was one of the ‘Gang of Four’ who, together with , and Bill Rodgers, launched the Social Democratic Party in 1981. He was the Leader of the SDP between 1983–87, but when a majority of members voted for merger with the Liberal Party, he clung on to a diminishing group of supporters until he accepted a humiliating defeat. In this biography, a fellow-member of the Gang of the Four, Bill Rodgers, assesses David Owen’s political career and record. BIOGRAPHY: DAVID OWEN wen had a dis- David Anthony Llewellyn chosen to stand, and in the 1964 tinguished career Owen was born in 1938. Three- election he came third behind the behind him in the quarters Welsh, his father, Dr John Tory victor and Mark Bonham Labour Party; be- Owen, was a general practitioner Carter (who had won the 1958 tween 1977–79, he and his mother, Molly, a dentist. by-election, then lost the seat in Owas in James The family home was in Plymp- 1959). But this experience whet- Callaghan’s Labour government, ton, , but during the war ted Owen’s political appetite. dealing with constitutional Owen grew up in Monmouth- Within eighteen months he stood problems over Southern Rho- shire and Glamorgan, often for the marginal Tory seat of Ply- desia. He supported the United looked after by his grandfather, to mouth Sutton and won with a Kingdom’s membership of the whom he became devoted. At the comfortable majority (there was European Community but grew early age of seven he became a no Liberal candidate in 1966, critical of further European eco- boarder at Mount House School and previously Liberal votes were nomic and monetary integra- near Tavistock and, later, at Brad- helpful to Labour). tion. He left the House of Com- Owen’s field College, Berkshire. From As a new Member of Parlia- mons in 1992 and then played a there he went to Sidney Sussex ment, and ahead of his maiden significant role in peace-keeping was not College, Cambridge and, as a speech, Owen was invited to in Yugoslavia. medical student, to St Thomas’s become Parliamentary Private With ambition, energy and a wasted Hospital, . Secretary (PPS) to Gerry Rey- ability, David Owen also had a life but his Although he had been taken nolds, the Minister of State for streak of authoritarianism, suf- to a meeting addressed by Aneu- the Army. Henceforth, defence fering not only fools but men achieve- rin Bevan during the 1950 elec- and health were to be two of his and women of comparable tal- tion campaign, Owen played no significant themes throughout his ents and similar values. Hoping ment fell part in student politics. But in years in the House of Commons. to reshape British politics, he his early twenties he joined the Given the factions within made a crucial error of judge- significant- Labour Party, which was looking the Parliamentary Labour Party, ment in not bringing together ly short for good, young Parliamentary he was quickly drawn into the his social democrats and the Lib- candidates in the rather bleak po- 1963 Club – held in memory erals. Owen’s was not a wasted of his litical territory of the south-west. of , the former life but his achievement fell sig- Owen was invited to a selection Labour Leader. Over regular din- nificantly short of his potential. potential. conference at Torrington. He was ners, he met Tony Crosland and

40 Journal of Liberal History 39 Summer 2003 BIOGRAPHY: DAVID OWEN Roy Jenkins, then rising stars in liamentary Under-Secretary of During the second, and as a consequence of a the Wilson cabinet, and junior State for Defence for the Royal referendum, Roy Jenkins resigned ministers like Dick Taverne and Navy. It was a shrewd choice. hot-house the Deputy Leadership. Bill Rodgers. He also became a The Prime Minister recognised Owen was one of the sixty- close colleague of both David that Owen had ability and would arguments nine rebel Labour MPs who Marquand and John Mackintosh, respond to ministerial opportuni- voted for entry to the EEC in who were among the 1966 intake ties. In addition, in his and among defiance of a three-line whip. of Labour MPs. constituency he would benefit the arm- Unlike some other rebels, Owen The Labour government had a from the historic naval vote. This was not sacked, but four months secure majority of almost a hun- turned out to be the case, and in chair con- later he resigned from the Oppo- dred seats but it suffered a precipi- 1970 Owen held on with a ma- sition Front Bench in sympathy tate decline up to and beyond the jority of nearly a thousand votes spirators with Roy Jenkins. Among others devaluation of sterling in Novem- as Ted Heath replaced Wilson at resigning was George Thomson, ber 1967. There was a serious loss Number 10. who were who left Parliament to become of by-elections (fifteen during the The Labour Party was now calling ‘Wil- a European Commissioner when Parliament) and there was wide- in opposition, and with George the Conservative Government spread discontent with the Prime Brown’s defeat in Belper, a va- son must had completed its European leg- Minister and his style. Owen had cancy occurred for the Deputy islation, and Dick Taverne, who originally greatly admired Tony Leadership. Roy Jenkins stood and go’, Owen was to become the victim of his Crosland, the author of the revi- won over both and intolerant constituency party. sionist and influential book The Fred Peart, the centre-right, anti- was promi- For much of the next two Future of Socialism, but he now EEC candidate. It now looked as nent. years the Jenkinsites were ex- saw Roy Jenkins as the strongest if the old Gaitskellites – who were cluded from the mainstream of alternative to . Dur- beginning to be called Jenkinsites the Parliamentary Labour Party. ing the hot-house arguments and – were coming back to power, They kept together, meeting at among the armchair conspirators with Owen amongst them. But regular lunches at their homes. who were calling ‘Wilson must within less than two years, this Among them were David Owen, go’, Owen was prominent. expectation fell apart. In the first David Marquand, John Roper But in July 1968, with the ap- place, Harold Wilson changed his and Robert Maclennan. As an proval of , Harold mind about supporting entry to informal team they helped to Wilson appointed Owen as Par- the European Community; in the formulate Roy Jenkins’ speeches,

Journal of Liberal History 39 Summer 2003 41 BIOGRAPHY: DAVID OWEN which led to What Matters Now, a Crosland to Jenkins seven or habits and ideas. But there were short book setting out the broad eight years earlier. Nor was Cro- times when his style – youthful, range of his political direction. sland entirely happy about the informal, iconoclastic – overran They were all anxious to show sort of arrogant, good-looking, his judgment. When he recom- that Europe was not their only middle-class man, who seemed mended , a close personal concern, and Owen brought much like himself. But Owen friend and the Prime Minister’s forward his own Children’s Bill made himself useful about those son-in-law, as ambassador to on adoption. In the autumn matters which bored Crosland, Washington, he damaged his and of 1973, Roy Jenkins returned which were not a few. Callaghan’s reputations. to the Labour front bench. He Then, five months later, Cro- In 1975 David Owen had not demolished the reputation of sland had a stroke and Owen played any significant part in the the Tory Chancellor of the Ex- was left in charge of the Foreign European referendum. Now, as chequer, Anthony Barber, on the Office for a few days until Cro- Foreign Secretary, he stayed close eve of the Christmas recess in an sland’s death. He was steady and to the Prime Minister, express- outstanding Parliamentary per- confident in filling this gap and, ing scepticism about monetary formance. But given the state of to everyone’s surprise, the Prime union. In the principal cabinet the Labour Party, most Jenkinsites Minister appointed him Foreign committee, of which he was thought that Labour was unlikely Secretary at the age of 37. chairman, he showed no prefer- to win the general election, and Since the death of ence for ministers who were ei- some hoped they would not. in 1950 and during the Cold War, ther pro- or anti-Europe, and his In the event, Harold Wilson the Prime Minister of the day had old colleagues felt that Owen was did become Prime Minister for been effectively his own Foreign unenthusiastic about moving the a second term. Jenkins now re- Secretary (there had been twelve European Community forward. luctantly found himself Home of them in twenty-five years), In 1979 Labour lost the elec- Secretary again but made it clear dealing directly with the President tion with its smallest share of the to Wilson that some of his close of the United States and - vote since the 1930s, although friends and colleagues, including pean leaders. But Owen was now Owen held his own seat at Ply- Owen, should be included in the fourth or fifth in the cabinet hi- mouth (now Devonport, after government. , who erarchy, with frequent exposure at boundary changes). But in the had become Secretary of State for home and abroad. He spoke with Parliamentary Committee – the Social Services, also welcomed authority, especially when trying Shadow Cabinet – he was elected the idea of Owen joining her to resolve the constitutional prob- near the bottom of the list, and department as Parliamentary lems of Southern . Cy Callaghan moved him to the jun- Secretary; and later in the year, Vance, ’s Secretary of ior role of shadow Minister for following the second 1974 elec- State, was much taken with Owen Energy. In the House of Com- tion, he moved up as Minister of – a friendship that was to endure mons it was said that Owen had State for Health, soon becoming in different circumstances when been over-promoted and was a a Privy Counsellor. they worked together in Bosnia Jim Calla- loner, lacking political roots. Owen got on well with Bar- fifteen years later. When, in 1977, the Campaign bara Castle. He was knowledge- Jim Callaghan’s biographer says ghan’s biog- for Labour Victory (CLV) – an able and hard-working in dealing that David Owen ‘soon showed his organisation formed to defend with difficult negotiations over capacity as a strong, if sometimes rapher says and promote the democratic the new consultants’ contracts domineering, minister’ with an centre-right of the Labour Party and pay beds. She liked his style ‘authoritarian temper’. He was that David – was launched, Owen supported and he, in turn, liked her, although often unpopular amongst officials, Owen ‘soon it more in name than in practice. she complained about his lack of who found him impatient and But after the election, he began consistency and changes of mood. irascible. It was said that he had showed his to speak out against the Militant But when Callaghan succeeded sacked six different government Tendency, although he rejected Wilson at Number 10 and sacked drivers because he had been dissat- capacity as any possibility of leaving the Castle, Owen stayed on at Health isfied with all of them. When Ivor Labour Party and committed for several uncomfortable months. Richard (the British Ambassador a strong, if himself to fighting inside through Then, in September 1976, when to the United Nations, a former sometimes ‘ten years of hard slog’. He was was promoted colleague in the Commons and highly critical of Roy Jenkins’ into the Cabinet, Callaghan put a Defence Minister) attended the domineer- Dimbleby Lecture, Home Thoughts Owen into the vacancy he left as Tony Crosland Memorial Service from Abroad, in November 1979, Minister of State at the Foreign at Westminster Abbey, Owen called ing, minis- implying that Jenkins was now on and Commonwealth Office. Richard in to voice his disapproval. the fringe of politics and out of Tony Crosland, the Foreign His supporters said that Owen ter’ with an touch with those who would save Secretary, was initially less than was blowing fresh air into the ‘authoritar- the Labour Party. enthusiastic about Owen, who fusty corners of the Foreign Of- Then suddenly, he changed had transferred his loyalty from fice and shaking up its traditional ian temper’. gear. At a London conference in

42 Journal of Liberal History 39 Summer 2003 BIOGRAPHY: DAVID OWEN

May 1980, dominated by , he made an angry, brave impromptu speech on defence that was noisily heckled. As a re- sult he felt personally affronted at the treatment of a recent Foreign Secretary and saw for the first time the extent to which the left had captured the Labour Party. He now began to move with increased towards a break with the party. Within days, on his initiative, he joined Shirley Williams and Bill Rodgers in a public state- ment, rejecting any suggestion from the Labour left that Britain should withdraw from the Eu- ropean Community. Five weeks later Owen and Rodgers, as that a group of Jenkinsites, like ‘Tough and theme of opposing any coming- members of the Shadow Cabinet Dick Taverne, David Marquand tender’ became together between the SDP and (Williams had been out of Parlia- and some non-Parliamentarians, Owen’s slogan the Liberals persisted until 1987. ment since 1979) challenged Cal- were close to Jenkins and treated – combining When the SDP had been es- laghan to justify a series of internal him as the king over the water; a market tablished, Owen began to find his policy changes that leant heavily and he knew that the Dimbleby economy, feet in a difficult, hostile House of towards the left. Then on 1 August Lecture had made Jenkins many strong Commons. He was not a natural 1980, Owen, Williams and Rodg- friends who looked to him to lead defence and speaker in debate and seemed ers, the ‘Gang of Three’, as they the realignment of the left. Jenkins compassion for to force out his words with dif- became known, wrote an open said that he was prepared to sup- the sick and ficulty. But he stood his ground letter to their fellow members of port any one of the three – Owen, unemployed. and his pronouncements carried the Labour Party, saying, ‘We are Williams or Rodgers – as leader (‘Guardian’, weight. When the not prepared to abandon Britain to make the new party a success, 13 September broke out in April 1982, Owen to divisive and often cruel Tory but Owen was determined that 1983) was first inclined to oppose Mar- policies because electors do not he alone would lead. In the gap garet Thatcher’s determination to have an opportunity to vote for between the publication of the repossess the islands but he was an acceptable social alternative’. Declaration in late persuaded very soon to support It was now plain that the Labour and the launch of military action. In the coming Party was getting close to a split. the SDP in March, he proposed weeks, he spoke with a convic- However, Williams and Rodg- that he should become the Chair- tion which raised his profile both ers were still reluctant to leave La- man of the Parliamentary Party inside the Commons and outside. bour, and Owen also recognised (until a leadership ballot) and As a consequence, he became a that there would be a further de- Jenkins should be relegated to strong runner to challenge Roy lay if Denis Healey was elected as fund-raising for the new party. Jenkins as leader of the SDP in Callaghan’s successor. But when Owen was quick to disagree the ballot of members. He lost on 10 November Healey lost and with the views of Jenkins, Wil- by 20,846 votes to 26,256 (in a Michael Foot won, Owen was off liams and Rodgers about the turn-out of 75 per cent) but it the leash. For two months he was SDP’s relations with the Liberal was a much closer outcome than single-minded in coaxing anx- Party. In the first place, he took would have been anticipated a ious Labour MPs closer towards a exception to the proposal that the few weeks earlier. break, and hoping that the ‘Gang SDP and the Liberals should join Owen, however, was disap- of Three’ would go together. together at the next general elec- pointed and he made no special But he was much less enthu- tion, dividing the seats equally. effort to support Jenkins in pre- siastic about the prospect of the Then, a few days later, he com- paring for the general election. ‘Gang of Three’ getting together plained that Williams and Rodg- And while Owen was sulking in with Roy Jenkins to make the ers had too readily agreed with his tent, Jenkins found difficulty ‘Gang of Four’. He saw Jenkins as at the Anglo-German in adjusting to a less respectful ‘old hat’, a failure, having left the Königswinter Conference on House of Commons than he had House of Commons for Brussels, a joint statement of principles, previously known. As a result, and being twenty years older than including the two parties agree- shaken by an unsuccessful by- himself and already too close to ing to form two commissions to election at Darlington, the SDP the Liberals. He was also aware develop policy. Owen’s constant was not fully prepared when the

Journal of Liberal History 39 Summer 2003 43 BIOGRAPHY: DAVID OWEN election was called in May 1983. eclectic in tone. It was said that Rodgers (the leading SDP mem- Jenkins had become Prime Min- he had sent it in draft to almost a ber of the Commission), Jenkins ister-designate in the Alliance hundred individuals and amend- and Williams. (the partnership of the SDP and ed it to take account of all their Owen’s behaviour was in the Liberals) with David Steel as diverse ideas. Now, after Salford character. He was enraged about a his deputy, but as the campaign and in the three years ahead, he newspaper headline, ‘Owen’s nu- failed to make it was began to turn away from the so- clear hopes dashed’, implying that proposed by the Liberals that cial democratic, ‘conscience and Steel had won on defence policy their role should be reversed. In reform’, centre-left. Owen’s para- and Owen had been humiliated. a tense argument at Steel’s home doxical ‘tough and tender’ slogan Owen could have shrugged it off at Ettrick Bridge, the SDP team encapsulated his social market as a minor hiccup, awaited the – including Williams and Rodg- approach, with ‘tough’ being the final report and negotiated an un- ers – opposed any change in the dominant mood in keeping with derstanding. Instead he punished Alliance leadership. However, his temperament. Jenkins called Had Owen his SDP colleagues for reaching Owen sat on his hands, claiming Owen’s policies ‘sub-Thatcherite’ an agreement with the Liberals that the Alliance leadership was a and a barely suppressed tension advocated in the Commission, and rejected personal matter between Jenkins grew between Owen and Jenkins, merger, the report. and Steel and for them alone. Williams and Rodgers. Owen’s outburst had arisen Later, when the arrangements However, Owen was effec- an almost from an injudicious remark by were left unchanged, Owen ex- tive in the House of Commons, Steel; and now in turn, in Sep- pressed his surprise and approval impressive on television and unanimous tember 1986, the Liberals voted that Steel had been tough enough commanding in the councils of against the two leaders’ proposal to try to push Jenkins aside. his party. This was a high-quality, vote of SDP for European nuclear coopera- The 1983 election result was sustained performance that did members tion partly in response to Owen’s far from a disaster for the Alliance. much to build the reputation and rubbishing of the Commission’s Its share of the vote was 25.4 per name of the SDP. Their members would have report. Owen and Steel tried to cent, only 2.2 per cent short of (the ‘political virgins’) might patch up the row in the follow- Labour’s vote. But with first-past- sometimes feel uneasy but they followed. ing weeks but the Alliance was the-post, the twenty-nine SDP gave their leader the benefit of seriously damaged. Steel’s morale MPs were reduced to six and it the doubt. It was suffered from Owen’s relentless was a major blow to morale, espe- Between Owen and Steel, there also pos- bullying; and Jenkins, Williams cially after the heady excitement was at first a tolerable if strained and Rodgers became increasingly of eighteen months earlier. Owen relationship. While Steel continued sible that cool towards Owen. made it immediately clear that to push for a closer union, Owen Early in 1987 the Alliance was he would challenge Jenkins for was deeply suspicious of any fur- a merged successfully re-launched with a the leadership and that, although ther coming together between the united team of spokesmen. But it he was prepared to accept a brief SDP and the Liberals, hoping that party, So- should have marked the culmi- delay, the principle of a contest proportional representation would cial Demo- nation of joint election planning was not negotiable. By the end eventually enable the two parties – not, in too many respects, its be- of the weekend the matter was to go their separate ways. In assert- crats and ginning. Similarly, the joint policy settled: Jenkins resigned and, fol- ing the SDP’s identity, Owen was booklet The Time Has Come was a lowing the formalities – there was especially determined to preserve Liberals natural mid-term document un- no credible alternative (Williams an independent defence policy, suitable for its launch close to the and Rodgers had lost their seats) making no compromise with together, election. As for objectives, it would – Owen became leader in time the Liberal unease about nuclear would have have been imaginative for Owen for the new Queen’s Speech. weapons. to promote the idea of Alliance He moved quickly to establish As a result, Owen and Steel elected holding the balance in a hung his own authority, style, policy agreed to appoint a joint Alliance parliament earlier in the term, and personal team. This was to Commission on defence and Owen as but was unsuitable when 633 be his own show, erasing the re- disarmament to delay a decision candidates would soon be fight- lationships of the ‘Gang of Four’ on British nuclear weapons until leader, ing to win, as the overwhelming and the spirit of the Limehouse close to the next election. After despite majority of Social Democrats and Declaration. At the SDP Salford eighteen months of discussion, Liberals believed that the ‘hung Conference three months later, both sides were close to agree- previous parliament’ formula ceased to have Owen blocked any discussion of ment when Owen suddenly re- any resonance once the election merger with the Liberals, at least jected the draft report, declaring controver- approached. Owen clung to it, during the next Parliament, and that Britain should remain ‘a nu- however, and the Alliance message tried to stop any joint selection of clear weapon state’. This caused a sies and his was confused. Owen and Steel Parliamentary candidates. major breakdown of relationships authoritar- were obliged to restore a working Owen’s book Face the Future, not only between Owen and relationship, but the shortcomings published two years earlier, was Steel, but between Owen and ian style. of dual leadership were profound.

44 Journal of Liberal History 39 Summer 2003 BIOGRAPHY: DAVID OWEN

The doctor’s feated at Bath, Major offered Hong not for merging Kong to him, thus closing Owen’s (‘Radical avenue of opportunity. Instead, on Quarterly’, the recommendation of Douglas 1987) Hurd, he became the chief Europe- an negotiator in the Peace Confer- ence of Yugoslavia, from 1992–95 (succeeding Lord Carrington). In this capacity he was the co-author of the abortive Vance-Owen plan to end the war by dividing Bosnia into ethnic ‘cantons’. These efforts were acknowledged in his appoint- ment as a Companion of Honour (CH); and he told the story in his book Balkan Odyssey. In the 1980s Owen and Steel had separate elec- and Liberals together, would have he was a member of the Olaf Palme tion teams and Owen’s own circle elected Owen as leader, despite Commission on Disarmament and was distinct from the formal struc- previous controversies and his Security, and throughout his later ture of his party. authoritarian style. But with the career he played a prominent role However, on the eve of the odds against him, Owen was de- in top-table international institu- election the SDP believed that termined to preserve a separate tions and conferences. they were well-placed for the party made in his own image, and Owen became a director of campaign. Target seats were ade- face the consequences. Coats Viyella in 1994 and Ex- quately – in some cases generous- Following a campaign, and ecutive Chairman of Middlesex ly – resourced, and Owen worked with Owen strongly opposed to Holdings in 1995. He has other hard to raise money, with the help merger, members were divided business interests. of David Sainsbury. In late Febru- 60:40 in a ballot for merger. Owen In 1992 Owen became a peer, ary the SDP won an important then immediately resigned the making his maiden speech three by-election at Greenwich which SDP leadership, and in a bitter and years later and contributing oc- boosted the confidence of its in- lengthy dispute, refused to accept casionally to the creasingly professional staff (hold- the majority decision. Instead he on international and European ing Liberal Truro in March was chose to lead the rump mem- Union affairs. In 1999 he became more predictable). But the 1987 bership, claiming the SDP name, Chairman of ‘New Europe’, general election was not a success. despite the clear assumption that committed to opposing Britain’s Social Democrats and Liber- the identity of the SDP would be entry to the Eurozone. als worked well together in the absorbed into a single party. Owen married Deborah constituencies, but the dual lead- The Owenites (the ‘Continu- Schabert of New York in 1968 and ership was unrelaxed and clumsy. ing SDP’) survived for two years, three children followed. Debbie The Alliance vote fell by 2.8 per carried on Owen’s shoulders. His Owen’s charm, intelligence and cent from 1983, three SDP MPs, party fought eight by-elections, loyalty helped to sustain Owen including Jenkins, lost their seats but when their candidate finished through his vicissitudes; and she and the SDP Parliamentary Party seventh out of eight candidates in became a successful literary agent, was reduced to five. Bootle, behind the Monster Rav- with Delia Smith, Jeffrey Archer Within the SDP there was now ing Loony Party, Owen knew that and Georgette Heyer among her overwhelming pressure to merge his time was up. He disbanded his star clients. The Owens created a with the Liberals. Owen hoped to party and in 1991 published his close-knit family, as if to redress delay a decision and to devise an- autobiography, Time to Declare, the balance of David Owen’s own other, perhaps closer, partnership of 800 pages. At the early age of lonely childhood. between the SDP and the Liberals. fifty-three he decided to leave But the SDP’s constitution, the politics, knowing that he would First elected to Parliament in 1962, text of which Owen had approved almost certainly lose his seat at Bill Rodgers served as a minister in several years earlier, made provi- Plymouth, and with no serious five government departments, and in sion for a one-member, one-vote prospect of a further career in the the Cabinet, as Secretary of State referendum on major issues, and House of Commons. for Transport, between 1976–79. the party’s mood was to resolve It was thought that if John Ma- In 1981, along with David Owen, the matter. Had Owen advocated jor returned to Downing Street ion he was a member of the ‘Gang of merger, an almost unanimous vote the 1992 election, he would ap- Four’ who founded the SDP. He was of SDP members would have fol- point Owen as the last Governor- given a life peerage in 1992, and from lowed. It was also possible that a General of Hong Kong. But when 1997–2002 was leader of the Liberal merged party, Social Democrats Chris Patten was unexpectedly de- Democrat peers.

Journal of Liberal History 39 Summer 2003 45