Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1 Issue 1 January-December 2016 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Contents

Sl Articles Author Pages No 1 Agricultural Rituals as the Ceremonial Cycle of the Tame Ramya 1 Nyishi Tribe 2 A Study on Attitude of Pre-Service Secondary Teachers Sony Dupak 17 toward Human Rights Education and Peace Education. TageAmpa 3 The Socio-economic life of the Nyishis’ of Arunachal Bengia Tada 23 Pradesh 4 Some Scientific Customary Health Practices of Hindu Hiranmaya Sharma Brahmins of Nalbari and Barpeta Districts of Assam, 33 India. 5 Historical perspective of trade relation between the Yab Rajiv Camder Nyishi and Tibetan Dr Philip Mody 47 Tok Kumar 6 Role of Taklung Dzong among the Monpas of Kalak- Dr Tage Habung 53 tang Area: A Preliminary Study 7 Implementation and Monitoring of Rural Development Millo Yasung Schemes –A Study of Select Districts in Arunachal 65 Pradesh 8 Mopin And Its Sacred Ritualistic Aspects Eli Doye 75 9 The Buffer Zone: British Perception of the Khampti Rubu Tani 81 and Singpho in the early 19th Century. 10 Status of Women in India and in Arunachal Pradesh Dr. Ram Krishna 90 Mandal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

Agricultural Rituals as the Ceremonial Cycle of the Nyishi Tribe

Tame Ramya Assistant Professor Department of Anthropology, School of Human & Environmental Sciences Saint Claret College, Ziro - 791120 Mobile: +91-9402034048; E-Mail: [email protected]

Abstract The present paper intends to narrate some agricultural rites and rituals, specifically of jhum cultivation of the Nyishi tribe of Arunachal Pradesh, taking Kurung Kumey district as the case study. These rites form the part of ritual cycle and lingering as crucial in the community lives in relation to agriculture. Nyishis, the people belong to one of the major tribal groups of Arunachal Pradesh i.e. Nyishi are dependent on jhumming, wet-rice cultivation, and a cash economy for their subsistence needs. Indeed, for several households, the cash sector is crucial in enabling them to meet their subsistence needs in present day situation. Notwithstanding the extent to which Nyishis are dependent on an external economy, jhum agriculture is regarded as the dominant form of subsistence production within the community. This particular perception of jhumming is based on two factors: first, an understanding that jhum agriculture predates wet-rice agriculture and second, the continuing cultivation of jhum which has ensured the persistence of a religious and ritual life that remains organised around the jhum cycle. Key Words: Nyishi, Agriculture, Rite, Ritual Cycle, Jhum, Cultivation, Subsistence.

Prologue Nyishis, the people belong to one of the major tribal groups of Arunachal Pradesh i.e. Nyishi are dependent on jhuming, wet-rice cultivation, and a cash economy for their subsistence needs. Indeed, for several households, the cash sector is crucial in enabling them to meet their subsistence needs. Notwithstanding the extent to which Nyishis are dependent on an external economy, jhum agriculture is regarded as the dominant form of subsistence production within the community. This particular perception of jhuming is based on two factors: first, an understanding that jhum agriculture predates wet-rice agriculture and second, the continuing cultivation of jhum which has ensured the persistence of a religious and ritual life that remains organised around the jhum cycle.

In this paper, I present a description of some rites which form part of the cycle of ritual

1 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal activities in Kurung Kumey district, the study area in order to show its crucial importance in the community and in relation to jhum agriculture, despite the fact that Nyishi possess a mixed subsistence system. As these rites also form the basis of rites performed in wet-rice fields, but I shall not deal with wet-rice agricultural rituals.

In present days Kurung Kumey district of Arunachal Pradesh, land is possessed and cultivated by people of all sections. Agriculture, being the major occupation of the Nyishi people, a number of rituals is connected with its cultivation. The present day rituals have preserved interesting features and elements of the Nyishi traditional religion. In this paper, I wish to discuss only the agricultural rituals prevalent among the Nyishi people of Kurung Kumey district of Arunachal Pradesh. The age-old ritualistic practices continue to live today along with the syncretism of religious faith. For comprehending the religious significance of these rituals or religious practices, a preparatory explanation is needed because the ethical ideals of people, as expressed through these social institutions, relate, to a certain degree, to the realities of antique life, and the changes through the passage of time.

The mode of agricultural cultivation among the Nyishis of Kurung Kumey district is essentially two-fold. In some fields seeds are directly sown, and in others, seedlings prepared in nursery beds are transplanted. Nursery beds are prepared usually for settled cultivation whereas seeds are directly sown in jhum cultivation. Usually sowing of seeds begins in the month of lachar-yulu (April-May), and transplanting is done in the month of tiklu-sangu (June-July). But before sowing or transplanting is done, the field is tilled and prepared for cultivation. It may be noted here that all the rituals are performed according to the lunar-solar calendrical systems of the Nyishis. So the rites and beliefs connected with the agricultural cultivation are linked up with their calendar beginning with the rites of the plot selection (for jhum) and tiling (for settled) and ending in harvest rituals.

The Ceremonial Cycle: An Overview The ceremonial cycle of the Nyishi consists of a large number of major and minor rites which are performed in jhum fields and in the village, in the homes of households which cultivate jhum. They are held at various times of the year according to various stages in the cycle of jhum cultivation beginning with the selection of jhum sites and culminating with the harvest celebration which marks the transition from one agricultural season to the next. These rites form a major part of a religious system which may well be regarded as a “totalizing” system, to bor- row the use of the term from Levi-Strauss (1966: 250-62), in which the larger significance of the Head Rite (yullo), certain features of kinship and gangtem-yullo, for example, cannot be fully apprehended without reference to agricultural rituals and vice versa. For convenience, these rites may be grouped into different categories which have been presented in the following table:

2 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Table 1: The Rites of Jhum Cultivation among the Nyishis of Kurung Kumey District

The Rites in the Ceremonial Cycle Where Performed The Rites of Clearing and Planting Jhum Divination/Worship of the Earth (Nyoing hingnam) Jhum and Village The Rite of Clearing Jhum Fields (Rungho panam) Jhum The Rite of Planting/Transplanting Rites (Aam dinam) Jhum Drinking the Liquor of the Rice Seed (Liyu-Upo tangnam) Village The Rites of Protection The Rite Protecting Jhum (Amchuk Chuknam) Jhum The Rites of Harvesting (Aam Gignam) Jhum Eating of the “Head Rice” (Amji danam) Village The Rites of the New Year (Nyiti-anyang) Jhum or Village The chief concern of these rites readily apparent from their performances and accom- panying rituals is the successful growth of the crops. This is affected primarily through the propitiation of various spirits, the most important of which is the Gangte-Atu (Lord of the Land). There are, however, other features embedded within these rites, and the overall structure of the ceremonial cycle, which are important. They are specifically: cultural definitions of a certain order which opposes settlement and forest, represented by relations with the Lord of the Land, within the domain; the complementary roles of male and female in reproduction symbolically applied to agricultural production; the importance of a “cool state” for the successful growth of rice; the identification of rice with humans; and a general aoristic and proleptic orientation which emphasises continuity through renewal. As it will not be possible to examine here all the rites which make up the annual ceremonial cycle among the people in the study area, I shall therefore consider only what is sufficient to illustrate these features. The rites which I focus on are those which make up the rites of clearing and planting and the rites of protection as given in the above table. In examining these agrarian rites among the Nyishis of Arunachal Pradesh, more particularly of Kurung Kumey district, I take the view implicit in my earlier discussions of rituals that religion consists of a system of ideas and concepts, and an expressive or performative aspect, namely, ritual behaviour. As a general proposition, I think it would not be untenable to say that whatever else religion and ritual behaviour may involve, nevertheless, there is at least one level where they entail conceptual relations which represent some underlying schemata of cognition or cognitive models. As such, these conceptual relations are integrated, that is, coherent or pat- terned, and meaningful. Ritual: Performance and Language The conjunction of non-verbal and verbal performances in ritual is a phenomenon now

3 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal well acknowledged in the anthropological literature. The prevalent view of these two aspects of ritual, it seems clear, is that they are both modes of symbolic expression analysable as commu- nicative activity. In the Malinowski Memorial Lecture on “The Magical Power of Words”, for instance, Tambiah (1968) has argued that the important feature of this conjunction of word and deed is the manipulation of metaphor and metonym, following Jakobson’s discussion (1956) of these two linguistic forms. Specifically, he says that (Trobriand) ritual “actively exploits the expressive properties of language, the sensory qualities of objects, and the instrumental properties of action simultaneously in a number of ways” based on the principles of similarity and contiguity which underlie the construction of metaphors and metonyms (1968:189-90). The idea of ritual as a performative, in Austin’s sense (1962), is further developed by Tambiah (1979) in his Radcliffe-Brown Lecture. Here, Tambiah distinguishes two aspects of ritual as performative: the “constitutive” and the “regulative”. The former “achieves the re- alization of the performative effect” while the latter “orientate(s) and regulate(s) a practical or technical activity” (1979:127-30). There are various implications of this view of ritual but we may note here that a key feature identified by Tambiah is the redundant social communica- tion of meaning involving “interpersonal orchestration … social integration and continuity” (1979:133). Fox (1979) expresses a somewhat similar view in a description of the ceremonial system of Savu in Eastern Indonesia, drawing on a later study of Jakobson’s (1970) on auditory and visual signs as semiotic systems distinguished respectively by time and space as structuring principles, has suggested that both (“oration” and “ostension”) may be considered as different modalities in ritual. He then goes on to show that both modalities exhibit the features of complementarity, markedness and parallelism more commonly associated with the analysis of linguistic phenomena.

These two discussions of the relation between act and language in ritual are instructive and provide a convenient starting point for this examination of Nyishi agrarian rites. As we shall see, it will be necessary to re-examine the Head Rite and yullo in the context of the ceremonial cycle of the Nyishis of Kurung Kumey district. Although there are certain features specific to agrarian rites, they nevertheless share two essential generic characteristics which also distinguish the Head Rite and yullo, namely, the recitation of formulaic entreaties, and that most quotidian of activities- eating and drinking- as the focus of most non-verbal ritual performances. As with these two rituals, the entreaties in agrarian rites are not impressive, public performances, nor are the ritual acts highly colourful and dramatic events. They are best seen as falling in-between Fox’s two modalities of ritual, “oration” and “ostension”. There is, however, one important difference between agrarian rites and the Head Rite and yullo: agrarian rites are sequentially integrated following the cycle of jhum cultivation and they thus make up a cycle of ritual activities which are repeated annually. They are, therefore,

4 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal not simply agricultural rituals but also calendrical rites articulated with certain key phases or stages in the agricultural calendar. Furthermore, these agricultural rituals taken as a whole, that is, as an annual complex, are performed individually by households at certain times with the headman acting as ritual mediators between the people and the Lord of the Land. In other words, the ceremonial cycle brings together the two different themes of the Head Rite and yullo rituals- the interdependence of households as a ritual community in the former, and the separate identity and autonomy of domestic groups in the latter- within the overall structure of what is, substantially, a single corpus of annual ritual performances. The Ritual Performer of Jhums Agricultural rituals are performed by individual households wholly responsible for their own subsistence needs and a crucial aspect of this is the ritual performer of jhums as distinguished from general performer in which all members of the community are regarded as performers of their jhum. Every household with a jhum has a ritual performer who may be any member of the family, and an officiant who is always the eldest male in the household, that is a father, a son or son-in-law. The two, therefore, are not necessarily the same person although it has generally been the case that the ritual performer has also been the ritual officiant. The fact that the ritual officiant is always a male has to do, of course, with the domination of ritual life by men and their primary association with the cultivation of land. The ritual performer of jhums, however, is related to certain conceptions in the religion of Nyishi where the successful growth of the rice crop is identified with the health and well-being of the ritual performer who, in effect, represents the entire household. There are two aspects of the ritual performer of jhums worth noting which are relevant to an understanding of the symbolic meanings contained in the rites which make up the ceremonial cycle of Nyishi tribe. First, notwithstanding the fact that men are preeminent in managing the ritual activities of domestic groups, household members regardless of sex may become ritual performers of jhums. The substitutability of household members as candidates for the role of ritual performer points to the “homogenous” or solidary nature of domestic groups since one member is as good as another regardless of generation or sex which are criteria that are otherwise important in the organisation, formation and fissioning of domestic groups. The practice of having a ritual performer itself indicates the close association between households, represented by the ritual performer, and the rice crop that they cultivate. Second, although ritual performers may be seen to symbolise households or domestic groups in this particular sense, the relationship between ritual performers and the rice cultivated by their households is not merely a simple identification of person and crop; it is a metonymical relationship based on an implicit similarity and contiguity between what is best described as “life processes” in humans and rice evident in the perception that the successful growth of rice depends on the “vitality” of the ritual performer. Indeed, rice is in fact likened to humans in the number of souls that it is thought to possess, as held in common belief and explicitly expressed

5 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal in certain agricultural rituals. It is not, however, attributed with “vitality” perhaps because it is not “animate” in the sense that humans (and animals) are. The Rites of Clearing and Planting Jhum Divination/Worship of the Earth (Nyoing hingnam) The very first rite that is performed in association with jhum cultivation is the rite called nyoing hingnam, or the “divining of jhums” or the “Worship of the Earth”. This is the simplest of all the rites performed in the agricultural cycle and it is held after the head of the household has decided on a number of potential jhum locations. Divination is meant to establish the most favourable and, hence, the final choice of a jhum site. Alongside that, the Earth is also offered a domestic fowls in the field through prayers for the reproductive capacity of earth in a selected jhum site. The pleas which are said when these offerings are made to the spirits which are believed to inhabit the locality. The following is an example of the entreaties said when the site is claimed for cultivation. Ngu gangte palo tarine, rungho pate rine I will clear the fallow jhum, clear a jhum Atu pobu ha! Spirit Lords! Kaur bu atu, darakmabu atu Lords of that which is not good, that which is not pure Saba sa ish tokube angni la Go to where the waters bend Ngu so rungho rite rine la I will work the fallow jhum here Rinam si ale gupe Doing all that is good Ngak nyik he nam kajak kapak ma My eyes have not noticed (you) with favour Ngak nyurung he kajak kapak ma My ears have not noticed (you) with favour Alebu puruk ham tepe jiri ne Placing down all the auspicious chickens Ngu rungho gangte ham makak tarine I will make a clearing a space here Ngu eme parte rine I will bring fire down, ashes down Atu pobu ha! Spirit Lords! Saba sa ish tokube angni la Go to where the waters bend So donam si alema To stay here is not good The theme of this prayer as with other similar entreaties is dispossession and appropria- tion. The spirits that inhabit the locality are told to leave and the ritual performer claims the land for agricultural purposes. The expropriation of land from the spirits may be seen in the simple declarative sentences of intentionality which form part of the prayer. The Rite of Clearing Jhums (Rungho panam) The rite of clearing jhums consists of a short prayer that is said by the head of the household as he first slashes the vegetation of the jhum site. It is performed on the first day of clearing by the household with the assistance of other villagers but it is an individualised performance. The outstanding feature of the rite, however, is that the ritual act is in fact a technical act ac-

6 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal companied by a prayer. The prayer is addressed to the Gangte-Atu (Lord of the Land). Ke.!, akoge gangte-atu O.!, descend Lord of the Land Ngu so rungho pate rine la I will clear a jhum here Ngu so aam lite rine la I will grow rice here Ale bu, darak bu jitu Bestow all that is good, that is pure Ngak aam ham dumpo lughe kole kyak jitu Bestow upon my rice at the head, at the bottom Jinam he anya ngala Beautiful are the offerings Kumnam he anya ngala Beautiful are our tributes Rungho ngam anya tu Beautiful within the jhum Apo ngam anya tu Beautiful every stem It is unmistakably clear that the rite is constituted by a perfect concordance of “perfor- matives”, namely, the technical (“ostension”) and the verbal (“oration”) where the technical becomes ritual by virtue of the recitation of the prayer. But, there is also a dialectical relation between the two. In the prayer previously described, the clearing of the forest is seen to result is auspicious conditions. In the context of this rite, however, the creation of these conditions is dependent on the actual clearing of the forest; the technical act is thus, also the operative analogue of the verbal performance. It will be noticed that in this rite, these conditions are derived from the Lord of the Land which is called “down” (that is, from “above”) to “bestow all that is good, that is pure” whereas in the previous prayer it is the clearing of the forest that is said to produce them. The phrase which expresses these meanings is the same in both prayers. Although an Agent is not speci- fied in the phrase, the Agents in both cases are identifiable by context and confirmed by native exegesis. The occurrence of the phrase in both prayers and its recitation immediately after the head of the household states that he will clear the “fallow jhum”. The second prayer is, however, significant: it indicates contiguity between the process of clearing the forest and the descent of the Lord of the Land according to which auspicious conditions are affected. The Rite of Planting/Transplanting Rites (Rungho linam or Aam dinam) The planting of rice and other crops in jhum fields is accompanied by the first major -ag ricultural ritual performances of the season for jhum-cultivating households consisting of three related, but separate rites. The first is the rite of planting jhums (rungho linam) which is held on the first day of planting in jhums. It is followed by the rite called “planting the (ritual) huch (basket) of the aal-inyi (yam)” (aal-inyi linam) which is also performed on the same day. The third is held several days later, in the house, and it is called “drinking the liquor of the rice seed” (liyu upo tangnam). Unlike the rites entailed in divination and the clearing of jhums, these three rites are not individualised performances. They are held in the presence of the labourers which are formed to assist the household. Planting begins early in the morning where the head of the household or the ritual performer of the jhum plants the Aamli (Old Rice), preserved as seedlings. Its value is entirely

7 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal symbolic and it is, in fact, rice that symbolises itself. When a household first cultivate on its own, it has to acquire rice seed. This may be obtained from a parental household or purchased from some other household. The Old Rice is stored in the household granary suspended from the rafters of the roof of the granary or of the house. It serves several symbolic functions but the most important is the representation of the continuity of the rice crop or the annual succession of rice from its own seed cultivated in jhums. The planting ritual takes place to offer and pray to the Lord of the Land and other tutelary spirits of domains in an invocation similar, or identical, to the invocation which character- ises the prayers of the yullo (Head Rite). An example of the prayer as recited by the nambung atu (head of the household) who is also the ritual performer of the jhum is given below. Ke! Akoge Gangte-atu O!, descend Lord of the Land Nyodi-putung ge tachak-talo Lords of the mountain tops Nyodi-koro ge tachak-talo Lords of the mountain ridges Langcho-tarak ge tachak-talo Lord of the Shining Cliff Nak ge amji dagam ham dutu Eat your fill of the first rice Si kaduung du, kabab du Here raised up; look down Rokar du, roaar du Look after, watch over Sulu ge aru so In the morning of this day Ngul rungho ham dudine, We dibble the fallow jhum Ngak aam ham kapu moyatu Make my rice beautiful Rungho ragdum lokge, rungho ragkolo To the top of the jhum, the bottom of the jhum Nu detekele dutu Eat till you are full Diji kyagdu be dutu Eat till you are replete In this particular prayer, there are only a few direct references to the rice that is being planted in the jhum and the plea for a bountiful harvest is condensed in the lines in which the supplicant asks to be “the lord of jhum rice, the lord of rice granaries”. There are, for instance, requests to the tutelary spirits to prevent felled trees from sliding down the slopes of jhums and destroying the rice crop, or that a month’s work will bring rice for a year, and so on. The tutelary spirits may also be asked for a bountiful harvest in hyperbolic terms where the supplicant or ritual officiant requests that each stalk of rice be made as big as the trees. Requests for a successful harvest may also be expressed in terms of an invitation (or, more correctly, a declaration) where the spirits are said to “sit in the jhum” and “rise up in the granary”. Drinking the Liquor of the Rice Seed (Liyu-Upo tangnam) The rite known as “drinking the liquor of the rice seed” is performed in the village but it is not a village-wide ritual. It is performed on a household basis. The ritual consists of making offerings of rice liquor which, in theory, is made from the seed left over from planting. The left-over seed is often insufficient for making the liquor that is required and so it has to be

8 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal supplemented with rice from the granary. In some cases, there may in fact be no left-over rice seed and the liquor is therefore made entirely from rice drawn from the granary. Depending on when and how long it takes to make the liquor, the rite may be held any time between two to three days from planting. When the liquor is ready, a day is set for the ritual which is held after the household has had its evening meal. It is usual for the household to invite other household members to attend. The symbolic meaning of the rite is essentially similar with other rituals, namely, the expression of the communality of the village. There is, however, one important difference: the rite also expresses at the same time the autonomy of the household as a domestic unit of production because it is primarily a household ritual performed for the benefit of the household and its crop of rice. This is a concern that is fully expressed in the prayers that are said in the rite. I present below an example of the kinds of prayers offered during the ritual. Ke!, Nyodi-putung ge tachak-talo, nyodi-koro ge tachak-talo O!, Lords of the mountain tops, Lords of the mountain ridges Dene Sai, Dene Yari Lady Sai, Lady Yari Nyudo ge atu la ayu Celestial Lords and Ladies Although the Lord of the Land and other tutelary spirits are not explicitly invoked in these opening lines, it is understood that they are being called upon in the first line of the prayer. The spirits or deities addressed in the following lines occur frequently in rituals but Nyishi are vague about the nature of these spirits or deities. While most of them are agreed on the fact that Sai-Yari is female and that she resides in the sky watching over the rice crop, some however say that Sai and Yari are two entities. The Rite of Protection The Rite Protecting Jhum (Amchuk Chuknam) After the rites of planting, there are no further ritual activities until sangte-polu (Au- gust) when the rice crop begin to appear. When this happens, it is time to perform the rite that protects jhums. This is individually held by households and is performed by the head of the household. The ritual has three purposes: (i) to make an offering to pests and crop diseases in order to send them away; (ii), to induce a cool state in the jhum crop and household members; and (iii) to make an offering to the rice itself so as to encourage its growth and maturation. In analytical terms, however, the overriding significance of the rite is the symbolism which it shares with the rite of planting the ritual basket of the yam and which it elaborates upon. The elaboration of this symbolism is based on logical extensions of the underlying processes reflected in the conceptual associations common to both rites. It is for these reasons that the analysis and interpretation of the meanings of the planting of the ritual basket of the yam and the protection of jhums require the two to be taken together. 9 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal The first of these objects or items is an “altar” or “shrine” called yugang. It is a very simple bamboo structure consisting of a small platform raised on four posts with a ladder leading up to the platform from the ground. People believe that the ladder is for the rice souls (yaj- yallu) to ascend to the platform to partake of the offerings that made to the rice. The second item which is also made for the first stage of the rite is the ritual basket (huch) to replace the weather-worn one which was made earlier in the year for the planting ritual. The third item consists of three articles which are collectively known as the udung (bamboo-tube). This consists of small bamboo-tubes (udung), a small stick “stirrer” placed inside the cup (sangkyo) which is also placed in the tube. The tube is filled with rice liquor if this is available; otherwise, some attang (rice powder). The ritual commences with an offering of a chicken to the various elements which are believed to be a danger to the rice crop. The offering is made at the huch, the ritual basket into which these elements are collected and appeased. The prayer which accompanies the killing of the chicken begins with a line that, in fact, is addressed to rice. Ke Aam!, ngu sam nak nase ham namu dube megerine, O rice!, I do this so that you will receive that which is for you Nam daktar modube megerine That which protects you Huch lo alemabu ham chumlak tu The basket seeks that which is not good Huch lo darakmabu ham chumlak tu The basket seeks that which is not pure Huch lo kauurbu nyarbu-patta ham chumlak tu The basket seeks the ill-omened bird that laughs Huch lo hamlingbu sudum ham chumlak tu The basket seeks barking deer that calls out Huch lo hallapbu aming ham chumlak tu The basket seeks that which is slippery At the end of the prayer, feathers are torn from the chicken and stuck on the blood smears on the huch (ritual basket). This prayer consists of metaphors built around a simple theme which, in this case, is the containment of all that may endanger the rice crop. The most noteworthy feature of the prayer, however, is the recurrent references to “things that are slippery” (hallap bu). These references are based primarily on the idea that women who have just given birth, and new-born babies, are in a “slippery” condition. Slipperiness, however, is not merely descriptive of the physical condition of women and new-born babies; it also describes a general state that is believed to affect the whole community at childbirth. Nyishi have, for example, a prohibition on work outside the house on the day when a birth occurs. The reason for this prohibition, they say, is that if they do so, untoward consequences would result either for the mother and infant or for those who work outside the house. The belief and prohibition, quite evidently demonstrate that childbirth is a matter of concern to the community as a whole. What is significant about the two beliefs and their associated prohibitions, it must be emphasised, is that both link cultural definitions of reproductive processes to the cultivation of

10 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal crops, as well as the relations between individuals involved in such processes and the entire community. In the context of the rite of protection, the association between childbirth and the state of the rice crop at this stage of the jhum cycle possesses a very specific significance. However, it may be noted here that apart from the ill-omens which are mentioned, the image of the dangers that threaten the rice growing in jhums is also evoked through the primary meanings attaching to the idea of a slippery state that comes about at childbirth. These meanings are further extended to fructivorous animals such as rats, squirrels, birds and so on, and also to people. The Rites of Harvesting The rites of harvesting consist of a number of rites performed at different times as the season proceeds. It is not possible to deal with all the rites that are performed at this time and I shall, therefore, discuss only few of them. These are: “eating of the head rice” (amji-danam); and the final harvest celebration called the “rising of the New Year” (nyiti-anyang). The Eating of the Head Rice (amji-danam) Among the Nyishis in Kurung Kumey district, the rice that is first reaped is early ripen- ing rice. For many households, the rice that is reaped in the early stages of the harvest season is brought back for immediate consumption because by this time their stocks of rice from the previous year have been exhausted. The rice that has been reaped for immediate consumption is treated as the “head rice” (amji) or “first rice”. The eating of the head rice takes place in the evening of a day that is deemed convenient for all members of the household, for it is important that all should be present for the rite. The ritual is led by the oldest married, or widowed, woman in the family. There are many levels at which the ritual may be interpreted. It is concerned, for example, with the process of converting rice into its edible form through the use of fire. This is apparent from the inclusion of the hearth and hearth-stones in the ritual which includes their propitiation. It is also concerned with the propitiation of rice itself for being eaten. At yet another level, it is also concerned with ensuring that rice is not lost in the process of preparing it for consumption. However, what is most important is the essentially female nature of the rite which marks it as a domestic rite through the idiom of processing and cooking rice, quite regardless of the minimal sexual division of labour. It is the only agricultural rite of significance that demands a female officiant and it expresses the ideological categorisation of men and women and their complementarity, in agricultural production, through the mediation of a general opposition between the domestic and non-domestic domains. As she does this, she says the following prayer: Rungho ge aam Rice of the jhum Ngu nam asak ach-aming legebe moyola dudune I eat you mixed with other things Ngu nam amsak legebe dudune I eat you shared together with unhusked rice Nu yamadube, nu nyemadube So that you do not rot, so that you do not spoil

11 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Nu hahak madube So that you do not take offence Nu niimadube, nu ngemadube So that you are not finished, so that you are not exhausted The prayer continues in this vein at considerable length. As she chews and recites the prayer, the ritual officiant also spits out some of the contents of her mouth onto the hearth and around the fireplace. There are some variations to the otherwise repetitive, indeed redundant, nature of the verses. For example, the rice is told that “people do so (that is, the ritual) for the future, people eat thus for the future” to bring about a “rising” of the “eating to fullness, the drinking to fullness”. The Rites of the New Year (Nyiti-anyang) The rites of the New Year, or the “rising of the New Year” (nyiti-anyang) as it is called in Kurung Kumey district, may be regarded in some senses as a harvest celebration but they are, in fact, rites which mark the passage from one agricultural cycle into the next and which are wholly oriented towards the new season. The New Year itself is also described by a complementary term: the “descent of the land” (nyokum). Both these expressions, as I showed in my discussion of the agricultural calendar of the people in Kurung Kumey district, describe the succession of agricultural seasons and their constituent features according to natural or “organic” rhythms. An important condition on holding the rites of the New Year, however, is that all the households in the village must have performed their annual yullo first. Many of the agrarian rites that are conducted among the Nyishis, as we have seen, are the responsibility of individual households. This is what we might expect given the nature of domestic social organisation and the sociology of agricultural production among the people. The position of yullo in the annual cycle of ritual activities - that is, as a mandatory ritual precondition for the New Year rites - marks it, at least in this particular regard, as a proper calendrical ritual and, therefore, as an integral part of the cycle of agrarian rites among the Nyishis in Kurung Kumey district. This is significant because it is one more example of how not only ritual performances but also their structural positions in the sequence of annual rites periodically affirm the identification of households with the process of agricultural production. When all the households have had their meal, the festivities begin with the people beat- ing talu (gongs), clashing billang (cymbals) and singing in the open near the house. The size of Nyishi houses makes it impossible for any house to accommodate all the people in the village, that’s why, for the “libations at the descent of the land”, what usually happens is that all the male heads of households congregate in particular house while women and children stay outside. However, as with the Head Rite (the key features of which also distinguish this ritual), this is also a reflection of the fact that men dominate the ritual life of the community. The organisation and structure of the “libations at the descent of the land” are identical 12 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal to that of the Head Rite. Although the prayers are essentially similar in that they propitiate the Lord of the Land and request his protection, they differ somewhat in their temporal orientations. Whereas the prayers of the Head Rite are concerned with maintaining the status quo with the spirit of the domain in the agricultural year that is in progress, the prayer in the New Year rite is markedly proleptic; it is emphatic about the approaching year and, indeed, a general future. The following is a prayer made during this rite. Ke! Gangte ge atu O! Descend Lord of the Land Kurung-Kumey ish ge ayu Lord of the headwaters of Kurung-Kumey Atarbu atu, kulu ge atu Lord of that which is great, Lord of that which is old Nyudo ge atu, sachang ge atu Lord in the heavens, Lord of the earth Ngul Donyi ham kapudube mangdune We desire the sun to be beautiful Polu ham kangamdube The moon to be beautiful So nyitidube mangdune Anew here Rungho padube, rungho mudube Cultivating fallow jhums, cultivating jhums Michagu ridube, kaigu nadube Doing little, obtaining much Kulu kyak nakidube In the future continuously Lukude aam ge atu, amsak ge atu Let us be again lords of rice, lords of unhusked rice Saktebe dumutube, saktebe tangmutube Bestow fullness in eating, fullness in drinking Malange nampamlo likinggube saktedumutube Bestow fullness in eating together (in all) the villages, Malange nambalo likinggube saktedumutube Bestow fullness in eating together at all the house-steps Malangham kayatu, lungkyi ham kayatu Watch over all, watch over everything Later in the prayer, the tutelary spirit of the domain is specifically asked to protect the village and house-holders from all that may endanger them. The form in which this request is expressed makes it clear that the community and its well-being are conceived of in terms of a solidarity and corporateness which are defined by the physical boundaries of houses, the village, and the domain. Conclusion In this paper, I have described several rituals within the corpus of annual agricultural rites in Kurung Kumey district, in order to illustrate their principal features and the particular forms in which language and symbolic activity are employed, to demonstrate their major importance in the religious life of the community, and to show more generally their significance in terms of the cultural ideology of Nyishi. These rituals are organised around ideas, concepts and categories which are key elements in the way that Nyishi conceive of agricultural production, especially jhum cultivation, and of their viability as a community. In the religious life of Nyishi, it is evident that both agricultural production and the existence of the community are treated as interrelated, on-going processes. At the heart of this ideological relationship lies what may best 13 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal be regarded as a procreative model of society extended to agriculture. Finally, I may say that a logical analysis of the different rites has not been made so far. Instead of arriving at any hypothesis, I have tried to present a picture of the living reality of customs. As the agricultural rituals in Kurung Kumey district of Arunachal Pradesh present incoherent layers of thought, it is rather difficult to bring together the various forms of customs, beliefs, superstitions and practices to a single hypothetical frame. The different observances have been mixed up to form agricultural rituals, the real meaning of which is lost today. More- over the ritual practices are constantly changing their form and character. The customs, which are considered to have connection with agricultural cultivation, might have originated in some other religious rites. The agricultural rituals of Kurung Kumey district of Arunachal Pradesh present a bewildering complexity of popular beliefs and religious elements. Even today there is hardly any reduction in performing these customary rites. To quote Van Gennep, “All these ceremonies include both rites of passage and sympathetic rites- direct or indirect, positive or negative- for fertility, multiplication and growth” (Gennep, 1960). References :- 1. Arens, R. 1957. The Agricultural Ritual in the East Visayan Islands, Philippines. Folklore Studies, Vol. XVI, p. 269. 2. Armstrong, E. A. 1943. The Ritual of the Plough. Folklore, Vol. LIV, p. 257. Ibid. p. 255. 3. Bharati, A. 1971. Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion: Ritual and Belief Systems. Biennial Review of Anthropology. Vol. 7 (1971). 230-282. Stanford University Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2949230. Accessed on 22/04/2010 14:46. 4. Bora, D.K. 2000. Traditional Nishing Religion and the Change. In M.C. Behera (Ed.) Tribal Religion: Change and Continuity. New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers. 5. Bourdieu, P. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice (transl. R. Nice). Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press. 6. Burling, R. 1970. Man’s Many Voices: Language in Its Cultural Context. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. 7. Choudhury, S.D. 1981/2008. Gazetteer of India: Arunachal Pradesh (Subansiri District). Itanagar: Govt. of Arunachal Pradesh/Himalayan Publishers. 8. Elwin, V. 1957/2006. A Philosophy for NEFA. Itanagar: Directorate of Research, Ar- unachal Pradesh. 9. Firth, R. 1973. Food Symbolism in a Pre-Industrial Society. In Symbols: Public and Pri- vate, R. Firth London: George Allen and Unwin. 10. Fox, J.J. 1971. Semantic Parallelism in Rotinese Ritual Language. Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, 14 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Landen Volkenkunde. 127(2):215–55. 11. Fox, J.J. 1979. The Ceremonial System of Savu. In The Imagination of Reality, ed. A.L. Becker and Aram Yengoyan. Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex Publishing Corporation. 12. Frake, C. 1969. Notes on Queries in Ethnography. In Cognitive Anthropology, ed. S. Ty- ler. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 13. Frazer, J. G. 1907. Folklore, Vol. xviii, pp. 332-334. 14. Frazer, J. G. 1922/2007. The Golden Bough: A Study of Magic and Religion (Abridged Edition). Ebooks@Adelaide. Http://Ebooks.Adelaide.Edu.Au/. 15. Furer-Haimendorf, C. V. 1982. The Highlanders of Arunachal Pradesh. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. 16. Furer-Haimendorf, C.V. 1950. Ethnographic Notes on the Tribes of the Subansiri Region. Shillong: The Assam Government Press. 17. Furer-Haimendorf, C.V. 1962. The Apa Tanis and their Neighbours: A Primitive Civiliza- tion of the Eastern Himalayas. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 18. Garson, J.G. & C.H. Read (eds.). 1892. Notes and Queries on Anthropology (2nd Edi- tion), edited for Council of the Anthropological Institute, London. 19. Geertz, C. 1966. Religion as a Cultural System. In Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. M.Banton. ASA Monographs 3. London: Tavistock Publications. 20. Gennep, A. V. 1960. The Rites of Passage, p. 179. (Tr. by Monica B. Vizedom Cz G. Ecaf- fee). 21. Hanks, L.M. 1972. Rice and Man. Chicago: Aldine. 22. Jairth, M.S. 1991. Tribal Economy and Society. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. 23. Kahn, J.S. and J.R. Llobera (eds.). 1981. The Anthropology of Pre-capitalist Societies. London: The Macmillan Press. 24. Kapferer, B. 1979a. Introduction: Ritual Process and the Transformation of Context. In The Power of Ritual: Transition, Transformation and Transcendence in Ritual Practice, ed. B. Kapferer. Social Analysis (Special Inaugural Issue). 1(1):3–19. 25. Miri, S. (ed.) 1980. Religion and Society of North-East India. Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. 26. Rikam, N.T. 2004. The Faith and Philosophy of the Nyishis. In T. Mibang & S.K. Chaud- huri (eds.) Understanding Tribal Religion. New Delhi: Mittal Publications

15 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 27. Rikam, N.T. 2005. Emerging Religious Identities of Arunachal Pradesh: A Study of Nyi- shi Tribe. New Delhi: Mittal Publications. 28. Salamone, F.A. Ed. 2004. Encyclopaedia of Religious Rites, Rituals, and Festivals. New York/London: Routledge. 29. Showren, T. 2009. The NYISHI of Arunachal Pradesh: An Ethnohistorical Study. New Delhi: Regency Publications. 30. Spencer, J.E. 1966. Shifting Cultivation in Southeastern Asia. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 31. Stonor, R. 1957. Notes on Religion and Ritual among the Dafla Tribes of the Assam Hi- malayas. Source: Anthropos, Bd. 52, H. 1./2. (1957), pp. 1-23. Stable URL: http://www. jstor.org/stable/40453996. Accessed: 03/03/2013 23:19. 32. Tambiah, S.J. 1968. The Magical Power of Words. Man (NS). 3(2):175–208. 33. Tambiah, S.J. 1979. A Performative Approach to Ritual. Proceedings of the British Acad- emy. 65:114–69. London: Oxford University Press. 34. Tara, T.T. 2008. Nyishi World (2nd Edition). Banderdewa: D.B. Printers. 35. Vidyarthi, L.P. and B.K. Rai. 1985. The Tribal Culture of India. New Delhi: Concept Pub- lishing Company 36. White, B.N.F. 1980. Rural Household Studies in Anthropological Perspective. In Rural Household Studies in Asia, ed. H.P. Binswanger et al. Singapore: Singapore University Press. 37. Willis, R. 1975. The Interpretation of Symbolism. London: Malaby Press.

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16 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

A Study on Attitude of Pre-Service Secondary Teachers toward Human Rights Education and Peace Education. Sony Dupak1,TageAmpa2 1Research Scholar, Department of Education, Rajiv Gandhi University, A.P. 2 Assistant Professor, Department of Education, Dera Natung Government College, Itanagar Abstract The investigators conducted a study to know the attitude towards Human Rights Edu- cation and Peace Education of pre-service secondary teachers of Department of Education, Rajiv Gandhi University, Hills College of Teacher Education and Donyi-Polo B.Ed College Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh. For this purposes, normative survey method of research was used. A sample consists of 50 pre-service teachers were selected randomly. Peace Education and Human Rights Education Attitude scale for pre-service teachers developed by Dr. Jayadeba Sahoo, Professor, Department of Education, Rajiv Gandhi University, Rono Hills were used for data collection. Mean (M), standard deviation (SD), and t-test were used to analyze the data. The attitude of both male and female were analyzed. The findings revealed that no significant difference was found in the attitude level of male and female pre-service teachers. The authors stressed on imparting peace education and human rights education in college. Knowledge of human rights education makes students better able to participate in society and encourages pre- service teachers to think broadly when they plan to teach for peace. KEYWORDS : Peace Education, Human Rights Education, pre-service teachers. Introduction:- Human rights education and peace education are closely linked activities that comple- ment and support each other. Peace is a fundamental pre-condition without which rights cannot be realized, while at the same time, the ensuring of basic rights is essential to bringing about peace. Human rights education (HRE) is an emergent field of educational theory and practice gaining increased attention and significance across the globe. The international human rights movement, spurred by the efforts of non-governmental organizations, the United Nations and other regional human rights bodies, has broadened its focus since the late 1970s, by seeking to integrate human rights concepts, norms and values within the mainstream educational systems of world states. Education for peace is not a slogan or catchword that has been coined recently, but more precisely it emerged as a trend an urgent call of world community around First World War. People realized that it is only education which can help in regaining peace in the world after the catastrophe of war. Since then, various efforts have been made to bring peace through education. But over the years, peace education is gaining more and more importance all over the world. It is mainly because of the increase in the rate of violence, terrorism, wars and conflicts

17 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal in all the societies of the world. It can be noted that though there has been tremendous advances in science and technology, the dawn of the new millennium have witnessed violence, terrorism, drug abuse, war and conflicts all over the world. Hence, integrating peace education and human rights education in the curriculum has become an urgent need today. In today’s world child spends most of its time at school. Therefore nurturing the child holistically is the responsibility of the teacher. The teacher helps the students acquire knowledge, skills, attitudes and values needed to bring changes in their behavior. But in order to teach the students, the teacher himself has to have a positive attitude towards human rights education and peace education. Having awareness and positive attitude towards human rights education and peace education amongst teachers is very important to develop peace, values and knowledge in the minds of students. So, that researchers have taken this study to know the attitude of pre service teacher regarding peace education and human rights education because they are the upcoming teachers of the nation. Peace is a global concept and every individual has to be filled with peace for both physical and mental health. It is also a value to be cherished from birth till death. The dictionary meaning of peace is “A State of Quiet, Freedom from Contention, Ease of Mind or Conscience, Tranquillity, Quiet, Stillness and Silence”. The meaning is quite comprehensive and each of the individual meanings given deserves detailed discussion and explanation. Peace does not mean an absence of war or conflict alone. It has something to do with the mind and attitude of people. In the deepest sense, peace is a sense of goodwill towards others, wishing them the best in life. According to Federico Mayor, ‘Peace is possible for life at all stages and it is up to man to choose his destiny or to suffer from the horrors of war. Today mankind is at the cross-road where he/she has to choose with courage, determination and imagination. Peace education is a broader discipline and has been defined in many ways. There is no universally accepted defini- tion as such. Generally, peace education aims at teaching individuals the information, attitude, values and behavioral competencies needed to resolve conflicts without violence and to build and maintain mutually beneficial, harmonious relationships. John Dewey (1938) explained that “peace education is grounded in active citizenship, preparing learners for aucidious participation in a democracy through problem posing and problem solving education, and a commitment to transformative action in our society.”Peace is a vital condition of human rights to be practiced completely and forms the foundation of human rights. For this reason, it is obligatory to think human rights education together with peace education (Kamarajk&Aktan, 2005). Human rights and basic freedoms are the individual rights which are resulted from humanely needs and skills (Beetham& Boyle, 1998, 99).Human rights cannot be taken away; no one has the right to deprive another person of them for any reason. Human rights are inalien- able and they are inherent to each individual. It is impossible to have dignified and humane life without human rights (Uygun, 1996, 7). The primary way to obtain real respect to human rights is to educate human rights. It is impossible to get the respect to human rights by means of the mechanisms of control and protection alone. Because they can be only operated after violating the rules of human rights (Gülmez, 1996, 1). The education of human rights is an effective way of work in making people aware of their own rights in order to defense universal values in the national and advanced level (Yeşil, 2002, 45).In a number of countries, efforts are underway 18 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal to upgrade the quality of pre-service teacher education. Training may include a focus on such skills as the use of interactive and participatory teaching methods, organizing cooperative group work, and facilitating group discussions. The use of these types of teaching methods is essential to quality basic education, and enables pre-service teachers to convey values of cooperation, respect for the opinions of the people, and appreciation of differences. Participatory teaching and learning strategies can be used throughout the curriculum, and are an essential component of efforts to promote peace and human rights through education. Pre-service teacher education in peace and human rights education is an important feature of the programme in India, with one national teacher training college designated as the focal point for the development of pre-service training programmes in peace and human rights education, integrated into each of the traditional subject areas. Review of related literature:- Bedir.G and Arslan. M (2013) studied on, The Secondary Education Students’ perceptions regarding peace education and human rights. The result stated that there are differences between the students’ perceptions on peace education (U=12920.5, p.05)and the perceptions on human rights according to their sex (U=16300.0, p.05). When the rank mean is examined it is seen that female students’ rank mean is higher than male students’. It may be resulted from the reason that girls are more sensitive than boys. Gundogdu.K(2010) studied on The effect of constructivist instruction on prospective teachers attitudes towards human rights education. The results show that the use of both constructivist teaching and learning activities and traditional methods increased the prospective teachers’ degree of appreciation for human rights education. However, the use of constructivist methods and materials in the human rights course had more positive impact on the students’ teachers’ attitudes towards human rights. Houten.V and Santner.V (2010) studied on, Youth as Actors in Peace and Human Rights Education Youth is a heterogeneous group with multiple needs, (political) ideas and capacities which are important for the successfulness of pro-peace and development processes. Research and practice shows that youth are often the primary producers of violence in the period after the signing of the peace accords, because: 1) Youth victims of violence have learned using violence is a way to approach conflicts. 2) There is a lack of alternatives for former combatants. 3) Politi- cal exclusion and marginalization of youth during and after peace and development processes leads to frustration among youth. 4) Of the thin lines between politically active youth and youth criminality (McEvoy-Levy 2001:10-14). Sharma. V and Jain. S (2012) studied on ‘Peace education and human rights in twenty first century: A review and it could be helpful to think that “practicing peace” begins with a search for “inner peace”. The search for “inner peace” has captured the imagination of many people today; particularly it seems in western societies where alienation and disaffection seem to sit uneasily alongside unprecedented levels of material possession and consumption. Thus, students need to be respectful and open- minded without being uncritically tolerant and accept-

19 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ing. They need to be cooperative and empathetic while still being assertive. Review of the related study provides a strong background for initiating an investigation about human rights education, peace education and gender among Pre-service teacher at the secondary level. The review helped in locating comparative data useful in the interpretation of results. Objectives of the study. The following are the objective of the study. 1. To study the attitude of peace education among male and female pre-service secondary teachers of Papumpare District Arunachal Pradesh. 2. To study the attitude of human rights education among male and female pre-service secondary teachers of Papumpare District Arunachal Pradesh. Hypotheses of the study:- Hypotheses of the present study are as follows: 1. There is no significant difference between male and female pre-service secondary teachers towards peace education in Papumpare District of Arunachal Pradesh. 2. There is no significant difference between male and female pre-service secondary teachers towards human rights education in Papumpare District of Arunachal Pradesh. Design of the study: The present study was conducted to study the attitude of the pre-service secondary teachers of B.Ed College towards the human rights education and peace education. For this purpose, normative survey method of research was employed in the present investigation. Sample of the study: The samples were selected using the random sampling technique. It comprised of 50 pre-service secondary teachers of Department of Education, Rajiv Gandhi University, Hills Col- lege of Teacher Education and Donyi-Polo B.Ed College, Itanagar, Papumpare District of Ar- unachal Pradesh. It was divided into male and female, pre-service secondary teachers. Tools used: The following tools were used to collect the relevant data. 1. Attitude scale to measure the pre-service teachers towards human rights education developed by Prof. J. Sahoo (2006). 2. Attitude scale to measure the pre-service teachers towards peace education developed by Prof. J. Sahoo (2015). Statistical techniques used: For analysis of data statistical techniques like Mean, standard deviation and t-test were employed.

20 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Analysis & interpretation of results: Table No.1 Mean scores, Standard deviation, SED and‘t’ value of male and female pre-service secondary teachers in Papumpare District (AP).

SI/No Category N Mean Standard- SED ‘t’value Remark Deviation 1 Male 25 258.2 9.52 No Significant 2 Female 25 256.4 9.31 2.66 0.67

Table no. 1 shows the mean scores of male and female pre-service secondary teachers of Pap- umpare District (AP) on attitudes towards Peace Education are 258.2 and 256.4 and standard deviation are 9.52 and 9.31 respectively. The calculated ‘t’ value is 0.67 which is less than the table value of 2.01 at 0.05 level of significance and 2.68 at 0.01 level of significance. Thus, the hypothesis of no significant difference in attitudes of male and female pre-service secondary teachers towards the peace education in Papumpare District, Arunachal Pradesh is accepted. Hence, it is found that male and female pre-service secondary teachers have equal attitudetowards the peace education in Papumpare District of Arunachal Pradesh. Table No.2 Attitudes towards Human Rights Education Mean scores, Standard deviation, SED and‘t’ value of male and female pre-service secondary teachers in Papumpare District (AP).

SI Category N Mean Standard- SED ‘t’value Remark No Deviation 1. Male 25 125 9.05 2 Female 25 119 9.70 7.039 0.85 No Significant

Table no. 2 shows the mean scores of male and female pre-service secondary teachers of Papumpare District (AP) on attitudes towards Human Rights Education are 125 and 119 and standard deviation are 9.05 and 9.70 respectively. The calculated‘t’ value is 0.85 which is less than the table value of 2.01at 0.05 level of significance and 2.68 at 0.01 level of significance. Thus, the hypothesis of no significant difference in attitudes of male and female of pre-service secondary teachers towards the human rights education in Papumpare District, Arunachal Pradesh is accepted. Hence, it is found that male and female pre-service secondary teachers have equal attitudes towards human rights education in Papumpare District of Arunachal Pradesh. Conclusions: From the findings of the study it can be concluded that there is no significant difference in attitudes of male and female pre-service secondary teachers towards the peace education. The investigation on the peace education attitude revealed that the male and female pre-service 21 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal secondary teachers have equal attitude towards peace education. It is also found that there is no significant difference in attitudes of male and female pre-service secondary teachers towards human rights education. From this study it is interpreted that the variable sex does not play a significant role in determining Human Rights Education attitude among the pre-service secondary teachers of Papumpare District of Arunachal Pradesh. Thus the study revealed that the male and female pre-service secondary teachers have equal attitude on Human Rights Education. When individuals are unaware of human rights, rights cannot be used properly and it is impossible to process these mechanisms for violation of rights. As a result of this, not also individuals learn their rights, but also they become aware of using them concretely. The violence events confronted in college are the behaviors learned later. Students’ (pre-service secondary teachers) lifelong experiments and learning have been realized in their families, environments and schools. From this point of view, it is necessary to inform our students about peace education and human right. Not only it is necessary to have positive opinions and emotions, but also it is vital to turn them into behaviors when they confronted with violent events. As a result of this there can be peace- ful and untroubled atmosphere. For this reason, colleges have to prepare Peace Education and Human Rights programs in their syllabus for better attitude and awareness of the trainees. The programme should be implemented as soon as possible so that trainees are equipped with Hu- man Rights and Peace Education. References: 1. Bedir,G and Arslan, M. (2013).The secondary education students’ perceptions regarding peace education and human rights, Journal of educational and instructional studies in the world, vol-3,no.2146-7463. 2. Gundogdu, K. (2010),The effect of constructivist instruction on prospective teachers attitudes towards human rights education, Electronic journal of research in educational psychology, vol-1, no.1696-2095. 3. Houten,V and Santner, V. (2010).Youth as Actors in Peace and Human Rights Education, Journal of peace education and social justice, vol-5, no.258-267. 4. Koul, L. (1997). Methodology of Educational Research. New Delhi: Vikash Publishing house. 5. Reardon, Betty. (1997). Human Rights as Education for the Twenty- First Century. (255- 261). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 6. Sharma, V and Jain, S. (2012). Peace education and human rights in twenty first century. International journal of social science and interdisciplinary research, vol-1, no.2277- 3630.

22 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

The Socio-economic life of the Nyishis’ of Arunachal Pradesh Bengia Tada Ph.D Scholar Department of Commerce Rajiv Gandhi University, Rono Hills, Doimukh Abstract Nyishi is the single largest tribe of Arunachal Pradesh spreading in six districts namely Papumpare, Lower Subansiri, East Kameng, Kurung Kumey, Kra Daadi and Upper Subansiri district. Traditionally socio-economic status of the Nyishis’ is determined by the numbers of mithun (Bos frontalis) and ornaments possessed. Social and religious practices of the Nyishi were unorganised and unwritten earlier. On other hand many social evil practises like Tapiaparnam, Sacrifice to evil spirit, child marriage, polygamy, clan-war, revenge system, fine system etc were prevalent. Social system of the Nyishis include living pattern, marriage system, judiciary system, food habits, religious life or faith and belief, dress and ornaments and dressing pattern, discipline or behaviour of people etc. And economic life of the Nyishis rely on agriculture, forest, river resources, fish, meat and vegetable vendor, livestock, barter system, hunting and fishing, arts & crafts and handloom etc. And there is no regulatory framework to monitor the price fixation in the commercial or business activities. Key words: - Barter system, child marriage, revenge system, river resource, hunting and fishing, craft and handloom. Introduction:- Arunachal Pradesh is situated in North-Eastern part of India where 26 major tribes are found having their own socio-economic life and status. Some of the major tribes are Tagin, Galo, Adi, Apatani, Nyishi, Monpa, Mishmi, Nocte, Tangsa, Wancho etc. The Nyishi is the single largest tribe of Arunachal Pradesh dwelling in five districts namely Papumpare, Lower Subansiri, East Kameng, Kurung Kumey, Kraa Dadi and Upper Subansiri district. Traditionally socio-economic status of the Nyishis are determined by the amount of mithuns (Bos frontalis), ornaments and other valuable wealth like movable and immovable properties. It is observed that social system of the Nyishi was not in organised manner earlier and even today the Nyishi society norms, worship, commercial activities, facts and beliefs are not in written form. In this context many research scholars are putting huge efforts to convert them into written form. social system of the Nyishi includes living pattern, marriage system, judiciary system, food habits, religious life, facts and beliefs, dressess and ornaments and manner of dressing, discipline or behaviour of people etc besides many social evil practises earlier in society like Tapiaparnam, sacrifice to evil spirit, child marriage, polygamy, clanwar, revenge system, fine system etc but today due to impacts of modernisation and introduction of formal and non-formal education 23 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal system in Arunachal Pradesh some social evil practices within the Nyishis community are mini- mising or reducing day by day. Every community possesses natural and human resources in varying proportions and economic life of the Nyishis relies on agricultural economy, forest economy, river resource, vegetable vendor, livestock, barter system economy, hunting and fishing, arts, crafts and handloom etc. Economically Nyishis are self sufficient through agricultural production and other economic activities. Social life of the Nyishis:- Family: The family is only social institution that changes while transforming man from biologi- cal to social being. It is the first social institution to shape an individual to adjust himself or herself to the society. Monogamy and polygamy practices are prevalent in the Nyishi society. A man and his wife or wives, married son and their children, unmarried son and daughters form a family. In facts Nyishi houses are built large enough to accommodate on an average ten to fifteen family members and each family manages own ways of economic unit to sustain their family and has own hearth and granary. Senior most or eldest son of the family get preference to keep front or entrance hearth in Nyishi dialect “Front hearth” is known as Bootu Emeey. Bootu means a front and Emeey means a Hearth. All the members of the family respect him and he decides major decision of the affair of concern family; decision like marriage and obedience to elders is the part of discipline for Nyishis children. So, elders get respect and honour in Nyishi society. Religious life:- The Nyishis’ believe in sun and moon gods called as Donyi Polo. Nyishi worship SUN and MOON and name of the religion of Nyishis’ is DONYI POLO. The place of worship is known as NYEDAR NAMLO. Religious beliefs and worship of Nyishi was not in organised form and consequently the majority of Nyishis have been converting into other religion such as Christian and Muslim. But today Nyishis has begun to establish its own religion in organised and systematic manner. Earlier there was no NYEDAR NAMLO, only people remember all mighty sun and moon during unpleasant time. There was no systematic and proper procedure of worship and place of worship like other religions; church for Christians and masjid for Muslim. The people of Doimukh had started a religious movement for unification of worship of Nyishis and created a divine place called NYEDAR NAMLO to worship Donyi-Polo. The believers of Donyi-Polo attend NYEDAR NAMLO every Sunday to offer prayers to almighty DONYI POLO and a priest plays major role during prayer time and after completion of prayer, the priest sprnkle spiritual water to everyone in NYEDAR NAMLO to purify the spirit of the believers and to heal sick person. In Nyishi dialect Priest is known as NYUB. In Nyishi especially those days when hospital facilities were not available, a priest per-

24 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal form traditional rites to treat ill person. Even major health problems were cured in those days through rites. In Nyishi, this process of curing is known as UYE BENAM. UYE means evil spirit that cause sickness and diseases. Nyishi sacrifices some valuable things like mithuns, goats, pigs, hens, dogs, etc to UYE in order to treat sick person and priest plays a role of mediator between UYE and sick person. This system is also one major causes of conversion of many Nyishi into Christian religion because only a rich class of Nyishi can perform UYE Panem means sacrifice to the UYE. Marriage System: - In Nyishi marriage system parent decides and arrange marriage for both boys and girls with the people of equal status in the society. This is called arrange marriage. Love marriage also exists in Nyishi society. In love marriage girls and boys decide their marriage themselves by considering choice and preferences. Matrimonial alliances were a means to gather allies to defend against attack from enemies in earlier days. In customary law of Nyishi, a man is allowed to marry more than one wife. A man can marry any woman but in customary law special provision is made to marry his maternal uncle’s daughters, sister in-law and his mother’s sister which is very popular practices as such marriages secure an individual more love and affection and it is believed that wives out of such marriages rather look after the properties well in comparison to the other women. An ideal marriage in Nyishi tribe is one that is arranged through negotiation between families of grooms and the brides or men of their representatives like eldest men of family members or eldest of village or gaon bura of the concern village. Adolescence age is the best age of marriage as Nyishis’ believe in earlier days. However marriages in Nyishi community often depend on economic factors that’s why only son of rich family could marry early and rich men could marry more than one wife. Before the starts of a marriage process, the parent of the both bride and bridegroom go for omen reading separately. In Nyishi, omen reading is known as PUCHU KOKANAM or PEEUP CHEKANAM. In omen reading, chicken or eggs are used. PUCHU means chicken and PEEUP means eggs and KOKANAM and CHEKANAM means a process. The priest or expert elders of the village read the omen. If omen result is favourable then they send marriage pro- posal to the bridegroom and negotiation of marriage start. Omen reading was also done during the wives pregnancies. This is called testing of pregnant woman whether baby is a girl or boy. If omen result is girl they start marriage negotiation. After negotiation is completed, they starts a marriage procession. In Nyishi, marriage procession is known as NYEDA. During Nyeda, bridegroom carries numbers of mithuns ( Seeb), pigs ( Ere), dember( Roasted meat), knives (Oyo), cloth ( Paree Ajj), fermented millets (Opo) along with performance of buyya and edhed (Priest chanting during marriage procession) and bride family reciprocates and gives a valuable local ornaments to the bridegroom, local ornament such as Tassang or tassee (beads), tallu or taal ( Plate made of silver), dupin, Kooj, Huhi etc. 25 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Social evil practices in marriage system 1) Tapia Parnam: - Tapia Parnam is a forceful marriage system practised earlier in Nyishi tribe of Arunachal Pradesh. Suppose, if a woman is unwilling to marry a particular man, they used to look her up in wooden stock called Tapia and forcibly have sex with her and she is released only after she gets pregnant. In such condition girls were left no option in her life and compelled to marry with him. Tapia was one of the biggest social problems during olden days in Nyishi society. The Causes of Tapia Parnam occurred or arise from basically three reasons 1. The first reason, when girl’s father takes loan (loan may in the form of cash or kind) from other man, and if he is unable to return the loan on time, he allows to solemn the marriage of his daughter to the loaner. 2. The second reason, when girl is force to marriage with old man 3. The third reason, when they captive girl during clan or other war.

2) Polygamy:- It is the system in Nyishi community that a man socially accepted to marry more than one wife at a time. Many innocent girls have been trapped under this system because generally girls don’t get freedom to decide their life partner. Even 40 years old man can marry a 20 years old girl under this system due to compulsion from family pressure. A decade ago polygamy was practiced in order to increase agricultural production and to protect themselves from the attack from enemies but today it became a fashion for elite class people. 3) Child Marriage:- Girls and boys are forced to marry in teenage by family and teenage girls are forced to marry a 40 years or above aged man are the perfect explanation for child marriage practising in Nyishi community. This is one of the worst social evil practiced by Nyishi tribe in Arunachal Pradesh. There was high rate of child marriage in decades ago but due to impacts of education and modernisation, such evil practices have been minimised day by day. Dress and ornaments The Nyishi dress is broadly categorised into two types i.e. 1) the dress of well-to-do family including the priest and 2) the dress of the common people and there is a manner and procedure of wearing dress for both men and women in Nyishi society. The Nyishis’ Men dress and ornaments Dress including Bopia (wear at head), Heging or gingpung (underpants), Paree Ajj (wear to cover body from chest to abdomen portion), leehi (wear in leg), ruprubing (wear by both men and women at ear made up of silver), and Nyishi men smoke a local tobacco product with selee made up by metal or cane pipe, Lorum (made up of cane and wear just below the knee), Tama genam (it is also made up of cane which is worn at waist) , lagge ( it is also made up of cane which is worn in left hand), Nara ( made up of cane which is worn at back to carry meat 26 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal and other goods), Chukh ( made up of animals skin and which is worn in left side used to carry small goods) and Oyo (means a knife which is carried on left side used to clear jungle, domestic related work and defence purpose), Tassee or Tassang ( men beads carry at neck) etc. The Nyishi women dress and ornaments Nyishi women dresses include Dumping (made up of cane and metal like cup which is worn at head), Tassee or Tassang (local women beads which is worn on neck and reach up to breast), Rubing or rubin (ear ring of Nyishi women). The Nyishi ornament can be categorised into wearing and non-wearing ornaments. Such categorisation can be made on the uses of the ornaments among Nyishi. The social and economic status of Nyishis are determined on the possession of ornaments. Man who posseses large amount of Nyishi ornaments is treated as rich man of the society and enjoys a good status in the society. The wearing ornament of Nyishi includes- Tassang or tassee (beads), Huhi (bracelets), Kozi (Bangles), munye (small beads), Dumping or dumpin, Juhee or junghang (horn shape), Rubing (ear-ring) etc. These ornaments are mostly worn by women folk. The non- wearing ornaments of Nyishi includes- Taal or Tallu (Metal plate), belle or Bellang (small metal plate), mazi or majji (metal like bell). The cost of these items are costlier in comparisons to wearing ornaments. For instance, in Nyishi customary law one mazi is equal to 10 or 20 Mithuns. Price of one mithun is approximately Rs. 35000/- (thirty five thousand) and cost of mazi will be Rs. 35000 multiplied by 20 is equal to 7 lakh (source: discussion with village elders and price was fixed by traditionally which is subject to change from time to time). Food habits of Nyishi Rice is the stable food of the Nyishi community of Arunachal Pradesh. Maximum Nyi- shi settled in countryside depends agricultural and forest products like Tasshi, Yeer oo, Potto oo, hoka oo, Hoor oo, Honyir oo (oo means vegetable in Nyishi dialect). Agricultural products like rice, maize, millets, yam, cucumber, pumpkin, papaya, banana etc and they have their own preferences and choices of food. Traditionally Nyishi preferred boiled process of cooking food and vegetables. Food items consist of cooked rice, meat, boiled vegetable and OPO (local beer). The following are the process or methods of cooking food among the Nyishi:-

1) Boiled food method (HAISERNAM): - Boiled foods are most common and easy process of cooking food among the Nyishi tribes of Arunachal Pradesh. Along with boiled rice, fish, meat and vegetables are also boiled while adding local spices like ginger (takhi), bamboo shoots (Hehu or heyup), and black pepper for added taste and are eaten. This process is known as “HAISERNAM” 2) Smoked food (RAMSENNOOM): -

27 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Smoked process of food in Nyishi dialect is known as “RAMSENNOOM”. Fresh meat and fish are not always available every day. Besides domesticated animals like hen (Poro in Nyi- shi dialect), Pigs (Ere in Nyishi dialect), Goats (Sebin in Nyishi dialect) etc, other source of getting or acquiring meat and fish is hunting and fishing. Hunting is known as “SORU RUNAM” or “NORO GANAM” in Nyishi dialect and fishing is known as “GUYEE MENNAM” Guyee means fish and Mennam means killing in Nyishi dialect of Arunachal Pradesh. It is quite impossible to kill animal every time and more over domesticated animals are not meant to be killed everyday. So when large amount of meat are gathered at a time through various means, the left over are smoked in order to retain the meat for future consumption. 3) Roasting food (BAALDENAM): - This is a process of food cooked for self consumption. In Nyishi this process is known as “BAALDENAM” which means drying fresh meat and fish above the burning fire with bamboo stick. Some wild roots and plants are also taken in the same process. The roasted items give pecuniary delicious and unique and such delicious items are very good with rice beer called OPO.

4) CHELLDENAM: - This is one of the traditional ways of cooking food items like fish and meat. In this process meat and fish are put on tender leaves and tightly packet and burn under the hot fire for some time. After some time it has to be taken out from fire and eaten. Such traditional process is known as CHELLDENAM in Nyishi dialect. 5) CHENDUFELDENAM: - This is also another process of cooking food. In this process, rice, meat and fish are put into bamboo and burn into fire till it is cooked and ready to be eaten. Such cooking process is known as “CHENDUFELDENAM” (In Nyishi dialect) Chendufeldenam process is done spe- cially during picnic time and dry picnic with friends. Health and Hygiene The Nyishis who are living in urban areas are conscious about health and hygiene and its importance but as we go to rural periphery the condition of health and hygiene is worst. The dwelling house are built over raised platform and each hearth has its own compartment called “CHERE” and all activities are centred on and around the hearth, they sit, sleep, gossip and entertain. Pigs, goats, hen, mithun, cow and other domesticated animals roam underneath the house. There is no proper system of toilet. Defecation is generally done in the nearby jungle of the house. Due to such practices, different varieties of flies, mosquitoes and other insects breed and subsequently became the root causes of several types of diseases. Drinking water are usually collected from nearby water or through “KAMCHO” and “SOOKUM”. It may cause several diseases because such water gets polluted. Festival of Nyishis Nyishi people celebrate basically three festivals namely Nyokum Yullo, Boori Boot

28 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Yullo and Longte Yullo. Nyokum Yullo is the main festival of Nyishi in Arunachal Pradesh. It is celebrated every year on 26th February. Nyokum is comprised of two words “Nyok” land and “Kum” means a gathering and Yullo means a celebration or festivity. This festival is closely related to entire process of harvesting and other cultivation related rituals. Main motive of Nyo- kum Yullo is to invite deities and asks for blessing so that there may be more and more production of food grain in the next harvesting year or seasons. So that famine, insects, animals and drought may not destroy crops. People seek blessing from god and goddess for not only crops but for also production of more and more domesticated animal and for the well being of human being and motto of celebration is also to get rid of various fatal diseases from the village. Nyokum Yullo celebrates irrespective of caste, colour, and religion etc. Meat, OPO, rice, etc are distributed and traditional games and sports are also played. Economic life of the Nyishis Agriculture is the main occupation of Nyishis of Arunachal Pradesh. Due to low education level, less development and isolated from the rest of the world, the economical status of the Nyishi is under progressing economy. Extreme mountaneous and hilly terrains also pose a hindrance in economic growth or advancement of tribal people of Arunachal Pradesh. Tra- ditional economy of Nyishi is predominant based on shifting agriculture, besides agriculture occupation, hunting, fishing and gathering are also economic activities of Nyishis of Arunachal Pradesh. Any economic production is for self-consumption, there is no surplus production for sell in the market earlier. But agriculture products like rice, maize, millets, oranges, pumpkins, sugarcanes, etc are available during winter. Economic life of Nyishis is changing with the changing time and due to increase of education level, today Nyishis are employed in government under various capacities like clerk, teachers, doctors, lawyers, peon, engineering etc. Agriculture:- The primary occupation of Nyishi is agriculture, hunting and fishing and gathering. Large numbers of Nyishi men and women are employed in agriculture sector in rural areas of Nyishi dominated districts of Papum pare, Kurung Kumey, East Kameng, Lower Subansiri and Upper Subansiri district of Arunachal Pradesh. Agriculture practises are basically of two types: - Jhum cultivation and wet rice cultivation. Jhum cultivation is known as “REEP RONGO” in Nyishi dialect and wet rice cultivation is known as “SOPHA RONGO or ESSH RONGO” ESSH means water. Jhum cultivation is a primitive style of cultivation, it is shifting cultivation and this cultivation is old method of agriculture. In jhum cultivation rice, millets, maize, ladies finger, cucumber, pumpkins, chilly, banana, ginger, bean, etc are produced. Wet rice cultivation is practised in lower region of Nyishi areas, lower part of Papum Pare, East Kameng, Upper Subansiri and Lower Subansiri. Rice is the main product of wet rice cultivation system and house where agriculture products are stored is known as “NOSHU” in nyishi dialect. Women play a vital role in agriculture sector. Women are responsible to maintain agricultural field since from beginning to time of crop gathering. Men play a little role in agriculture sector. Methods of jhum cultivation are unscientific and primitive method of cultivation in tribal people of Arunachal Pradesh. 29 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Hunting and fishing is also a primary economic activity of the Nyishi. Surplus amount of meat and fish killed during hunting and fishing are sold in the market. Basically hunting and fishing is done for self consumption. Barter System in Nyishi:- Barter system is practised in economic activities of Nyishis. Agriculture products and other necessary commodities are not available with each and every members of the village. In order to meet their requirement people just exchange commodities with commodities, this system is known as “JEKO JEPE” in Nyishi dialect. For instance, rice is in excess with Mr X but he doesn’t have maize then he exchanges maize with rice from Mr. Y. Mithun is also a medium of exchange in barter system in Nyishi community of Arunachal Pradesh. Forest resource:- Nyishi economy is also depended on forest resources. Especially timber business is one of the profitable businesses for tribal people of Arunachal Pradesh. In addition to agriculture products Nyishis get subsidiaries consumption items from the forest in form of vegetable like YEER OO, POOTO OO, DOSSI HOGYI OO, POPPU OO, HOR OO, HOKA OO, and HONY- ER OO etc. The surplus of these vegetables are sold in the market. A bundle of these vegetables are sold in the market at the rate of Rs 10 to 15 per bundle. Majority of people sustain their living by selling timber and cane at countryside and deal such business with plain people like Assam, West Bengal etc. Timber business is much demanded in capital complex of Arunachal Pradesh, since timber is essential material to carry out construction of building, roads and to build houses. People earn huge amount from timber business normally they earn Rs 80000 to 100000/ from per truck and expenditure involved to convert into finished material or product by using labour and material may be about Rs 10000 to 15000/ per truck ( labour charge and cost of material). So there is huge profit in timber business. Forest resources including timber, canes, bamboo, leaves, vegetables, are available. Forest resource is a natural gift to the mankind. In daily market at Itanagar, Naharlagun, Nirjuli. Nyishi women sell vegetables which are collected from the forest. It is found that bamboo business has too established in capital region of Arunachal Pradesh and per bamboo is sold at the rate Rs 100 to 200/- depends on quality and variety. Bamboo and cane are used in making NARA (Bags men used to carry goods)), Egeng (women used to carry goods), OYO BUHIYA (Knives covers), UDU (like mug), chairs, SEEB SOHIA or SEEB SHAHA (Rope that used to captivate mithun and other wild animals), UDER, TAHUM, LOGGS, SAHUAM (hanging bridge), GUCHU (small Bridge made to cross small river), CHUHA and PAHA or CHUCHA, NAAM (HOUSE), NOSHU (store house), PEWTER (used to keep hens and birds) etc, out of all mentioned items NARA, EGENG, and OYO are mostly found prospective for commercial and economic for Nyishis of Arunachal Pradesh.

River resource:- Nyishis economic life is also depends on the river resource. Main resources from river are fishes, sand, stone gravel etc. Fish is a delicious item. Local people catch fish especially for daily consumption and if surplus available it is sold in the market. There is also some section of 30 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Nyishi society who manages their family’s economy by selling fish in the market. Local fish is highest demand in the market. In Nyishi dialect fish is known as “GUYEE” local fish are sold at the rate Rs 200 to 300 per kilogram. There are several traditional methods of killing fish such as LOGGS (scaffolds), SEPPE (Long erected bamboo in mid of river), AEKAR PANUM (Fishing hook), TAHAM GANUM (Shape like bucket), EDEIR GANUM (it is like a cylinder shape), ESSHE (spreading of net), BOTERTENAM (blocking of small river to collect fish), RITH TE- NAM (it is local fish hook made up of tender leaves). Livestock:- Nyishi rears animals like pig (erre), goats (seben), hen (poro), mithun (seeb), cow (Shaw) etc for self consumption, barter system and festival and ritual sacrifice but in modern world now these animals are converted into business commodities in the market of capital complex as well as at rural market of Arunachal pradesh.

S/no Animal Price at per kg (in Rupee) 1 Erre (Pigs) 180 2 Seben (goats) 280 3 Poro (Chicken) 260 4 Seeb ( Mithun) 300 5 Shaw ( cow) 120

Source:- Naharlagan market (price are subject to vary from time to time) Arts, Crafts and Handloom:- Nyishi men are very expert in making arts and crafts by using bamboo and canes without formal training. NARA, EGGEN, OYO or URYU, BOPIA, SELLEI or SELLENG, HUKHU or HUKHUNG, GALYE, PATHA are products of Arts, crafts and handloom. Following are some of the products of arts, crafts and handloom at market price or rate.

S/no Local products Rate or price in market(in Rs) 1 Nara 100 to 1500 2 Eggen 1200 to 1500 3 Oyo or uryo 3000 to 6000 4 Bopia 2500 to 10000 5 Sellei or selling 1500 6 Hukhu or hukhung 200 7 Galye 1000 to 1500 8 Patha 15 to 500

Source:- Itanagar Market (price are subject to vary from time to time)

31 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal There is no legal regulatory system of price fixation for local product. The price varies on nature of uses and size of the product. Remedial Measures to eradicate social evil:- There are so many social evil practises in Nyishi society like Tapiaparnam, animal sacrifice, superstitious beliefs, revenge and fine system, child marriage, polygamy, etc. To eradicate such social evil from the Nyishi society, education and behaviour change is the best ways and time to time awareness program should launch at rural areas to remove social evil from grass roots. Government of Arunachal Pradesh and Nyishi based social organisation like Nyishi Elite Society (NES) and All Nyishi Students’ Union (ANSU) should take initiative by conducting an awareness and consultative talk with uneducated villagers of rural areas to remove all social evil. Revenge system is also one of the ugly practises among Nyishi of Arunachal Pradesh. In order to remove child and polygamy girls education is necessary so each and every family or parent should put maximum effort to educate girls. In last education is a main tool to remove all social evil from the society. Conclusion:- Traditionally, Nyishis economic activities are mostly depended on agriculture, forest and river resource and domesticated animals (livestock). Nyishis are economically self sufficient in nature and Nyishi possess rich socio- economic and cultural life. Mithun and Ornaments and dress play a significant role in determining their status in Nyishi social life. They are doing business activities related i.e. forest resource and river resource. After satisfaction self or family consumption rest of surplus products of agriculture are sold out in the market to earn profit. Due to changing of time today Nyishis are also engaged in a foreign production business in local market in the form of retail outlet. Reference :- 1) Dr Showren T. 2009. The Nyishi of Arunachal pradesh : An Ethnohistorical Study, Re- gency Publication, New Delhi. 2) Dr Hina, N.N. 2012. Customary law of Nyishi Tribe of Arunachal Pradesh. Author press, Delhi 3) Talukdar, V, 2002. The Nyishi of Arunachal Pradesh: A geograhical analysis of Habits, Society and Economy, unpublished.

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32 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

Some Scientific Customary Health Practices of Hindu Brahmins of Nalbari and Barpeta Districts of Assam, India. Hiranmaya Sharma Assistant Professor, Department of Zoology, Dera Natung Govt. College, Itanagar – 791113. Arunachal Pradesh, India. Corresponding author e-Mail: [email protected]. Mobile: +91-9436090306; Abstract The customary practices among various communities are a result of accumulation of knowledge of many generations over a long period of time. Many customary practices are associated with the health of human in some way. The Assamese Brahmins also practice many customary health practices, which affect the overall health of the human body in many ways. In this study, the customary health practices of Brahmins of Nalbari and Barpeta districts of Assam have been studied. Many practices related to various daily and seasonal activities are prevalent among the Assamese Brahmins. Some such practices are associated with daily activities like cooking, bathing and eating. Customary practices associated with seasonal activities like festivals, Puja and Naam-Kirtan also finds an important place in their lifestyle. Modern day research has elaborated the scientific bases of many such practices followed by Assamese Brahmins. Some practices like fasting can help in keeping the body metabolism in check, leading to a healthy life. Many practices related to children, women and men helps in maintaining the childhood ailments, pregnancy and overall health of the people. The stringent customary practices, which are hard to follow in the present day world, are losing the frequency of use during the present days, leading to extinction of such practices, which evolved over long periods of time. Such customary practices can be utilized effectively for preventing present day ailments and also for cure without the use of any additional medicines or medical therapy. Keywords : Customary, Assamese, Brahmin, health practices, scientific. Introduction Assam is the second largest state of northeast India, located between 24°2ʹ-27°6ʹ N latitude and 89°8ʹ-96° E longitude, covering a total area of 78438 sq. Km (www.assam.gov. in). The population of this north-eastern state shows lot of heterogeneity, ranging from Australo- Asiatics, Dravidians, Negretos, Tibeto-burmese, Indo-Mongoloides and the Aryans. All these groups together form the community Ashomiya (Assamese) which have contributed to the region in various spheres. The Brahmins of Assam Valley belongs to the group of Indo Aryans,

33 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal with their origins from far away places like Odisha, West Bengal and Kannauj (assam.gov.in). Agriculture is the main occupation and rice is the main staple food of the Assamese people. The customary practices among various communities are a result of accumulation of knowledge of many generations over a long period of time. They are related to various spheres of human life and society. Many such customary practices are associated with the health of human in one way or the other. The Assamese Brahmins also practice many customary health practices, which affect the overall health of the human body in many ways. In this study, the customary health practices of Brahmins of Nalbari and Barpeta districts of Assam have been studied. Every Brahmin family among the community belongs to a definite Gotra (Brahmin Identity Surname), which is unique to every family depicting their lineage. The Assamese Brahmins are identified by char- acteristic surnames which include Sharma/Sarma, Goswami, Bhagabati, Barooah, Chakravarty and many others, Assamese Brahmins follow the legacy practices of Hinduism similar to the rest of the sect in mainland India. The customary practices are many and it requires lots of additional efforts to adhere to them. The practices find widespread uses, ranging from daily activities to seasonal, yearly, and decadal or spanning even longer. Customary rituals of first menstruation are found in most of Sri Lanka’s many ethnic groups (Winslow, 1980). Though all the practices do not find their efficacy in health, many of the practices are associated with health in various ways. A challenge to follow these practices and the impact of globalization has taken the toll on many such practices, resulting in diminishing frequency of use of such practices by the As- samese Brahmins. Study Area: The study was done in the Nalbari and Barpeta districts of Assam, India. The study was done in the area between two districts Nalbari and Barpeta. The geographical location of the study area is 26.4758° N- 26.5119° N and 91.1809°- 91.2674° E longitude. A total of six villages Kshudra Bhaluki, Bebejiapara, Tihu, Makhibaha, Konimara and Haribhanga are taken for the study. The altitude of the area ranges from 50 to 89 metres above mean sea level. The near- est national highway is NH 37; still some of the nearby regions could see the face of electricity only two years back, indicating the prevalence of traditional customary practices among the Assamese Brahmins. The total population of the study area is 79000 (Census, 2011) of which almost 16% are Assamese Brahmins. The data were collected through interaction with the villagers with the help of questionnaire method and open ended interviews of semi-restrictive nature, group discussion and site visitation by the author. The study was done during the year 2010-2016.

34 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

Fig: Study Area map (not to scale). (Courtesy: assam.gov.in) Results Customary practices related to pregnancy and childbirth Many customary practices were related with the birth of a child. The practices include taking care of the mother since conception. The assessment of time of conception was done by the traditional last menstrual period. In addition to rest, many activities and food habits are restricted during the period of conception till the birth of the baby. The pregnant women are not allowed to cook in their advanced stages and are permitted to do light nature of works only. The eating of papaya and pineapple is prohibited till the birth of the baby. Intake of fruits and vegetables is encouraged during pregnancy. Fish protein and meat is also fed to such women at regular intervals. The Parents of the conceived women visits her house to feed her various delicacies and food items on the 5th or 7th month of pregnancy. Other close relatives also visit the house to feed the conceived women various delicacies. Customary practices during festivals, e.g., bihu. During Bohag Bihu, which represents the onset of spring and the Assamese New Year, celebrated during the month of April, a cooked recipe of 101 different varieties of Saak (leafy vegetables) is to be taken along with food. Different types of Pithas (cakes) made from rice, 35 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal jaggery, til, coconut and other delicacies were consumed during Bohag Bihu. Some of the Bihu folk songs, the Bihu Naam is practiced during Bohag Bihu. The Magh Bihu, another type of the three Bihus is celebrated during the month of January, characterized by grand feast. The Grand feast, which is usually the best throughout the whole year, includes varieties of meat, big fish, eggs, yam (Dioscorea sp.). Yam is one of the major components of the feast, which is not usually taken during other times of the year. Customary practices related to kitchen hygiene As the society consists of the men doing the outdoor works, the kitchen is maintained by the womenfolk. The womenfolk, after getting up from the bed in the morning will go for the usual morning activities like brushing the teeth and going to the toilet. Afterwards, they can enter the kitchen only after a full body bath. It is considered irreverent to enter the kitchen without proper bath. Moreover, the menstruating women are not allowed inside the kitchen. During those days, the male member of the family cooks the food. The footwears are not allowed inside the house. Though some leniency is there for bringing the footwear inside the other rooms, they are totally restricted in the kitchen. Morning bath Everybody in the house must bathe in the morning before taking food. After that the people go out for their daily works. After bath, prayer is to be done, which is practiced dif- ferently by different people, lighting agarbattis (fragnant sticks), and then blowing a shankha (conch shell). After Puja (prayer), a tikka is taken in the forehead, which is usually red Chandan, the paste made from the wood of Pterocarpus santalinus, white chandan (Santalum album) or some other compound. Bath is compulsory before attending a puja. The prayer should always be performed with bare foot. Customary fasting rituals Most of the people belonging to Assamese Brahmin community, especially the priests performing rituals, practice fasting on some day of the week. The women usually fast on Mon- day, which is the day of Lord Shiva, whom they appease for his blessings. Other auspicious days are Thursday and Saturday. Fasting types also vary according to occasions. During usual fasting, the person will not eat any cooked food during the whole day. He/she can take traces of fruits or liquid food like tea or fruit juice. Vegetarian food can be taken at night to break the fasting. In case of rigorous rituals, as during shraddha(a form of ritual), death rituals etc, the person concerned can take only boiled rice, potato and salt. Such practice is known as Hobish. Customary practices during Puja (Religious rituals) In every Assamese Brahmin home, certain rituals are performed over a specific time span. The rituals known as Pujas, are done to serve various purposes. A very common form of such Puja is Satyanarayan Puja, which is done at least once a year by most of the Brahmin families. Many customs followed during the puja are rigorous, requires many ingredients, processes, a pujari (the religious hymn pronouncing performer) and few audiences who are usually

36 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal the close aides of the person conducting the puja. Many other pujas are also performed which are Jagaddhatri,Laxmi, Saraswati, Kali, Durga puja etc. The form of puja may vary which may include praying the deity, without deity, naam kirtan etc. The time span of puja may vary from one hour to two days or even more in certain circumstances. The pujas include a sequential event of many rituals, performed with various materials derived from natural sources. Prasad (eatable to be served after the ritual), which is served to God, is distributed among all the people present. The prasad mainly comprise of Bengal gram (Cicer arietinum), moong (Vigna radiata) and pieces of miscellaneous fruits, with traces of rice, ginger and salt. Some additional dishes like payaas (sweet rice delicacy), bhog (prepared from flour, banana, ghee etc) and other items are also prepared depending upon the type of puja. A pinch of rice is to be taken on the head before eating the Prasad. Practices during Naam-Kirtan The people use to sing diverse religious and folk songs during various rituals (puja) and other occasions (bihu etc). Such programme, known as naam-kirtan, is supplemented by simul- taneous clapping of both hands in various forms and at different intervals. The members present, be it men, women and children, take part in the clapping ritual. Subsequently after Naam Kirtan, Prasad is distributed among the audience. Customary rituals during wedding Among the Assamese Brahmins, most of the weddings are arranged by the parents or guardians of the bride and the groom, giving rise to the term arranged marriage. Most of the customary weddings are arranged marriages, but during present days, instances of the bride and the groom arranging marriage for themselves is also gaining prevalence. During customary wedding, many tedious rituals are to be performed, which involves members from both the families of the bride and the groom. The parents of both bride and the groom, a leader from the grooms side, usually a maternal uncle and the bride’s brother plays certain roles, in addition to the roles by the common people from both families. The groom is assisted by his best friend, the Dara-dhara, who keeps an umbrella over his head and assists in every possible way during the wedding. In case of any untoward incident leading to the death of the groom, the Dara-dhara will have to marry the girl. On the auspicious night of wedding, the groom leaves for the house of the girl, performs ‘hom’(wedding ritual in front of the Fire God), encircles the home along- with the bride and brings the bride to his home. The event is rigorous and last a whole night. Aathmangla After marriage, the bride returns to her paternal home. On the eighth day, the groom, along with some of his friends to have a feast in the girl’s home and then take the bride back to his home. Customary practices related to men. There are many customary rituals related to male gender. These include many practices, some of which are as described below:

37 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Rituals during Surakaran The hairs of the young boys are not cut until they are in the 3rd year of their life. In the third year, the long hairs of the boys are clean shaven, smeared til-maah-halodhi, or Sesame (Sesamum indicum), Black lentil (Vigna mungo) and Turmeric (Curcuma longa) mixture, and then bathed under a banana (preferably Musa pardisiaca) tree. Prayer is offered to the God with a mention of directions and many mathematical calculations pertaining to the cutting of hair. The father, along with the boy performs the rituals including fasting. The bathing of the boy after haircut is done by the mother and the other female members of the family. Rituals during Lagundani One of the most auspicious ceremony, the thread ceremony or the Lagundani is next to marriage in terms of importance in a man’s life. The Lagun, (thread encircling the shoulder and the body from left to right), considered very sacred among the Brahmins, prepares a boy to shoulder responsibilities as a man. Upon gaining the Lagun, the man must recite Gayatra Mantra (Religious hymn) regularly, practice self control, abstain from taking alcohol and making physical relationship with women, and regularly pray to God. Customary practices related to women. There are many customary rituals related to female gender. These include many practices, some of which are as described below: Practices during menstruation. The womenfolk practice certain rituals during their period of menstruation. During their menses, they do not sleep with the husband; rather they sleep on the ground or another bed during that period. Such period of menstruation is called as Sua-laga, during which they cannot cook food or pray. The women are not allowed to touch any other person during their menstruation period. If someone wishes to give her something, he should drop the thing on the ground and she will pick it up from the ground. Customary rituals during death The dead are burnt on a pyre of wood to ensure their safe disposal, away from human habitation. The pyre is constructed in a cemetery located far away from the village. The children and the women are not allowed in the cemetery or view the burning ritual. The people who went to the cemetery for smouldering the dead, upon reaching home, will not enter the house. At first, he will take off all the clothes and bathe outside the house, washing his body completely. The clothes are not to be taken inside the house. They are to be kept outside, dipped in water and to be washed and dried outside the house. Only after that the clothes can be brought inside. Also, the person, after bath must enter the house only after warming himself on a fire lit on straw by the other family members. Post death of any person, the other family members much perform multiple rituals which span to 3 days, 10th day, 11th day, exactly one year after death and the same day on the subsequent years. Only boiled vegetarian items can be eaten by the family

38 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal members during the first 10 days of the incident. Discussion It was observed that the Brahmins of Assam Valley, especially from Nalbari and Bar- peta Districts, practices many customary practices which are directly or indirectly related to individual as well as community health. A detailed discussion of the practices discussed above and their implications are described below. Customary practices related to pregnancy and childbirth One third of babies born in India are of low birth weight (< 2.5 kg) (Gopalan 1994, UNICEF 1998). The consumption of foods that are important sources of micronutrients, such as dairy products, meat, fresh fruits and green leafy vegetables is also low in rural Indian populations (Gupta and Sharma, 1980) as a whole. Various customary practices among the Assamese Brahmins aid in preventing malnutrition of child and the pregnant mother which includes taking physical and dietary care of the mother since conception. The pregnant women are not allowed to cook food and allowed to do light household works and take rest. Food habits of the pregnant mother differ from other members of the family, which includes certain restrictions like preventing the eating of papaya and pineapple till the birth of the baby. Papaya and Pineapple have abortifacient effects which may lead to abortion (Pakrashi and Basak, 1976). Encouragement of fruit and vegetable intake ensures micronutrient supplementation. Birth size was strongly related to intakes of green leafy vegetables and fruits at 28 wk gestation and of milk at 18 wk gestation. Specific micronutrients, or their combinations, are essential for fetal growth. For example, green leafy vegetables are a rich source of folate, iron, provitamin A carotenoids and antioxidants (Rao, et. al., 2001). Feeding ceremonies by the parents and the relatives further strengthen the dietary needs of foetus and the mother. Customary practices during festivals, eg., Bihu. Though in minimal amounts, vitamins and minerals play a very important role in maintaining various functions of the human body. Taking of various recipes, especially the mixture of 101 vegetables during Bohag bihu (Begam and Gogoi, 2006) ensures the dietary supplementation of any micronutrient in our body. Moreover the intake of various forms of rice in the form of pitha, especially red rice, provides antioxidants which can delay the ageing process. Red rice is rich in antioxidants (Walter et. al., 2013, Trindade and Goufo, 2014). Other food items like jaggary, til, coconut etc are used to make various delicacies, which are not consumed during usual days, supplements the body with various nutrients. Similarly intake of yam (Disocorea sp.) has many health benefits including boosting of immunological activity in the body (Zhao et. al., 2005). The low sodium but high potassium and total dietary fibre contents indicate the possible preventive role that Dioscorea alata could play in managing related chronic diseases. Thus, Dioscorea alata can be used as a functional food to supplement the fiber and mineral needs of consumers. Customary practices related to kitchen hygiene The kitchen is the source of food, which is the primary requirement of the body. Also,

39 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal food is one of the major pathways for entry of germs into the body. By maintaining cleanliness in the kitchen, many diseases in the family can be averted. Reports state that in mild, sporadic cases infection from Campylobacter jejuni may result from cross contamination from kitchen hygiene practices (Rodrigues et. al., 2001). Campylobacter jejuni is one of the most common cases of food poisoning in the developed countries like USA. Customary practices of entering the kitchen only after a full body bath ensures elimination of any contamination in the kitchen. The footwear is also a major carrier of germs from outside to the kitchen and home (Dalton, 2010). Restricted entry of footwear also diminishes the chances of contamination of kitchen by pathogens from outside the house. Morning bath Bathing in the morning before taking food reinforces the safety associated with eating as the pathogens are washed away from the body. The process of bathing is usually pleasurable and relaxing for most persons and, although it serves hygienic needs (Cohens-Mansfield and Parpura-Gill, 2007). Thus the morning bathing keeps a person cool and relaxing as compared to a person who do not undergo a similar process. Blowing a shankha (conch shell) tones up the muscles of the respiratory passage, thus helps in reducing snoring and obstructed sleep ap- noea (Taneja, 2015). Moreover, the sound of Shankha is said to stimulate the hair cells of inner ear and helps in preventing the ageing hearing loss (Taneja and Quereshi, 2015). Red chandan (Pterocarpus santalinus) paste rubbed on the forehead by the Assamese Brahmins are proved to have free radical scavenging activity (Arokiyaraj et. al., 2008), thus acting as an antioxidant and delaying ageing. Moreover, the wood of red chandan is also found to have wound healing property (Biswas et. al., 2004). Thus the use of tikka as a customary practice finds its usefulness in the maintaining good among the population. The performance of prayer with bare foot, as done by the Assamese Brahmins, causes significant changes in heart rate and electroencephalogram changes. A study of finger acupressure on planta pedis (both soles) in the Japanese people (Sagi- ura et. al., 2007) indicated noteworthy changes with decreased heart rates and variation of EEG responses. Customary fasting rituals Dietary Fasting is a major component of the lifestyle of majority of Assamese Brah- mins. Many recent scientific studies indicate relation of health to food and positive impacts of controlled fasting in maintaining good health along with prevention and control of many diseases (Spindler, 2009). In a study, mean plasma glucose decreased from 88 +/- 3 to 63 +/- 5 mg/dl and serum insulin from 16 +/- 1 to 10 +/- 1 microU/ml as a result of fasting (Boden, et. al., 2011). There are evidences of association of fast with lower levels of body mass, total cho- lesterol, LDL-C, and the LDL-C/HDL-C ratio in the Greek Orthodox Christian fasting periods (Tripanowski and Bloomer, 2010). Such effect of fasting may help in maintain a good health and controlling many diseases such as CDV (cardiovascular diseases) and diabetes. In addition to fasting during the day, the intake of simple vegetarian diets by the Assamese Brahmins on the evening of fast increases the efficiency of fasting in terms of control over these parameters.

40 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Customary practices during Puja (Religious rituals) The conduct of religious rituals involves many processes, some of which is associated with health. The systematic approach to conduct a puja develops cognitive reasoning and inculcates scientific temperament in the individuals. Use of chandan, movement in bare foot, fasting, and performing the rituals during the conduct of puja creates a positive impact on health as described elsewhere in this paper. The Prasad consisting of Bengal gram, moong and fruits is very nutritious and creates an opportunity for the people to supplement the dietary needs of the body which otherwise remains unnoticed, as fruit and vegetable consumption usually remains very low (Kollataj et. al., 2011). These eatables are not a part of usual diet and hence play an important role in the maintenance of health. The bhog prepared from flour, banana, ghee etc. also help to raise serotonin (Feldmen and Lee, 1985) levels, which keeps the mind pleasant. Practices during Naam-Kirtan Clapping of both hands during Naam Kirtan, also affects the acupressure points in the hands, which stimulates various organs of the body. There are evidences supporting reduction of postoperative nausea and vomiting after gynaecological laparoscopic surgery by Korean hand acupressure (Boehlar, et. al., 2002). Customary practices during wedding Arranged marriages among the Assamese Brahmins is mediated through the families of the bride and the groom, and creates a sequence of events which plays a very important psychological role in the maintenance of marriage between the couple. The rituals which are performed surrounding the ‘hom’ is succeeded by certain games which are played between the bride and the groom, and prepares the bride mentally to adjust to the new role and environment of a wife (Kiecolt-Glaser and Newton, 2001). . Customary practices related to men. Rituals during Surakaran Clean shaving the hairs of the young boys during surakaran helps in luxuriant growth of hair (Ogawa and Hattori, 1983). It stimulates the brain and nerves of the head. Rubbing of til, black lentil, and turmeric stimulates the hair follicles and facilitates healthy hair growth. Fasting and other related rituals during surakaran facilitate healthy mind and body as described above. Rituals during Lagundani Inclusion of new practices upon receiving the lagun, such as the reciting of Gayatri Mantra, makes a person disciplined, induces mental peace and keeps the body healthy. Abstain- ing from alcohol helps in keeping many diseases at bay, which may include liver diseases, hy- pertension and brain atrophy. Pathological and neuroimaging studies have shown that chronic alcohol abuse causes brain atrophy (McCorkindale, et. al., 2016). Restricting physical relationship with women until marriage helps in keeping a check on the sexually transmitted diseases (Diclemente et. al., 2007).

41 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Customary practices related to women. Practices during menstruation. Sleeping alone during the menstruating period helps to check many sexually transmitted diseases in both the male and the female. Research has shown that the chances of sexual infection are very high if sexual activity or intercourse is performed during the period of menses. There is a strong statistical association between sexual intercourse during menstruation and self- reported STD (sexually transmitted diseases) history (Tanfer and Aral, 1995). Moreover, as HIV has been found in menstrual fluids, intercourse during menses places male partners at increased risk for acquiring HIV through heterosexual intercourse (Alexander, 1990). Abstaining from cooking, puja and other heavy works during menses ensures limited energy utilization, which is essential for the women, as she gets weakened at that period of time (Dalton, 1960). Infections due to lack of hygiene during menstruation may lead to many diseases, as reported in many studies (Khanna et. al., 2005, Mudey et. al., 2010). Thus, the period of menses or Sua- laga and the related customary practices plays a very important role in the maintenance of health in the Assamese Brahmin women. The restricted entry of women into the kitchen during menses also prevents contamination, as a menstruating female may facilitate entry of germs into the kitchen. The hormonal levels of the women during menses i.e., high progesterone due to presence of corpus luteum, results in increased chances of infection, and suppressed by the removal of corpus luteum or injection of estrogen (Rowson, et. al., 1953) . The practice of not touching any other people during menses can prevent contamination by contact, both to and for the women. Customary practices during death Burning the dead ensures the safe disposal of the corpse. Burning leads to total destruc- tion of the body, any pathogens within and also ensures that no pathogen can survive as the dead body can be used as host for multiplication and transmission of disease (Watson et. al., 2007). The location of cemetery away from the village minimise the chances of contamination from the dead bodies or their remains. Studies have proven that the dead bodies can transmit various diseases and act as a complex setting for inter-specific transmission of pathogens (Ladnyj et. al., 1972). The restricted entry of women and children in the cemetery has a very important role in maintaining a psychological balance of women and children, as such disturbing views may disrupt their psychology (Ursano and Mccarol, 1994). Removal of clothes and bathing after coming from the cemetery guarantee proper sanitization, as cemeteries may be a source of dirt and pathogens (Grigaliūnaitė and Matalis, 2014). Conclusion Many customary health practices are observed the Hindu Brahmins of Assam Valley, expecially the Barpeta and Nalbari districts of Assam. The customary practices are changing their form and nature with time. Most of the health practices described here play a major role in maintaining proper health of the populations. The health practices are related all sections of the family including men, women and children. The practices range from daily to annual rituals and include most of the stages of life from birth to death. Also, the rituals include many small but significant events like cooking, bathing, eating, daily activities etc. The practices described here 42 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal can be useful, if used consistently and with a true value. Modern day research has reinforced most of the beliefs practiced by Assamese Brahmins to be having specific importance and purpose for better survival of human beings.But adherence to such strict and stringent practices in the modern day world has led to dilution of these customary practices and resulted in their decreased usage among the present generation of individuals. Lesser use of such practices may lead to the extinction of the precious knowledge the ancestors of these people have incorporated in the form of customary practices. Further studies are required to look deeply into the customary health practices of Assamese Brahmins, so that more scientific relevance can be brought out through scientific studies. The accumulations of such knowledge over the generations, and their practice in maintaining a healthy living can be utilized for preventing present day ailments and also for cure without the use of any additional medicines or medical therapy. 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46 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

Historical Perspective of Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan YAB RAJIV CAMDER 1 DR PHILIP MODY 2 TOK KUMAR3 1 Research Scholar, Department of Commerce, Rajiv Gandhi University 2 Sr. Assistant Professor, Department of Commerce, Rajiv Gandhi University 3 Assistant Professor, Department of Commerce, Dera Natung Government College Abstract Trade is one of the main sources of development of any region. It is an essential part of every human civilization. Times out of mind, the Nyishi tribe is known to have been maintaining trade relation with Tibetan counterpart. It is believed that Nincgh Yayi were the first people who had started Nyeme Pudung Rongnaam which means ‘marching toward Tibet especially for trade’. During those Nyeme Pudung, Nyishi people faced lots of hurdles during their journey to Tibet (China) to carry out trading activities. Fascinatingly, those hurdles became folk tales. Subsequently, in famous folk tales like Aachi Aachiya Rupche (Dimum Ren), Aach Yashi, Hadu Daachar etc, of Nyishi community came into existence. Further, the Nyishi and Tibetans had barter trading in which goods were exchanged for other goods. In the course of trading, Nyishi people had exported skins, testis, teeth, claw of many wild animals, Pud Ejeh etc. Likewise, Nyishis had been importing Mapu Aalu (salt), Ruar Aryu (sword), Sangte & Sangter Tasang (beads), Maji (kinds of bell), Talu (brass plate) etc from Tibetans. With this background, the paper makes an attempt to provide a historical account of economy of the Nyishi community. Also, it shall provide a historical perspective of trade relation between Nyishi and Tibetans. Keywords : Arunachal Pradesh, Nyeme Pudung, Nyishi, and Tibet INTRODUCTION Arunachal Pradesh, the land of rising sun is the homeland of around 26 major tribes and more than 200 sub-tribes/groups. The Nyishi tribe is one of the major tribe among them with major population in the state. The word Nyi refers to “a man” and the word Shi denotes “a being”, which collectively means a civilized human being. They are spread across six districts of Arunachal Pradesh viz., Papum Pare, part of Lower Subansiri, Kurung Kumey, East Kameng, parts of Upper Subansiri, the recently created district Kra Dadi and are also found in the Sonitpur and North Lakhimpur districts of the neighboring state of Assam. The Nyishi tribe also did trade which is locally called as Pudung Rongnaam. The term “trading” simply means “exchanging one item for another”. Trade is the main source of development in any region. It makes accessible to some goods and services which are not produced and avail in the region. Thus, trading is the essential part of human civilization. The Nyishi tribe had a trade relation with Tibetan/Chinese. Nyishi people believed that Mr. Tok Chohi and his wife Smt. Balo Yaniyo with their son-in-law Mr. Nincgh Yayi were first people who had started Pudung Rongnaam towards Nyeme (Tibet/China). This Pudung Rongnaam is called Nyem Pudung. In this Nyem Pu- 47 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal dung, Nyishi people faced lots of hurdles during their journey to Tibet (China) and that hurdles became folk tales. There are lots of folk tales. Some of the famous folk tales are Aachi Aachiya Rupche (Dimum Ren), Aach Yashi, Hadu Daachar etc. This paper is an attempt to study the trade (Nyeme Pudung Rongnaam) relation between the Nyishi and Tibetan (Chinese) during pre-colonial era of Arunachal Pradesh. OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY 1. To provide an overview of Pre-colonial Economy of Nyishi tribe. 2. To Give an Account on the Historical Perspective of Trade Relation between Nyishi tribe and Tibetan (Chinese counterpart). 3. To Identify the Trade Items between Nyishi and Tibetan/Chinese.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Research Method and Tools The present study is purely based on field study.During field study renowned and knowl- edgeable persons of Nyishi tribe have been personally interacted and interviewed. Also internet, social networking, telephonic contact methods have been used for collection of data. Structured schedules, digital camera, telephone, internet and other stationaries were widely used to collect field data during the interview. Source of data In this study an effort is made to make the study a historical perspective. The present study is mostly based on primary data. However, some secondary data has also been used for better analysis. For primary data, personal interview method has been applied over 10 respondents. As regard to secondary data, various published books, research papers and articles on Nyishi tribe have used for better understanding of the research problem. Sampling Techniques & Size For the present study, snowball sampling under non-probability sampling technique has been used. Altogether, 10 respondents from the study area are selected for the present study to represent the historical perspective on this study. Study Area The present study is carried in Papum Pare district especially in Tarasso circle, Sangduo- pota (Beser Nello) circle and in and around Itanagar, the capital of Arunachal Pradesh. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION PRE-COLONIAL ECONOMY OF NYISHI TRIBE The Nyishi tribe is nature friendly. In ancient days, their life was mostly dependent on nature by hunting and fishing. Nature has also endowed abundant quantity of food items like

48 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Tachee, Tasse, Hussey, Tabbee (kind of three flour), Kullung Kupa (wild banana), Enging (tuber), Gurya (sweet potato), etc. to Nyishi people. They were agriculturist and practiced Jhum cultivation also known as slash, trace and shifting cultivation. Their main crops are Aam (pad- dy), Tamee (finger millet), Tupu (maize), Tanic (corn), Taya (barley), Enging (tuber), Tappeh (pumpkin), Yamdik (chilly), Takee (ginger), Mekung (cucumber), Mebia (kind of cucumber), etc. Their richness is known from how much quantity/numbers of Tasang (beads) like Taduk, Dugli, Chungree, Sangmee, Maji (kind of bell), Taalu (brass plate), etc they have. And most im- portantly how much Sabbeh (mithun) they have. Sabbeh was functioning as the main medium of exchange (like money in modern days) in Nyishi community. Therefore, it has revealed that the economy of Nyishi tribe was very primitive and backward. They totally dependent on nature but they have skills in hunting and fishing. They have lots of wild animals’ skins, testis, teeth, claws, etc. which was mostly demanded for medicine as well as cloths materials in Tibet (China). In this way the trading between the Nyishi tribe and the Tibetan started. TRADE RELATION BETWEEN NYISHI AND TIBETAN: Nyishi people have strong conviction that their origin has began from Donyi Naam- chang somewhere in Tibet. So, before leaving that place they were producing ornaments like Tasang, Maji, Taalu, etc. they were also expert in making Rour Aryu (special swords) and weap- ons like Nangkio (spear), Murto (iron spike fixed at arrow head), etc. After one month of field study, it is found that due to some forces or circumstances they started migrating from that place. Today, they don’t know what were the main reasons of migration from Donyi Naamchang were. However, some of the reasons for migration are reported as: - 1. War 2. Natural Hazard 3. Plague 4. Scare Resources– food, etc. After leaving Donyi Naamchang, they became as wanderer and started living in forest. Therefore, they had lost their techniques and skills of making things or maybe they had no resources like iron, copper, etc to make the things. As a consequence, all these Tasang, Tallu, Maji, etc were imported from Tibet/China in olden days through Nyeme Pudung (trading towards Tibet/China). Mr. Tok Chohi, his wife Smt. Balo Yaniyo and their son-in-law Mr. Nincgh Yayi were believed to be the first three people who have started Nyeme Pudung after leaving from the Donyi Naamchang. In this Nyeme Pudung they have to travel a week long via densely covered forest area to reach the Nyeme (Tibet/China) place for marketing. Moreover, it has also found that so many untoward incidents had happened with Nyishi people during Nyeme Pudung. Untoward incident like –Aachi Aachiya Rupche (DimumRen), 49 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Aach Yashi, Hadu Dachaar, etc had became renowned folk tales of Nyishi community. Due to this factor also they had discontinued Nyeme Pudung Rongnaam. But the main reason is that due to Maane Pudung(trading towards south or Assam) which is easily accessible in comparison to Nyeme Pudung. However, Maane Pudung Rongnaam is of recent origin. It has started in between 16th and 17th Century A.D. TRADE ITEMS IN BETWEEN NYISHI AND TIBETAN: The trade between Nyishi and Tibetan communities were conducted on Barter System i.e. exchange of goods to another goods. It is reported during the present study that Nyishi people have exported wild animal skins, testis, teeth, claw, etc. (which have some essential medicinal value) to the Tibetan/Chinese counterpart. The most well-known items which Nyishi people were used to exported are as follows: Table 1: Items Traded (Export) to Tibetan

Name of Items Sl./No. Local Name English Name 1. Sudom Apin Dear Skin 2. Sebi Apin Monkey Skin 3. Seram Apin Otter Skin 4. Pate Apin Tiger Skin 5. Hogiya Apin Leopard Skin 6. Sukung Apin Kind of Squirrel 7. Pud Ejeh Kind of cloths which were worn by Nyishi people

Source: Field Study, 2015 In exchange of Sudom Apin, Sebi Apin, Seram Apin, Pate Apin, Hogiya, Apin, Sukung Apin, Pud Ejeh, etc. they brought Mapu Aalu, Ruar Auryu, Shaya Ejeh, various kinds of Tasang like– (Sangte, Sangter, Sangmi, Sangu, etc), Maji, Talu, Yuder (Iron), etc. from the Tibetan counterpart. These items are clearly shown in table 2. There were many items apart from items given in the Table 1 and the Table 2. Table 2: Items Traded (Import) from Tibetan

Name of Items Sl./No. Local Name English Name 1. Mapu Aalu Kind of salt 2. Ruar Auryu Special sword of Nyishi 3. Shaya Ejeh Kind of cloth 4. Sangte Tasang (white beads) Kinds of beads 50 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 5. Sangter Tasang Kinds of beads 6. Maji Kinds of bell 7. Talu Kinds of brass plate 8. Yuder Iron Source: Field Study, 2015 Furthermore, it is also found that the Nyeme Pudung Rongnaam was very difficult for Nyishi tribe as they have to travel very huge distance through up and down hills covered by dense forest. Also through rivers, lake, etc. and many folk tales have been known today which took place during Nyeme Pudung Rongnaam time. Due to this reasons, only some people of Nyishi community performed Nyeme Pudung. Infact, these people were regarded and recognized in the history of Nyishi tribe as legendaries. CONCLUSION Since the ancient time, Nyishi tribe and Tibetan counterpart were engaging in active trading which is locally called as Nyeme Pudung Rongnaam. However, the trade history still remains as hidden and silent. It is mainly because of complete lack of written records. Oral history remains as only source of information to reconstruct the past in context of the Nyishi and Tibetan trade relation. Nevertheless, oral histories provide depth, texture, flavor, nuance, color and variety to draw picturesque of past and helps in deep analysis. Surely, it also enriches or em- bellishes, substantiates or contradicts and potentially corrects the available official records too. To great dismay, the trade relation had to take place amidst various predicaments. It took many days for traders to travel into others hills. Infact, mountains made travel extremely difficult. Gradually, the trade relation led to exchanges beyond products. Likewise, trading had been a catalyst of social changes among the people of the Nyishi tribe that brought about revolutionary changes. In the recent times, trading activities between Nyishi tribe and Tibetan counterpart has discontinued after Nyishi people have Assam as a better trading place which is locally known as Mane Pudung Rongnaam. REFERENCE: 1. Chager, Y. (2016, January 7). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre- Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 2. Cheke, T. (2015, December 23). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre-Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 3. Hina, D. N. (2013). Socio-Economic of Nyishi Tribe of Arunachal Pradesh Change and Continuity. International Journal of Advance Research, IJOAR.org. 4. Kacha, T. (2016, January 23). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre-

51 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 5. Kachin, T. (2015, December 23). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre-Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 6. Kacho, Y. (2016, January 10). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre- Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 7. Mech, Y. (2016, January 7). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre- Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 8. Nering, T. (2015, December 23). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre-Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 9. Ronghi, N. (2016, January 8). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre- Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 10. Tagi, N. (2015, December 23). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre- Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer) 11. Tao Abo, T. G. (2013). Role of Cross Border Trade Towards Rural Development: Em- pirical Evidences from Bleeting Trade Point in Tawang, Arunachal Pradesh. International Journal of Research in Commerce & Management(IJRCM). 12. Tubing, N. (2015, December 23). Trade Relation Between the Nyishi and Tibetan during Pre-Colonial Era of Arunachal Pradesh. (Y. R. Camder, Interviewer)

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52 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

Role of Taklung Dzong among the Monpas of Kalaktang Area: A Preliminary Study Dr Tage Habung (Asst. Prof. in History) Govt. College Doimukh, Arunachal Pradesh - 791112 Email: [email protected] Contact: 9436090853 Improper presentation of reference Abstract The central idea of this paper is to examine the role of Dzong in socio-cultural practices of the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh from historical perspective with special reference to Taklung Dzong. Dzong a distinctive type of fortress found among the Himalayan states’s is massive in style with towering exterior walls surrounding a complex of courtyards, etc. This magnificent, Dzong (fortress) is an architectural masterpiece of Himalayan states of both in Bhutan and Tibet. Dzongs were used for political and administrative purposes. It was provincial administrative centre through which these states used to control the local people. In each politico-administrative division there was a Dzong which served as the religious, military, administrative, and social centre. Inside this typical fortress, half of the rooms were allocated to administrative function headed by Dzongpan, and half to religious functionaries, primarily consisting of a temple and housing for monks. Culturally being akin with the Bhutanese and Ti- betans, the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh also has a Dzongs in their area. So here in this paper attempt will be made to describe the role of Dzong in socio-cultural practices of the Monpas. For these both the primary and secondary data have been collected from area under the study and collected data have been interpreted with historical method to draw a logical conclusion. Key Words : Dzong, Himalayan States, Dzongpen, Cultural Affinity, Monpas.

Introduction: The literal meaning of Dzong is a “fortified place”. This distinctive type of fortress architecture is found in the Buddhist states of the Himalayas, both in the Bhutan and Tibet. The architecture of Dzong is massive in style with towering exterior walls, surrounding a complex of courtyards, temples, administrative office and monks’ accommodation. In general the Dzong has high inward sloping walls of brick and stone painted white with few or no windows in the lower sections of the wall. But unlike other forms forts or fortress and building around the world, the Dzong is multifunctional even today. It has been said that Dzongs in the Himalayan states were used for political and administrative purposes. It was provincial administrative centre through which these Himalayan states used to control the local people. The main purpose of the Dzongs is that it served as the religious, military, administra-

53 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal tive, and social centres of Buddhist states. They are often the site of an annual social or religious festival. The military would use the Dzong as a garrison. If need be, and as an army. The administrative bodies of a district would be housed within the Dzongs, as would monks. And the Dzongs were also places of trade and an area where people would congregate to share in celebration with their fellow man, especially during the annual tsh-echu (mask dance festival). Inside the Dzong or fortress large number of rooms were allocated for an administrative function (such as the office of the Governor), and half to religious function, primarily the temple and housing for monks. This division between administrative and religious functions reflects the idealized duality of power between the religious and administrative branches of government. Nevertheless in Tibet Dzongs were purposefully used for administrative convenience. They divided state into various administrative divisions called Dzongs and Lama called Tse-dung was appointed as Governor of the Dzong. The Lamas were entrusted with both civil and military powers and were equal in all respects, though subordinate to the generals. Describing the Hima- layan architecture with special reference to Dzong architecture, Ronald M. Bernier writes that: The Dzongs are build as variation of basic model; a quadrilateral of building enclos- ing one or more courtyards. A central toward called Utse often marks the division between the religious and the civil quarters, which are strictly separated. The wood carving and painting that decorate the Dzong (Fort) are often outstanding, complex and subtle. Being a part of sub-Himalayan region, Arunachal Pradesh is culturally influenced by the Himalayan states of both the Bhutan and Tibet. Each developed a distinctive type of fortress architecture known as Dzong . It could be witnessed in Arunachal Pradesh especially among the Monpas of East Kameng and Tawang Districts. Apart from politico-administrative role Dzong could have played other important role among the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh. Therefore, in this paper attempt has been made to describe the role of Dzong among the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh by taking a case study of Taklung Dzong. For this primary data had been collected from Kalaktang areas by undertaking a field work. Locating the Study Area: The Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh are a large tribal community inhabiting in two districts, viz., the West Kameng and the Tawang dstrict. In Tawang the entire district is inhabited by them while in West Kameng a wide area comprising of Dirang, Bomdila and Kalaktang circle is inhabited by the Monpas. West Kameng district is surrounded by Tawang and East Kameng on the North, Bhutan on the west, Sonitpur district of Assam on its south. The District has three sub-divisions namely, Bomdila, Thrizino and Rupa with ten administrative circles viz., Dirang, Bomdila, Nafra, Kalaktang, Rupa, Singchung, Jamiri, Thrizino, Bhalukpong and Belemu. Ka- laktang which being the thrust area of study in this paper is one of the circle headquarters of the West Kameng which is 80 k.m. away from Bomdila. It is connected with the district headquarter Bomdila by a circuitous road. There are several link roads from different villages that connect to the Kalaktang circle. The whole area consists of a cluster of large hills and is clad by evergreen forests in which blue pine and chin pine grow in abundance .

54 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal The entire Monpa population of Arunachal is divided into three sub-divisions according to their variation in geographical division viz., the Tawang Monpa or northern Monpa, the Dirang Monpa or central Monpa, and the Kalaktang Monpa or the southern Monpa. But traditionally the Monpas were divided into two categories only viz., Brahmi and Tsangli. There the Brahmi stands for people living in rocky side of the country while Tsangli refers to people living below the mountains. As the Monpas of Kalaktang is living in below the mountainous region they are also known as Tsangli. But in terms of cultural practices there are no differences between the Brahmi people and the Tsangli people as both of them are follower of Buddhism. However, linguistically there is slight difference between the Tawang Monpa and the Kalaktang Monpa. The reason for this difference is yet to be established and many of earlier scholars who studied in Monpa areas considered the geographical variation as main reason for this difference. Regarding the origin and migration of the Kalaktang Monpas, we have very scanty written record. There are two different views prevalent among the Monpas of Kalaktang regarding their migration. One view states that they came down originally from Tibet to present area of settlement via Tawang. However the other version states that they migrated from Tibet via Bhutan . But in all probability it can be said that their migration might have taken place batches after batches over centuries involving many groups who were on the move under the unknown difficulties . Historical Perspective of Taklung Dzong: Historically the building structures today called as Dzong among the Himalayan states is said to be developed from precedents of tower and khars (fortified palaces for lords built according to the tower typology). It was also known as pho brang, which means residence of male hero . In Tibet the Dzong architecture is said to be originated in about 8th century AD when Pad- masambhava, popularly known as Guru Rimpoché visited the Tibet. According to the tradition of the Testament of Ba, repeated with considerable elaboration in later histories, the local deities and spirits of Tibet so obstructed the foundation of the temple at Samye that the intervention of occult power in the service of Buddhism was deemed essential. Therefore, Santaraksita a Bud- dhist scholar recommended to the King Thrisong Detson (742-797) to invite master of mantras named Padmasambhava to Tibet. Therefore, King Thrisong Detson, the 38th king of the Yarlung dynasty and king of Tibet invited the Guru Padmasambhava in order to suppress and place under oath the restless demonic forces and to establish the Buddhism in Tibet and its adjoining areas. When they meet Guru Padmasambhava, better known as Guru Rimpoché said to have advice the king of Tibet that: Although you have built many castles, when the time of dying comes, only the bier will be yours! Therefore, from now on, you must no more build so many houses for yourself, but you must erect temples and present holy statues, (these are actions) which are helpful for the next life too! . In his mission of establishing and spreading the Buddhism in Tibet and its adjoining

55 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal areas, the Guru Padmasambhava travelled from Tibet to the Monpa region and Buddhism was introduced in the Monpa areas. This also testified by the fact that in some Tibetan documents the word dzong describes specific places which were visited by Guru Rimpoché during 8th century AD. In other word, the landscape settings like caves and special rock formations he visited thus became Padmasabhava’s strongholds inhabited by protective deities and these places were often termed dzongs to describe them as the power places they had become, and still are today. By last quarter of 12th century Buddhism was spread in large areas of Himalayan region and it is now difficult for single administrative centre to look after whole areas from religious and political point view. Therefore, king of Tibet introduced a form of administration from forts which came to known as Dzongs, which we know was an established Tibetan tradition. Regarding the origin of Dzong among the Monpas it is said that two important person- alities is associated with it. First one is Padmasambhava, who is said to have introduced the Buddhism among the people of this valley, while second one is Berkhar Targe of Tawangchu valley (modern district headquarter of Tawang District). It has been said that Berkhar Targe had seven sons. The second and seventh sons were deputed to Tibet for study. They were admitted to Tibetan study centre of Buddhism and put under the guidance of Changton Hrolpei, the then famous Buddhist Monk and disciple of first Dalai Lama. After successful completion of their education in Buddhist study, the second Dalai Lama Gedun Gyatso (1475-1542) designated to second son of Berkhar Targe as Lama Tanpei Dornme and seventh son as Lobsang Khenchun. Thereafter, the second Dalai Lama instructed both to preach the idea of Mahayana Buddhism among the people of Lho Mon Yul, which means people of Tawang and its adjoining lower regions . Thereafter, they started establishing the Dzongs in order to carry on the Tibetan cultural-economic and political expansion in this part of sub-Himalayan region. In total there is four different Dzongs in the Monpa area, viz. Tawang Dzong, Dirang Dzong, Sange Dzong and Tak- lung Dzong. Through this Dzongs, administrative measures were provided, tax collected and sent to Tibetan capital during pre-colonial period. However, after the establishment of colonial rule in Assam, the administrative and economic functions of the Dzong ceased but they continue to play an important role in religious life of the people.

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The Taklung Dzong thrust area of study in this paper is said to be a fifteenth century Himalayan architecture. It was the symbol of religious enunciations for the Monpas of Kalak- tang area. It was constructed during Lama Tanpei Dronme, the second son of Berkhar Targe and contemporary of second Dalai Lama Gedun Gyatso (1475-1542). This Dzong is perched on eye- catching snake shaped hill called Taklung Zor near the village Sanglem in the South western part of the west Kameng District . According to a research conducted by one of the Japanese research scholar in 2012, in which he scientifically tested small wooden structure. He found that structure of Taklung Dzong is 536 years old . It means that this Dzong could have probably constructed during 1470s which coincided with period of second Dalai Lama (1475-1542). This fifteen century historic monument now lies in dilapidated ruined status after a massive earth- quake of 1950s and the history of this Dzong could only be drawn on the basis of information given by the elders of the locality. Nevertheless, after visiting the dilapidated ruin of Taklung Dzong certain inferences could be drawn that this Dzong was two storied building made of stones and mud plastering in the style of local craftsmanship . The Dzong seems to have had three rooms in the ground floor of which one room was used as store while other two rooms were used as prison cell. In the first floor, there were apartments for Dzongpen, including kitchen room while in the middle large room meant for alter and besides there is a room for Taklung Lama. This Dzong was a dignified mansion roofed with the planks and painted with the local artistic style of paintings . While interacting with elders of the locality it could be gleaned that this Dzong was constructed with instruction from the Lama Tanpei Dronme by dividing the work among the nearby villages. Some villagers have said to have collected the stones for building, some prepared the mud plastering 57 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal while others constructed the roof of the Dzong . Role of Taklung Dzong among the Monpas of Kalaktang: Historically the socio-cultural and religious life of the Monpas centred on the Dzongs but due to lack of written documents, comprehensive historical information is difficult to collect on the role of Dzongs among the Monpas. Nevertheless, amidst the paucity of record, an attempt has been made here in this paper to reconstruct the role of Dzongs among the Monpa with special reference to Taklung Dzong. For this purpose data has been collected from Kalaktang area by undertaking extensive field work which had been substantiated with scanty literature available on the Dzong. In collecting primary data, I mostly relied on oral history and social memory of local people to reconstruct the role of Taklung Dzong among the people. And collected data has been interpreted in the perspective of historical method. It has been already pointed out that historically Dzong served as religious, military, administrative, and social centres of Himalayan Buddhist states. Especially for Tibetan states it has been served as provincial administrative centre and initially Taklung Dzong was also constructed for same purpose . However, after interacting with local people especially elders and Lamas of Kalatang area it was found that Taklung Dzong was basically a Dra Dzong or war Dzong. This suggests that Taklung was war fort in which a prison cell was also provided. It was through Taklung Dzong, the Tibetan run the administration in Kalaktang and its adjoining areas. To run the administration, Dzongpens (provincial administrator) was appointed by Tibetan King appointed from Tawang Dzong . While discussing about the role of Taklung Dzong Rinchin Dondrup states thus; The Tawang Monastery gradually held supremacy in the region. It needed more resources for maintenance. By the introduction of the Taklung Dzong and Dirang Dzong has (sic) contributed an additional source. The administration system of the Tawang Monastery has been extended for (sic) the appointment of two Dzongpens each for the Taklung and the Dirang Dzong . Under the supervision of Tawang Dzong, the Dzongpen of Taklung Dzong used to run the administration in Kalaktang area. It has been said that initially two Dzongpens and two La- mas were appointed for Taklung Dzong in which one Dzongpen has the supreme power. They were appointed for a period of three years . The two Dzongpens were selected by abbot of the Tawang Monastery on the basis seniority from among the monks of the monastery who worked earlier as a Gergo . Off these two Dzongpens, again the senior most Dzongpen was promoted to the higher post of Tsipa (the highest in the hierarchy) who looked after the library . In exercising their administrative duties, the main task of the Dzongpen was to collect taxes locally known Khrai from the local people which were sent to Tibet via Tawang Dzong. Generally, in Tibetan administrative system areas that controlled by Dzongs was made to supply huge quantities of rice, butter, cotton and iron, in addition to undertaking three periods of corvée. If they failed, then `laws according to Tibetan practice´ were exacted on them . After

58 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal conducting fieldwork among the people of Kalaktang area, it became clear that Taklung Dzong was also constructed under the system of ‘corvée system’ in which local people were not paid for their works. Under the administration of Taklung Dzong the items such as rice, animals skin, Arba, Lani ru etc were collected as tax from teh Kalaktang area which was transferred to Tawang Dzong via Phudung, Dirang Dzong, Senge Dzong, Jang, Lhou, Gyangkhar Dzong. From Tawang Dzong these items were sent to Lhasa, the capital city of Tibet.

Dilapitated ruin of Taklung Dzong The administrative system of the Dzongpen were quite temporary, and their visit to Taklung Dzong were allowed only from winter to the middle of summer, while the rest of the year they stayed at Tawang Monastery . However the two Lamas who were appointed along the Dzongpens stayed at Taklung Dzong throughout the year and performed the religious activities. The other members who accompanied the two Dzongpen to visit the Taklung Dzong for collection of the Khrei (revenue or tax) were Nyetsang (accountant), Drong yur (calculator), Dojapa (checker), and Korkorpa (informer) . All these functionaries along with two Lamas permanently stationed at Taklung Dzong collected Khrei at Kalaktang area. While writing about the mode of collection of revenue by the Taklung Dzongpen Niranjan Sarkar noted that; Khrei is for the maintenance of monastery and the Lama and has been levied from time of Mera Lama. The landed property of each family measured at the time in terms of Khreikhang, a local unit of measurement. Each household pays for one Khreikhang twenty bres of wheat in Dawa Nyapa (June to July) and twenty bres of millet or barley in Dawa Gupa (October to No- vember) . In order to collect revenue, Taklung Dzong has classified the families of Kalaktang area into three categories, viz., (1) the Khrei-mi, (2) Mi-Lhak and (3) Yan Lhak . The Khrei-mi hailed from the landlord family or owner of large cultivable land and they were subjected to pay more 59 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal land revenue. The other group category Mi-Lhak means the outsider villagers and they were suppose to pay nominal Khrei. The last category was Yan Lhak which means the poorest family and they were subjected to pay less Khrie than the other two other categories. Apart from paying the annual revenue, the villagers of Kalaktang area were subjected to offer their services to the Taklung Dzong and its Dzongpen. The villagers too had to look after the animals and carry the belonging of the Dzongpens while travelling during the day and night hours. if the villagers failed to do so, they were harshly treated and sometimes awarded with severe punishment .In addition each family of Kalaktang area were required to supply a particular quantity of firewood to the Dzong . With passage of time, the administrative system of Taklung Dzong and its Dzongpens became very harsh as they imposed heavy taxes on people and severe punishment were awarded to the local population who did not carry out orders. Punishment included putting them in prison cell and cutting off nerves of the legs. Confirming the brutality of Dzong and Dzongpens administration, D.K. Dutta also writes that; The villagers of Kalaktang area had to pay monastic tribute in kinds to the present Tawang through Taklung Dzongpens situated at Morshing area. Once they were so oppressed by the monastic officials that most of the villages have dwindled in size. Many people migrated to Bhutan . Considering their brutality in running administration and collecting the revenue from the commoners they sought British intervention in this regard. Consequently, British intervened in the administration of Taklung Dzong in 1940s . According to information provided by in- formants of area,in the year 1944-45 British reached there and they interrupted the working of Dzong on account of oppression expressed by the local populace, in the context of collection of huge taxes and working without payment under the ‘corvée system’. After visiting the Dzong, the British administration took up the matter with the authority at the Tawang Dzong monastery that had control over them. After the intervention by British government, the administrative apparatus at Tallung Dzong became dysfunctional from administrative point of view. In other word, after the intervention of British administration in 1944-45, the administrative power of Taklung Dzong was ceased and which was construed as a relief from taxation and labour dues for people of the area. Apart from aforesaid administrative activities, the Taklung Dzong was also a centre of religious activities for people of Kalaktang area. Religious activities form an important aspect in the socio-cultural and religious life of the people of the Moanpas. Earlier most religious ceremonies and rituals held at the Dzong. Within structure of Dzong itself a large of portion building especially central portion is allotted for religious ceremonies and rituals. In religious activities, however, it was the Lamas appointed by Tawang monastery who looked after the Dzong and its religious functions. They had to perform the Kangso prayer every twenty-fifth day of the month throughout the year . The villagers offered food and other requirement for these Lamas. Besides, the Taklung Lamas accompanied by Dzongpens visited Amortala. It was the winter habitation of

60 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal the Kalaktang Monpas. In winter season the Monpas of Kalaktang migrated to Amortala which lies in the border between Assam and Arunachal, and settled there for one or two months as winter was severe in the highly mountainous areas. There they conducted trade exchange with the Bodos-Cacharis of Assam . There the Dzongpens and Lamas used to perform religious ritual for betterment and prosperity of the Monpas. Monpas of Tawang and West Kameng were prolific traders. Since early days, they had commercial intercourse with different communities of Assam through the various markets in the foothill region. On the other hand they extensively had commercial intercourse with both the Bhutan and Tibet in northern side. Apart from these they served as intermediaries for trade between the Bengal and Assam with Tibet and Bhutan. There were trade and caravan routes suitable for pack-animals, which linked the western region of NEFA with Tibet, Bhutan as well as the plains of Assam . The Monpas said to have exchanged with the plain people their cows, horses, goats, blankets, and chillies for metal-utensils, eri-cloth and thread etc. With Tibet and Bhutan, they said to have exchanged goods like musk, blanket, yak etc. for Tibetan silk cloths, cotton, rock salt and brass utensils etc. In this trade transaction, the Dzongs played an important role. Though Dzong basically was a fortress for protection against external threat, it also provided shelter to travelling traders along with their animals in the stables. The traders from the plain Assam halted at night at the Dzong before proceeding to Tibet and Bhutan. Generally the trading season of the Monpas starts in winter session. However, before they begin their trading venture, they collected their goods at Dzong . Thereafter, goods were loaded in a caravan and trading started under supervision of the Dzongpan who travelled with the traders to give protection. Conclusion The discussion in this paper reflects the dynamism of Dzongs in history of the Monpas culture since the introduction of Dzong system. No doubt after intervention of British administration in 1944-45 and independence of India in 1947 the supremacy of Dzong has been put to an end. In order to regulate their administrative affair the local people constituted inter-village council known as Tsopo. Today this Dzong is locally known as Gompa where only religious activities are carried out. But many important historical events had taken place in Dzong. The structural remains of Dzong in Kalaktang area which is still traceable provides enough evidence of crucial roles played by Dzongs as the centre of government and culture in the course of history of the Monpas of Kalaktang area. The traditional Dzong system and rule of Dzongpens completely controlled the socio-economic and religious-political life of the Monpas of Kalak- tang area. The Tibetan agents used Dzong as means of political control and cultural-economic expansion among the Monpas of Kalaktang area. There are ample circulation within social memory and oral literature of stories or events associated with these important Dzongs existing today. Therefore, the Dzongs among the Monpas can be regard as living witness to the successive social development and cultural evolution of the Monpas. It can be useful historical remnant through which one can reconstruct the political, economic and religious history of the Monpas of Kalaktang area. I believe this paper as median research in this area and more paper

61 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal will be there in days to come which will gives us in-depth knowledge regarding the Dzong and its role. * This paper complied out of the data collected for ICSSR sponsored major research project Socio-Cultural History of Dzongs of the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh. I extend my gratitude to ICSSR, New Delhi for sponsoring my project. My thanks is also due to Mr. Sange Gombu, Asst. Prof. (Commerce), Govt. College Bomdila and Ms. Konchok Dolma, Ph. D scholar (History), Rajiv Gandhi University who rendered their help in collecting data form Kalaktang area. References :- 1. Ronald M. Bernier (1997), Himalayan Architecture: with forward by His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Farleigh Dickenson University Press, New Delhi, p. 63. Also see Konchok Dolma, The Legend of Taklung Monastery, M. Phil. Dissertation (unpublished), RGU, 2012, pp. 29-30. 2. D.K. Dutta (1999), The Monpas of Kalaktang: Arunachal Pradesh, Directorate of Re- search, Itanagar, p.2. 3. Tsering Yangzom (2001), Social Life of the Monpa: A Buddhist Community of the Tawang, M.Phil Dissertation (Unpublished), Arunachal University, p.14. 4. D.K. Dutta, opp.cit. pp.3-4. 5. Konchok Dolma (2012), The Legend of Taklung Monastery, M. Phil. Dissertation (unpublished), RGU, p.42. 6. Ingun Bruskeland Amundsen, On Bhutanese and Tibetan Dzong, internet sources: www. Thlib.org/static/reprint/jobs/JBS_05_02.pdf 7. Ibid. 8. Matthew T. Kapstein (2000), The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism: Conversion, Contes- tation, and Memory, Oxford Publication, New York. 9. Ingun Bruskeland Amundsen, opp.cit. 10. Field data collected from Kalaktang area during December 2012. 11. Konchok Dolma, opp.cit. pp. 29-30. 12. Information was provided by Shri Rinchin Tsering, present Taklung Lama on 11th Janu- ary, 2012. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid.

62 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 15. Field data collected from Kalaktang area during December, 2012. 16. See note 10. 17. Ibid. 18. Rinchin Donrup (1988), An Account of the Taklung Gompa, Directorate of Research, Itanagar, p.73. Also see Konchok Dolma, opp.cit p.43. 19. Field data collected from Kalaktang area during December 2012. 20. Konchok Dolma, opp.cit p.43. 21. Ibid. 22. Field data collected form Kalaktung Area during January 2012. 23. Konchok Dolma, opp.cit p.43. 24. Niranjan Sarkar (2006), Buddhism among the Monpas and Sherdukpens, Directorate of Research, Itanagar, p.41. Also see Konchok Dolma, opp.cit p.43. 25. Quoted in Konchok Dolma, opp.cit p.43, also see Niranjan Sarkar, opp. cit. pp.35-36. 26. Konchok Dolma, opp.cit p.43. 27. Field data collected form Kalaktung Area during January 2012. 28. Konchok Dolma, opp.cit p.44. 29. D.K. Dutta, opp.cit. p.4. 30. See note 10. 31. Konchuk Dolma, opp.cit p.45. 32. See note 10. 33. S.D. Choudhary (1996), Arunachal Pradesh District Gazetteers, Govt of Arunachal Pradesh, Itanagar, pp. 166-167. 34. Field data collected form Kalaktung Area during January 2012.

References: 1. Beer, Robert, (2003), The Handbook of Tibetan Buddhist Symbols, Shambhala Publica- tion, Boston. 2. Bernier, Ronald M., (1997), Himalayan Architecture: with forward by His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Farleigh Dickenson University Press, London. 63 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

3. Choudhary, S.D., (1996), Arunachal Pradesh District Gazetteers, Govt of Arunachal Pradesh, Itanagar. 4. Dolma, Konchok, (2012), The Legend of Taklung Monastery, M. Phil. Dissertation (unpublished), RGU. 5. Donrup, Rinchin, (1988), An Account of the Taklung Gompa, Directorate of Research, Itanagar. 6. Drema, Tsering, (2001), Emergence of Sacred Places among the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh, M. Phil. Dissertation (unpublished), Arunachal University. 7. Duarah, D.K., (1990), The Monpa of Arunachal Pradesh, Directorate of Research, Gov- ernment of Arunachal 8. Pradesh, Itanagar, 9. Dutta, D.K., (1999), The Monpas of Kalaktang: Arunachal Pradesh, Directorate of Re- search, Government of Arunachal Pradesh, Itanagar. 10. Kapstein, Matthew T., (2000), The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism: Conversion, Con- testation, and Memory, Oxford Publication, New York. 11. Lama, Tashi, (1999) The Monpas of Tawang: A Profile, Himalayan Publishers, Itanagar. 12. Nath, Jogendra (2005), Cultural Heritage of Tribal Societies, Vol. II: The Monpas, Om- sons Publications, New Delhi. 13. Power, John, (2007), Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism, Snow Lion Publication, New York. 14. Sarkar, Niranjan, (2006), Buddhism among the Monpas and Sherdukpens, Directorate of Research, Itanagar. 15. Sarkar, Niranjan,(1996) Tawang Monastery, Directorate of Research, Government of Ar- unachal Pradesh, Itanagar, 16. Yangzom, Tsering, (2001), Social Life of the Monpa: A Buddhist Community of the Tawang, M.Phil Dissertation (Unpublished), Arunachal University. 17. Yeegha, Tenzin, (2009), A Study of Symbolism in Dances of Tawang Monpas, M.Phil. Dissertation (Unpublished), RGU.

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64 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

Implementation and Monitoring of Rural Development Schemes – A Study of Select Districts in Arunachal Pradesh Millo Yasung Research Scholar, Department of Business Administration, Tezpur University, E-mail – [email protected]

Abstract Arunachal Pradesh, a State in North Eastern India has approximately 80 per cent of the people residing in rural area and thus being a rural state, depends totally upon central assistance. There are various Centrally Sponsored Schemes like MGNREGA, IAY etc that are designed by the Government of India for alleviation of rural poverty and bring in development. In Arunachal Pradesh, the Department of Rural Development is the chief institution that is responsible for implementation and monitoring of these developmental schemes. But whether or not they fulfill their responsibility sincerely is questionable as is evident from the present scenario of Arunachal Pradesh, which is not very pleasant. This research paper is descriptive in nature. Multi-staged sampling is used to collect data from three districts of Arunachal Pradesh. Both primary and secondary data is used for this paper. The paper tries to compare the opinion of three groups that comprise of the officials of the Department of Rural Development, the people’s representatives and the community regarding implementation and monitoring of various schemes in the State using One-way ANOVA technique. From the data it is found out that the opinion of the three groups vary extensively with regards to implementation and monitoring of the rural development schemes in the district. Thus it indicates that there might a lacuna with regards to implementation and monitoring process. Keywords – Rural Development, Implementation, Monitoring Introduction Nearly 70 per cent of the India’s population lives in rural areas (Census of India, 2011). These rural populations can be described as mass poverty, low levels of literacy and income, high level of unemployment, poor nutrition and health status. In order to deal with these particular problems, various rural development programmes are being implemented to create opportunities for improving the quality of life of these rural people (Ganiee, 2014). The Annual Plan 2012-13 of Department of Planning, government of Arunachal Pradesh unveil that, the prevalence of poverty in Arunachal Pradesh has been more or less stagnant during the last two decades. A paradigm shift in our approach towards our work and thought process while preparing and implementing centrally sponsored schemes in the district is essential for accelerated development (“Upper Subansiri”, 2014). Therefore all the heads of offices and Panchayat leaders should put more efforts and dedication towards their duties so that the Government schemes 65 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal are implemented in both letter and spirit in the grass-root level and reach up to the needy people (“DRDA Governor”, 2014). Panchayati Raj Institution is the strength of rural development in India, which empowered rural people and increased mass participation in development process. All centrally sponsored and state schemes are implemented by the Panchayati Raj Institution in rural India. But due to corruption in Panchayats functionaries, benefits of all programmes do not reach actual beneficiaries in rural India and people are not interested to participate in development works (Biswas, 2013). To avoid this kind of problem the Panchayat leaders should select genuine beneficiaries and ensure the proper implementation of the scheme in the ground level (“DRDA Governor”, 2014). People’s participation is a prerequisite to diminish all problems may it be implementation or evaluation (Singh, 2013). Therefore, the present study will give us an insight related to the discrepancies in the implementation and monitoring of the rural development Schemes in the State. Literature Review The public service department of any country is regarded as a transformational institution because of its eternal responsibility of implementing public policies and programmes and rendering of essential services to the general masses, which means the activities of government employees and institutions aims at formulating and implementing governmental policies and programmes for the interests of the public (Agba, Ochimana and Abubakar, 2013). Centrally sponsored schemes have to be implemented with dedication , true work culture and determined efforts (“East Siang”, 2014) because the impact of such programmes depend to a great extent on how well they are implemented (Mathur, 1995). However, the existing information reveals that each programme achieved a limited success with little tangible benefits to the real beneficiaries. Little was achieved in terms of increased production, income and welfare of the potential beneficiaries. It is thus clear that benefits of development have not trickled down to the rural masses as perceived by the planners and policy makers (Gill et al., 1999). Besides, Member of Parliament had also expressed dissatisfaction over the poor implementation of schemes (MP dissatisfied, 2014). Adding to the woes there are reports like misuse of funds like MLA local area development (LAD) fund being misused by the local MLA and of centrally sponsored schemes like MGNREGA and IAY by extending benefits to undeserving and dead persons (“Misuse of”, 2014). Lack of achievement in these and other areas cannot be due only to faulty implementation. There are socio political factors including faculty organisation designs and ineffective managerial process. Poverty alleviation programmes and policies need sound organisation, trained and dedicated personnel with concern for superior performance, proper co-ordination and controls, effective implementation, prompt decision making, monitoring and regulation of operations, analysis of activities and results in each section, moral and material incentives to groups and individuals. Incidence shows that well designed projects end up with poor performance when implemented because of inadequate attention to management problems such as those mentioned above (Metha, 1985). The idea of rural development is considered as an improvement in the economic and social conditions of the rural people, it is a total process of economic, social and human development (Gill, 1999). Yet for developed plans to be implemented, the organization needs employees who have the necessary commitment, concern and 66 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal competency (Bacwayo, 2002). Also any developmental programme would not be successful in developing rural areas or helpful in achieving the desired goals of prosperity without effective participation of the people, therefore the bureaucratic and impersonal process of implementation of rural programmes should be discarded (Gill, Mustafa, Jehangir and Chaudhary, 1999). Objectives 1) To compare the opinion of three groups regarding implementation of rural development schemes 2) To compare the opinion of three groups regarding monitoring of rural development schemes Research Methodology This paper is descriptive in nature. In order to fulfill the objectives, primary data was collected using questionnaire and secondary data was collected through various sources like Government Official publications, websites, books and journals etc. Multi-staged sampling was used for this study which comprised of Census and Judgmental Sampling. First of all the districts were selected on the basis of their performance in the year 2012-13. The three districts of Arunachal Pradesh that were considered for the study are Lower Subansiri, Papumpare and Upper Subansiri. After selecting the three districts, census method was applied inorder to survey the employees of the Department of Rural Development, Arunachal Pradesh. Officials represent the Group A and Group B categories of the employees working in the Department of Rural Development, Government of Arunachal Pradesh. The sample size of the respondents was 70 officials from the Department of Rural Development, Arunachal Pradesh. In the next step two villages were considered from each block with the highest and the lowest population. After that Judgmental method was used for the selection of the People’s representatives (45) and the community people (459). Statements in the questionnaire were in five point likert scale where a score of 5 was assigned to strongly agree, 4 to agree, 3 to neutral, 2 to disagree and 1 to strongly disagree. Analysis and Findings Implementation of the schemes Proper implementation of the schemes always had direct impact on the overall development of the society and that is why proper implementation of the schemes is a pre-requisite for any developmental activities to take place. Table 1 presents us the comparison among different categories of respondents regarding their opinion on whether there is any lacuna in the implementation of the schemes in their respective areas. The result shows us that majority of the Officials disagree (47.3%) to strongly disagree (40.5%) that there might be some discrepancies in the implementation of the schemes. If we look at the response of the community representatives more than 35 percent (both agree and strongly agree) of them had provided positive response to the question. However, when it came to the general mass it is evident that more than 50 percent of the respondents agreed that the schemes are not being imple mented properly in their respective areas.

67 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Table 1 Descriptive analysis for lacuna in implementation of schemes

Variables Respondents SD (%) D (%) NAD (%) A (%) SA (%) Lacuna in Im- Officials 40.5 47.3 12.2 0 0 plementation Community 17.9 25.9 17.9 25.9 12.5 of schemes Representa- tives Common 5.2 26.6 10.1 52.7 5.5 People

Source: Primary data As it can be seen that there is a difference in the opinion of the respondents regarding implementation of the schemes it is necessary to check through One-way ANOVA whether this difference is significant or not. Thus to find out whether the difference in the opinion among three categories of respondents are significant a null hypothesis was formulated. Ha: There is no significant difference in the opinion of the respondents regarding lacuna in implementation of schemes. Table 2 ANOVA for whether there is lacuna in implementation of schemes

Officials People Representa- Common ANOVA Variables tives People F-value (Mean p-value Score) (Mean Score) (Mean Score)

Lacuna in implementation 1.72 2.89 3.27 123.073 .000 of schemes

Source: Primary data ANOVA test result from table 2 indicates that we reject the null hypothesis since p-value is less than 0.01 significant level and therefore we can interpret that difference in the opinion of these three groups regarding proper implementation of the schemes is significant. Thus we tried to survey more deep into different categories of respondents like People’s representatives and also districts. 68 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

Figure 1 Analysis of different categories of community representatives regarding lacuna in implementation of schemes

Source: Made by the author The result from the above figure 1 shows us that there is a huge difference in opinion between different categories of community representatives regarding proper implementation of schemes. It can be seen that more than 60 percent of the Zillas had either disagreed to strongly disagree that the schemes are not implemented properly. However majority of the Anchals (65%) and the village headmen (37.5%) have either agreed or strongly agreed that the schemes are not being implemented properly. Thus we can see that there are some discrepancies here as the category of the people’s representatives who are the main link to the common masses agreed that there is some lacuna in the implementation process If we look at the results of different districts regarding this issue in figure 2 it can seen that majority of respondents from all three districts have agreed that the schemes are not implemented properly in their respective districts. Lower Subansiri district have maximum (more than 60 percentage) number of respondents who had agreed to strongly agreed that there is some lacuna in the implementation of schemes followed by Papumpare (58%) and Upper Subansiri (54%) districts.

69 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Figure 2 Analysis of different districts regarding lacuna in implementation of schemes

Source: Made by the author Monitoring of the schemes Monitoring is an integral process for the success any project especially in public sector organizations, and for proper monitoring competent manpower is required. Thus an effort was also made to find out whether there is regular monitoring of the various schemes of the Depart- ment of Rural Development, Arunachal Pradesh. Table 3 Descriptive analysis for whether there is regular monitoring of schemes

Variables Respondents SD (%) D (%) NAD (%) A (%) SA (%) Conduct regu- Officials 0 0 12.2 52.7 35.1 lar monitoring Community Rep- 17 23.2 8 42.9 8.9 of schemes resentatives Common People 8.7 53.6 4.6 28.2 4.9

Source: Primary data On enquiring whether there is regular monitoring of the rural development schemes, it was found out that (Table 3) more than 85 percentage of the Officials either agreed or strongly

70 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal agreed that they follow regular monitoring of schemes in their Department. As far as the Com- munity Representatives are concerned more than 50 percentage of them provided positive response that there is regular monitoring of the schemes however a considerable number (40%) of them provided negative response to the query. But if we look at the responses of the common people it is evident that the picture might be something different as more than 60 percentage of them have provided negative response to the query on regular monitoring as compared to 30 percentage of them who provided positive response. Therefore inorder to find out whether this difference in the opinions regarding regular monitoring of the schemes is significant amongst the Officials, Community Representatives and the Common people, a null hypothesis was formulated. Hb: There is no significant difference in the opinion of the respondents regarding conduct of regular monitoring of schemes Table 4 ANOVA for whether there is regular monitoring of schemes

Variables Officials People Representa- Common F-value ANOVA (Mean Score) tives (Mean Score) People p-value (Mean Score) Conduct regular monitoring 4.23 3.04 2.67 116.669 .000 of schemes

Source: Primary data From the above ANOVA result (Table 4) it can see seen that the null hypothesis is rejected as the p-value is less than 0.01 significant level. Thus we can interpret that there is a significant difference in the responses of those three groups viz- the Officials, Community Rep- resentatives and the Common People. Further analysis was carried out to find out whether there is any difference in the opinion regarding regular monitoring of the schemes amongst the community representatives. From figure 3 it is evident that there is a huge difference in the response amongst the Community Representatives as 100 percent of the Zillas had agreed that there is regular monitoring of the schemes as compared to Anchals and the Village Headmen. More than 70 percentage of the Village Headmen had provided negative response to whether there is regular monitoring of schemes as compared to 27 percentage of them who had provided positive response. As far as the Anchals are concerned 40 percentage of them opted either for disagree or strongly disagree as compared to 27 percentage who either agreed or strongly agreed to the query.

71 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Figure 3 Analysis of different categories of community representatives regarding regular monitoring of schemes

Source: Made by the author Analysis of different districts was also carried out to find out the variation in their opinion regarding the regular monitoring of the schemes by the officials of the Department of rural development, Arunachal Pradesh. It can be seen from figure 4 that Upper Subansiri (49%) and Papumpare (48%) districts provided positive response to whether there is regular monitoring of the rural development schemes in their respective districts as compared to Lower Subansiri district (51%) who responded either disagree or strongly disagree to the issue. Figure 4 Analysis of different districts regarding regular monitoring of schemes

Source: Made by the author 72 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Conclusion Any developmental programme when it gets implemented tends to deviate from the poor and illiterate and benefits the richer and educated group of the society (Gill, Mustafa and Jehangir, 1999). It is evident from the analysis and the findings above that there is a huge difference in the opinion of the three groups regarding implementation and the monitoring of the rural development schemes as the common people did not agree with the officials or the people’s representatives. According to Singh, the Indian administrative sight is marked by few successful innovations and practices in public service delivery and a large number of pitiable performances (2013). The Panchayat members and department concern should create more awareness on programmes for its true implementation because proper implementation of the schemes is likely to bring rural development elevating the socio- economic condition of the common masses at par with other parts of the country. Besides that, for successful conduction of such schemes, veri- fication of completion of the project is essential to check fraudulent withdrawal of sanctioned amount (Empower PRI, 2014). Thus monitoring is a vital means to keeping track of an implementation process and to see that it takes place along the pre-determined course (Metha, 1985). Mere policy or intention is not important for greater outcome, it is even more essential that it is translated and implemented in its true spirit to get intended outcomes (Kumar, 2013). Proper implementation and monitoring can be achieved with ethical mindset and commitment so that the employees act confidently, rendering efficient, effective and accountable public service. Thus development tasks require readiness and ability to use evaluation and monitoring methods for feedback and improvement in functioning of a programme (Metha, 1985). Reference :- 1. Agba, M. S., Ochimana, G. E., & Abubakar, Y. I. (2013). Public Service Ethics and the Fight against Corruption in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis. International Journal Of Public Administration And Management Research, 2(1), 112-118. 2. Bacwayo, Kukunda Elizabeth. (2002). The quest for efficiency: Role of Human Resource Management inn Public Sector Reforms in Uganda. Retrieved from mro.massey.ac.nz (2002): on Feb 27, 2014. 3. Biswas, A. (2013). Corruption, Participatory Development and Good Governance. Yo- jana, 57(1), 38-43 4. Department of Planning, Government of Arunachal Pradesh. (2013). Draft Annual Plan 2012-13. Retrieved from http://arunachalplan.nic.in/html/docs/aop/AOP_12_13.pdf 5. DRDA governor body meet held at Changlang. (2014, September 9). The Arunachal Times, p. 3. 6. East Siang DRDA governing body meeting held. (2014, September 5). The Arunachal Times, p. 1. 7. Empower PRI for effective implementation of CSP: BJP unit. (2014, September 13). The

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Arunachal Times, p.1. 8. Ganiee, F., A. (2014). A Case Study of Rural Development Programmes In India. Inter- national Journal of English Language, Literature and Humanities, 1(V), 40-47. 9. Gill, Z., A. Mustafa, K., Jehangir, W., A., & Chaudhary, M., A. (1999, November). Rural Development in the 21st Century: Some Issues. The Pakistan Development Review. Fif- teenth Annual General Meeting and Conference of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists Islamabad. 10. Kumar, Santosh. “Governance and Public Policy: Vertical Meeting Horizontal.” Yojana 57 (2013): 19-22. Web. 4 Feb. 2014 11. Mathur, K. (1995). Politics and Implementation of Integrated Rural Development Pro- gramme. Economic and Political Weekly, 30(41/42), 2703-2708. 12. Metha, P. (1985). Participative management of rural development. Indian Journal of In- dustrial Relations, 20(4), 464–480. doi:10.2307/27768849 13. Misuse of MLA LAD fund, IAY alleged. (2013, October 29). The Arunachal Times, p. 1. 14. MP dissatisfied with MGNREGA implementation DRDA governing body meeting. (2014, September 12). The Arunachal Times, p. 1. 15. Singh, B., P. (2013). The Challenge of Good Governance in India: Need for Innovative Approaches. Yojana, 57(1), 4-10. 16. Upper Subansiri monitoring committee meeting held. (2014, September 13). The Ar- unachal Times, p. 1

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74 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

Mopin and its Sacred Ritualistic Aspects Eli Doye Assistant Professor Department of English Dera Natung Government College, Itanagar Abstract This fieldwork-based article provides an ethnographic overview of the Mopin festival of the Galos and its underlying ritualistic aspects. The Galos have a rich, multi-faceted and dis- tinct culture of their own. Among the diverse types of traditional cultural expressions (TCEs) of the Galo tribe, Mopin is the most popular and significant. In fact, it forms a part of the identity and heritage of the indigenous community. Mopin has certain established sacred and religious rituals which are usually accompanied by hymns and incantations chanted by the nyibo (priests) and the bo (co-priests) from their memory. Regrettably, due to modern education and the influence of other religions especially Christianity, rituals associated with Mopin have undergone immense changes in the contemporary time. KEYWORDS: Galos, Culture, Mopin, rituals, nyibo, bo, Christianity Introduction Festivals form an integral part of the tribal people of Arunachal Pradesh. Most of the festivals are celebrated to thank providence for the benefits received. As there are myriad of tribal communities in Arunachal Pradesh, the festivals are celebrated throughout the year by one community or the other. The Galo people have many festivals and occasions to celebrate but most of these festivals are religious. In fact, all these festivals are not celebrated every year unless the nyibo makes prophecies of their necessity. These festivals are either directly or indirectly related to different stages of jhum (shifting cultivation) cultivation. Some of the important festivals are Mopin, Mari, Pintum, Nyojir, Ampir, Modh, Amo Mamanam, Donyi Bonam etc. Additionally, today, the Galo have started some important occasions which are celebrated under the aegis of Galo Welfare Society (GWS), the apex organization of the Galo community. These occasions are Galo Day celebrated every year on 10th January, Nyirmen Alo (dedicated to Galo women) on 15th October, Kargu Gamgi Day on 5th December and Donyi-Polo Day on 31st December which bring all Galo people together. Dance and music form an important aspect of celebrations either as an expression of joy or a ritualistic submission to the supremacy of deity. Both men and women participate in a vast array of dances like Popir during Mopin, Mari and Pintum, and Ponu, Ja-jin-ja etc. during various other occasions of festivity. Besides, most of these dances are performed to the accompaniment of songs sung generally by the dancers themselves in chorus. 75 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

Discussion Among the festivals and occasions, today, Mopin is the most popular and significant festival of the Galo. It is celebrated annually during the 1st week of April. It is a fertility festival in which Ane Mopin (Mother Mopin) and eternal sisters Pinku and Pinte are invoked to shower their blessings to the people for rich agricultural harvest and good health. The Ane (mother) Mopin is offered with animal sacrifice (preferably mithun or pig) for appeasement. It is believed that after such invocation, the Goddess Mopin employs her daughters Pinku and Pinte to take rich harvest to the land of human beings that would ensure peace, prosperity and happiness. During the celebration, the people put on pure white dresses, which are symbols of peace and purity. Popir, a type of dance, to the tune of the Popir song specifically meant for Mopin festival are beautifully and enthusiastically performed by all. The people drink poka (brewed rice beer) supplemented by variety of tipak (food items) comprises of meat, fish, iti (pulverized rice cake), amin (mixture of boiled meat, grinded rice and dried bamboo shoot) etc. and make merriment for more than a week. In fact, Mopin has certain established sacred or religious rituals which are usually accompanied by hymns and incantations. These are chanted by the nyibo and the bo from their memory while performing the rituals. These different rituals are discussed hereupon: - Pip Chikanam Pip chikanam means divination using eggs basically performed by the priest and villagers to find out a suitable dates for the celebration, to select a right priest for the celebration, to determine the Pingi-leri/neri1 and to determine the type and number of yidum of Mopin festival. Nyibo invokes the deities by chanting hymns using eggs which is then boiled and examined. If no result is shown, then another egg is repeated till proper and final result is found. Thus, sometimes more than a day or two is required to perform this ritual. In olden days, it was mandatorily carried out before the celebration of Mopin festival but now-a-days, it is hardly performed by the people in urban areas. Moreover, it has become a yearly event particularly after fixing 5th April every as Mopin holiday. Thus, determining the date, priest, yidum, pingi-leri/neri etc. as traditional practice has been disregarded in urban areas. But in most of the celebrations in villages all these traditional practice are still maintained properly. Roksin or Reksin Kokkanam Roksin or reksin kokkanam or hepatoscopy is generally performed after the failure of pip chikanam in giving an accurate result. It can also be performed directly without the pip chikanam. As such, this examination has the same purpose like that of pip chikanam. Galo performed hepatoscopy either on pig or chick only. So it is from Porok (Chick) – Roksin (chicken liver) and Erek (pig) – Reksin (pig liver). Unlike in urban areas, this examination is still continued in most of the villages of Galo areas. Hikanam Hikanam or oblation is one of the important events that take place on the third and

76 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal the main day of celebration known as yidum alo which is dedicated for sacrifice of animals and fowls. During hikanam, the elderly ladies come to the altar with kamtu-kamlam containing poka, iti and dopak-tipak packed in oko/ekkam carrying in their doyi ginsi. Each woman representing own house deposit 25 numbers of boiled iti packed in oko/ekkam. These packing oko/ekkams are used in the images of Mopin altar and iti is distributed and consumed by the people. The poka and dopak-tipak are separately arranged for distribution to the nyibo, bo and all other participants and above all, for the images at Mopin altar. Women pour poka into the komar a bamboo tube which is placed in between the images of Pinku-Pinte which flow down on a circular enclosure. Here the flowing poka represents rain and the enclosure represents earth, thus, enacting the act of love between nyido jore (the Rain God) and Teri-Jimi (Mother Earth, the ultimate cause). Oma garnam hymns are chanted to cure a barren woman to conceive. The same hymns are pronounced by the nyibo beckoning mother earth to conceive and give a good harvest. Hikanam ritual is still performed by the ladies sincerely to get the rili-bongo and ai- agam2 from Mopin Ane and Anyi Pinku-Pinte. Yidum Nam Yidum nam means sacrifice of animals and fowls at the altar after performing necessary sacred rituals by the nyibo and bo through chanting hymns. Such sacrifices are made for Ane Mopin, Anyi Pinku-Pinte and other spirits both malevolent and benevolent. Galos believe that spirits must be appeased with sacrifices to their favour in return. Yidum is an essential part of Mopin celebration. In olden days, yidum can be either a mithun3 or a pig which is ascertained only through a pip chikanam or roksin-reksin kokkanam.4 Riga Nam Riga nam is a farewell ritual performed on Riga-Alo of the Mopin celebration. It is carried out to bid farewell to Ane Mopin and Anyi Pinku-Pinte. Nyibo and bo carry their anchi (branches of tree) march towards a nearby river or stream. They are followed by popir parties dancing popir and other village folks. On the bank of the stream, they build a small boat which is sprinkled with iti (rice paste) and then it is let to sail in the water carrying Mopin and Pinku- Pinte back to their world. Having performed this, small community cultivation is performed in the field of Pingi-leri/neri or near the Mopin altar. This ritual is still performed in rural areas but rarely performed in urban areas.5 Tadok Neenam After carrying out Riga Nam, all gathered at the residence of pingi-leri/neri for Tadok Neenam (immersion of beads in Poka) which is performed to ascertain the longevity and good health of the owner of the beads. Nyibo chanted hymns and immersed the beads into the bati (brass bowl) containing poka. It is believed that the owner of beads may survive longer with good health when there are no drops of poka but if poka drops a lot from beads then the owner of the beads may not survive long.6 Layap Nam Layap Nam (Purification ritual) is the last and concluding ritual of the Mopin festival. 77 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Nyibo performed this ritual to purify all people of the village. It is performed for purity, well- being and security of all. Nyibo chanted hymns and sacrificed a fowl which is consumed by all. With the performance of layap nam ritual, Mopin celebration comes to an end.7 Litup Tubnam Litup tubnam (first community cultivation) is a ritual performed by the pingi-leri/neri of the Mopin celebration. In fact, it is performed even after several months because it is the first actual community cultivation done in the field of pingi-leri/neri so suitable sowing time is waited. This symbolizes the beginning of the seed-sowing for the community. Litup tubnam is hardly performed now-a-days in urban areas but some villages in rural areas do perform this till today.8 Undeniably, today, Mopin celebration in urban areas have immensely deviated from many established practices and set traditions of the villages. The divination of egg or hepatoscopy is hardly carried out as a part of traditions since 5th April has been fixed as Mopin day and mithun has become a commonly accepted or permanent sacrificial animal. In many cases, it is sacrificed without any ritualistic performance by the nyibo. As such, it can safely be surmised that a different conventions have already been started for celebration of Mopin in urban areas. Different organizing committees and sub-committees are constituted to arrange the whole celebration. It is constituted by selecting from among the senior citizens and youths. From amongst the members of organizing committees, pingi-leri/neri is randomly selected who also designated as the President of celebration assisted by a few others. Nyibo is engaged but he is simply a titular head and important functions are carried out by committees constituted for the celebration. Hence, it is seen that all ritualistic performance as well as ritual objects and images assume a secondary importance and celebration becomes rather a showcase of cultural extravaganza by inviting VIPs and VVIPs as guests. Of course, one reason for such leniency in the ritualistic performances may be to entertain all Galos in the celebration irrespective of their diverse religious backgrounds and identities. This is particularly true in the case of celebrations organized by students in different colleges and universities within and outside the state. No nyibo and bo are engaged and no any kind of sacrifice of animals as such is done by the students celebrating Mopin outside our state. Special menus are prepared without any sacrifices. Lots of merry-makings in the form of smearing iti, popir dance, foods and drinks are hallmarks of such celebrations. Conclusions Before the advent of Christianity in the lives of the Galo people the whole concept of Mopin as a festival was never misrepresented or misunderstood among the Galo but with different religious influences, growing religious consciousness, large scale conversion of people to Christianity, and to some extent direct or indirect influence of Hinduism, the traditional concept of Mopin as a festival has lost its secular and cultural identity and endowed with a touch of religious colour and significance. Today, most of the Galo people especially those practising Christianity and living in the rural areas have failed to understand Mopin festival as a cultural concept different from its religious connotation. As a result of such ignorance and misconcep- 78 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal tion, they tend to remain aloof from its celebration as they could not differentiate between the two terms – culture and religion. In fact, another reason for their aloofness is the ritualistic performances which are associated with sacrifice of animals and fowls. Hence, in spite being Galo, these people have completely ignored Mopin celebration and rarely participate in the celebration. But with modern education, slowly awareness among the Galo Christians is growing appreciatively and there are spectacular changes in the celebration as Galo Christians living in urban areas participate in Mopin celebration in one or the other way and started to claim Mopin festival as one of their unique socio-cultural identity. Apart from this, many Galo Christians have come forward to document different aspects of Mopin and other cultural aspects of the Galo in vigorous ways. Acknowledgement The author is grateful to the AITS, Rajiv Gandhi University, DNGC Itanagar and UGC- NERO for various facilities and constant encouragement. The author is also thankful to all Galo nyibo, nyikok and other respondents for providing relevant information on this topic as required. Notes :- 1. Pingi-leri/neri is head of the whole Mopin celebration. Sacrifice of animals and fowls, beginning and ending of popir, layap nam, litup tubnam, tadok neenam etc. are performed only at the residence of Pingi-leri/neri. 2. Rili-bongo and ai-agam mean blessing endowed by Ane Mopin and Anyi Pinku-Pinte for all-round prosperity, peace and well-being of the whole humanity. 3. On the mithun (Bos frontalis), see Simoons (1968). 4. Interviews with Nyakar Koyu, 20-21 March 2014. Seren village, East Siang District, Ar- unachal Pradesh. 5. Ibid. 6. Interviews with Marto Doye, 22 March 2014. Seren village, East Siang District, Arunachal Pradesh. 7. Ibid. 8. Interviews with Miken Doye, 18-19 March 2014. Dari village, West Siang District, Ar- unachal Pradesh.

References :- 1. Bagra, Gumken. “Myths about origin of Mopin and its celebration in a broad perspective,” Digo-Yamo, April 5, 2009, 17-20. 2. Behera, M.C. and S.K. Choudhuri. (Eds). 1998. Indigenous Faith and Practices of the

79 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Tribes of Arunahcal Pradesh. Itanagar: Himalayan Publishers. 3. Ete, Tomar. “Mopin: Its Origin and Celebration.” Rainbow, June 15, 2001, 44-45. 4. Ete, Tumpak. 2009. Mopin. Aalo: Central Mopin Celebration Committee. 5. Nyori, Tai. 1993. History and Culture of the Adis. New Delhi: Omsons Publications. 6. ______. “The Religious Beliefs and Practices of the Adis: A study with reference to Galos”. In Indigenous Faiths and Practices of the Tribes of Arunahcal Pradesh, edited by M.C. Behera and S.K. Chaudhary, 36–45. Itanagar: Himalayan Publishers, 1998. 7. Padu, T. 2010. Moopin Poopwr Poonu Nwwtom and Mvmmvn Gogrv of the Galos of Arunachal Pradesh. New Delhi: Farsight Publishers & Distributors. 8. ______. “Mopin Mythology,” Ai-Agam, April 5, 2011, 11. 9. Simoons, F.J. 1968. A Ceremonial Ox of India: The Mithan in Nature, Culture and His- tory. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 10. Taju, Chinya. 2012. Mopin & Gospel Syncretism. Likabali: Chinya Taju, 17-18.

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80 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

The Buffer Zone: British Perception of the Khampti and Singpho in the early 19th Century. Rubu Tani Assistant Professor, History, Dera Natung Government College, Itanagar E-mail – [email protected]

Abstract In the frontier history of British India, the Khamti and the Singpho tribes of Arunachal Pradesh occupy a very prominent place, as these two tribes were the first frontier tribes which came into a limelight after the expulsion of Burmese from Assam (1824-26 AD). The areas occupied by these tribes were strategically important from the military as well as from the commercial point of view. The Khamti and the Singpho tribes being amongst the last migrant tribes from the other side of patkai hills and who still had connection with their brethren inhabiting in the Burma. Therefore, British who had driven away the Burmese from Assam, wanted to use both the tribes as screen against the Burmese and their area as a buffer zone between Assam and Burma; the expulsion of Burmese from Assam did not only halted the imperial ambition of the Burmese but also hurt the national prestige of Burmese people. Therefore, the British were anxious and anticipating another reinvasion of Burmese in Assam. But in due course of time when British tried to encroach and invade in their ancestral domains; they undertook arms rebellion against the British respectively in 1839 and 1843 A.D. Key words: Frontier, British India, Anglo- Burmese War (1824-26), Khamti, Singoho, Screen and Buffer Zone. The frontier history of British-India would be incomplete without touching the history of the erstwhile known as North East Frontier Tract, now Arunachal Pradesh. The genesis of the present political map of Arunachal Pradesh can be traced back to the period of colonial administration in Assam (1826-1947 AD). The North East Frontier Tract had been strategically very important for the colonial ruler from military as well as from the commercial (trans-border trade) point of view after the Anglo-Burmese war. This strategic location proved to be buffer between Assam and Burma in the first phase of colonial policy in Assam, later on with Russia and then China, therefore, owing to its importance till today it has been a source of conflict between India and China. Being a strategically important area, the tribes inhabiting in this state also played a very significant role in shaping the frontier history of India but due to lack of documentation their role has been undermined, which need to be researched and maintained so that present generation could know the role of their ancestors in shaping the frontier history of India. So, an attempt has been made in this paper to retrace the role and contribution of two important tribes

81 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal of the Eastern Arunachal Pradesh during the British period and how Britisher tried to use them as screen against the Burmese, who later on undertook arms rebellion, when the former tried to encroach in the ancestral domains of the khamti and the singpho. So, before going into details let’s have a glimpse of Arunachal Pradesh and the khamti and singpho tribes. Arunachal Pradesh is an ethnic state inhabited by tribes of diverse culture and lifestyle. It is the north eastern most state of India and largest state in North-East region of India which covers a total area of 83,743 sq km and shares its international border with Bhutan to the west, China to the north and north-east and Myanmar to the east. It has also shares a common bound- ary with Nagaland in south-east and Assam in the south. As per 2001 Census, Arunachal Pradesh is inhabited by 26 major tribes and more than 110 minor tribes with their colorful tradition and culture practices. Of all these tribes the Khamp- tis and the Singphos are two important tribes inhabiting the eastern part of Arunachal Pradesh. The Tai-Khamptis are a Theravada Buddhist tribe settled in the lower region drained by the Tengapani and Nao Dihang river and covers some sixteen villages in the Lohit district of Arunachal Pradesh. Some are also settled in the present Dibrugarh district of Assam. According to Census of India 2001 their total population is 12,890. The word Khampti means, a land full of gold (kham=gold: Ti=place) . Their society is patriarchal in its nature and they mostly live in nuclear family called as Hong Huinleu. They have a traditional political organization called Mokchup and the head of the political organization is called as ChaoFa. Regarding the economic pattern sedentary agriculture is mainstay of their livelihood. Khamtis are among a few tribes of Arunachal Pradesh who have their own script, originally derived from the ‘Tai’ language and they maintain chronicles which are known as Chyatuie. They have their own law book called Thamasat. The Khamptis migrated from Bar-Khamti area near the sources of the Irrawaddy by crossing the Patkai hills. They were allowed to settle on the bank of Tengapani river in 1751 A.D during the reign of Rajeswar Singha . However in the later part of the eighteenth century they were dislodged by the Singphos from the bank of river Tengapani and pushed into the region of the Buri-Dehing river. And when the Moamaria Rebellion broke out during the reign of Ahom king Gaurinath Singha (1780-1795 AD) the Khamptis ousted the Assam Frontier Governor the Sadiya Khowa Gohain taking control over the Sadiya region. The Khampti chief assumed the office of the Sadiya Khowa Gohain in 1794. Finally during the course of Burmese invasion of Assam (1816-1824) the entire Sadiya tract was brought under their control . The Singphos, presently inhabit the areas around Bordumsa, Diyum and Miao of Chang- lang district, while another group live on the bank of river Tengapani in Namsai and Chokham circle of Lohit district of Arunachal Pradesh. There are many Singphos settlements around the Margherita town in Tinsukia district of Assam and some are also settled in Sibsagar and Karbi Anglong district of Assam. According to Census of India of 2001 total population of the Sing- phos is 7200.

82 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal The word ‘Singpho’, in their indigenous language means ‘man’ . The society is patriarchal in its nature and they live in joint families. The society is organized into a number of patrilineal descent groups or fan (clans). They follow both Theravada Buddhism and their old shamanistic belief and practices. The political system is based on Chieftainship system and their chiefs are known as Agi or Mireng. There is a village council known as the Tsa Tangdai or Siphang Tangdai. It consists of the village Chief and the elder members who have merit of personal knowledge and experience of the village community. Their economy is solely based on sedentary and jhum agriculture, supported by forest activities as well as hunting and fishing. The Singphos belonged to the Tsan clan of the Kachin or Jingphaw speaking people of highland Burma. They migrated from a tract of land on the eastern bank of river Irrawady in the later part of eighteenth century. In 1794 Singphos drove out Khamti from the lowlands under the Patkai hills and settled on the banks of the Tengapani, east of Sadiya and gradually they spread out and occupied the whole level tract of the country watered by Buri-Dehing, the Nao-Dihang and the Tengapani rivers . The aim of this paper is to analyze the colonization of Assam under British and how they used the Khamptis and Singphos hills tribes as a screen against the Burmese, who later on resisted the British rule to minimize their interference in all spheres of life. The current body of knowledge regarding the Khamtis and Singphos is defined by an account of their attacks on the colonial state and the consequent policies to suppress them through expeditions. Their resistance to British rule has been represented as an attack of the ‘wild tribes’ on the benevolent colonial rulers. The tribes and their resistance to interventions in their social set-up in the form of removal of slavery, restriction of rights over taxing peasants as well as selectively playing one tribe against the other has nowhere been profiled. The ‘savage’ and ‘barbaric’ attacks and the British military expeditions coupled with policies of playing-off one group against another to suit colonial needs have been profiled from the hegemonic standpoint of the state. Therefore an attempt would be made to find out how these heroic tribes were used for serving the British commercial and strategic interest and response of the tribes to the colonial intervention. In order to understand the British policies against the Khamptis and Singphos, a background of colonialism in India its operation through various instruments has to be understood: The English East India Company came to India as a merchant company whose sole motive was to make profit. In this mercantile competition many European states like Dutch, Spain Portuguese and France also joined. On the other hand, the decline of Mughal state provided an opportunity to the Europeans commercial companies and their officials to monopolize India’s wealth. These European Companies had benefited from state patronage, superior economic systems and were in competition among themselves to acquire more and more colonies for their mother country and they began to eliminate one another from India. Finally by 1740s the British and France were only two arch rival fighting to eliminate one another from the lucrative trade in India. Hence, English emerged successful in India, by winning over their main rivals the French East India Company (1763). The internal dissensions within the Indian states helped direct an- 83 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal nexation of territories, coupled with system of treaties. After defeating the arch rival France, the English captured Bengal (1764) defeating the combined force of Siraj-ud-Daula, Shah Alam II and Shuja-ud-Daula in the battle of Buxar. This victory was achieved through its naval and military strength. As rulers capital was accumulated through structures of an extractive land tax regime and that of a military-bureaucratic empire. It was through creation of knowledge like surveys, mapping, creation of law codes etc., that the East India Company sustained its control over India. It was from Bengal, English carried out their policy of expansion and accumulated huge amount by exploiting the resources of Bengal, which was used for its imperialist policy and development of the mother country. Therefore, province of Bengal was like a jewel for English. Hence, it became imperative to secure the unsettled state of the east of Bengal. The quest for a natural frontier to the east of Bengal had troubled the British authority ever since the days of the Plassey . Hence from very early period English were looking to gather the information of Ben- gal’s neighbor Ahom kingdom. No doubt English had knowledge of trade relation between the ruler of Asssam and Bengal but English had no sound information about Assam. Therefore in order to gather complete information of Assam, English initiated in 1787 by instructing Captain Hugh Baillie (Superintendent of the Assam trade and collector of Rangmati and Golpara) by Governor-General to report on the resources of Assam and the customs of the inhabitant. Baillie sent various letter from Golpara to Governor General but could not compile a systematic survey of Assam due to the outbreak of the Maomaria rebellion. The second attempt was made when Captain Welesh was deputed to Assam in 1792 to assist the Ahom ruler against the Maomarias. While carrying out the expedition, Captain Welesh replied various question of Governor Gen- eral through letter about the affairs of Assam. And the third attempt was started in 1807 under the instruction of English East India Company and at the instance of the Governor- General-in- Council that a wide survey of Eastern India and of territory lying adjacent to it was conducted by Mr. Hamilton during the period from 1808 to 1814 . It was a deliberate and a serious attempt to compile an account of Assam of which there was a regrettable lack of information. It shows that how British authority was anxious to know the condition of Assam. They knew that unless Assam was safe, Bengal would always have danger from external aggression especially Burmese and being imperialist country were aware about lucrative trade, concomitant with the possibility of exploring the inland trade routes through Assam to Tibet to China. There- fore, from very beginning they tried on many occasion in the past for interfering into the affairs of the Government of Assam to some extant because of the failing of the Ahom administration set up and into the commercial activities of the inhabitant of the place . The earliest encounter of the Ahom state with the East India Company was in the form of Captain Welsh’s Mission (1792) which helped restore order in the wake of the Moamaria rebellion. Their engagement extended to very minimal trade contacts in the succeeding years. But the real British intervention started when Assam faced the political instability and Ahom feudal crises invited the Burmese (1818- 1824) who had brought under their control the Ahom state and also controlled the Dimasa state and Manipur too. 84 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

The British being an imperialist ruler were apprehensive that a chaotic northeast under the expansionist Ava state would jeopardize the Bengal frontier and commercial interests. Con- sequently the British involved themselves in First Anglo-Burmese war (1824-26) which came to end by the Treaty of Yandaboo (1826). After the Treaty of Yandaboo, the Burmese monarch gave up his claim on the province of Assam, Manipur, Cachar and Jayantia. During the course of war itself the British came in active contact with the Khamtis and Singphos of the North East Frontier of Assam and thenceforth began the colonial maneuvers in the region . It is evident that Burmese defeated in the hand of British was not only death-blow to the imperialist design of Burmese but greater still was her national pride. Therefore following the expulsion of the Burmese and consequent treaty there remained the possibility of fresh incursion from the Burmese side. There was an apprehension that such attempts were possible by allying with and instigating the hills tribe in their immediate vicinity. Hence, this situation brought into focus the position of the Khamtis and Singphos as strategically located hill tribes straddling Burma. Alaxender Mackenzie states, “What was wanted was a cheap and effective barrier against future invasion from Burma” . The British had witnessed that during the Anglo- Burmese both the khamti and the singpho took advantage of the chaotic situation carried out plunder in the vicinity of Assam and even there were incidents where the singphos rendered their support to Burmese against the British. Therefore, just after expelling the Burmese from Assam, the colonial administrator began to look out for strategy to defend the newly acquired area. On the other hand being an imperialist ruler they during the course of the war itself British engaged their energies towards unearthing the rich sources of the region. Hence, it was visible that, strategic factors played important role in bringing the Khamptis and Singphos tribes in lime light but it go in hand and hand with the commercial interest of the British in the North East and beyond, also triggered the idea of bringing these tribes under British dominance. As they found that the area inhabited by these tribes was very fertile valley, suitable for tea plantation as it was home to wild tea plants, timber, rubber and elephants etc. Also the English were aware of the existence of trans-border trade between the Burma and India where these tribes played an important role . Hence, they were keen to reopen the commercial intercourse with northern Burma and then to China. However, the immediate need of the colonial ruler was not the commercial policy but military strategy. As the colonial administration had yet to stabilize in the region and the military stations were not spread along the strategic areas along the frontier which was accentuated by lack of proper infrastructure for rapid troop movements. Therefore, English very cleverly wanted to use the area inhabited by these tribes as buffer zone against the ruler of Ava. The British Government knew very well that these tribes had close relation with the ruler of Ava, therefore, these tribes were the only person of consequence, who would be of use in maintaining tranquility on the border of Assam. The existing body of knowledge on the Khamptis chronicles, the early British attempts to maintain an effective relationship by paying them stipends and sup- plying arms for protecting the frontiers . They were also assigned the task of keeping a watch over movements of both the Burmese and the Singphos and to report any connivance among 85 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal these powers. Not only was the political position of their chief the Sadiya Khowa Gohain given recognition, but also was their right to collect tax over the Assamese peasants but in return chief had to maintain a contingent of 200 men to be armed by the British Government . However, British never completely trusted the Sadiya Khamptis as they were having relation with their brethren in Bor-Khamptis which created much uneasiness and doubts as to loy- alty of the former. Despite reports of complicity of the Khamptis with the border disturbances caused by fresh Singpho migrants a façade of good relationship continued. Conflict of interests began when the British in order to weaken the power of Khamptis, forced them to freeing their slaves and over interfered into Mataks and Sadiya Khowa Gohain contested for an area of land at Saikhowa in 1835 . The British sided with Mataks and Sadiya Khowa Gohain was removed from power for a limited period. Though reinstated later he was without complete political powers. Apparently the Khamtis did not show their disaffection, but their latent disaffection mani- fested itself in a full-fledge resistance during a friendly mission under the command of Colonel White in January 1839. On the evening of the 19th of January, a body of 500 Khamptis under their Sadiya Chiefs made sudden attacked at Colonel White’s quarter and killed Colonel White and many others . In return British carried out severe expedition against the Khamptis population but till December 1843 many Khamptis group remained in arms and carried out their rebellion against the British. However, finally in December 1843 remnant Khamptis came in and submitted to British authority. The entire population was dispersed into four parts and settled in Chunpora, Saikhowaghat, Dhemaji and Dikrang-Narayanpur along the region from Sadiya to Lakhimpur in 1844 to prevent any serious resistance. The community settled in the vicinity of sadiya was exempted from paying tax, while rest of the community had to pay land revenue at rate par with the peasant in the plains . Within the imperative of a buffer zone the British turned also focused on maintaining friendship with the Singphos too. The Singphos were a very warlike, veril and vigorous people and according to Robinson, “they were by far the most powerful tribe bordering on the valley” . Therefore English could not easily win this tribe who were under different Chiefs but in 1826 out of twenty eight Singpho chiefs, sixteen chief under the leadership of Beesa Gam signed agreements with the British to assist the British troops if called for in future. No revenue was demanded from the Singphos, but the Bisa Gam was to provide a contingent of eighty men, if needed and to convey immediate information to the British authority of any alarming development that might take place near the Patkai pass . The principal object of this engagement were to detach the singphos from all connection with the Burmese Governement . However, a group of the Singhpo chiefs under the leadership of Duffa Gam did not acquiesce to the terms with rivalry brewing against the Beesa Gam as collaborators of the British. Therefore the British very cleverly exploited the intra-tribal feuds by declaring, Bisa Gam as the head of all the Singphos tribes . Not only this even submitted singphos chiefs were forced to release their Assamese slaves and accordingly Lt. Neufville released altogether 6000 Assamese captives from the singphos . However this release of Assamese slaves were not done on humanitarian ground but was done with the objective of establishing a local militia of ex-slaves and obtaining laborers for military

86 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal establishment and road making on the one hand and weakening the chiefs on the other. The anti- slavery drive was an important cause for discontent among the Singphos because possession of slaves was the source of economic power. The abolition of slavery therefore regarded as a severe assault on the power of the chiefs and as a result many discontent chiefs had been waiting for an opportunity to strike which. In 1835 the rebels’ chiefs aligning with Duffa Gam fiercely attacked the rival chief Beesa Gam. As their rivals were aligned with the British they were unable to resist against the advanced weaponry of the British. Duffa Gam fled to Burma and resuming attacks on colonial positions in 1843 particularly on the outpost at Ningroo. Alongside multiple Singphos chiefs of Assam and the Khamtis too took part in the rebellion. The operation which dragged for a month ended in the surrender of all rebels Chiefs and in the complete submission of the Singphos as a whole in 1843 . One cannot draw conclusion very easily rather can suggest the importance of going beyond the hitherto believed “the resistance of Khamptis and Singphos as attack on the benevolent colonial rule and the military expedition of colonial rule against the tribes as the hegemonic standpoint of the state” has to be seen from different approach with analytical and synthesis the information. From the above discussion point and a close study of various reports and events suggest that the British colonial intervention took place in the Khamptis and Singphos areas due to the interest of British in trade and market, raw material, effective and strong political screen against future Burmese aggression and to strengthening state power but when the freedom loving tribes resisted against the colonial ruler to protect their ancestral domain, colonial ruler brand them as rude tribes’ attack upon the civilized state .

Reference :- 1. Lila Gogoi (1971), The Tai Khamptis of North East India, Omsons Publications, New Delhi, p.xxxiii. 2. Lakshmi Devi (1968), Ahom Tribal Relation, Lawyer’s Book Stall, Guwahati, pp.241- 42. 3. L.N. Chakravarty (1973), Glimpsese of the Early History of Arunachal, Director of Re- search, Itanagar, , p76. 4. Tapan Kumar M. Baruah (1977), The Singphos and Their Religion, Director of Informa- tion and Public Relations, Shillong, p.7. 5. Lakshmi Devi. Op. cit., p. 246. 6. Jenkins to Secretary to Govt. of Bengal, Political Department, Fort William, 4th August, 1835, Letter No. 3. 7. Jenkins to Secretary to Govt. of Bengal, Political Department, Fort William, 20th July, 1835, Letter No. 10. 8. Ramesh Chandra Kalita (1992), Assam in the Eighteenth Century, Omsons Publications, 87 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal New Delhi, p. 2. 9. Francis Hamilton (1987), An Account of Assam, (Ed.) S.K Bhuyan, DHAS, Guwahati, 1987, p. xi. 10. Ibid., p.ix-xii. 11. Ramesh Chandra Kalita, Op.cit., p.2-4. 12. Dutta Srishtidhar (1993), British-Singpho Conflicts: An Analysis of Strategic and Eco- nomic Aspects, NEIHA, Shillong, 13th Session, 1993, p.233. 13. Lila Gogoiu, Op. cit, p.28. 14. Srishtidhar Dutta, opcit., pp. 237-239. 15. Braj Narain Jha (2001), British Colonial Intervention and Tribal Response in the North East Frontier of Assam (1825-1947), unpublished Ph. D Thesis, Rajiv Gandhi University, Doimukh, p.35. 16. L.N. Chakravarty, Op. cit., p.76. 17. S. Dutta Choudhary (1978), Arunachal Pradesh District Gazetters - Lohit District, p.51. 18. H.K. Barpujari, (1998), Problems of the Hill Tribes North-East Frontier 1822-42 vol.1, NEHU, Shillong(Reprint), pp.149-50. 19. R.M. Lahiri (2003), The Annexation of Assam, Firma KLM Private Limited, Kolkata, p.251. 20. Tapan Kumar M. Baruah, Op. cit., p.4. 21. H.K. Barpujari, Op. cit., p.37. 22. Jenkins to Secretary to Govt. of Bengal, Political Department, Fort William, 5th Sept, 1835, Letter No. 1. 23. S. Dutta (1994), The Historic and Pioneering Role of the Singphos in Tea Cultivation of the North-East, NEIHA, Fifteen Session, p.154. 24. S. Dutta. Choudhury (1980), Arunachal Pradesh District Gazetter – Tirap District, p.37. 25. L.W. Shakespear (2004), History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and North-Eastern Frontier, Spectrum Publication, Guwahati, p.154. 26. Jenkins to Secretary to Govt. of Bengal, Political Department, Fort William, 31st May, 1843, Letter No. 57.

88 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Reference :- 1. Barpujari, H.K. 1998, Problems of the Hill Tribes North-East Frontier 1822-42 vol.1, NEHU, Shillong(Reprint). 2. Choudhury, S. Dutta. 1980, Arunachal Pradesh District Gazetter – Tirap District. 3. Chakravarty, L.N. 1973, Glimpsese of the Early History of Arunachal, Director of Re- search, Itanagar. 4. Dutta, S. 1994, The Historic and Pioneering Role of the Singphos in Tea Cultivation of the North-East, NEIHA, Fifteen Session. 5. Dutta, Srishtidhar. 1993, British-Singpho Conflicts: An Analysis of Strategic and Eco- nomic Aspects, NEIHA, Shillong, 13th Session, 1993. 6. Devi, Lakshmi. 1968, Ahom Tribal Relation, Lawyer’s Book Stall, Guwahati. 7. Gogoi, Lila. 1971, The Tai Khamptis of North East India,Omsons Publications, New Delhi. 8. Hamilton, Francis. 1987, An Account of Assam, (Ed.) S.K Bhuyan, DHAS, Guwahati. 9. Kumar M. Baruah, Tapan. 1977, The Singphos and Their Religion, Director of Informa- tion and Public Relations, Shillong. 10. Lahiri, R.M. 2003, The Annexation of Assam, Firma KLM Private Limited, Kolkata. 11. Narain Jha, Braj. 2001, British Colonial Intervention and Tribal Response in the North East Frontier of Assam (1825-1947), unpublished Ph. D Thesis, Rajiv Gandhi University, Doimukh. 12. Shakespear, L.W. 2004, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and North-Eastern Fron- tier, Spectrum Publication, Guwahati.

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89 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Dera Natung Government College Research Journal ISSN :2456-8228 Volume 1, Issue 1, January-December 2016

Status of Women in India and in Arunachal Pradesh: A Comparative Study Dr. Ram Krishna Mandal Head and Associate Professor Deptt. of Economics Dera Natung Govt. College Itanagar-791 113 Arunachal Pradesh Abstract The right to equality between men and women is a fundamental right in Indian Consti- tution. Respect for the dignity of women has been made a fundamental duty of Indian citizens and all actions derogatory to such dignity are liable to be stuck down. Conversely, the social institutions and customs are more resistant to change, because they are more rooted in history and more dependent on mind-sets. Gender equality is relatively recent concept and most patriarchal societies have ordained rampant injustices and discrimination against women in the family and outside in everyday life. It is indeed bad that women’s status is undermined and subordinated but worst of all is that they have accepted their position as their destiny and in many cases they are found to be an instrument of exploitation. Governance can be efficient and effective only if it articulates women issues and interests and can only be gender-fair if it is gender responsive at political, administrative and economic spheres as women have perspectives, which enhance the quality of governance.

Introduction: Men and women have different roles and hence their own different and unique needs. These differences must be considered in formulating the agenda of development particularly in deciding common priorities and allocation of national resources. Good governance means over all development and progress of country and fulfilling the needs of all citizens regardless of ethnicity, socio economic status and gender. Gender responsive governance is good governance as it grants equal opportunity to both men and women to participate fully in governance and decision-making. The goals of good governance cannot be achieved without achieving gender equality. Giving due attention to the specific needs and interest of women could help in achieving good governance, this moreover will improve the lives of the people. All programmes and projects of the country should be gender responsive. Governance can be efficient and effective only if it articulates women issues and interests and can only be gender-fair if it is gender responsive at political, administrative and economic spheres as women have perspectives, which enhance the quality of governance. Practical experiences reveal that women are far better ad- ministrators and have much more organizational capabilities than their male counterparts and 90 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal they tend to show much more respect for ethics and values of the society, they are generally more altruistic and community oriented.

The right to equality between men and women is a fundamental right in Indian Constitution. State is spe¬cifically permitted to make laws in favour of women as a deliberate affirmative action so as to enable them to over¬come traditional handicaps. Further, respect for the dig¬nity of women has been made a fundamental duty of Indian citizens and all actions derogatory to such dig¬nity are liable to be stuck down. Conversely, the social institutions and customs are more resistant to change, because they are more rooted in history and more de¬pendent on mind-sets. Gender equality is relatively re¬cent concept and most patriarchal societies have or¬dained rampant injustices and discrimination against women in the family and outside in everyday life. It is indeed bad that women’s status is undermined and subordinated but worst of all is that they have accepted their position as their destiny and in many cases they are found to be an instrument of exploitation

The discrimination from one to another depends on their socio-cultural background. Phenom- enon of gender discrimination is not caused by a single factor. It has multiple causes and therefore need a multiple strategy to tackle the problem. The problem of gender discrimination may be viewed from the various angles like the roles they assume – who does what, the responsibilities they share – who is responsible for what, the resources they enjoy – who owns what, the constraints they face – who has access to what, the regards they are entitled to – who deserves what, the recognition they need – who gets recognized for what, the remuneration that is due – who gets how much for the work, the representation they make – who represents where, the regulations they make – who decides what, the restrictions imposed on them – who submits to whom or what; Man or Woman! This is very much established in Indian society especially in rural communities in general and Tribal society in particular.

The tribal population of India constitutes about 67.6 million and women in the tribal community constitute half of the tribal population. In Arunachal Pradesh, major portion of population is tribal. They were 88.76% in 1961, 79.02% in 1971, 69.82% in 1981, 63.65% in 1991, 64.22% in 2001 and 68.78 in 2011 census. The sex ratios in the state were 1013 in 1961, 1007 in 1971, 1004 in1981, 998 in1991, 1003 in 2001 and 920 in 2011 census.The well being of tribal community depends very much on the women. Status and condition of tribal women relating to their socio-cultural locale, their economic rights, their participation in management, their access to employment, food, health, and resources etc. have not been properly focused. Nutritional status of tribal girls is compromised and overlooked by unequal access to food, by heavy work demands, and by special nutritional needs (such as for iron), which makes females particularly susceptible to illness, such as anemia, trapped in a cycle of ill health exacerbated by childbearing and hard physical labour. There are many taboos and myths which are barriers to health practices and growing body of adolescence tribal girls. Adolescence is a period of dynamic changes in physical, sexual growth and psychological development, influenced by both nutrition and ecological factors. If the nutrient intake 91 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal is not adequate it will adversely affect their growth and will lead to poor performance in later part of their life. In Arunachal Pradesh with varying social customs and common beliefs against females there is a high prevalence of malnutrition amongst girls. The problems of tribal women differ from a particular area to another area owing to their geographical location, historical background and the process of social change in the phase of transition in development process. The tribal women should be brought into main stream, if they are to be benefited from the progress on the development front. Thus, like other women in different tribal societies, the tribal women are also not recognized by their social system regarding their freedom and rights. Wom- en’s empowerment and their full participation on the basis of equality in all spheres of society are fundamental for the achievement of equality, development and peace (IV World Conference on Women, Beijing, 1995). Equality among Men and Women: There is a need to have equality for both men and women in Choices, in Opportunities and in Rights. Equality in the family can be ensured by participatory decision making; sharing the responsibilities; trusting, loving and serving each other; respecting one another and economic independence for both men and women.

In a world where equality is often misunderstood, misinterpreted and exploited for political gains, it is imperative that “equality” should be redefined. Equality, irrespective of the sex of the individual should promise a life of freedom, choice, opportunities and dignity. The low value for female life is the biggest problem. The desire to have male issues has reduced the chance for girls to be born and thus female infanticide is on the rise. Economic conditions and cultural ethos of India have forged an invisible combination that threatens even the female embryo. Even if a female child is born against such heavy odds, she is not given a chance to survive. She suffers malnutrition, lack of medical attention, early marriage and frequent child births. The crude death rates fostered by abortions and child birth without proper medical care indicate the reduced life span of women. Another major problem is that of illiteracy. Despite a significant increase in the gross enrolment rate of girls in primary schools from 25 per cent in 1950 to 66 per cent in 1980 and 70 per cent in 1982, a large number of girls are still not receiving primary education, while 95 to 100 per cent boys are now enrolled in elementary schools. Discrimination in Educational Opportunities in India: Only a few girls take up higher education in Arunachal Pradesh. Every year only about 10 percent of the total girls who appear for plus two examinations take up higher studies. The remaining discontinues their academic pursuits due to myriad of reasons. The considerable reasons observed are; due to gender discrimination, such as traditional family decisions – not to invest in their daughter’s future as there will be no financial returns, etc. In case of higher education the tendency is very much same with a greater decline. The proportion of the girl student which pursue higher education is too less when compared with the two plus level. When we look at the overall educational status there is a huge decline or variation in the proportion of education of girls from primary to higher education..

92 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Phenomenal progress since independence: Importance of education of women has been recognized since the achievement of independence. Accordingly strenuous efforts have been made in this area. The following figures reveal that literacy among women has increased proportionately as compared with men. Yet much more is needed to bring it at pat with men. This is shown in Table-1, Table-2 and Fig.-1. Table-1: Sex-wise Literacy Rate 1951 – 2011 in India

Census % of Literacy % of Male % of Female Male-Female Disparity Year 1951 18.33 27.16 8.86 18.3 1961 28.31 40.46 15.34 25.12 1971 34.45 45.95 21.97 23.98 1981 43.56 56.37 29.75 26.62 1991 52.11 63.86 39.42 24.44 2001 55.30 64.13 45.84 18.29 2011 72.99 80.89 64.64 16.25

Notes: 1. Literacy rate for 1951, 1961 and 1971 related to population aged five years and above. The rates for the years 1981 and 1991 relate to the population aged seven years and above. The literacy rates for the population aged five years and above in 1981 have been shown.

2. The 1981 rates exclude Assam where the 1981 Census could not be conducted. The 1991 Census rates exclude Jammu and Kashmir where the 1991 Census was not conducted.

Table-2: Number of Women per Men in Higher Education since 1950-51

93 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Year Number of women per hun- dred men 1950-1951 14 1960-1961 17 1965-1966 24 1981-1982 38 1982-1983 39 1983-1984 40 1985-1986 42 1987-1988 46 1988-1989 46 1989-1990 47 1990-1991 47 1999-2000 55 Source: University News, Vol.44. No. 48 Concerted efforts were made only after independence to advance the education of girls and women. The concept of women empowerment was introduced at the International Women’s Conference at Nairobi in 1985. The term empowerment was defined as “a distribution of social power and central of resources in favour of women”. Education is the milestone for women empowerment because it enables them to challenges, to confront their traditional roles and to change their lives. Similar ideas were supported in international conference-1994. It claimed that education is one of the most important means of empowering women with the knowledge, skills and self-confidence necessary to participate fully in the development process. Educating women benefits the whole society. It has a more significant impact on poverty and development and even on men’s education. Male-female disparity is highest in 1981 and after that it is decreasing. It is good sign for the educational progress and empowerment of women in India. Position of Women in Arunachal Pradesh In the tribal world of Arunachal Pradesh, various tribal communities are at different stages of develop¬ment. Necessarily the status of women differs from com¬munity to community. Tribal women’s right is customary in nature rooted in their tradition and mythology. Heri- tage status of women, it may be tribal or non tribal, largely de¬pends upon the kind of economic and political rights they enjoy. The position of women in Arunachal Pradesh is respectable but not very high. The prevalence of po¬lygamy, bride price has no doubt lowered their position. Till recently child marriage was quite common. Victim of “bride-price”, “sex-abuse” and “child marriage” in tribal society are generally devoid of equal political and property rights. Tribal women have a busy life, helping men folk in almost every walk of life. From cooking to cultiva-

94 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal tion and from hard work to dance, they are al¬ways busy, in fact; they are the backbone of tribal pasto¬ral economy. But economically they remain dependent on their male counterpart and thus they virtually hold a subordinate position. In Rousseau’s modified language “Arunachalee woman is born free but every where she is in chains.” Every society accords social status to women members as per its own perspective. The status and role of women in tribal society is also governed by their own norms and values. The tribal family is patriarchal. Kinship is recognized on the side of men. The tribal women’s status in Arunachal Pradesh is lower than that of men. She faces many problems in all walks of her life simply because of being a female. In this male dominated society a women is considered inferior to a man. She is meant to depend on and under subjugation of man. The family in which she was born as a daughter does not consider her as a permanent abode. She is looked upon as a transient member to be handed over on marriage to her in-law’s family. She cannot have a share in the immovable property at all. Decision making and exercise of authority go under power of men. Educational Scenario: In Arunachal Pradesh, till independence literacy rate was only less than 1%. In the succeeding five years plans, an increasing percentage of expenditure on education has given good results despite of formidable constraints like inaccessibility of territory, people’s unawareness of the need of education and traditional dependence on children for domestic and field work. Thus, with increasing emphasis through successive plans the State has achieved commendable progress in the field of education. The literacy rate census wise from 1961 to 2011 in Arunachal Pradesh is shown in Table-3 as census started first in the state from 1961. Male-Female Dispar- ity is also shown in Table-3 and Figure-2. Table-3: Census wise Literacy Rate in Arunachal Pradesh

Census Year Person Male Female Male-Female Disparity 1961 7.13 12.5 1.42 11.08 1971 11.29 17.82 3.71 14.11 1981 25.55 35.12 14.02 21.1 1991 41.59 51.45 29.69 21.76 2001 54.74 64.07 44.24 19.83 2011 66.95 73.69 59.57 14.12 Source: Census Report, Arunachal Pradesh, 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991, 2001 and 2011.

95 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

From Table-3 and Fig.-2, it is observed that the good fruit of education in the State is achieved though the females are lagging behind the males. Higher education in Arunachal Pradesh needs a far-reaching structural reconstruction. We get more or less same picture in case of Arunachal Pradesh. Male-female disparity is highest in 1991 and after that it is decreasing. It is good sign for the educational progress and empowerment of women in the state.

Higher education in Arunachal Pradesh needs a far-reaching structural reconstruction. The enrolment of students in the higher education of Arunachal Pradesh during academic session 2015-16 is shown in Table-4. Table-4: Enrolment of Students in the Higher Education in Arunachal Pradesh during Academic Session 2015-16

Total Student APST Non-APST Institution Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total University Level In- 5316 4508 9824 3526 3659 7185 1741 898 2639 stitutions Private Universities 2022 1217 3239 1221 741 1962 817 460 1277 Govt. Degree Col- 8478 8553 17031 7754 7815 15569 718 744 1462 leges Private Degree Col- 1991 1823 3814 1849 1732 3581 111 122 233 leges Other Central Insti- 160 203 363 58 88 146 102 115 217 tutions Professional Institu- 348 164 512 342 135 477 05 30 35 tions Private B.Ed Col- 206 468 674 194 468 662 12 20 32 leges

96 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal Polytechnic Col- 605 186 791 543 157 700 77 48 101 leges Total 19126 17122 36248 15487 14795 30282 3583 2437 5996 Source: Directorate of Higher and Technical Education, Govt. of Arunachal Pradesh, Itanagar, 2015-16

From Table-4, Fig.-3, it is observed that the girls in higher education including university education are little less than the boys in case of APST and Non-APST i.e., they are not lagging behind so much. In Fig.-4, enrolment of Boys and Girls in Higher Education is shown where girls are 47% while boys are 53%. There is minor difference in their enrolment. It means that the entry of girls in education is increasing very fast. But still there is slow progress in overall.

Causes of Slow Progres a. Economic and social backwardness of the rural community. b. Lack of proper social attitudes in the rural areas for the education of girls. c. Lack of educational facilities and infrastructure in rural areas. d. Lack of women teachers. e. Lack of proper supervision and guidance due to inadequate women personnel in the Inspec- torate. f. Lack of proper incentives to parents and children. g. Lack of adequate incentives. h. Lack of suitable curriculum. i. Co-educational aspects.

Significance of Women Education: Dr. Radhakrishnan has very emphatically stated, “Women are human beings and have as much right to full development as men have. The position of women in any society is a true 97 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal index of its cultural and spiritual level.”

The resolution on the National Policy on Education (1968) stressed the importance of women education in these words, “The education of girls should receive emphasis not only on grounds of social justice but also because it accelerates social transformation”.

The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (1967) took note of the great contribution made by women to social, political, economic and cultural life and the part they play in the family and particularly in the rearing of children and recommended the following in Article 9 of the Declaration: “All appropriate measures shall be taken to ensure to girls and women, married or unmarried, equal rights with men in education at all levels and in particular. (a) Equal conditions of access to and study in educational institutions of all types, including universities and vocational, technical and professional schools; (b) The same choice of curricula, the same examinations, teaching staff with qualifications of the same standards and school premises and equipment of the same quality, whether the institutions are co-educational or not; (c) Equal opportunities to benefit from scholarships and other study grants; (d) Equal opportunities for access to programmes of continuing education, including adult literacy programmes. (e) Access to educational information to help in ensuring the health and well being of families.

Discrimination in Power: The concept of leadership has not been examined seriously from a feminine angle. Most of the researches have made an attempt to compare women’s managerial capability with that of men, taking the latter as paragons of leadership. Such approaches are not loyal to the facts and there is a need to break new grounds to understand women’s leadership potential. Being relatively more patient and considerate, women would be more sympathetic to public grievances, and beings dedicated to the task, they could take bold step to implement welfare programmes. If women constitute half of the population of the country, it is natural that their special aptitudes, talent and expertise are captured for doing well in different sectors (Goretti, 2002). Therefore, we need to deliberate on how to ensure adequate representation of women positions of leadership? What changes in policies and professional training may be required to attract and retain women in leadership positions should be the action agenda of today.

Amendment in constitution in 1972 to strengthen the sharing of power by women at local level has opened a new chapter in the history of women’s struggle for empowerment. The enactment of the 73rd constitutional amendment i.e., Panchayati Raj, in India is, no doubt a landmark event in this regard. It is important because of revolutionary measure by reserving 33 per cent seats for women at all levels in the local governance. Local governance interpreted as 98 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal the active involvement of the local population within the territorial boundaries in local government is ensuring improved quality of service and leadership at the local government level. This is a significant shift in the approach towards the well being of women from ‘Welfare during Fifties’ to ‘Development during Seventies’ and to “Empowerment during Nineties’.

Political empowerment at local level i.e., Panchayati Raj assumes particular importance as a means of producing democratic functioning and decision making decentralized governmental power, thereby restructuring political institutions. This development i.e., amendment in the constitution has brought the question of competitiveness of Indian women to the center stage of controversy. In view of the majority of Indian rural women being illiterate and new in this role, this question has attracted the attention of the large number of commentators and researchers.

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)’s Human Development Re- port (1995) opines “inverting in women’s capabilities and empowering them to exercise their choices is not only valuable in itself but is also the surest way to contribute to economic growth and development”. The report reaffirms that “Human development is impossible without gender equality. As long as women are excluded from the development process, development will remain lopsided. Sustainable human development implies engendering the development paradigm. Reservation of Seats for women in Panchayati Bodies: Under the framework of the 73rd Constitution Amendment Act, the one-third of the seats in Panchayat bodies is being reserved for the women for the first time in India. This was a new message for the rural population. Though the Galo society accords high status to the women in the society, the women never enjoyed such status in the corporate decision-making forum. Thus, the message of reservation was received with mixed response.

The tribal communities of Arunachal Pradesh had their own system of local self governance. “Age old traditional system of self governance in Arunachal Pradesh was replaced by Panchayati Raj Institutions in 1968”. With the coming into force of the Constitution (Seventy Third Amendment) Act 1992 with effect from 24th April 1993, it was incumbent upon the state government to enact the Arunachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj legislation. Reservation for women in the Panchayati institution have a stronger case because they can lead to empowerment at the level of local society. Through such empowerment social change is possible on broad scale.

The system ordained though the NEFA Panchayati Raj Regulation 1967 continued with regular elections till 1992. The Constitution (73rd Amendment Act) 1992 paved the way for restoring Panchayati Raj System in the state. It would suffice to mention here that several inter- actions across various levels were held to ensure to maintain the relevance and applicability of the act in the context of Arunachal Pradesh. The present strength of PRIs in the state is depicted below in Table-5 and Fig.-5 for 2003 PRIs Election and in Table-6 and Fig.-6 for PRIs Election for 2008. 99 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

Table-5: Strength of Elected Members of PRIs in Arunachal Pradesh (As on 29th August, 2003) Sl. Level of PRIs Nos. Members Chairpersons Male Female Total Male Female No. 1 Gram Panchayats 1639 3924 2561 6485 1092 547 2 Anchal Samities 136 1062 577 1639 86 50 3 Zilla Parishad 14 91 45 136 8 6 Total 1789 5077 3183 8260 1186 603 Source:Department of Panchayat Raj, Govt. of Arunachal Pradesh, Itanagar Note: Above figures do not include the allotted strength of Tirap District as PR elections were not held in that time. Table-6: Present Strength of Elected Members of PRIs in Arunachal Pradesh,2008

Sl. Level of PRIs Members No. Male Female Total 1 Gram Panchayats 4167 3181 7348 2 Anchal Samities 1130 649 1779 3 Zilla Parishad 101 60 161 Total 5398 3890 9288 Source: Department of Panchayat Raj, Govt. of Arunachal Pradesh, Itanagar N.B.: 863 Gram Panchayat, 140 Anchal Samit and 25 Zila Parishad increased in Arunach- al Pradesh Panchayat election, 2008. But there are no changes of percentage of female Panchayat member though number of female member increased in different Panchayat bodies

100 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal

In the above Table-5 and Fig.-5 and Table-6 and Fig.-6, it has been observed that the overall participation of women in PRIs is 38.5% only. The Panchayati Raj Institutions also played a very important role in bringing about a major socio-political change in the traditional tribal society of Arunachal Pradesh with the increasing growth in education and political awareness at rural people and their increasing interface with the outside world due to greater mobil- ity.

The Panchayati Raj Institutions serve as a training ground for rural people and equip them with both knowledge and experience about the democratic system of government in the country thereby enabling them to play more important and useful role in the state and as well as in the nation. The State government is firmly committed to the reservation; development and strengthening of the Panchayati Raj Institutions throughout the state, democracy and women empowerment of the state have been the guiding policy for the state government. With the introduction of Panchayati Raj System in the state, a large number of elected Panchayat members would be involved in all development initiatives in rural areas in accordance with their levels (Srivastava, 2006).Change in the traditional concept of rural leadership based on the age factor. Thus, age is no longer a criterion for the emerging leadership.

Leadership of fair sex is altogether absent in Arunachal tribal world. Women, rarely contest elections. For this, some of the reasons may be: (i) mass illiteracy among women, (ii) low social statuses, in some cases where the more women a man has the greater social status he enjoys, (iii) lack of political training in leadership or political affairs. In most village councils, women are not allowed to participate or they do not participate whatever case may be, (iii) in many other aspects of life, women are subject to unequal treatment in a majority of the tribes. Devoid of property rights or rights over land or debarred from inheritance of father’s property as case may be, and also their economic dependence on men are a great issue for debate.

Jawaharlal Nehru once said, “To awaken the people, it is women who is meant to be awakened, once she is on the move, the family moves, village moves and the nation moves”. Swami Vivekananda also once said, “There is no chance for the welfare of the world unless the condition of women is improved. It is not possible for a bird to fly on one wing”. Likewise no nation can flourish keeping half of its population in negligence and ignorance, as women constitute half of its human capital. A modern society cannot bring all round development without utilizing the talent of its women.

Dr. Radhakrishnan has very emphatically stated, “Women are human beings and have as much right to full development as men have. The position of women in any society is a true index of its cultural and spiritual level.” Disparity in Sex Ratio: One of the important indicators of gender disparity is sex ratio. According to the Cen-

101 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal sus of 1991 the sex ratio of our country was that for every 1000 males there were 972 female. It is decreased to 933 per 1000 in 2001. Male child is more favoured and celebrated for by the family. Mothers are more emotionally attached towards their sons and they want to marry their daughters at the early age (Thangamuthu and Rasi, 2003). Hospital records show that more male take admission to the hospitals for treatment than female. Several studies reveal that most of the boys are taken to more qualified doctors and more money is spent on their treatment. The girls receive less immunizing vaccines against childhood disease even though such facilities are available free of cost.

Pattern of Sex Ratio in Arunachal Pradesh: - The findings of the study are elaborated below. The findings are deducted on the basis of sex ratio analysis based on secondary data from the census. Though all the aspects of the study do not provide a very clear picture about why female population in the State are lower than that of male population but certain inferences have opened a new vista to go for further studies on the lines of population genetics.

Table-7 below highlights the details about the sex ratio from 1961 to 2001 Censuses concerning the population of Arunachal Pradesh and India. This may be significant to mention here that the first population census in Arunachal Pradesh took place in the year 1961. Table-7: Sex Ratio - Arunachal Pradesh and India 1961- 2001

Census Sex Ratio-General in A.P. Sex Ratio-ST in A.P. Sex Ratio-General in India 1961 894 1013 941 1971 861 1007 930 1981 862 1004 933 1991 859 998 927 2001 901 1003 933 2011 920 1032 940 Source: Census Report: 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991 & 2001.

102 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal The overall trend of general sex ratio in the State as well as for the country as a whole shows a continuous decline, except for a marginal improvement in 1981. In 2001, there is an improvement in the proportion of females to 893 in the State and to 933 for India as compared to 1991 Census. If we look at the change in sex ratio for India as a whole in the period flanked by 1991-2001, then it is observed that there is an addition of +6 for all India in contrast to the substantial addition in case of the State to +34. In 2011 Census the State as well as the country as a whole maintained almost the same trend. We find there is an addition of +27 and that of +7 for the State and India respectively. It is a good sign for both the State and the Country. The comparison of sex ratio in context of General population and ST population in the State and the Country has been represented in Table-7 and Fig.-7 with the help of bar a diagram.

It is interesting to find that the female population of scheduled tribes has always been higher than that of males. While the generality in this case needs to be answered through sys- temic study of population genetics, this might be worthwhile to mention here that female sex is generally stronger than that of males. Thus, there is all likelihood of the female to live longer than male (as the gentler sex is biologically stronger) and hence more males die than the females not only at birth but also at all ages.

Women in tribal society, lead a very busy life helping the men folk in all walks of life. Tribal society enjoys an egalitarian status and women are considered as assets as the bride price is paid by the groom’s family at the time of marriage. This is one of the valid reasons why females are better off in tribal society in contrast to the general population in the country as a whole. A large number of women are living below poverty line; they suffer also from nutritional deficiency. Lack of alertness and access to balanced diet and right foods during pregnancy, insufficient intake of irons, proteins and micro nutrients such as iodine and vitamins is the principal cause of very high incidence of nutritional deficiency diseases like anemia, diarrhea, night blindness, goiter, etc. Low body resistance due to malnutrition farther may complicate minor ailments and make it a health hazard. As a result, females’ death rates in villages of the State are much more than males. Conclusion: A key policy intervention is the comprehensive promotion of the empowerment and rights of women and girls, including rights of descent ownership and inheritance as well as full social and legal status as human persons. The platform for action that has emerged from the series of conferences all over the world on Women must be taken seriously as a charter for action because the fate of today’s women directly affects the fate of today’s girls who may or may not become tomorrow’s women. To do this in earnest, we need greater commitment, accountabil- ity and resources from government and society at large. The challenges are to implement the recommendations that have been agreed upon by the international community so that they will actually improve the life changes and realities of women and girls everywhere.

Women’s empowerment is also children’s empowerment. The promotion of women’s 103 Dera Natung Government College Research Journal reproductive health and reproductive rights would help ensure that every child is wanted and healthy; woman can exercise their reproductive rights only when they are empowered to do so. The control of women’s fertility is also related to the control of their sexuality. Female genital mutilation continues to be inflicted on women and girl children as a customary means of controlling their sexuality and therefore their fertility. Women’s rights over their own bodies thus constitute the foundation of their rights to economic and political resources (Dharagi, Malipatil & Basavaraj, 2007)

References:- 1. Aggarwal, J.C. (2004): Development and Planning of Modern education, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. Ed’-8, P.273-79. 2. Iqbal A.B. (2007): “Social Face of India: Some Issues”, Kurukshetra: A Journal of Rural Development, June, Vol.55, No.8, New Delhi. 3. Dharagi, J and et. al. (2007): “Gender Description in India-A need for Intervention”, Jour- nal of Global Economy, Feb. Vol.3, No.1, Mumbai, p.37-39. 4. Ruhela, Sarya (1999): Understanding the Indian Women Today: Problems & challenges, Indian Publishers’ Distributors, Delhi, P.164-66. 5. The Times of India Thursday, March 8, 2007. 6. Janaki,D.(2006): “Empowerment of Women through Education:150 years of University Education in India”, University News, Vol.44. No. 48, Nov. 27-December.03, P.83. 7. Mandal, R.K.(2005): Socio-Economic Transformation of Arunachal Pradesh, Omsons Publications, New Delhi. 8. Social Development Report, Council for Social Development, Oxford University Press, 2006, p.78. 9. Participation of Women in Panchayati Raj: A Status Report, Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi, 1995.

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