새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶 Human Life in Saemangeum After Reclamation

한국해양환경공학회지 Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environmental Engineering Vol. 13, No. 4. pp. 313-326, November 2010

새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶

함 한 희† 전북대학교

Human Life in Saemangeum after Reclamation Hahm Hanhee† Chonbuk National University, Dukjin-dong, Dukjin-gu, Jeonju-si, Jeonbuk, Republic of Korea

요약

1991년에 시작된 새만금 간척사업으로 인한 주변 어촌마을의 변화를 연구하였다. 새만금 사업은 시대에 뒤떨어진 개발논리에 의해 시작되었기 때문에 적절하지도 효과적이지도 못하다. 간척사업으로 인해 수많은 종류의 해양생물 자원들이 사라졌으며 어부들은 이로인한 고통을 겪어야 했다. 가장 큰 문제는 어로활동 제약으로 인해 생계유지가 곤란해진 것이다. 어부들에게 수산자원은 가장 소중한 자산이며 보물상자이고 예금통장이다. 간척사업 시작부터 지 금까지 정부는 어부들의 생활에 관심을 두지 않았다. 이는 한국의 전통적인 중앙집권적 의사결정의 결과다. 최근까 지도 정부는 간척사업의 목적이 농지를 확보하는 것이라는 주장을 굽히지 않았다. 2009년 7월 23일에 새만금 신개 발계획이 발표됐다. 신계획은 구계획과는 달리 산업단지 조성에 중점을 두고 있다. 그러나 어촌주민들의 삶은 이미 상당히 피폐된 상태다. 대부분 어촌마을은 더 이상 어로활동에 의존할 수 없는 상황이다. 많은 어부들이 새로운 직 장을 구하거나 다른 어촌에서 어로활동을 계속하기 위해 고향을 떠났다.

Abstract − This paper explores the changing aspects of the fishing village and fishermen since the beginning of the Saemangeum Reclamation Development Project in 1991. The Saemangeum Project was neither appropriate nor effective because it adopted an outdated development policy. It should have been obvious that as a result of the Project, tideland where various kinds of clams, crabs, oyster, and many other marine resources live would be lost. The fishermen in the affected area have suffered various hardships. The most acute problem at present is the disappearance of their subsistence activity that threatens their families’ survival. Facing the crisis, they view fishing as their most valuable resource. Overlooking the Saemangeum Lake which is newly formed, they view the sea and tideland as their treasure boxes or bank deposits. From the beginning until now, the government did not pay attention to the concerns of the fishermen and their communities. It was an outcome of the typical top-down bureaucratic decision making. Until recently the government has persisted in its position that the primary goal of the reclamation project was to increase agricultural land. In July 23, 2009, the government suddenly announced the new Saemangeum development plan. The new plan focusing on the industrial city complex was quite different from the old plan. Regardless of the revised plan the lives of the villagers in the coastal areas have already been significantly altered. Most villagers no longer depend on fishery. Many have already left their homestead and moved away in order to search new jobs or find another coastal area where they can continue their fishing.

Keywords: Fishing life(어부 삶), Tidal flat reclamation(갯벌 간척), Saemangeum(새만금), Ramsar(람사르)

†Corresponding author: [email protected] This paper was selected and reviewed for publication from the Inter- national Symposium on East Asian Coastal Wetlands, Ramsar COP 10, 2008

313 314 함 한 희

1. INTRODUCTION continue the project. It turned out to be a heavy burden for the government.2 To make matters worse, since the mid 1990s, The massive tideland reclamation project on the Southwest environment protection groups started to pay attention to the coastal area of Korea, which is called the Saemangeum Recla- Saemangeum project and uncovered serious environmental mation Development Project (SRDP), has greatly affected human damage due to the project. Some environment NGO groups got life in this region. The livelihood of people living in the coastal together and organized a series of protests against the reclama- area has largely depended upon the sea and tideland. Eliminat- tion project. It led to a temporary stop of the Saemangeum ing the area that was the source of their livelihood directly project from May of 1999 to May of 2001 (Hahm [2007]). threatened their living. The construction of the sea wall as the From the beginning until recently, the government has per- first step of SRDP starting in 1991 immediately decreased marine sisted in its position that the primary goal of the reclamation resources. Since then, the fishermen have faced serious crisis in project was to increase agricultural land. The construction was both their natural and social environments. The fishing com- planned to create about 28,300 ha of farmlands and 11,800 ha munities in this region on the whole have change, to a great of freshwater lakes, which meant the extinction of the same extent. In this paper I will trace the changes of human life in acreage of tidal flats.3 The Jeonbuk local government, how- the region of Saemangeum. ever, disagreed with the central government’s initial plan from Korea’s West coast is famous for the dented geomorphol- the start. Under President Kim Dae Jung’s regime the Jeonbuk ogy. The distinctive features have developed spacious tidal provincial government tried to propose a new development flats. In most areas of the West Sea the tidal height reaches up plan in which the reclaimed area was to be used as industrial to 10 m on the coast. The high tidal ranges and the gentle slope complex.4 The Jeonbuk province has long been known as one of the sea coast produce broad tidal flats. The tideland in the of the poorest sectors in Korea. There are not many major area of Saemangeum was gradually developed by two rivers— industries in Jeonbuk except agriculture so that the local econ- Mangyeong and Dongjin—running though Jeollabuk (or shortly omy is far behind the national average. The provincial govern- Jeonbuk) province. The vast Saemangeum tideland used to be ment has put in a huge effort to generate a new development famous for its abundant marine resources, such as many differ- plan for the area of Saemangeum. Eventually the Saemangeum ent kinds of clams and shellfish. project is believed to be a booster of local economy. Since the As the first step to reclaim the massive tideland and a part of sea wall was completed, the provincial government began to sea space, a robust sea wall needed to be constructed. Con- take an initiative in the Saemangeum Project.5 It formulated a struction on the Saemangeum sea wall began in 1991 and was special bill and submitted it to the National assembly in March finally completed on April 21, 2006. The wall begins in Dae- of 2007. It was just one year before the 2008 presidential elec- hang-li in the county of Buan and ends at the Island of Bieung tion. The Jeonbuk provincial government used the bill as a in the country of Gunsan. It cut through the West Sea at the political stratagem. Every presidential candidate promised the length of 33 km. The construction of the sea wall was success- Jeonbuk people that they would pass the bill and carry out the ful but it was just the beginning. The inner area of the dam, project with their full support of funds and political power, if about 40,000 ha, must be reclaimed under the extensive devel- he were elected.6 Yet, before the presidential election, the bill opment plan. The construction of the sea wall took more than was passed without any obstacles and serious considerations. 15 years and maintenance work continues around the bank. In July 23, 2009, the central government suddenly but not The prolonged maintenance work is necessary because of the unexpectedly announced the new Saemangeum development poor construction that resulted from the extensive construction plan. According to the ambitious blueprint, the new land will period. The whole construction process was not smoothly orches- 2 trated at all. For many years, the construction was slow and, Chosun Ilbo, August 11, 1992, page 7. Due to the tremendous construction funds, there were serious conflicts between the Ministry of Agriculture even worse, was stopped for some years due to various rea- and Fishery and the Korea Development Institute. 3 sons. In the earlier periods, there were insufficient government Korea Rural Community & Agriculture Corporation Homepage(www. 1 isaemangeum.co.kr). funds to continue the construction of the wall. The massive 4Yoo Jong Geun, the governor of Jeonbuk province from 1995 to 2002, work constantly consumed tremendous funds so that the cen- insisted the industrial use and tourism for the area of Saemangeum. 5Jeonbuk provincial government has put much efforts to develop the Sae- tral government in the early and mid 1990s was reluctant to mangeum area into an industrial zone, see, www.provin.jeonbuk.kr and http://saemankum.go.kr. 1 Gyeonghyang Sinmun, November 29, 1991. page 7. 6Jeonbuk Maeil, September 4, 2007. 새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶 315 be used for various purposes such as industry, leisure, interna- ognized and mistrusted the government’s political maneuvering tional business, eco-environment, energy and science research in promising the future “dreamland” through SRDP strongly centers, residential areas and agriculture.7 fought the development plan. Some individuals who were The new plan focusing on the industrial city complex was among those who protested against SRDP had experiences quite different from the old plan whose main purpose was to with a reclamation development project from the 1960s and create vast agricultural land. Regardless of the revised plan, 70s called Gyehwa Reclamation Development Project (hereaf- however, the lives of the villagers in the coastal areas have ter shortly GRDP). The negative effects of the GRDP still lin- already been significantly altered. Most villagers no longer ger over some villagers’ lives and memories. depend on fishery. Many have already left their homestead and Kim Jeong Su said that he and other villagers did not believe moved away in order to search new jobs or find another coastal the government propaganda that proclaimed that the Sae- area where they can continue their fishing. I will explore the mangeum project would bring wealth, greater opportunities changing aspects of the fishing village and fishermen after the and better lives for their children. He is a son of fisherman who initial announcement of the Saemangeum development project has long worked in the sea since he was in his teens. In his six- in the early 1990s. ties now, Kim has witnessed significant changes in the marine ecosystems after GRDP during 1970s and 80s, the most nota- 2. OUSTED VILLAGERS ble of which were the decline in marine resources and sudden death of clams. The fishermen from those days whose liveli- The Saemangeum Reclamation Development Project (here- hoods depended on those tidal flats and marine life have after shortly SRDP) has been carried out in line with the already suffered various hardships. The GRDP’s purpose was national policy. It was an outcome of the typical top-down to increase farm land by getting rid of tideland which was exactly bureaucratic decision making. When the reclamation plan was the same as the stated purpose of the SRDP. The GRDP’s scale announced in 1990, the government did not pay attention to the was much smaller than the SRDP. The farm land acquired concerns of the fishermen and their communities. The rights of through the GRDP was 3,968 ha, only one seventh of that these individuals and communities were pushed aside in the acquired through the SRDP but they were acquired at the sac- interest of the nation’s economic development or, at a mini- rifice of tidal flats and their living creatures. mum, industrialization of the province. From the beginning of Unlike the GRDP, the Saemangeum project was neither the project, the local and central governments used their respective appropriate nor effective because it adopted an outdated devel- political authority in order to solicit fishermen to support the opment policy based on Korea’s inability to produce enough government policy. It labeled those who were favorable to the rice to feed its population during the period after the Korean project as national patriots and loyalists to the province of War until the 1960. In order to address of this shortage, the Jeonbuk. Those who opposed the project were considered as government launched several national land development pro- anti-national and anti-regional. This vulgar patriotism and grams including the creation of new farm land in order to increase regionalism put much pressure on the villagers. Many villagers production of rice. The national drive for development was were very vulnerable to the solicitations and pressure from considered successful in that Korea no longer suffered any short- those in positions of authority who had the power to harm their age of rice. Since the 1980s, Korea has been self-sufficient in livelihood. rice production. In the beginning, most villagers living in the area of Sae- Unlike the past several decades when the Korean national mangeum did not have sufficient information about SRDP. economy depended much upon agriculture, the structure of They had a vague idea of development which might create a economy has changed a great deal. The most significant better economical, social and cultural environment for them change has been the decrease in rice consumption and increase and their children, e.g. high and stable income jobs, urban life in consumption of marine products. As the demand for marine style, increase in land prices, better education system, etc. products has risen, their prices have increased as well. Eco- Some old villagers welcomed the idea of development because nomic growth, generally, and change in the pattern of food con- they believed that their children and grandchildren would ben- sumption, specifically, led to an increase in the value of marine efit from the development. However, there were those who rec- products. Accordingly, tideland that yields many different marine 7www.isaemangeum.co.kr. varieties has been increasing in value and economic signifi- 316 함 한 희 cance. Kim Jeong Su, an experienced fisherman, quickly per- ceived the changes in the food market and the pattern of Koreans’ food consumption. Due to the change in food consumption pattern where demand for marine products has increased, his income has gradually increased in recent years as well. When he and his neighbors heard the news of SRDP, they wor- ried about the deterioration of ecosystem in the Saemangeum region. Their concerns turn into reality during the last ten years. The construction of the dam has led to the continued deterioration of the ecosystem of the Saemangeum region and the extinction of much of the sea life. As the dam construction pro- ceeds, the tides have slowed. These changes in the environ- Fig. 1. The demarcation line closed to the Saemangeum Sea Wall is ment directly damage fish and fisheries catches in the water divided into seonnae and seonoe. and the tidal flats. In pursuing the Saemangeum project, however, it is clear that the government and the developers did not assessment of a fisherman’s income and property in the region pay much attention to the fishermen’s future. of Saemangeum. First, one of the most serious issues for the villagers was how to define the damaged area, called seonnae 3. CONFLICTS AROUND RECOMPENSATION (the inner area of a demarcated line) and the undamaged area, called seonoe (the outer area of a demarcated line) (Fig. 1). The government promised the residents of the Saemangeum Furious debates started after the government had drawn a region payment of compensation for lost work, property, and demarcated line (seon) on the map of the West Sea, which line removal first and to do construction later. It was called ‘the divided the damaged and the undamaged areas. According to principle of priority in compensation.’ In most previous gov- the government’s compensation policy, only the villagers liv- ernment construction sites in Korea, the principle of priority in ing within the line (seon) were to be compensated but not the compensation was hardly applied to those who lost work or villagers living outside of the line. But it was obvious to the property as a result of such construction. Under the military villagers that many villages located outside of the line were dictatorship during the 1970s and 80s, the government cam- going to be seriously damaged by the reclamation project as paign for the nation’s development focused on civil engineer- well. Since the government had arbitrarily drawn the line, con- ing and construction and required the sacrifice of many flicts seriously exist between the government and the villagers citizens. The long-time inhabitants of the construction sites for and between those who live inside the line and outside the line highways, roads, dams, industrial plants, and even new residen- as well. The experience of being separated arbitrarily by the tial areas did not receive proper compensations at all. The basic government into those who would receive compensation and human rights in livelihood and property were not carefully con- those who would not was a new phenomenon in the fishing sidered in the era of economic development and industrializa- communities. tion. This was the kind of environment in which the SRDP was Second, it became problematic to decide who would receive started. Although the government promised compensation for compensation in each fishing village. Everyone knows every- lost work and property of the villagers, the reality of the com- one else’s life in a small fishing village. However, the govern- pensations did not accord with the government’s stated policy.8 ment officials and the administrators for the SRDP from the First of all, the compensation structure for the fishery was very outside did not know the situations of the villagers. They complicated. Unlike those who have land or movable property, appraised each villager’s income based on the villagers’ self- the income and properties of fishermen are not easy to mea- generated claims backed up with documentations describing sure. This is why there are many problems in the fishery rec- their fishery-related properties including fishing tools and facil- ompense between the developer (which is the government in ities. Those who had ships, fishing boats, and authorized culti- the SRDP case) and fishermen. Several issues came up in the vating rights for the nursery beds near the coastal areas had rights to compensation for their tangible properties and/or 8Hangyeorae Shin-mun, June 7, 1993. authorized rights. But those who did not have such properties 새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶 317

KW. According to those statistics, each individual could receive approximately 6,800,000 KW. The amount of compensation turned out to be too low for those who were engaged in the hand fishery. Lee Yeong Sook was frustrated when I interviewed her in 2002. She said “I am 65. I am old but I earn more than 2,000,000 KW per month. If I were younger, I can earn more. The younger women in my neighborhood are labo- riously working on the tideland by catching shellfish. They go there two times a day. Their daily income is now more than 300,000 KW. Can you imagine I, in my 60s am still working Fig. 2. Hand fishery, catching shellfish with their hands on the mud- and earning money? If I lived in a city, who would dare hire me flat. at that much of salary. The government said we could move to other places for living but it is impossible. Living in a strange or official certifications were not eligible to receive compensa- place, I would hardly be able to survive.” She raised many tion even though they had spent their lifetime making their liv- questions about the process of compensation. One of those was ing as fishermen. Their work is called as ‘customary fishery’ or the grade system in compensation put into place by the Oper- ‘hand fishery’ in Korea. They made their living catching shell- ating Office of Seamangeum Reclamation Project (Saemangeum fish with their hands in the mudflat (Fig. 2). These fishermen’s gancheokjiwon saeopso; Operating Office, hereafter). activity was crucial in the maintenance of their households but In 1992, the government tried to carry out an investigation of officially, they were invisible fishermen. It was quite difficult damage inflicted by the SRDP. The Ministry of Agriculture, to evaluate their income in the absence of any objective data. Forestry and Fishery (MOAFF, nonglimsusanbu) spearheaded The government thus established a floor for the compensation the project but the ministry delegated some tasks to the Jeon- of those fishermen involved in the hand fishery. However, the buk provincial government. The provincial government was government’s assessment of annual income of these individu- given the task of resolving the issues involved in the compen- als was too low to reflect reality and it resulted in lower sation system for damages. For this task, the Operating Office amounts of compensation than it should have been. This was established by the provincial government in June of 1992. angered those villagers who were involved in the hand fishery Immediately thereafter, the Operating Office started to assess or shellfish catchers. The fishing village communities became the villagers’ damage and define the compensation scale. As I divided into those who received adequate compensation and noted before, this system had been fraught with various prob- those who had not. lems and difficulties. In particular, there were significant issues The total number of recompense in the area of Saemangeum involving setting the compensation for those fishermen engaged in was reported to be 15,148 cases/individuals.9 Out of that total hand fishery who did not have any material proof and docu- number, 11,104 cases/individuals were the hand and unautho- mentations for their income. In response, the Operating Office rized fisheries/shellfish catchers and unauthorized fishermen. It devised criteria of compensation for them. Grades A, B, C, D, was 73.3% of the total cases reported. On the other hand, the E, E’ (F)) were established and assigned according to an indi- total amount of compensation fund was estimated 463,000,000,000 vidual’s devotion to the hand fishery. Grade A was the highest Korean Won (KW) but only 59,100,000,000 KW for the hand and Grade E’ (F) the lowest. If an individual went out catching fishery unauthorized fishermen. Monetarily, the amount of clams on a daily basis, she/he would assigned to Grade A. If compensation given to the hand fishery and unauthorized fish- someone went out less frequently to the mudflats, then she/he ermen consisted of 12.8% of the total fund.10 was assigned to Grade B or Grade C, D, E, E’ in descending More specifically, the hand fishery women/men who submit- order depending upon their fishing frequency. For those ted the application for compensation numbered 7,253 and, as of assigned to Grade A, 10,391,886 KW of compensation was allo- 1999, the compensation given to them totaled 48,600,000,000 cated. Grade B and Grade C were 8,313,510 and 6,962,565 KW respectively. The amounts allocated to Grades C, D, E, E’ were 9A case means one person who files the document for compensation. 10 in amounts of gradual decrease. There was another Operating Report of Major Work Plan of Saemanguem Complex Development Project, August of 2008. Office regulation that limited the maximum number of recipi- 318 함 한 희

Table 1. Hand Fishery Recompense for Kyehwa Villagers in 1996 (unit: KW) (Cited from the document issued by the Operating Office of Saemangeum Reclamation Project (Saemangeum gancheokjiwon saeopso)) Amount of Annual Products Expenses Average Profit Grade Rate of Loss Amount of Loss Amount of Recompense A 1.00 3,463,962 10,391,886 B 0.80 2,771,170 8,313,510 C 0.67 2,320,855 6,962,565 4,302,112 838,150 3,463,962 D 0.40 1,385,585 4,156,755 E 0.33 1,143,107 3,429,321 E’(F) 0.20 692,792 2,078,376 ent in each household to two recipients. The regulation created trary government regulations, village women were doubly vic- great confusion for Kim Gyeong Tae’s household. His mother, timized in the process of compensation. wife and Kim all were actively engaged in catching clams on The bureaucracy of recompense exposed a negative side of the mudflat. His mother who was in her late 60’s had been socio-cultural aspects in the fishing villages. To justify the fair working in the mudflats since her teens. And catching clams and reasonable compensation the Operating Office issued cer- were her life time job. His wife, Ahn Suk Hee, was one of the tificates as proof of customary practice of collecting shellfish best clam catchers in her village. Kim’s household, along with on the tidal flats to clam catchers in the villages. The certifica- Kim’s two children depended mainly on her income. Kim tion should have been issued only to those qualified clam Gyeong Tae himself went out to catch clams with his wife. catchers. But the villagers saw wrongdoings perpetrated by Driving his motor tiller he took her wife and other village administrators, village heads, and leaders of cooperatives. Cro- women to a remote tideland from the village. Thus, three fam- nyism in the bureaucracy flourished during the period of rec- ily members in the Kim’s household were expecting to receive ompense. Sometimes the certificates were issued to unqualified compensation but only two recipients were allowed. They held individuals such as non-fishermen, non-residents, etc. Many a family meeting to discuss this matter. His mother suggested counterfeit certificates appeared as well. A villager told me she give up her rights and instead she recommended that her “Some neighbors who didn’t go fishing and catching clams had son take her share. At first Kim rejected his mother’s sugges- the certificates. They made a false report of their income to the tion but he finally accepted it. He was assigned to Grade A and Operating Office. It is obvious that someone in charge helped his wife to Grade B. Although his wife’s income was far them get the certificates. We live in a small village so we know greater than that of Kim, the Operating Office acknowledged each other’s lives quite well.” For a while, there were conflicts Kim as head of household. Kim’s family was able to resolve and tensions running through the village communities as a their problem smoothly but many other villagers experienced result of the certification system. family feuds resulting from the arbitrary regulations. Serious There was a discrepancy between the villagers’ expectation tension and conflict between mother-in-law and daughter-in- and the government’s compensation policy. Most villagers in law and even between parents and children were witnessed. Gyehwa thought they should have received enough fund in The grade system turned out to be so arbitrary that most villag- compensation for losing their livelihood. Many of the families ers were discontent with it. in these villages had made their living as fishermen for gener- Social and cultural issues in the process of compensation can ations. They had also suffered the effects of the previous expe- be detected. When the Operating Office imposed the maxi- rience of reclamation through the Gyehwa Reclamation. The mum number of compensation in a family unit, most women reclamation transformed Donji, a flourishing fishing village, conceded their rights to sons and husbands. The village women into a farming one so that native fishermen were left either as did this voluntarily. In many households in Gyehwa, a wife’s bewildered seasonal laborers in the village or moved to other income from catching clams on the mudflat exceeded her hus- fishing villages nearby. In any case, they were unsatisfied with band’s income from fishing in the sea. Nevertheless, the wives the changes of their life. The old Gyehwa Reclamation had tended to sacrifice their share of compensation for their hus- affected not only the Donji’s residents but also its neighboring bands. Mothers gave up their share to their sons. Male suprem- villagers to a great extent. The negative effects of the Gyehwa acy was preserved as a norm of family system. Due to the Reclamation, including the destruction suffered by the marine combination of the cultural ideology and practice and the arbi- eco-system in this region made the villagers in the region of 새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶 319

Fig. 3. Two fishing villages in Saemangeum Area.

Fig. 4. Farm land acquired from Gyehwa Reclamation Development Saemangeum protest against the SRDP. I will describe a brief Project near Gyehwa and Donji villages. history of reclamation in the region. both the old and new reclamation projects. 4. BRIEF HISTORY OF RECLAMATION The old Gyehwa reclamation project began in 1963 with the construction of two dams, one linking the coastal location of I will describe a brief history of two villages located in the Village Donji to the south of Gyehwa Island, Village Gyehwa area of Saemangeum. I have been conducting fieldwork in this and the other linking the coastal location of north of Village region since the summer of 2002. Village Gyehwa is located in Gyehwa to a port area of Buan. After the dams were con- Buan and consists of 572 households at the time and its popu- structed, the tideland between the island and the Buan coast lation size is about 1,700 (Fig. 3). This village was an island area was transformed into agricultural land (Fig. 4). Village before 1968 when the previous reclamation called Gyehwa Donji lost most of its coastline and tidal flats. The villagers suf- Reclamation Development Project was complete. Village Gye- fered as a result of this drastic change in the environment and hwa has been known as a center for the anti-reclamation move- the serious decrease in marine resources such as the numbers ment during the years of dam construction. Particularly many and varieties of clams and fish. women in the village were very conscious of the deterioration These fishermen living in Village Gyehwa and Donji had of sea and mudflats ecosystems caused by the reclamation already experienced the negative effects of the dam construc- project and became active in the anti-reclamation movements. tion in the 1960s. There were changes in both the natural and Village Donji, which is adjacent to Village Gyehwa, was social environments, which affected them greatly. In 1968 once a fishing village as well (Fig. 3). The GRDP turned it when the dam was completed, the government sold the newly from a fishing village into a farming village. Village Donji lost acquired agricultural land to farmers from the outside the area most of its coastal zone as a result of the GRDP and that led to with a long-term payment plan. The fishermen, however, did some fishermen migrating to remote fishing spots and women not get a chance to participate in the payment program and clam-catchers in the village sneaking into their neighbors’ were excluded from the benefit. The benefit went instead to the mudflats. It presently consists of 418 households and 1,059 farmers who once lived in the area of Seomjin River (the upper individuals. A third of them live on fishing and fishery catch and mountainous area of North Jeolla province). They were and others are part-time fishermen. evacuated from their land and villages due to the construction The ecological changes in the Saemangeum region started in of Seomjin dam. In consideration for moving, the farmers were the 1960s with the earlier reclamation called Gyehwa Tideland promised the right to purchase the land acquired from the Reclamation Project. The current situation in the Saemangeum GRDP. The Seomjin Dam Project and the GRDP were directly area should be viewed through the history of this region in gen- connected under the nation’s long-term development program. eral, and the effects of the tideland reclamation policies during The farmers from the Seomjin area moved into the fishing the era of Korea’s industrialization and development more spe- villages of Gyehwa and Donji. Since then, the villages have cifically. Villages Gyehwa and Donji were chosen as fieldwork been divided into the two settlements: one was the area where locations because those villages vividly illustrate the effects of native fishermen had lived; the other was the area where farm- 320 함 한 희 ers from the outside started to settle. The government built new rice, the GRDP obviously had devastating effects on both the houses in the new settlement and sold to the new residents at a marine ecology and the socio-cultural systems of fishing vil- cheap price under a long-term payment plan. Fishermen in lages. Gyehwa and Donji complained that the government unfairly provided various benefits to the farmers. They saw themselves 5. RECLAMATION REPEATED as the real victims of the reclamation project because they lost tidal land and many good fishing spots. Nonetheless, they did The villages’ fishermen have steadily lost their fishing spots not get any land or houses from the government. As a result of and as a result their earnings have decreased. Without regard the government’s differing treatment of the new farmers and for the ongoing deterioration of the marine ecosystem in the the fishermen, serious conflicts between fishermen and farm- region previously subject to reclamation, the government ers in the village arose after the Gyehwa project was com- launched another massive reclamation project in 1991. Past pleted. The villages and their spirit of community were deeply experience strongly suggested that the new project, Sae- injured. Not only the dissection of settlement but also a socio- mangeum Reclamation Development Project, would not bene- cultural division was witnessed between the newly arrived fit the fishermen’s economy. Most fishermen in the affected farmers and the native fishermen. area opposed the SRDP in the first place. The government, Two different livelihoods and lifestyles began to co-exist in a however, persuaded the fishermen and other local people and village community. Both groups had different work schedules its propaganda pushed them into believing that prosperity and basic interests so that it was easy for each group to criti- would result from the project. cize the other. Fishermen did not understand the farmers, and As expected, the new dam construction has adversely vice versa. In fact, two subsistence activities, farming and fish- affected water and tidal flats in the coastal regions of Sae- ing, are quite different from each other. The different pattern of mangeum. In 1997, the environmental NGOs raised the issue work schedules and approaches gave rise to different ideas on of the damage to the tideland. This criticism was caught up by work ethic, world views and values. Misunderstandings between the public immediately.11 At the time, the decomposition of the two groups continued to give rise to the schism in the village Sihwaho (Lake Sihwa) provided a warning to Koreans on the community. The community-based rituals, social gatherings, dangers of reclamation (Han et al. [1998]). Sihwaho is an arti- and work teams existed on a limited scale. ficial lake that resulted from the Sihwa Reclamation Project The fishing villages of Gyehwa and Donji underwent signif- which started in 1977 and ended in 1998. The sea wall con- icant changes in many respects since the beginning of the struction started in 1984 and was completed in 1994. After the GRDP. The villagers’ common interests were focused on fish- completion of the sea wall, the artificial lake, Sihwaho, was ing and collecting shellfish. They used to organize a community formed and immediately started to get polluted. Since the lake cooperative, fishing-village-cooperative (eochon-kye), which ran quickly decayed as a result of the pollution, Koreans became collective economic and social activities with its members. conscious about environmental issues in general and the nega- They communally collected and sold clams, oyster, etc. on tive effects of reclamation on the environment in particular. mudflats that were considered as common space. On the other Some environment activist groups strongly criticized the Sihwa hand, there were many work-teams for fishing in the sea. Fish- Reclamation Project and also protested against the SRDP. ing is by nature a collective work so that the community spirit Environment activist groups did not find out about the serious can be enhanced through work. Cooperative work can easily negative environmental effects of the reclamation on the Sih- extend to other social and cultural activities in the fishing com- waho case until it was too late so they tried to stop the SRDP munities. As a result of the reclamation, however, various com- before the completion of the sea wall. The sea wall separates munal activities gradually vanished as tidelands near Donji and the sea into an inner lake and outer sea water. Once a sea wall Gyehwa villages disappeared. The village of Donji lost nearly is constructed, sea water cannot ebb and flow. The inner side of all the tideland and yet a half of the tideland around the Gye- sea wall turns into a lake. It was obvious that the lake would hwa Island fortunately remained. The village of Gyehwa was become polluted in a short time period just as the Sihwaho had. able to continue as a fishing village even though the eastern The environment groups insisted that the SRDP was nothing part of the Island connected to the main land. Although the reclamation brought a vast farming land to cultivate and produce 11Hangyeore Sinmun, July 26, 1996, 1 page 새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶 321 but a repeat of the Sihwa Reclamation Project and thus the been previously carried out was not properly considered by government should end it. According to the NGO’s prediction decision makers; third, the loss of tidal flats and its effects on the eco-system of the area of Saemangeum and even its neigh- the environment were underestimated.13 Hereafter, citizens’ envi- bors’ sea, mudflats, and people would quickly become devas- ronment movements against the SRDP flourished. The increased tated as was in the case of Sihwa area. social pressure made the government redo the environmental As predicted by environmentalists, specialists and many impact assessment in the region of Saemangeum. In May of other opposition groups, the inner area of Saemangeum sea 1999, the Civil-Government Joint Investigation Commission wall had quickly deteriorated since the mid 1990s, even though for Environmental Impacts of Saemangeum Project (JIC) was the construction was not yet completed. The water did not ebb formed. Ten commissioners were civilians and ten were from and flow regularly. Due to slow flows, mudflats became pol- the government. JIC’s major assignments were to investigate luted and marine lives died or disappeared. Facing crisis, the environmental assessment of Saemangeum Project, water qual- villagers who already knew how much the previous Gyehwa ity control of Saemangeum lake, and economic validity with Reclamation endangered their eco-system, have opposed the scientific and objective methods. JIC was expected to report new SRDP. Some have been actively involved in protest dem- the final result of its studies to the government after a year-long onstrations and rallies which have been led by environment investigation.14 The JIC’s investigation period was from May protection groups, religious groups, and other non-government of 1999 to April of 2000. A year later, however, JIC failed to organizations engaged in the environment movement (alto- make a final report. The commissioners from the government gether EM-NGOs hereafter). side insisted the SRDP should continue but the commissioners In 1996, EM-NGOs started the anti-reclamation movement from the civilian side advocated that the SRDP must be armed with the awareness of environmental and ecological stopped immediately. The reports submitted by the two sides deterioration in the reclamation region. As indicated above, the were diametrically opposed to each other. The two sides were environment movement in Korea was triggered by the serious not able to resolve their differences. Nonetheless, in May of deterioration of Sihwaho in Gyeonggi Province. The Sae- 2001 the government announced its final decision on the mangeum reservoir in the future will be twice as large as the SRDP, deciding to continue the SRDP. Sihwaho. Environmental groups warned that harmful effects would be immeasurable in the case of Saemangeum if reclama- 6. LOCAL RESPONSES tion were to continue. In 1996, under the name of environmental impact assessment of Saemangeum Project, the Ministry of During the period of JIC’s evaluation, Saemangeum con- Environment tested the pollution levels in downstreams of two struction was temporarily stopped. While the construction was rivers, Dongjin and Mangyeong, flowing into the West Sea halted, fishing villages in the Saemangeum coastal area were (Saemangeum region) through North Jeolla Province. After the getting restless. Local fishermen readily joined EM-NGOs. examination, the ministry suggested urgent measures for pre- Some of them actively participated in both peaceful meetings vention of water pollution in two rivers.12 EM-NGOs argued and fierce protests. Through other grassroots movements, the that the government did not carefully examine the environmen- villagers tried to speak up in the public forum for the area and tal impacts assessment before carrying out SRDP. The govern- for themselves as well. ment ignored or underestimated the value of tidal flats in its The experience of the past ten years has made the local fish- ability to contribute to the pollution cleanup and in its eco- ermen believe that the tidal flats should be preserved no matter nomic importance. what and under any condition. Many of them are the descen- In September of 1998, 39 NGOs gathered and organized the dents of fishing families in this area whose knowledge of the Citizen’s Committee for the exclusive reexamination of the sea and the marine resources has run through many genera- SRDP. It announced that the SRDP should be reexamined for tions. Their keen senses and precise analysis of the surround- the following reasons: first, the SRDP was initiated for politi- ing natural environment have been acquired from their cal purposes without careful consideration of its economic via- extensive work and experience in the fishery and clam catch. bility; second, the environmental impact assessment that had 13Hangyeore Sinmun, September 8, 1998, 9 page. 14An Integrated Report for Joint Investigation on Environmental Impacts of 12 Hangyeore Sinmun, July 26, 1996, 1 page. Saemangeum Project, 2000, p. 9. 322 함 한 희

They view the sea and tideland as the most precious and valuable resources of their life; they perceive these resources as being a part of their own life. In their view, there is no distinc- tion between nature and culture. The following are some exam- ples from the local women’s discourses. “The extended tidal flats in front of us are the Nature’s offer- ing. When I work on the tidal flats, I feel like I am lying on the soft blanket provided by the Nature God. I even forget what I am doing and even myself sometimes.” “Who knows better than us about our sea and tidelands in front of us?” The SRDP is viewed as a real calamity to the villagers. ‘A big calamity’ was their expression. Like a natural disaster such as a typhoon, flood, tsunami, or earthquake, the construction for reclamation has entirely endangered people’s life without much warning. As Lee Dong Su insisted the villagers were entitled to proper information in advance. They were not informed of what was happening to their villages until the construction started in 1991. Lee Dong Su furthered that there was no effort Fig. 5. Dying clams on the mudflats in front of Gyehwa village in on the part of the government to gather the villagers’ opinion 2007. on the government development plan. Another fisherman I interviewed forcefully insisted, broadly publicized and thus drew national attention.” “I heard about the SRDP from the television news. It’s non- Local people were completely excluded from the planning of sense. The government and local people had never met to dis- the national development project as indicated above. The local cuss the project.” people living in the afflicted area remained only as passive Kim Han Tae who had been a leader of Youth Organization recipients of compensation from government in consideration in the village of Gyehwa was interviewed by a newspaper and of their loss of homes and/or livelihoods. As the surrounding stated, environment continued to deteriorate, the local people realized “The ground-breaking ceremony was held in November 28, that they were the real victims of the reclamation project. Their 1991. President Roh promised that, after the completion of the past experiences from the Gyehwa Reclamation during 1960s SRDP, a high-tech industrial plant like Ulsan and an interna- and 70s and the awareness of the deterioration suffered by the tional harbor like Busan15 would be erected in the area of Sae- ecosystem around them during the past ten years provided ade- mangeum. He also promised that an ideal town with farming quate incentive for them to speak out against the SRDP. On the areas would be established. He presented a blueprint for new other hand, they realized the limits of their collective power to towns with high-tech farms and nursery beds in the sea run by preserve the tideland and other ecosystems. Day by day, the advanced technologies. He guaranteed us a better life.”16 variety and the numbers of marine resources continue to Lee Mun Sik, Head of Gyehwa village, confirmed Kim Han decrease in this region (Fig. 5). The national policy on the Tae’s testimony. development continues to neglect the villagers’ voices and their “Our village, Gyehwa, will be surrounded by an artificial suffering. lake, and where we are standing will be the center of a park. The computerized blueprint of the new reclaimed area showed 7. WOMEN’S HARDSHIP the industrial, high-tech, and resort areas and this blueprint was Facing ecological crisis and the resulting tensions within 15Both cities of Ulsan and Busan are located in Gyeongsang Namdo. Two their village communities, the village women are firmly con- cities are renowned in early industrialization and thought to be affluent as tinuing their economic activities and, also bravely speaking up compared with cities in Jeolla Bukto. 16Saengmyeong Pyeonghwa Yeondae Sinmun, March 14, 2001. in public. Reviewing the village women’s activities during the 새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶 323 past ten years, they demonstrated vigorous energy for their families’ livelihood and disagreement with the Saemangeum Project. Some have been actively involved in protests, demonstration and rallies led by EM-NGOs. Local women who were aware of the dangers faced by the ecosystem readily joined the EM-NGOs. Some of them actively participated in peaceful meetings and fierce protests. The local women argue that the tidal flats should be preserved. The destruction of the tidal flats means the destruction of their livelihood and life as they know it. Without their ability to catch clams in the tidal flats, their families would suffer greatly. The women became conscious of the ecological importance of the tidal flats from their active participation in fishery catches in tidal flats. They view the sea and tideland as the most precious and valuable resource in their lives. In their own words, local women say the following: Fig. 6. Demonstration in front of the Blue House (Cheongwadae) in November of 2005. “Tidal flats provide us with equal opportunity regardless of age, sex and class.” “You can see the sea and tideland as treasure boxes or bank deposits. Nature guarantees our liveli- Their efforts seemed to be vain since the Supreme Court had hood.” already ruled on September 23, 2005 that the SRDP could con- Fishing village women, among others, who worked in the tinue. The government did not seem to be open to a dialogue tidal flats, strongly oppose the reclamation project. Their col- with the EM-NGOs and local fishermen. Nevertheless, Lee lective attitude about the reclamation project is strong and Soon Deok wanted to try to persuade the President and the distinctive in comparison to the attitude of the village men government high officials once more. She never believed that which tends to be ambiguous on the issue of development. disappearance of the tidal flats in front of her house where she The women’s attitude and behavior are directly related to eco- has been working for her life time was actually possible. Her nomic and cultural factors. The tidal flats are their only last hope was that a small opening could remain in the sea wall source of livelihood. The tideland also provides them with so that the sea water could come and go through such an open- equal opportunity in terms of their jobs and related activities. ing. She was not seeking the complete destruction of the entire Their ability to catch clams and earn money guarantees them sea wall but that a certain block (e.g. the fourth block) of the their roles as primary income earners and important contrib- sea wall would be removed so that the sea water could still utors to the household. continue to go through the opening. Many villagers agreed The local women had long been marginalized at home and in with her and organized a team for the rally at Cheongwadae in the village. However, recent ecological changes have made Seoul. They chose to hold a one-person demonstration for a women stronger and braver. Growing understanding of the neg- two-month period. It started in October 24, 2005 and ended on ative impact of the project on their lives convinced them to December 20th. Each day one person came up to Seoul and strongly oppose the Saemangeum reclamation project. They stayed all day long holding a picket on the street outside of continued to fight until the day when the Saemangeum sea wall Cheongwadae. was completed in April 21, 2006. They would occasionally This demonstration drew much attention from various gather and go to rallies to protest against the government’s pol- media, but not from the President or any national policy mak- icy. In a village meeting held in the fall of 2005, Lee Soon ers. The national development policy had ignored the villag- Deok, one of the former leaders of the village women’s asso- ers’ social sufferings and their outcries. It continued to do so ciation, suggested a political demonstration in front of the Blue even in the face of all the various protests and demonstrations. House (Cheongwadae), as the last measure (Fig. 6). At the Even though the local women had been the principal income time, some villagers were feeling fatigued by their lengthy earners and active participants in political movements, they campaign. They realized the limits of their collective power. ended up facing dire hardships. 324 함 한 희

8. DYING WATER AND LOST TIDE TIME

Since the completion of the seawall on April 21, 2006, the inner area of Saemangeum Seawall rapidly changed. The West Sea and two rivers, Dongjin and Mangyeong, do not meet each other. The seawall is a divider between the inner lake and the outer sea. The tidal flats are gone and instead turned into dry land. On the new dry land wild weeds grow and the new land is covered by a cloud of dust when the wind blows. The tidal flats of the past now exactly resemble a desert. Thus, villagers claim that “Saemangeum tidal flats died.” However, there are still some fishermen who are working in the inner lake with the hope that some blocks of the seawall would be open in order for the sea water to continue the ebb and flow within the seawall. These days, Korea Rural Corporation (KRC), a government funded agency, is in charge of the management of the Sae- mangeum Dam. It controls the opening and closing of water gates of the dam. Local fishermen who are still working on the lake are supposed to observe the regulations issued by KRC including the water control time table. KRC announces the time table every month. Within a fifteen day cycle KRC usu- ally opens the water gates for four days and closes them for eleven days. When the water gates are closed, the inner area of the dam is filled with water. Those who have boats can go fishing in the lake but there are no fish. There are still shellfish living in the lake so that villages’ fishermen wait for the days Fig. 7. Fishermen catching clams in Saemangeum Lake in different when the gates are open. When the water recedes, they can go ways. Top: collecting clams with geurae; Middle: with galqui, Bottom: out to catch shellfish. with cha-cha-cha (pictured in 2008). Local fishermen do not view the new time schedule for work favorably. It is man-made and arbitrary. The fishermen used to ‘jogeum’ and the other is ‘sari.’ Jogeum is the neap tide when a go fishing and catching shellfish in accordance with the natu- tidal movement reaches the lowest level on the 8th and 23rd of ral schedule of the tides. They can no longer follow the sched- each month. Sari is the flood tide when a tidal movement is at ule of the tides that has been observed for thousands of years. the highest level on the 15th and 30th of each month. The sari The tide time is called ‘mulddae’ in this area. The folk term lit- time, saritbbal, is the busiest day for clam catchers. A flood erally means ‘water time.’ Mulddae is counted in accordance tide brings them fortunes. In contrast, in the jogeum time they with the lunar calendar and each area has their own.17 Accord- do not go to the tidal flats. During jogeum there are not many ing to the folk tide time, there are two important dates; one is shellfish to be caught because work areas in the tidal flats are smaller and work time is shorter than regular days. So when 17The folk tidal time and local terms are as follows based on lunar calendar day: Day 8th: jogeum, neap tide; 9th: mushi; 10th: hanmul, first water; 11th: they were working according to the natural tide time, they only dumul, second water; 12th: seomul, third water; 13th: neomul, fourth water; had two days off during a month. However, at present they are 14th: daseotmul, fifth water; 15th: saritpal, high tide; 16th: ilgobmul, seventh water; 17th: yeodeolmul, eighth water; 18th: ahopmul, ninth water; 19th: forced to rest for 22 days a month because of the schedule of yeolmul, tenth water; 20th: yeolhanmul, eleventh water; 21st: Hangeakki; the water gates set by the KRC. They cannot depend upon fish- 22nd: daegaekgi; 23rd: jogeum, neap tide; 24th: mushi; 25th: hanmul, first th th th ing and collecting shellfish as their livelihood any longer. water; 26 : dumul, second water; 27 : seomul, third water; 28 : neomul, fourth water; 29th: daseotmul, fifth water; 30th: saritpal, high tide; 1st: ilgob- Local fishermen are forced to work less not only because of nd rd mul, seventh water; 2 : yeodeolmul, eighth water; 3 : ahopmul, ninth the new time schedule but also because of the scarcity of water; 4th: yeolmul, tenth water; 5th: yeolhanmul, eleventh water; 6th: han- gaekgi; 7th: daegaekgi. marine resources in the inner area of Saemangeum Dam. In the 새만금 간척사업 후 주민의 삶 325 new lake only several kinds of shellfish can be caught. Insuffi- they were told that the Saemangeum Project was designed to cient resources result in a high level of competition among the establish industrial plants. It did not take long for the villagers fishermen. Some have resorted to using special facilities to to recognize the actual main purpose of the project which was catch shellfish. A local fisherman invented a small boat, called to increase agricultural land. They did not have sufficient infor- a ‘cha-cha-cha’ in folk terms (Fig. 7). This boat is furnished mation about the project. It should have been obvious that, as a with a motor engine, pipes, hose and net and is designed for result of the project, the tideland and fishing places where var- catching clams effectively and indiscriminately by using power ious kinds of fish, clams, and many other marine resources live of an engine. Most fishermen do not like using a powerful fish- would be lost. They thought they were going to receive proper ing tool since baby clams are caught at random when such compensation for losing their livelihood. Nevertheless, at the tools are used. When they collect clams on the mudflats, they sacrifice of their livelihood they did not have a proper compen- use very simple hand tools such as geurae or galqui (Fig. 7). sation. In the earlier days of the project, they only had vague When they collect clams in this way, they can be very cautious ideas of development that would result from the reclamation and avoid catching baby clams. However, the new, mechanical project which may improve their lives. way of catching clams lacks the control of using hand tools. Since the late 1990s, there have been increased public Lee Soon Duk criticizes the cha-cha-cha and the way it sweeps awareness of the harmful effects of Saemangeum dam con- all the clams in the mudflats. The name of ‘cha-cha-cha’ comes from the sound that is made when fishermen empty the net. Since the net is heavy fishermen let out a shout “(eurya) cha cha cha.” All clam catchers consider the tool as bad as a TNT bomb, a high explosive weapon. The tool indiscriminately catches clams and deteriorates the mudflat as well. I have observed a pile of baby clams collected by the cha-cha- cha that had been dumped in the yard near the village of Gye- hwa because baby clams are not valuable for sale. One day, I met Fishermen Kim while he was catching clams in his boat with his wife. At first, I thought his boat was a cha- cha-cha. But his boat seemed different and I was curious and approached his boat. He said, “Not all cha-cha-cha are destruc- tive. I made my own tool. Come and see.” He made a new tool with grid. It is a plastic basket with holes through which baby clams less than 12 mm wide are returned to the water automat- ically. He and his wife only pick clams big enough to stay in the plastic basket. The couple had devised a method for not picking up clams that are too small. They thought theirs was a way for both they and the clams can survive.

9. CONCLUDING REMARKS: VILLAGERS WHITHER TO?

The effects of the SRDP on the fishermen and their community were described. Most fishermen in the affected area had already experienced negative effects of the reclamation in the 1960s. Past experience reveals that the Saemangeum project would not benefit the fishermen’s economy. However, the government’s propaganda pushed the villagers into believing that Fig. 8. Top: Clam cathers are still working in the Saemangeum Lake, prosperity would result from the project. At the initial stage Bottom: Mudflats turned into desert (pictured in 2008). 326 함 한 희 struction. Environmental groups began full scale movements to References stop the dam construction. Water pollution, dying tide lands and disappearing marine lives were targeted as key issues by [1] Berkes, F., 1989, Common Property Resources: Ecology and the environmentalists. Yet the villagers in the afflicted area are Community-based sustainable Development, London: Belhaven more focused on their survival and view the environmental Press. issues in their own context. The most acute problem at present [2] Guiterrez, L., “Working, women of Color: an Empowerment Perspective,” Social Work, Vol.35. is the disappearance of their subsistence activity that threatens [3] Hahm, H., 2000, The Complete Report of Joint Investigation for their families’ survival. Facing the crisis, they view fishing as Environmental Impacts of Saemangeum Project. their most valuable resource. Overlooking the Saemangeum [4] Hahm, H., 2001, Cultural Perspectives on Social Suffering of Lake which is newly formed, they view the sea and tideland as Fishermen in Saemangum Region, ECO, Vol.2, 261-284. their treasure boxes or bank deposits. They realize that their [5] Hahm, H., 2004, Ousted fishermen and Saemangeum Tideland perspective on the environmental issue is different from that of Reclamation Project. Korean Cultural Anthropology, Vol.37, both environmentalists and developers. They see the ecosys- No.1, 151-182. tem as the source of their livelihood, while the outsiders see it [6] Hahm, H., 2007, The Civil-Government Joint Investigation Commission for Environmental Impacts of Saemangeum Project. either as something to protect or something to develop for [7] Han, G.K., 1998, How did Sihwa residents become? (Sihwaho industrial use. They do not think of their lives separated from saramdeuleun eoddeokhae doeeotssulgga). Sol publication. nature, which differs from the outsiders’ perspectives in which [8] Hong, Seong Tae, 2004, Procedure, characteristics, and gaps in nature is either sacred or controllable object. conservation movement of Saemangeum (Saemangeum bojeon Even after the completion of the Saemangeum Dam, some undong ui jeongae, ddeukseong, and gwaje), Noksaek Pyeong- villagers did not lose hope. They are still working in the Sae- non, 5-6. mangeum Lake to catch shellfish within the limited time sched- [9] Kleinman, A., Das, V. and Lock, M., 1997, Social Suffering, ule (Fig. 8). According to Lee Soon Duk, one of the clam Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. catchers in the lake, whom I interviewed in August of 2008, [10] Mun, K.M., 2000, Saemangeum Report, Jungang M&B. [11] Park, J.M., 2002, Seamangeum Reclamation Project and Changes “Everybody thinks Saemangeum mudflats have already died. of Local Society, ECO, Vol.2, 202-230. But it is not true yet. I go out to collect clams when the water [12] Parpart, J.L., Rai, S.M. and Staudt, K., 2002, Rethinking gates are open. The water recedes and then I can see valleys Empowerment: Gender and development in a global/local inside where are filled with water all the time. There, clams are world. London and New York: Routledge. still living. You see, clams are breathing in those places. I [13] Schwarca, V., 1997, The Pane of sorrow: Public Uses of Per- believe if the sea water flows again, Saemangeum mudflats sonal Grief in Modern China, In: Kleinman, A., Das, V. and will live again. I wish everybody knows it. We, fishermen, do Lock, M. (eds) Berkeley, LA, London: Univ. of California Press. not ask the breakdown of the dam entirely but what we are ask- [14] Werner, K., 2001, Contested Coastal Regions: An Intercultural ing is to establish an opening system of the dam. Once the sea Perspective on Land Reclamation in South Korean and Ger- many. ECO, Vol.4. water is flowing naturally, the mudflats will get back to the normal. Would you please tell this to the people you know?” 2010년 8월 13일 원고접수 Unfortunately, she does not recognize the fact that I am a help- 2010년 11월 20일 심사완료 less anthropologist as well. 2010년 11월 22일 수정본 채택