customs, The second group, smaller but no physically and financially. They had and an Old World way of life to be the less influential, consisted of those fulfilled their role, and had a right to most important ingredients for the Czech-Americans who did not connect rest. But the war also revealed that survival of the Czech ethnic group. English language and habits or Ameri­ some first-generation Czech-Americans They forgot that their countrymen at can citizenship---that is to sayan outer had already assimilated to the extent home had already given up much of manifestation of ethnicity- with any that they had lost an understanding of this sort of fundamentally-regional loss of their Czech identity. On the . the needs of their brothers across the culture in creating a new Czech na­ contrary, they understood assimilation ocean. This was an example of the tional culture in Bohemia and Moravia. as a means of reaching a higher social significant changes in the ethnic iden­ Surprisingly, they also forgot that it status and thus influencing the develop­ tity of Czech-Americans. Czech­ had been the introduction of American ment of Czech-American life in a American civic leaders realized that in culture into the Czech lands and its positive way. According to A. order to preserve the Czech-American appeal that had so frightened the Hajdusek in or Sarka B. Hrbkova community, they would have to try to Austro-Hungarian government. When in Nebraska, Czech immigrants had stop "denationalization." Later it

204 Dubovicky . An Ethnic Dilemma became clear that this evaluation was logical differences among their elders. correct. Czech-Americans nationwide Neither did they comprehend their did not resume work on behalf of fathers ' deference for the ways and Czechoslovakia until the Nazis had attitudes of the Old Country, because destroyed the Czechoslovak Republic the young people had already adopted in March 1939 and threatened to start an American view of the world, which another world war. at that time did not encourage such According to these leaders, the deference. Moreover, the manifesta­ ethnic consciousness of young Czech­ tion of Czech ethnicity brought nothing Americans needed particular attention. but derision from their fellow Ameri­ About 2,300 Americans of Czech cans. A Czech name was said to have ancestry fought in France not as been a stigma like a red flag. J. S. Czechs, but as Americans (fig. 83). Roucek, a sociologist of Czech origin, Most of them did not speak Czech at stated that in confronting American all. Membership in Czech societies and culture Czech-American parents were clubs did not attract them because the failing to stimulate their children's organizations continued to try to pre­ pride in their Czech ancestry. The serve the traditional Czech culture of more these parents deferred to Euro­ the nineteenth century that seemed pean matters the stronger grew the strange to young Czech-Americans of children's inferiority complex. This the twentieth. Even the Sokol, though led the children to endeavor to break primarily a sports club, had problems. away from parental influence in order "It will'be our own fault to let the to avoid becoming isolated from the Sokol in Minnesota die out. ..Reality is Fig.83. Dr. Olga Sadflek S(astnY./irst American way of life. really sad as far as the activity of our Czech female physician in the United How Americans viewed the Czech branches is concerned," wrote one States, with losef Melcer at the tempo­ ethnic group had the greatest impact on Sokol member in 1929.52 rary grave of friend and compatriot whether "Czechness" was accepted in a Albin Folda, killed in action in France . Czech-language education also positive or negative way by Czech­ Folda was from Clarkson, Nebraska, and declined as a result of wider contact by Stastny and Melcer were from Wilber, American :youths and by Americans Czech-Americans with other Ameri­ Nebraska. (NSHS S796-62) generally. Roucek suggested establish­ cans and from plain lack of interest, as ing a Czechoslovak Institute that would well as from Americanization. The and by offering a publicize Czech culture in America Czech-language Department at the traditional Czech education, to try to because, in his opinion, the Czechoslovak University of Nebraska was discontin­ bring the younger generation back into government was doing nearly nothing ued in 1919, but reinstated several ethnic organizations. in this respect. 53 years later. Ironically, the dominance Restricted immigration and Ameri­ On the contrary, the Czechoslovak of the freethinkers in Czech-American canization policies created a positive consul in Pittsburgh, Milan Getting, life seems to have contributed to the atmosphere in the 1920s for the gradual believed young Czech-Americans were decline of knowledge of the Czech elimination of former tensions between not interested in the folklore and folk language among younger generations. Catholics and freethinkers. The older traditions of their ancestors, but in the Compared with Catholic schools, the generation was dying, and younger achievements of Czechoslovak technol­ freethinking schools did not teach a full Czech-Americans did not endorse the ogy and in the accomplishments of curriculum in Czech, but confined their previous generation's ideological views outstanding representatives of Czecho­ courses to language only, with sessions or activities. The survival of Czech­ slovak culture and politics. "These are held after public school hours. This, of American organizations and the Czech­ things that make our young people course, was not attractive to children. language press became more and more proud of their origin and the origin of The Czech-American leaders' Euro­ dependent on a small group of active their parents. Publications on the pean view of things, in which language people who still continued in their modern world . . :give the wrong im­ was considered to be the main manifes­ prewar ways. pression that our nation is but a peas­ tation of the "spirit of a nation," gov­ The second and third generations did ant-like one. Such an impression has a erned their attempts to preserve the not understand the origin of the ideo­ negative impact on our youth and leads

205 Nebraska History· FaUlWinter 1993 to an 'inferiority complex.' Demon­ tion of national identity-the Czech their ancestral homeland. strating the high technological develop­ language. In other words, the language At this time tensions between ment in the Czechoslovak Republic is should come first, then culture and Czechs and autonomistic Slovaks, the best propaganda among our youth business.56 Some politicians like Vojta represented by the Slovak League, also in America, then they will also ask for Benes criticized this view for its intensified. The core of the problem literature on arts, history, and so on. "54 naivete.57 The CFI issued its journal lay in the old promise of Slovak au­ The Czechoslovak government Krajan (Countryman), which intention­ tonomy included in the Pittsburgh attempted to "save the branch of the ally avoided controversy, arguing that Agreement of May 1918. The Slovak Czech nation in America," especially only a nonpartisan journal could League had recognized the idea of after it established the Czechoslovak achieve unity among Czech-Americans. "Czechoslovakism" only as a political Foreign Institute (CFI) in 1928. Sup­ Therefore, the journal accommodated construct, a necessary compromise that ported by various ministries, the CFI various views, no matter whether they was useful for the peace negotiations cooperated with many institutions at were Catholic or freethinking. Later it after World War I. Slovak pressure for home as well as abroad. But its inad­ became clear that this policy did not autonomy subsequently crystallized in equate funding limited its activity to attract any of the partisan groups.58 attacks on this construct. No doubt the sending books and journals and other Some Czech-American organiza­ Slovak autonomists had a strong influ­ materials to schools. Due to its initia­ tions did not display much interest in ence in creating the independent Slovak tive, however, a few important institu­ cooperation. The Czechoslovak Na­ State in March 1939. Even after World tions were formed in the U.S.A., such tional Council of America (CNCA), for War II the idea of an independent as The Masaryk Institute in New York example, accused the CFI of being Slovakia never disappeared among in 1937 and The American Czechoslo­ "interested only in getting membership Slovak-Americans, though it always vak Bureau a year later. dues and the new subscribers ... It is took second place to their opposition to The CFI focused on the younger evident you do not know the problems the Communist regime, the common generation, but soon discovered that the of people who emigrated. Everybody enemy for Czech-Americans as well as second generation of Czech-Americans has enough of this spiritual food. The for Slovak-Americans.61 Once the was irreversibly Americanized due to only way to help them is with material Communists relinquished dictatorial the restriction of immigration, the support. "59 Similarly, the Czechoslovak power in 1989, agitation for Slovak Anglicization of education, and be­ American National Alliance, as was independence revived. cause "the attraction force of America evident from a confidential letter of its In the 'case of Czech-Americans, the is too strong." On the anniversary of secretary, F. Klepal, refused to cooper­ ethnic dilemma of an acculturating Czechoslovak Independence in 1936, ate with the CFI: "It would go for · ethnic minority in the attractive larger an article in Vek rozumu (Age of Rea­ nothing to hope or look forward to our. American society resulted in two basic son) lamented that the ethnic group, .. participating in solving the serious processes. First was accommodation to whose greatest educator was problems expressed in your letter. the pressure of American spiritual and Komensky, could muster only twenty­ Your suggestion seems to many of us material culture to satisfy the American three children to attend first and second to be but an attempt to take control and demand that every immigrant be "a year Czech-language classes in Detroit, direct the activities of our immigrants good American." Second was the a city with 12,000 Czech-American in America. "60 It is significant that the effort to preserve Old World cultural adult residents. 55 majority of all institutions formed in traits through ethnically-based com­ Besides a lack of money the main America at the initiative of the CFI, that monalities whose loss was understood problem lay in diametrically different is, at the behest of the Czechoslovak to be the loss of ethnic identity. The opinions about how to preserve the government (The Masaryk Institute, The fundamental social units of Czech Czech minority. Young Czech­ American Czechoslovak Bureau and social and cultural life and ethnic Americans criticized the "short-sighted others), were established during the late consciousness were lodges, societies, patriots" for their insistence on teach­ 1930s when the new German threat to associations, and clubs. These organ­ ing in Czech only, even though no one Czechoslovakia emerged. Only then izations and their leaders formed a understood the language. They wanted did Czechoslovak officials again begin societal structure through which the lectures in English with emphasis on to realize the importance of the krajane Czech community in America acted. Czechoslovak culture and business. (countrymen), once so quickly forgot­ They served as preservers of "trans­ The CFI felt the Czechs had discarded ten. Eventually Czech-Americans planted" ethnic, i.e. cultural qualities, the most important means for preserva­ again banded together in support of but at the same time, their attractive­

206 Dubovicky . An Ethnic Dilemma

Notes

I Werner Sollors, Beyond Ethnicity: Con­ sent and Descent in American Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

2 April Schulz, "'The Pride of the Race Had Been Touched': The 1925 Norse­ American Immigration Centennial and Ethnic Identity," The Journal ofAmerican History 77 (March 1991): 1267.

3 Data are based on the analysis of applica­ tions to emigrate deposited in the District Archives (OA) of Tabor, in the records of the District Offices (0(;) of the cities of Tabor, Veself, Mlada Vozice, and SoMslav.

4 Data are based on material cited in note 3, and recounted in accordance with the statistics of V. Mastny. See the table on emigration to the U.S.A. in Zaciatky ceskej a slovenskej emigracie do USA , ed. J. Fig.B4. Nebraska congressman and radio personality Karl Stefan ofNorfolk, broad­ PoliSensky (Bratislava:SAV, 1970),48. casting over the Voice ofAmerica with Jan M asaryk, foreign minister of the Czecho­ 5 OA Tabor, f. 00 SoMslav, k.42, sg.4/2/ slovak government-in-exile. (NSHS SB16-32) 39.

6 OA Tabor, f. 00 Mlada Vozice, k.ll, ness wa,s closely related to practical Czech minority living abroad. sg.4/2/25. needs. Although the majority of new­ The two world wars brought the 7 The best sources for investigating the comers soon failed to care much about decline of ethnically specific activities "proletarianization" are the applications for what was happening in their old home­ among Czech-Americans. Once the emigration found in individual district archives in Bohemia, for example, OA land, in times of crisis like 1914 and United States took the same stand Pelhi'imov, f. 00 Pelhi'imov, k. 108, or OA 1939, these organizations and their toward Gennan efforts to dominate Pisek, f. 00 Pfsek, k. 37, 38, and 295. leaders constituted a stimulus and Europe as did Czech-Americans, this 8 See the activity of agents like M. Kohn provided a highly developed organiza­ ethnic group developed even more and T. Reiner - cf. OA Strakonice, f. OH tional structure for political activity by positive attitudes toward their adopted Strakonice, sg.4/2, k.137. masses of fonnerly indifferent country­ country, which facilitated their becom­ 9 See the "Circular of the Prague Pre­ men. The organizations and their press ing more Americanized and assimi­ sidium," Febr. 15,1890, which mentioned also played a crucial role disseminating lated. The case of the generation born increasing illegal emigration, or the lists of emigrants from individual districts, for what might be called "prescribed patri­ in America was different. Though example OA Strakonice, f. OH Strakonice, otic behavior," patriotic in both the receiving some of their values from the sg.4/2, k. 137 . On recruitment of young girls American and Czech sense. Czech community and their families, to work as housemaids in the U.S.A. see It is not surprising that the most yet another influence came from the Ibid., f. 00 Strakonice - pres., 35/1905. influential leaders of these organiza­ larger American world in which they to A. Novotny to F. Ballek, Mar. 8, 1917, tions were recruited from relatively late participated to a much greater extent in box "Socialiste," Archives of Czechs and Slovaks Abroad, University of Chicago. newcomers to America like K. Zmrhal, than did their parents. Therefore, they 1. Tvrzicky, and K. Pergler. Moreover, accepted the American view on events II Martha E. Griffith, "The Czechs in Cedar Rapids," The Journal of History an occasional but important stimulus to in Europe and refused to adopt a rather and Politics 42 (April 1944): 128. political activity was provided by the romantic understanding of the Czech 12 Oscar Handlin, Race and Nationality in frequent visits to the United States of nation and traditional Czech culture. American Life, 4th ed. [1st ed. 1950) (Gar­ prominent political representatives or Acceptance of this understanding, they den City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1957),88-89. intellectuals such as T. G. Masaryk believed, would lead to their becoming 13 StatistickG rocenka repub/iky and Vojta Benes before World War I, strangers in their own land and would ceskoslovenske (prague: Statni urad and E. Benes, 1. Masaryk, and others stigmatize them as less than fully statisticky, 1938), 33-34, and A. M. Mayer, before or during World War II (fig. 84). American. This was something that the "Ceskoslovenske vyst1\hovalectvl a jeho pl'fciny," in Ceskoslovenske vystehovalectvi z These leaders, sooner or later, recog­ older generation of Czech-American hlediska potreb nasi doby (prague: 1934), 7-8. nized the potential power of the largest leaders did not fully grasp.

207 Nebraska ffiltory . FaUlWinter 1993

32 14 Abstract from the report of the Czecho­ 00 Jindrichuv Hradec to the regional 51 Cedar Rapids Republican, Sept. 14, slovak Consul General in Chicago in State governor, Jan. 18, 1868. OA Tl'ebon, f. 00J. 1907. Central Archive in Prague (SUA Praha), f. Hradec - pres. 1850-1948, c.7/1868 and 21/ 52 "Mir," Verner Collection, Immigration CUZ, k. 42. 1868. History Research Center. 15 Statistikti rocenka, 33-34. 33 Jan Habenicht, Dejiny Cechuv 53 Report on a visit of J.S . Roucek at the americkjch (St. Louis, Mo.: Hlas, 1904). 16 U.S. consulate to Czechoslovak Foreign CFI, Prague 1937, SUA Praha, f. CUZ, k. 42, Institute, Prague, n.d., c.1568/192, SUA 34 Report on Bohemian Section, 1913, box c.1442/Tp/1937. Praha, f. CUZ, k. 42. "Socialiste," Archives of Czechs and Slo­ 54 M. Getting to CUZ, Pittsburgh, Oct. 22, vaks Abroad. 17 Vystehovaleckj zpravodaj, June 15, 1931 , SUA Praha, f. CUZ, k. 42, c.349-31-p. 1930. 35 Prohlaseni vykonneho vyboru Ceskeho 55 Vek rozumu, Nov. 12, 1936. odvetvi Socialisticke strany v Americe, n.d.; 18 Ibid., Nov . I, 1929. and F. Hlavacek, Proc jsem byl propusten z 56 "Stolice cestiny na texaske univerzite v 19 Program Ceskoslovenskefederace redakce "Spravedlnosti. "The copy of F. Austin," SUA Praha, f. CUZ, k. 42, c.595/T1/ socialisticke strany americke (Cleveland, Hlavacek's undated letter to the board of 1936. : 1931),5. directors of the Czechoslovak Marxist Fed­ 57 Report of the meeting of J,S. Roucek eration is in the box "Socialiste," Archives of 20 Statisticka rocenka, 33-34. with V. Benes, Aug. 21, 1937, SUA Praha, f. Czechs and Slovaks Abroad., CUZ, k. 42. 21 Tomas Capek, The Cechs (Bohemians) 36 Protokol sjezdu ceskeho delnictva v In America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 58 Directory of the Krajane (countrymen), Americe (Chicago,III.: 1902). Company, 1920), 122,24. SUA Praha, f. CUZ, k. 42, cf. also the 37 Program delnicke akademie poftidane minutes of the advisory meeting of the CFI 22 Karel D. Bicha, "The Czechs In Wiscon­ Socialni sekci osmou. 13 . ledna 1906 (Cleve­ with Prof. dr.I. Karvas, Prague, Dec. 20, sin History," Wisco..zsin Magazine ofHistory land: B.F. Pl'fhoda,1906) in box "Socialiste," 1937. SUA Praha, f. CUZ, k. 42, c.3325/ 53 (Spring 1970): 201. Archives of Czechs and Slovaks Abroad. '1937. 23 Signatures 4/2 from the records of 38 Josef Martinek, Ceske podpurne jednoty 59 Letter of the CNCA to the CFI, Chicago, emigration matters in OA Strakonice, Pisek, a delnicke hnuti (Cleveland: 1914), 10 - 11. Sept. 15, 1930, copy in SUA Praha, f. CUZ, Tabor,'Pelhrimov, and Jindrichuv Hradec. k. 42. 39 Bruce Garver, "Americans of Czech and 24 Jan Borecky, Kapitoly k dejepisu lidu Slovak Ancestry in the History of Czecho­ 60 F. Klepal to the CFI, Chicago, May 6, cesko-moravskeho ve Spojenych statech slovakia," Czechoslovak and Central Euro­ 1931, SUA Praha, f. CUZ, k.42 (Cedar Rapids, la.: Svit Pub. Co., 1896), 14. pean Journal 11 (Winter 1993): 1-14. 61 Good evidence concerning the activity 25 Ibid. 40 Josef Klima, V boji za pravu a pravdu, by Slovaks in America for an independent 26 Also emphasizing events of the period Pamatnik k desetilete cinnosti "Obrany" Slovakia can be found, for example, in 1848 through the 1860s in the development (New York: 1920), 9-10. records ofthe Narodny Siovensky Spolok of Czech freethought is Bruce Garver, (National 'Slovak Society), Slovak Collection, 4 1 Ibid., 17. "Czech-American Freethinkers on the Great Immigration History Research Center. Plains," in Ethnicity on the Great Plains, ed. 42 Klfma, V boji za pravu a pravdu, 23. Frederick C. Luebke '(Lincoln: University of 43 O. Ziamal, "Moje stanovisko vuci Nebraska Press, 1980), 147-69, especially C.N.S." American, Nov . 16, 1916. 149. 44 Pro vlast a narod. Za svobodu Cechie 27 Josef Martinek, Americti svobodomyslni (Chicago, III.: Narodni Svaz Ceskych Cdi v boji za nasi samostatnost (Prague: Katolfku, 1917). Volna myslenka, 1936),22. 45 The Position ofBohemians (Czechs) in 28 OA Tl'ebon, f. 00 J. Hradec - pres. European War, n.d., n.p. 1850-1948, sign. 47/1869. 46 "Circular of the District Committee of 29 During 1861-89 only 7,410 persons in the BNA," M. Verner Collection, Immigra­ Bohemia and Moravia converted to Protes­ tion History Research Center, University of tantism, of whom sixty percent were women. Minnesota, St. Paul, Minn. At the same time, 3,507 persons left this church, and compared to the end of 1850s the 47 Capek, Cechs in America, 270-71. number of Protestants even declined! See 48 Melvin G. Holli, "The Great War Sinks Frantisek Bednar, Pamatnik ceskobratrske Chicago's German Kultur," in Ethnic Chi­ cirkve evangelicke (Prague: Kalich, 1924), cago, ed. Peter D. Jones & M. G. Holli 59. (Grand Rapids, Mi.: W. B. Eerdmans Pub. 30 Vojtech Mastny, "Statistika Co., 1981),297. vystehovalectvi ceskeho proletariatu do 49 Griffith, "The Czechs in Cedar Rapids," Spojenych statu," Demografie 4 (1962): 204­ 129. II. 50 Czechoslovaks as Americans (Chicago: 31 Capek, Cechs in America, 127 . Bohemian National Alliance, 1924),9.

208