UNIT 6 THE OPIUM WARS. IN CHINA

Structure Objectives Introduction Background 6.2.1 Some Feanues of Traditional Chinese Foreign Relations 6.2.2 Early Cont~ctBetwem China and the WesS and the 6.2.3 The Opium Trade The and the The Chinese Response to the Western hsence 6.4.1 Vecillating Official Policy 6.4.2 Popular Chinese Resistance The and the Conflicting Interpretations of the Opium Wars Let Us Sum Up Key Words Answers to Check Your Rogress Exercises

6.0 OBJECTIVES

The aim of this Unit is to make you familiar with the dramatic events of the Opium Wars in China (1840-42 and 1858-60) and to place these events in the context of the evolution of Sino-Western relations in the 19th century. After reading this Unit, you will be able to: learn about the background to, and the main events of, the Opium Wars, understand the nature of the Chinese response to the Western presence in China in this period, and assess the nature and impact of these wars and tbeir significance in modern Chinese history.

6.1 INTRODUCTION

The Opium Wars represent the first major anned confrontation between China and the modem West. But, more than that, they were a watershed in Chinese history. This was because they exposed in a startling way the military, technological and political weaknesses of the Chinese Empire. They set off a chain of developments in China's relations with the West, in which the Western powers used their superior military smgth to wrest concession after concession from the Chinese Empire and to consolidate and expand their own interests there. In addition, they hastened the pmcess of the disintegration of the Chinese Empire, and stimulated the forces of reform, modernization and nationalism which were to be instrumental in the shaping of a new China. In fact, it is common among scholars to date the beginning of modem Chinese history to the period of the Opium Wars. For all these reasons. it is important for any student of Chinese history to know about the Opium Wars. The following sections deal with various aspects related to these Wars.

6.2 BACKGROUND

To have a proper understanding of the Opium Wars we must look at their historical background. 6.2.1 Some Features of Traditional Chinese Foreign Relations Some of the basic premises underlying the external relations of the Chinese Empire and the traditional Chinese world view have already been explained in Block-I, Unit-2 of this course. However, it is important to go over some of these again in this Unit to understand the context in which the Opium Wars took place. Western Imperialism The traditional Chinese system of foreign relations was moulded by two important factors. One of these was the pre-eminent position of the Chinese Empire in East Asia-its overwhelming size, wealth, power, high cultural level and basic self-sufficiency in most material values. The other factor'was the ever-present military threat from the nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples on China's northern and western borders. These two factors in combination gave rise to certain apparently contradictory features in traditional China's external relations and world outlook. On the one hand, it gave rise to a degree of complacency, self-confidence and pride bordering on arrogance in the attitude towards other people and states (sometimes termed "Sinocentrism" by modern scholars). On the other hand, it gave rise to a definite sense of insecurity, as well as to a hard-headed practicality and pragmatism in the Chinese Empire's actual dealings with foreign people and countries. Hence, the traditional Chinese system of foreign reIations was a very complex and intricate mechanism, in which cultural, military, economic and political factors all played an important part.

In the course of its more than 2000 years of history, the relations of the Chinese Empire with other countries went through many vicissitudes. There were long periods of peaceful economic, cultural and political relations, in which the Chinese Empire faced no major external threat or challenge to its supremacy in the region. There were also repeated raids and incursions by militarily powerful neighbouring people, which sometimes resulted in their conquest of all or part of China. However, after several centuries of evolution, fairly well-defined and systematized methods of regular peaceful intercourse with other states and peoples came into being.

Traditional Chinese political theory did not recognize a strict distinction between "domestic affairs" and "external relations" as we understand it today. The was considered the ruler of "all under Heaven" (T'ien-hsia). Therefore, the external boundaries of the Chinese Empire were not clearly defined. However. even in theory it was accepted that the fringes of the Empire were inhabited by so-called "barbarian" people who did not follow the same cultural or social patterns as the Chinese themselves, and who had their own rulers and systems of government. Much has been said about this term "barbarian". It has been greatly misunderstood and interpreted (especially by scholars and officials of the modern West) to be a form of slander and even hostility towards non-Chinese people. However, it would be more correct to understand the Chinese term "barbarians" to mean simply those who were different, and those who did not fully subscribe to the Chinese way of life.

While the Chinese recognized the need fo devise ways to'deal with these alien people,'the initiative to have relations with the Chinese Empire usually came from those people rather than from the Chinese Empire itself. The exceptions to this rule were those few periods in Chinese history (such as during the Han and T'ang dynasties) when the rulers of China embarked on ambitious programmes of expansion and conquest. In general, various foreign people and the envoys of various states came to China: for the purpose of trade, for cultural or religious purposes, or to seek political recognition or legitimacy from the Emperor of China.

In the case of those who participated in border trade, as well as pilgrimc, etc., they were usually dealt with by the local officials of the areas which they visited. In the case of official envoys to the Imperial Court, they were usually handled by the Board of Rites which concemed itself with matters of protocol. But it is significant that, until the later 19th century, China had no central department or ministry for foreign relations.

The point being made here is that the Chinese Empire followed a wide variety of norms and practices for dealing with the different peoples and states with which it interacted. However, mainly because of the writings of Western observers and scholars from the 19th century onwards, the traditional Chinese system of foreign relations has been portrayed as a rigid system, mainly identified with two features i.e. the presentation of tribute, and the kowtow. Tribute was the term the Chinese used to describe the gifts presented to the Emperor by official foreign delegapons, while the kowtow wgs the ceremonial prostration they were expected to perform in front of the Emperor. It is true that both tribute and the kowtow were designed to emphasize the superiority of the Emperor of China, and that this superiority was not acceptable to most Western powers and their envoys. However, the Chinese did not insist that ail foreigners who came to China must present tribute or perform the kowtow, but The Opium Wars In China only insisted on it from those envoys who wanted to be received by the Emperor himself. They did not make it a pre-condition for all those who wanted to engage in trade or other activities. The treatment of Arabs who conducted a lucrative trade at Canton for centuries, as well as of the Russians who resided in Peking from the 17th century, are examples 6f the flexibility of the Chinese in such matters. It was not so much the tribute system or the kowtow, but other pressing economic and political matters that made Britain and other Western powers go to war with the Chinese Empire in the mid-19th century and force it to change its system of dealing With foreign countries.

6.2.2 Early Contact Between China and the West, and the Canton System - A seargoing trade between China and Europe had been conducted ever since the Portuguese arrived off the South China coast in the early 1500s. A full century later, the Portuguese were joined by the British and the Dutch, who were both emerging as major maritime powers. British trade with China was the monopoly of the East India Company.

The period from the mid-1 7th to the mid-1 8th century saw many ups and downs in the fortunes of this sea-going trade. In the first place, this was related to domestic political developments within China. In 1644, the Ming dynasty which had ruled for nearly three centuries was overthrown and the forces of the Manchus, a non-Chinese people from beyond the north-eastern borders, swept over North China. The Manchus succeeded in setting up their own dynasty, the Ch'ing, with its capital at Peking very rapidly. But it took nearly two decades of bloody civil war to establish their complete supremacy over the whole of China. Since the main centres of resistance70 the new rulers lay in the coastal provinces of South and Central China and in the Island of Taiwan, it was not unnatural that coastal trade was severely disrupted in this period. In fact, the Manchus took the extraordinary step of evacuating the entirt*population among a 25 km. wide belt of the south-central coast for an eight year period, from 1661-1669. Even after these measures were lifted, and the resistance to the Ch'ing dynasty ended, the Ch'ing rulers maintained their suspicion of maritime activity, and in particular of any dealings between the local'chinese populrtion of the coast and foreigners. They also regarded the sea, not unjustifiably, as a nest of pirates and smugglers. In spite of their suspicion and fear of the sea, the Manchus did not build or maintain a strong navy. They relied mainly on coastal fortifications and other defensive measures to deter trouble makers from the sea and maintain order in the coastal areas.

However, this did not mean that the Ch'ing rulers were hostile to a controlled trade and other relations with the Europeans. Four ports-canton, Amoy, Ningpo and Kuan-yun were open to trade with the foreigners. Under the reign of the K'ang-hsi Emperor the Europeans, and particularly the Jesuits. were welcomed. However, following a bitter controversy with the Pope at Rome in 17 18. the attitude of the Ch'ing Government towards the Europeans changed dramatically. They were evicteii from even the port of Canton, where they had been residing in great numbers. They were allowed to cany on trading, but were allowed to reside thereafter only at the island of Macao. The efforts of certain British traders and adventurers, like Commodore Anson and James Flint, to challenge these limitations by show of force did not help matters at all. The Ch'ing Government reacted sharply to such evidence of "trouble-making" on the part of the foreigners, and in 1757 closed all ports to foreign trade except for the port of Canton. Thus came to be established the "Canton System", which was to be the only recognised form of commercial intercourse between China and the West until the Opium Wars.

The Canton Systemis the term used to refer to the entire set of trading arrangements available to the -westemen between 1757 and 1842. The foreign traders maintained warehouses-cum-tracilng establishments at Canton (called "factories"). They resided most uf the year at Macao, but every year when their ships arrived from their home countries, the traders would sail up from the mouth of the Pearl River to Canton and remain for the duration of the trading season from August to March. They were not permitted to bring their families with them, and they had to restrict their movements to within the trading quarter.

At Canton, all the business transactions of the Western traden were conducted through the Co-hong, a guild of prominent local merchants whose monopoly of the trade was recognized by the Ch'ing Government. In return for this official recognition, the Hong merchants handled all the arrangements of the trade, provided the necessary facilities to the foreign traders and stood surety for their 'good behaviour'. They were collectively responsible to.the imperial government authorities, of whom the most imp6rtant were the Viceroy of Liangkwang (in which Canton was situated), and the Superintendent of the maritime customs (known as the "Hoppo") who collected the revenue from the Canton trade and remitted it to the Imperial Government at Peking.

The Western traders were not permitted to directly approach the imperial authorities for any reason, but were obliged to route all their requests, grievances, etc., through the Hong merchants.

Apart from the Hong merchants, the only other Chinese with whom they directly interacted were those who provided them with necessary services-such as their household servants, the linguists (interpreters and escorts), arid the all-important compradores who handled all the local side of the business for the foreign firms.

Much has been written about the restrictive nature of the Canton System: about the limitations on the freedom of movement and activities of the foreign traders, about the harshness of the taxes and fees imposed on the foreign charges, about the extene of corruption, and so on.

But it is important to view these r omplaints in their proper perspective. Although Canton was the only port opened to foreign trade, it was nevertheless a well-developed port with all the infrastructure and facilities necessary for the conduct of the trade and with good lines of supply and communication with the interior. Even when other ports had been open to foreign trade (before 1757), the foreign traders themselves had found these to be nowhere near as suitable as Canton, and had tended to concentrate all their activities around Canton. Moreover, even though the trade was a monopoly trade from the Chinese side, it must be remembered that from the British side too, the China trade was the monopoly of a single company. The East India Company's monopoly in China only ended in 1834. Similarly, even restrictions imposed on the Europeans (such as on their freedom of movement, on their ability to communicate directly with Chinese officials, and so on) may have been considered humiliating. they did not significantlyhamper the conduct of the trade. The various tariffs and levies imposed on the trade by the Chinese also did not prevent the foreign firms from making huge profits which brought them back to Canton year after year.

However, there was one factor that was undoubtedly disturbing to the Western traders: there were very few goods that they could offer that were in demand among the Chinese. While the Westerners purchased large quantities of tea, silk and other items from China, they were compelled to pay for these mainly with gold and silver. It is estimated that 90% or more of the East India Company's shipments to China consisted mainly of gold. However, the situation begnn to change dramatically in the mid-1820s, when the Western traders hit upon one commodity that met with a rapidly increasing demand from the Chinese. That commodity was opium.

6.23 The Opium Trade Opium, a narcotic substance derived from the poppy flower, was known to the Chinese from the late 7th or early 8th century, when it was introduced by the Arabs and the Turks. Initially used mainly as a medicine or a pain-reliever, opium-smoking for pleasure began to spread among the Chine from the 17th century. This kind of opium intake used to lead to a rapid deterioration ir t . ohysical and mental condition of those who indulged in it. Opium smoking was hignly addictive, and those addicts who were deprived of opium for even a short period of time used to undergo real torment. They would become nauseous and restless. suffer fr rn aches, muscle twitches, chills and hot flashes, insomnia and so on. As the opium habit pr ad among the people, the imperial government was forced to sit up and take note. In 1723, he sale and smoking of opium was prohibited, while in 1796, its importation and u. ivation also were prohibited.

Despite these proh o tions, the import of opium into China grew rapidly in the late 18th and especially in the e ': years of the 19th century. While in 1729 the annual importation of opium was 200 che t.. in 1767, it was 1000 chests. Between 1800 and 1820 this amount The Opium Wan in China

Canton at hetime of Opium Wars 1. Opium Smuggling Ship.

rose to 4,500 chests, and between 1820 and 1830 to over 10,000 chests. In 1838-39lust before the outbreak of hostilities between China and Britain, it reached the stupendous figure of 40,000 chests. In this period, it has been estimated that there were as many as 10 million Chinese addicts of the drug, accounting for 1O to 20 per cent of the central government officials, 20 to 30 per cent of local government officials, and a large proportion of the Manchu military forces.

The leading importers of opium into China were the British. But the British opium bade was conducted in a peculiar convoluted manner. The opium was grown in India, and the entire process of cultivating and pracessing was a monopoly of the British East India Company. However, because of the Chinese official prohibition on the import of opium, the East India Company did not want to be directly associated with the import of opium into China, for the fear that this would jeopardise its overall trade with China. Therefore, opium was carried to China from India by private traders (also known as "country traders") operating under licence from the East India Company. A sophisticated network of Chinese and foreign smugglers and their collaborators ensured that the opium was distributed in China. The country traders deposited their opium consignments in "receiving ships" that were anchored . off the coast of China around the island of Lintin. From there, Chinese opium dealers would lift the opiuin in small, well-armed and fast moving boats that were adept at dodging official Chinese patrols.'These boats would deliver their goods to the waiting opium dealers at various points on the China coast, from where they would be' distributed in the interior (see map 1). \ Them is no doubt that the illegal opium trade could not have flourished as it did without significant local collaboration in China. The inefficiency of the Chinese naval for(ces and customs service on the one hand facilitated the task of the smugglers, making it possible for them to violate the prohibitions on the opium trade with impunity. But on the other hand, - there was active collaboration as well. A whole network of people, ranging from boatmen and coolies to prosperous banktrs and opium den owners, profited immensely from the trade and had a veded interest in keeping it going. But even more important was the collaboration of officials at various levels who turned a blind eye to what was going on, or who assisted in tven more diiect ways, in remfor a share of the profits. Apart from the harmful effects Dn the physical well-being of opium consumers, the opium The Opimrn Wars in China trade also had serious economic consequences. There was an overall depression in domestic trade in the worst affected areas. This was because a large share of the meagre incomes of labourers and others was diverted to the purchase of opium instead of the purchase of other commodities. But an even greater economic crisis was precipitated by the o-~tflowof silver on account of the trade. Opium, unlike other items of foreign trade, was paid for mainly in silver. As the import of opium grew rapidly, the balance of trade in terms of the flow of I silver turned against China. Combined with low domestic reserves of silver, this led to a serious monetary crisis. The exchange rate between silvkr and copper was upset, affecting the remittance of taxes to the imperial treasury. i

2. An Opium Den.

3. Port of Whampoa (near Canton), 1835. Sy the 1830s, the imperial government was seriously alarmed oveLthe uncontrolled growth of the opium trade and its harmful consequences. Among the Emperor and his high officials there was serious discussion on how to handle this growing menace. This culminated in the great opium debate of 1838-39 in which the Emperor sought advice from all the governor- generals of the Empire as well as other high officials. Although the idea of legalizing the opium trade, as a way to regain some degree of control over it, was briefly considered, ultimately the opinion that prevailed was that the ban on opium must be strictly enforced. The noted official Lin Tse-hsu was despatched to Canton as Imperial Commissioner with a specific mandate to put a stop to the opium trade. The stage was thereby set far a direct confrontation between the Ch'ing Government and the Western powers.

Chwk Your Progress 1 1) Discuss in five lines what you understand by the Canton system.

2) What were the economic consequences of Opium trade on China? Answer in about five lines. .

3.) Which of the following statements are right ( .\I ) or wrong (x)?

i) ' There was a distinction between 'domestic affairs' and external relations in traditional Chinese political theory. ii) The Western traders could directly approach the imperial authorities. iii) Trade with China, fromthe British side, was the monopoly of East India Company. iv) The East India Company indirectly supported the Opium trade. V) The Opium trade flourished without local collaboration.

6.3 THE FIRST OPIUM WAR AND THE TREATY OF NANKING

Even before the outbreak of the First Opium War, the Canton System had come under severe strain because of various factors: the first factor was the vigorous growth of opium smuggling outside the bounds of this system, the second factor was the ending of the East India Company's monopoly of the British trade with China in 1834, and the resultant problem of how the Ch'ing Government was to deal with the new situation.

When the Ch'ing Government was informed about the impending end of the East India Company's monopoly, it requested that a new British manager or "tai-ban" (conceived of as a kind of head merchant) be appointed to oversee the activities of the British traders. However, the Superintendentsof Trade who were appointed by the British Government and sent to China, beginning with Lord Napier, were not traders but representatives of the British Government who were not reconciled to being dealt with as mere merchants. Th'us, the period from 1834-1839 saw constant friction between these British officials and the Ch'ing authorities, as the hrmer sought to deal directly with the Ch'ing officials on equal terms--some (like Napier) in a very belligerent manner, and others (like J.F. Davis and Capt. C. Elliot) in a more peacable fashion. Although this tension did not directly lead to hostilities, it had its own fall-out- i) Firstly, it led to increased irritation and suspicion on both sides, including the The Opium Wars in China consolidation of "hard line" factions advocating strong action against each other, both among the Ch'ing officials as well as among British traders and officials. ii) Secondly, on more than one occasion, British warships were sent to the Chinese waters. They tested the vigilance and preparedness to fight of the Ch'ing authorities.

Thus, by the time Commissioner Lin arrived in Canton (in March 1839) to implement the anti-opium regulations by force, the atmospherz there was more charged than it had been for a long time.

On his arrival, Lin sought to take action simultaneously against the British traders involved in the opium trade as well as against their Chinese collaborators. He issued an ultimatum to the foreign traders under the leadership of Capt. Elliot, demanding that they surrender the opium in their possession and sign a bond promising not to trade in opium thereafter. When the British did not respond in the given time, Lin ordered the withdrawal of all Chinese working for the foreigners, and placed the British traders at Canton under seige. This measure placed the British in a desperate position, and they surrendered approximately 20,000 chests of opium. Lin proceeded to publicly bum the confiscated opium and to throw the ashes into the sea. However, despite the surrender of the opium, the struggle over other issues, like the signing of the bond, continued, resulting in a deadlock and mounting pressure on the British trading community at Macao. In early 1840, the British Government headed by Palmerston decided to send an expeditionary force to China under the command of Admiral Elliot. This force arrived in Chinese waters in June 1840, marking the beginning of hostilities. Here we must note that though opium appeared to be the cause of the war there were certain other contending aspects too. For example there always had been a conflict over criminal jurisdiction-who will try and punish a Westerner for the offence he committed against Chinese? The Chinese authorities or the Westerners themselves.

The Opium War was a peculiar war, in the sense that there was no continuous engagement of the two opposing forces. On the contrary, it consisted of a series of naval engagements lasting from November 1839 to August 1842, punctuated by negotiations and aborted treaties and agreements. Some kind of trade continued throughout this period, and the

4. An artist's depiction of Opium burning under Lin's supervision. Western lmperlallsm

5. Ch'ing navy in battle with British Warships (Canton 1841)

channels of communication between the leading figures on both sides were never completely disrupted. One reason for the sporadic nature of the war was the long time it took for messages and supplies to reach the main theatre of action around Canton. For instance, the sea journey from England to China took several months. Another reason was the frequent changeover in the leading personalities on both sides, as the Ch'ing Government and the Palmerston Government sought to replace those whom they were dissatisfied with. On the Chinese side, the stem Lin was replaced by,.Chi Ying. On the British side, Admiral Elliot was replaced as the commander of the ~htishforces by the Superintendent of Trade, his cousin Capt. Charles Elliot. Capt. Elliot in turn was replacedqby Sir Henry Pottinger in August, 184 1.

It is not possible to discuss in detail each and every event during the War. However, in brief the main events of the First Opium War were as follows: 1) The arrival of the British expeditionary force in the waters off Bei-ho in the north, directly threatening the capital and the imperial court at Peking. This led to the dismissal of Lin and his replacement by Chi Ying who managed to persuade the British forces to return South. 2) The Chuan Pi, convention negotiated in January 1841. This called for cessation of Hong Kong; 6 million dollar indemnity; Canto11 trade on equal terms, official interaction on equal basis by Chi Ying and the British, which was then repudiated by both governments. 3) The siege of Canton by British forces from February to May 1841, leading to the "ransom" of Canton by its merchants and officials through the payment of $6 million. 4) The last stage, from August 1841 to August 1842, when the British forces again moved north as far as the Yangtze River, occupying several ports on the way. This resulted in negotiations leading to the signing of the Treaty of Nanking. The main clauses of the Treaty of Nanking, signed on August 29, 1842, provided for: 1) an indemnity of 21 million silver dollars to the British, 2) abolition of the Co-hong monopolistic system of trade, 3) the opening of the ports of Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo and , in addition to Canton, for trade and residence to British traders and their families, 4) the cessation of Vong Kong, 5) equality in official correspondence, and 6) a fixed tariff.

This last point was actually decided in the supplementary treaty of the Baque signed on October 18, 1843, which fixed the import duty at 5 per cent and the export duty between 1.5 to 10.75 per cent. This treaty also gave the British the right to be tried for offences under their own laws and by their own con5ul+--the right of extra-temtoriality. It also stipulated f I 1 that whatever other concessions the Chinese Government may grant to other powers in the Tbe Opium Wan in Cbh future would be enjoyed by the British als~he"most-favoured nation" clause. Close on the heels of this humiliating defeat, the Ch'ing Government was besieged with demands from the Americans and the French for similar treaties. Deciding that it would not be wise to refuse such demands, the Ch'ing Government signed the Treaty of Wanghsia with the United States on July 3,1844, and the Treaty of Whampoa with France on October 24, 1844. [For more details on the treaties and their iinplications. see Unit 7.1

The most ironic feature of this whole war and the resulting maties was that opium, the most immediate cause of the war, was barely mentioned anywhere.

Chkk Your Progress 2 1) m is cuss in about ten lines the causes of the First Opium War?

~ ~ ...... i......

i) List the clauses of the Treaty of Nanking.

3) Which of the following statements are right ( 4 ) or wrong ( x ) ? i) Lin adopted a hardline towards the British. ii) The First Opium War was sporadic in nature. iii) After the treaty of Baque the British offenders were to be tried by Chinese courts. iv) The Americans and the French got n9 trade concessions from the Ch'ing Government.

6.4 THE CHINESE RESPONSE TO THE WESTERN PRESENCE

The outbreak of the First Opium War and the humiliating defeat of China changed the whole tenor of relations between China and the West. This change was reflected'at two levels: i) at the level of official policy, 'ii) at the level of popular attitudes towards the Westerners.

At the official level, we can see that the problem of the Westerners and how to deal with them became a major pre-occupation of the Ch'ing Government instead of a marginal problem of local officials that it had been before. At the popular level, it gave rise to a new trend which was to become very ifiportant in'the following decades. This was the trend of popular hostility to the Western intruders-a forerunner to the rise of a new Chinese nationalism from the late 19th century. Western Imperialism 6.4.1 Vacillating Official Policy The Opium War brought to the fore the rift between the so-called "hard-liners" and "conciliators" (or comptomisers) among high Ch'ing officials. Commissioner Lin was the earliest among the "hard-liners". He believed in dealing sternly with the Westerners in accordance with the laws and regulations of the Ch'ing Empire. It was not surprising that his failure led to the rise of the other faction, that is, the "conciliators".

In keeping with time honoured Chine~emethods of dealing with "barbariabs", the conciliatory officials like Chi Shan, Yi Shan, Chi Ying and Mu Chang believed in not taking an openly confrontationist attitude towards the Westerners. This did not necessarily mean that they were in sympathy with the Westerners and their aims. But, recognizing the military superiority of the West, they felt that the Ch'ing Government could not afford to challenge them directly. Their policy was based on the premise that if the Westerners were given some of the things that they demanded in a gracious way, then they would not make any further trouble, and the Ch'ing Government would be spared of more humiliating defeats and losses. However, there were two fatal flaws in the thinking of the conciliators: i) In the first place, they did not correctly assess the demands and objectives of the Western powers in China. These were not limited to the rectification of a few grievances against the Canton System, nor even to the legalization of the opium trade. Events proved that the Western powers had larger ambitions of opening up China more fully to their trade and other forms of penetration. The more the Ch'ing Government showed its weakness and placated them, the more these powers were emboldened in their quest for more concessions. ii) The other flaw in the thinking of the conciliators was that it did not take into account the growing popular Chinese hostility to the Western presence. Because the majority of the leading conciliators were Manchu officials, while the majority of the leading hard- liners were Chinese officials, it increased the rift between the Manchus and the Chinese. The Manchu rulers eventually came to be perceived as traitors who were selling out the country to the foreigrers. Thus, although the policy of the conciliators was aimed at . protecting the authority of the Manchu Ch'ing dynasty, in the long run it contributed to undermining its support and legitimacy among the Chinese.

The period from 1849 to the outbreak of the Second Opium War in 1858 can be broadly termed as the period of'the rise of the hard-liners. This coincided with the accession to the throne of a new, more anti-foreign, emperor in 1850 upon the death of his predecessor. The hard-line faction was represented by the officials Hsu Kuan-chin and Yeh Ming-chen in the South, and Chi-chun tsao and Su-Shun at the lmpenal Court at Peking. A major victory of *e hard-line faction in the period between the two Opium Wars was the successful resistance it maintained to the British drive to enter the city of Canton. However, in the face of the overwhelming ambition and military superiority of the West, and gravely hampered by the turmoil within the Chinese Empire (especially with the spread of the great in South China after 1850 about which you will read in Block-4), the hard-line policy could not remain successful for long.

6.4.2 Popular Chinese Resistance The First Opium War and the strengthened Western presence around Canton gave rise to a significant new phenomenon-active popular resistance to the foreigners. Until this time, most sections of Chinese society that were directly involved with the Westerners were not hostile to them. In fact, for many of the local businessmen, boatmen, coolies, smugglers, etc., the trade with the West meant increased profits or earnings.

However, beginning in 1841, when the British forces laid siege to Canton and began to roam around the local countryside, popular hostility, based mainly on the peasantry and local gentry, arose. It took the form of irregular militia units which undertook to defend their areas from the depredations of the foreign troops. In comparison with the sluggishness and demoralization am0 19 the official Ch'ing troops, these popular militia showed high morale and fighting spirit. 'I tieir most celebrated encounter with the British forces took place at the village of Sanyuanli near Canton in May 1841. Armed only with wooden rods and spears, several thousand masant militiamen routed a Britisl~expeditionary fofce at ,~anh.

The exploits of the local militia were repeated in 1849, when combined action by village and urban militia forces prevented British troops from forcing their way into the city of Canton. The Opium Wars in China This time, the militia action was supported by the local officials under the leadership of the "hard-liner" Governor of Canton, Yeh Ming-chen, as well as by the former Co-hong merchants who had lost their privileged position after the signing of the Treaty of Nanking in 1842.

While the popular resistance did not eventually succeed in expelling the foreigners from Chinese soil, it nevertheless had an important fall-out. Popular hostility to the foreign presence and disgust with the spinelessness of the Ch'ing forces was at the'base of the great rebel movement for the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty that was taking shape in this period.

6. The Temple at Sanyuanli where villagers took oath to resist the British.

7. Peoples' Proclamation of war against the British (Sanyuanli). Western lmperlelism

8. A cartoon showing the British invaders.

6.5 THE SECOND OPIUM WAR AND THE TREATY OF

In the eyes of the British, many of the contentious issues between the Chinese and themselves remained unresolved even after the Treaty of Nanking. For example they felt that: the opium trade was still not legalized, the city of Canton was still closed to them, and they did not have the right of dealing directly with the government at Peking on equal terms.

Along with these, a more profound cause of dissatisfaction was the failure of the trade with China to expand as they had expected. The British believed that this could be solved by the opening of more ports for trade in the north and in the interior of China.

All these factors prompted the British, in alliance with the French, to renew hostilities with China in 1858. After the suppression of the "Great ~ebkllion"of 1857 in India the British could spare some of their forces for China and no more would they have to fight on two fronts simultaneously. They were also aware of how weakened the Ch'ing Empire had become after several years of coping with major rebellions in different parts of the country.

In 1858, the Anglo-French forces attacked and captured Canton. Followiq this, they moved north. and for the first time launched an assault on Peking itself. The capital, including the beautiful imperial , was ravaged, and the Emperor was forced to flee. This led to the abject surrender of the Ch'ing Government and to the signing of the Treaty of Tientsin. This Treaty gave the Western powers many new advantages. Eleven more ports were opened and Western ships were allowed freedom of movement on the inland waterways. Western goods were exempt from the likin tax on goods circulating within the country. Westerners were given the right to reside and acquire land anywhere in the country. They were allowed to set up diplomatic missions in Peking. They received handsome sums as war indemnities. And, not the least significant, all prohibitions on the opium trade were finally lifted. The conclusion of the Opium War marked another--but not the final--chapter on the opening of China to Western expansionism. The Opium Wars in China 6.6 CONFLICTING INTERPRETATIONS OF THE OPIUM WARS

Naturally, to the Chinese of that time, the Opium Wars appeared to be an unprovoked aggression by the West to assert their right to trade in a harmful drug, opium. On the other hand, the British and their Western allies presented these as wars foaght.in the interests of "free trade", of intercourse between nations on the basis of equality, and so on. This controversy has continued to haunt the pre~ntationof the Opium Wars'by scholars right down to the present day, even if in slightly different fms,

Today, few scholars would deny that opium was the immediate factor triggering hostilities in 1839. It is fairly evident that had the Ch'ingGovernment not decided to enforce its prohibition of the opium trade in the manner that it did, the British Government of Palmerston would not have despatched its expeditionary force when it did. In that sense, the First Opium War was indeed an Opium Wb.

However, scholarly debate today centers primarily around two questions: I) Whether or not war between the two sides would have beeninevitable at some point of' time, even if the opium factor had not been present? 2) Whether the onus for the war reged with the Western powers, which launched a war on anothet cauntry on its own tenitoh, or with the'chinese Empire which steeped in its own traditional world outlook, refused to recognize such things as the so-called inherent right of nations to engage in free trade arid to have diplomatic intercourse on equal terms?

These and other questions posed by the continuing debate over the Opium Wars are useful, in the sense that they help the student of modem Chinese history to probe into the deeper forces underlying the'dramatic events of the period. They also help to underscore the . relevance of the events of those times to what is going on today, because today too, the. interests of national sovereignty and the independence of countries and states are often pitted against the assertion of so-called "universal" principles, such as "free trade" "democracy", "human rights" and the principles of internationaI law.

However, it would not be mature historical scholarship to merely limit the presentation of the Opium Wars to proving that it'was or was not a war fought over opium alone, to proving which side was "right" and which side was "wrong", and so on. The causes and events of the Opium Wars must bP studied in their entirety and for the sake of acquiring f cle&er understanding of all the complex forces at work.

Hbwever, it is worth mentioning here that the defeat at the hands of Westerners made some of the enlightened officials examine the question of Chinese relations with other countries. For example in sought information about the foreign kountries and what views were held there about China; he also organised translations of foreign books and newspapers. Wei Yuan, following th;traditior! of "stressing the practical application of learning", the idea of "learning from the foreigner to restrain the foreigner". voices were also raised to protect the northern borders and Russia was menti0ned.a~a future threat.

The Opium Wars left their mark on Chinese literature. ~an'ypatriotic works condemned the Ch'ing Governmentfor their surrender to Westerners and praised the struggles of the people for resisting them. For example, Wei Yuan in his fhous,poem World Seas denounced the Ch'ing surrender and Chang Weiping praised the practical struggle of the peasants in his poem Sanyuanli. i I

Check Your Progress 3 I) What were the flaws in the thinking of the conciliatory officials? Answer in ten lines. 2) What do you unaerstand by popular Chinese resistance to foreigners? Answer in five lines.

3) Mention the various interpretations of the Opium Wars. Answer in about ten lines......

6.7 LET US SUM UP

The First Opium War (1-839-1842) and the Second Opium War (1858-1860) represent the first mararmed confrontations between China and the Westem powers. There were to be mally more such confrontations, but these two wars are linked together, firstly, because the opium trade was a major (though not the only) factor in both, and secondly, because some of the unresolved issues from the First War were directly carried over in to the Second War.

Both wars represented a convincing defeat of the Chinese Empire at the hands of a militarily far superior West. This military and technological gap was never successfully bridged by tht Chinese Empire, and for this reason it remained highly vulnerable to Westem pressq unti its final collapse in 1911.

An immediate and direct consequence of the Opium Wars was the re-organisation of China's relations with thewestem powers on the basis of the treaties that concluded them. However, the Wars also had long term consequences, in terms of weakening the Chinese Empire, dislocating China's traditional economy, and giving rise to varied movements for the regeneration of China- ranging from those which sought to reform a few of her traditional institutions, to those which sought to dismantle the entire traditional system and replace it with a modem nation-state. The Opium Wars in Chinr 6.8 KEY WORDS

Indemnity: A sum exacted as a condition of peace. Kowtow :In the traditional Chinese system this denoted a ceremonial prostration that foreign delegations were expected to perform in front of the ~mbror. Nomadic :A way of life based on the raising of herds of animals (sheep. horses, cattle etc.), i and involving periodic movement of the population. Usually contrasted with a settled way of life based on agriculture. 1 Pirate :One who robs at sea. I Sinocentrism: The feeling of superiority amongst the Chinese to dominate the entire region. 1 6.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1 I 1) This is a term used to refer to the entire set of trading arrangements available to the Western traders in China between 1757-1842. For details see Sub-sec. 6.2.2. 1 2) Mier he East India Company bought Chinese goads by paying in silver and gold. The 1 illegal opium trade shifted this balance in favour of East india Companv because of the i outflow bf bullion. An other impact was he over-all depression in dimistic trade. See I Sub-sec: 6.2.3. j 3) i) x ii) x iii) \l iv) d V)x Check Your Progress 2 1 1) Base your answer on Sec. 6.3. 2) List he clauses mentioned in Sec. 6.3. 3) i) 4 ii) \l iii) x jv) x

Check Your Progress 3 1; 1) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 6.4.1 mentioning the two major flaws mentioned there. . 2) This was a new development that the peasants took to arms against the Westerners while the official Ch'ing troops were loosing ground. This brought about popular hostility to foreign presence and disgust with Ch'ing forces. See Sub-sec, 6.4.2. 3) Base your answer on Sec. 6.6. UNIT 7 THE SYSTEM IN CHINA

Structure 7.0 Objectivis 7.1 Introduction , 7.2 The Period of Cooperation, 1860-1870 7.2.1 TheTrratyPorts 7.2.2 ~lre~oreignInspeclaate of Customs . 7.2.3 China's Introduction to Modem Diplomacy 7.3 Increasing Foreign Encroachments : Friction and Conflict, 1g70-1900 7.3.1 Missionary Activity and Popular Hostility 7 3.2 Fore@ Pressure Along China's Periphery 7.4 'Ibe "Scramble for Concessions" 7.5 Let ussum Up 7.6 Keywords 7.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

7.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you will be able to familiarise yourself with the : "unequal treaties'" signed between China and the west& powers and Japan in the 19th century, changing pattems and forms of imperialist f;xpansion in China up to &e end of the Ch'ing Dynasty in 1911, and characteristic institutions and practices of China's relationship with the foreign powers in this period.

7.1 INTRODUCITION

For a full century from ;he signing of the Treaty of Nanking in 1842, China was bound by a series of treaties with the' Western powers and Japan. These came to be known as the "unequal treaties" because they were imposed by the bigpwers using their military superiority on a weak and disintegrating China.

Unlike countries such as India, China was never fully colonized by any one foreign power or group of powers. While China was forcibly opened to foreign trade and expansion, and compelled to make one concession after another to the foreign powers, the vestiges of her soverei?nty were kept intact. Even if China was powerless to resist the demands of the foreign powers, these demands were given the form of treaties drawn up and mutually agreed upon by two sovereign states. Thus just as India's long interaction with colonialism was best symbal&d by the British Raj, China's at the hands of the colonial and imperialist powers was best represented by the series of unWd treaties. Just as the dismantIing of the British Raj was the prime object of the Indian ilationalist movement before 1947, the struggle against the unequal treaties was a major focus of Chinese nationalism until the 1940s. This Unit discusses the various unequal treaties; the conditions under which they were imposed and the impact they had on China.

In the late 1850s. it appeared as if the Western powers were actively working for the collapse of the Ch'ing Dynasty. The Western assault on Tientsin and thi: capital Peking, including the burning down of the imperial summer palace during the Second Opium War, was a heavy blow to the fortunes of the Ch'ing. Equally significant was the Western attitude towards the great Taiping Rebellion (See U$t 13, Block 4) which was then raging through most of Central and South China. Formally, the policy of the Westerners in th15 civil war The Unequal Treaty System in China I was one of neil:, .ility. But in practice, it bordered on sympathy and even a degree of active I support for the rebels. I However, after 1860, this trend reversed itself. After winning substantial concessions from f the Ch'ing at the Treaty of Tientsin (see Unit 6), the Western powers seemed to realise that i their interests would be best served by the survival of the dynasty which had made those r concessions. Thus, the Western policy changed almost overnight from sympathy for the rebels to active support to the Ch'ing in its drive to put down the Taiping Rebellion. They also desisted for the time being from putting more pressure on the Ch'ing Government and instead set about making the best use of the concessions they had already won. The foreign powers also began to assist China's efforts to modernise. One probable reason for this new policy of supporting the Ch'ing Government was the reluctanct of the British, the strongest foreign power in China at the time, to increase their direct politica1,and military entanglements overseas after the rude jolt to their colonial rule in India in 1857.

The conciliatory mood among the Western powers and their diplomats in Peking was matched by a new mood among the ruling circles in China. The negotiatims with the

I Western powers in 1860, as well as the suppression of the Taipings (which was completed in 1864)' brought to prominence a set of high officials who were not so violently ;inti-foreign, l and who believed that China needed above all else a period of peace in which to recover and' I strengthen herself. These officials included the famous leaders of the Taiping-suppression i campaign, Tseng Kuofan and Li hung-chang, and the Manchu Prince Kung. These leading statesmen believed in learning. some things from Western science and technology,'as well as I Western diplomacy, and were not averse in principle to a limited co-operation with the West in certain 5pheres.

The result of this change of heart on both sides was the so-called "Co-operativePolicyW, which ensured thsit the status quo in Sino-Western relation was maintained for a full ten years with little disturbance, It was in'this period that certain institutionalized foms of intersction bemeen China and the West were evolved.

7.2.1 The

One of the major consequences of the ~irstOpium War was the opening up of five ports to foreign trade and residence, including the original Canton. These came to be known as the "treaty ports". The treaty of Tientsin that ended the Second Opium War increased-the number of treaty ports to sixteen, while the signed between China and Britain in 1876 added five more to the list. Thus, the entire length of the China coast as well as it5 major navigable waterway, the Yangze River, came to be dotted with these centres of foreig,~trade and business.

The treaty ports, and especially the "foreign concessions" (the areas where the foreigners resided together) that grew up within them became a typical feature of6ino-foreign relations from the mid-19th to thl mid-20th century. From the point of view of temtory they did not amount to very much. But, from the economic, political and judicial point of view, they represented a sizeable infringement on Chinese sovereignty.

In the foreign concessions, the foreigners governed themselves and the Chinese 'subjects who lived within them. In many of the treaty port& the concessions were named after the nationalit of the dominant foreign power in them (e.g. the British concession, the Fre'nch concession, etc.). However, in the largest of the treaty ports-Shanghai, the British and American concessions merged in 1863 to form the famous "International concession". Generally speaking, the "foreign concessions" were governed by a muicipal counciI which was elected by the foreigners who owned property above a certain value, and which was subject to the approval of the consular corps, the direct representatives of the foreign powers in the treaty ports. The municipal council levied taxes for the maintenance of their concessions, had their own police forces, andin general ran their own police affairs with no interference from the Chinese government. The Chinese residents of the foreign concessions were distinctly second class citizens, who were heavily taxed but had no rights. In some cases, they were even banned from using certain roads, parks, etc. which were reserved exclusively for foreigners. Western Imperialism

9. The lavish house of a Hong Merchant (Canton).

In the "foreign concessions" were situated the consular courts-foreign courts which tried foreigners involved in legal cases according to the~rown laws in keeping with the principle of extra-territoriality (See Unit 6). Even Chinese residents of the foreign concessions were not tried by Chinese coqbut were liable to stand trial before mixed courts consisting of both Chinese and foreign judges. Needless to say whenever the tial involved a Chinese against a foreigner, the Chinese was at a tremendous disadvantage-wt ouly because of the bias of the foreign judges, but also because the Chinese could not usually comprehend the foreign legal procedures.

As the years passed, the foreign concessions evolved their own distinctive culture and life- style that were totally alienated from that of China. Generally speaking, they were enclaves of wealth with relative stability and privilege, amidst the poverty and turmoil of 19th and early 20th century China. They were backed by the gunboats of the foreign powers anchored nearby. 7.2.2 The Foreign Inspectorate of Customs One of the most prominent features of the treaty ports, as well as one of the &st unique institutions in modem China's relations with the foreign powers, was the Foreign Inspictorate of Customs.

In 1854, when Shanghai was besieged by rebels and the Chinese Superintendent of Customs was driven from his post, the foreign consuls in Shanghai got together and took on the collection of customs dues themselves as a temporary measure. However, when peace was restored, this practice was not discontinued but was permanently institutionalked. The Western powers felt that this was in their interest, as it would ensure that the low tariffs they had won after the Second Opium War would be respected, and there would be no undue extortion by local Chinese officials. The Ch'ing Government too, preferred to continue this arrangement, as it ensured that a large and steady revenue would come directly into its treasury. The system was therefore regularised. The Foreign Inspectorate of Customs shifted its headquarters from Shanghai to Peking in 1865. In every treaty port, there was a Foreign Inspector of Customs, with a large and well-trained staff consisting of both foreigners and Chinese under him. Its main function was of course, the collection and remittance of customs duties and levies. But it gradually expanded its functions to include things like the maintenance of harbours and rivers, making geographical surveys, etc. Although the Ch'ing The Unequal Treety System Government benefitted financially from the activity of the Foreign Inspectorate, it in Chin.1 nevertheless represented a further erosion of China's sovereignty in economic and administrative matters.

An interesting feature of the Foreign Ina~ctorateof Customs was that $11 its employees, including the foreigners, were formally servants of the Chinese government and not representatives of their own countries. Even the Britisher, Sir Robert Hart, who directed this service for forty years and came to enjoy immense authority, always considered himself to be a loyal employee of Ch'ing Government. Certain modern scholars like J.K. Fairbank have coined the term "synarchy" to describe this phenomenon. They have viewed it not as a form of imperialist control, but as a form of collaboration between the Chinese Empire and individual foreigners which had deep roots in the traditional Chinese form of government. However, it must be remembered that the relationship between China and foreign imperialism in the 19th century had its own unique and unprecedented character. The Chinese Empire in this period was in decline, and the foreign powers were in a commanding position not only militarily, but also from the economic and technological points of view. To the emerging Chinese nationalists, the presence of a large number of foreigners directing the economy and important matters of state was as humiliating as the gunboats of the foreign powers patrolling their rivers and coastline. Particularly as the Ch'ing Govenunent became rnore dependent on the customs revenue, and also when a large portion of China's finances came to be mortgaged to various foreign powers through indemnities and loans, the control of the customs revenues by foreigners became very significant. It ensured that China could not go back on her treaty obligations, and that an increasing proportion of her wealth would go to the foreign countries.

7.2.3 China's Introduction to Modern Diplomacy China's shattering defeat in the Second Opium War convinced some of her leading statesmen of the need to revamp her institutions and mechanisms for dealing with the foreign powers. They felt the need to get to know more about the West, and particularly the need to understand and master the theory and practice of modern international law. The Manchu Prince Kung was the prime mover behind this trend, but the Grand Councillor Wen-hsiang, Li hung-chang and other high officials also played an important role.

These statesmen began to view international law as a tool which could be used to prevent further arbitrary encroachments on China's sovereignty by other powers. They felt that the existing treaties, although they were decidedly unequal, could be maintained as a limit beyond which no further concessions would be permitted. Their efforts were encouraged by the mood of co-operation that prevailed among the leading Western powers and their representatives in Peking at this time.

Thus, on the recommendation of Prince Kung and Wen, the court agreed to the setting up of a kind of foreign office in March 1861, which was called the ~sun~liYamen. Headed by a varying number of high-ranking statesmen, it directed the work of different bureaus assigned to deal with the major Western powers as well as coastal defence. The Foreign Inspectorate of Customs was also attached to this office from 1860 to 1870; it was the leading body which.concerned itself with the execution of foreign policy.

Apart from the Tsungli Yamen, the system of having two Superintendents of Trade for the northern and southern ports was also set up at Tientsin and Shanghai respectively. When the dynamic Li hung-chang became the Superintendent of Trade at Tientsin in 1870, he was involved in so many matters concerning the foreign powers, that eventually he eclipsed the Tsungli Yamen itself in the conduct of foreign affairs.

Another innovation in this period, also associated with the Tsungli Yamen, was the setting up of the Tung wen Kuan in 1862. Originally intended as a school to train selected Chinese and Manchu students in the Western languages, it eventually came to include subjects such as modern physics, chemistry, physiology, etc, in its cumculum. It also began to publish translated works of Western international law, philosophy, political economy and science. This school was staffed and headed by foreign professors and scholars.

The Treaty of Tientsin (1860) had contained a provision for the revision of the Treaty after a period of ten years. By the late 1860s. the Tsungli Yamen felt sufficiently contident of its Western Imperialifm expertise in international law and western-style diplomacy to press actively for treaty revision, hoping that the outcome would be more favourable to China than before. To this end, it took up the offer of the sympathetic American representative at Peking, Anson Burlingame, to undertake a mission to the Western countries on behalf of the Ch'ing Government urging them to renegotiate the treaties. On the whole, the Burlingame Mission was well-received wherever it went. This raised the hopes of the Tsungli Yamen and the Ch'ing Government. However, these hopes were soon shattered. In 1870, the British Government rejected the Alcock Convention for the revision of the treaties, which had the approval of the Ch'ing Government. This rejection in effect marked the end of the period of co-operation between the Ch'ing and the Western powers, and the beginning of a period o* -mewed friction and conflict.

Check Your Progress 1 1) What were the institutions which played a key role in China's dealings with foreigners in the later 19th century? Answer in 10 lines.

2) Explain in about five lines the functions of the Foreign Inspectorate of Customs.

3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( d ) or ( x ). i) The leading Chinese statesmen looked upon international law to prevent encroachments on China's sovereignty. ii) The British rejected the Chinese proposal for the revision of treaties. iii) The largest of the Treaty ports was Shanghai. iv) There was no provision in the Treaty of Tientsin for its revision after a period of ten years.

7.3 INCREASING FOREIGN ENCROACHMENTS : FRICTION AND CONFLICT, 1870-1900

The last quaner of the 19th century saw a sharp downward trend in China's relations with the big powers. In this period, these powers renewed their offensive against China culminating in the combined military. assault on Peking after the (See Unit 14, Block.4) in 1900, and the near partition of China into separate spheres of foreign influence and domination. The impulse for these developments did not lie only within China itself. Britain as well as Tsqrist Russia in the last decades of the 19th century were characerised by a strong expansionist drive, as was France of the Third Republic. The United States of America, freed from the pre-occupations of the Civil War, began to look with interest towards the East. Germany, after its uhTltlcation in 1870, as well as Japan of the Meiji Restoration, developed into strong powers which also coveted overseas markets and The Unequal Treaty System in China

10. A view of Whampoa. territories; It is not surprising that the expansionist drives of all these powers converged on China, which had not yet come under the colonial yoke of any one ~ower,and which seemed to be unable to extricate itself from the process of crisis and decline. 7.3.1 Missionary Activity and Popular Hostility

One of the major irritants in Sinowestern relations in this period was, ironically enough, not the overtly military or economic activities of the Western powers, but the activities of various individual missionaries and missionary organizations. The period in fact began, and. ended with major clashes over the issue of missionaries and their activities. The Treaty of Wharnpoa signedwith France after the First Opium War permitted missionary activity in China, while the Treaty of Tientsin of 1860 permitted the missionaries to reside and carry out their activities anywhefe in China. Unlike the Western diplomats and the Western merchants who lived congregated together in selected enclaves in thc ports or in the capital, Peking, the missionaries spread out everywhere. This was especially true of the Catholic missionaries. They lived for tfie most part in small towns and villages, where they intervened actively in the localsocial and political life. They freely acquired jroperty, and were permitted to re-occupy 'lands confiscated from the Jesuit missionaries in the 18th century. They converted local residents to their faith, and then proceeded to try and extend their own legal immunity in criminal cases to these converts. They also set up schools and orphanages which were viewed with deep suspicion by the local population, who often believed that the missionaries were kidnapping their children. Particularly obnoxious to the local people and the local authorities was the tendency of the missionaries to appeal to their own countries for protection and support on every issue. It became increasingly common for the gunboats of the foreign powers to sail threateningly up the rivers in a show of force, whenever there was a clash between the missionaries and the local people in some part of China. Thus, popular hostility to the foreigners, which was largely confined to the area around Canton in the period between the two Opium Wars, rapidly spread throughout the interior of China. The 1860s saw innumerable clashes which resulted in physical violence and killings.

This culminated in the Tientsin Massacre of 1870, where a clash over an orphanage led to . the death of 21 foreigners and about 30 Chinese Christians. Along with the rejection of the Alcock-Convention,this incident marked a turning-point in Sino-Western relations. China was made to pay heavily for it, including the payment of nearly half a million taels as indemnity. I The Tientsin Massacre was by no means the last such conflict over the issue of the missionaries. There wekfrequent such riots and clashes, some especially serious, like the riots in Sichuan province in Western China in 1886 and those dong the Yangze River valley in 1891: The latter almost led to a combined Western military invasion of China, which was prevented mainly by the complete capitulation by Ch'ing Government. This capitulation was widely resented by the Chinese, reinforcing anti-Ch'ing sentiments among them, as well as the feeling that the Ch'ing rulers were "traitors" who were in league with the foreigners. Anti-foreign currents thus became intertwined with movements for the overthrow of the dynasty. It was precisely such a fusion of currents that led to the explosive Boxer Rebellion of 1898-1900 in North China (see Unit 14). Fearful of losing its power, the Ch'ing made an about turn in its policy and sided with the rebels against the foreigners. However, when the combined armies of the foreign powers sacked North China and once again occupied and destroyed much of Peking, the Ch'ing capitulated again. China survived the crushing defeat of the Boxer Rebellion by another ten years, but only as a shadow of its former self. The imperialist powers further entrenched themselves in China. The extremely harsh terms of the which the allied powers imposed on China in 1901 made further deep inroads into China's economic, financial and political independence.

7.3.2 Foreign Pressure Along China's Periphery After 1870, the big powers also began to show renewed interest in territorial expansion at the expense of the Chinese Empire. Initially, the target of their expansionist activities was not the heartland of China itself. They sought to gain control of territories along the periphery of China, which the Ch'ing Government did not effectively control (such as Sinkiang in the West), or else which were traditionally considered tributaries of China (such as Vietnam and Korea). However, each challenge to these peripheral areas directly affected the security and-prestige of China and exposed further her increasing weakness.

The first step in this direction was taken by Russia, which took advantage of a rebellion in Sinkiang to occupy the Ili region of Sinkiang in 1871. It was only after a protracted diplomatic struggle lasting 10 years that the Ch'ing Government was finally able to get back control of most of the region by the Treaty of St. Petersburg of 188 1.

In precisely the same period, Japan began to manoeuvre for control over the island of Taiwan and the Liu Ch'iu (Ryukyu) islands off the China coast. The Japanese briefly , occupied Taiwan in 1874. Finally, a treaty was signed in 1875, which tacitly accepted Japanese sovereignty over the Liu Ch'iu islands, and in which the Chinese agreed to pay Japan an indemnity of 2 million dollars.

With the Russians and the Japanese, in Ili and Formasa, the Chinese did not directly go to war. But ten years later, China went to war with the French over Vietnam (Amam), which had long been a tributary state of China. The Sino-French war of 1884-85 was a disaster for the Chinese. Although they did not have to pay an indemnity, China had to formally renounce all rights over Vietnam. Even more important was the fact that the defeat represented the clear failure of China's twenty-year long efforts to modernise and strengthen her military capacity. The failure of this limited modernization inspired some Chinese to advocate more thorough going reforms in the years that followed. while others (like the leader of the 191 1 Revolution, Sun Yat-sen) were convinced that nothing short of the overthrow of the Ch'ing could save China from further humiliation.

France followed her victory in Vietnam with the conquest of Laos in 1893. Britain, too, made territorial gains that threatened the security of the Chinese Empire. It annexed Burma in 1886, turned Sikkim into a British protectorate in 1890, and subsequently made inroads into Tibet. Russia began the rapid colonization of Siberizl, on China's northern frontier.

Meanwhile Korea, traditionally a mbutary state of China and under its strong political and cultural influence, became the focus of interest of several of the powers. Eventually, in 1885, Japan managed to assert its right to intervene in Korean affairs through a Sino- Japanese convention signed in that year. China continued to retain some rights there, but not for long. In 1895, when both Chinese and Japanese troops intervened during a revolt against the Korean King, the Japanese demanded the withdrawal of Chinese troops. This led to a war in which the Chinese were badly defeated and half of their modernized naval fleet was destroyed. In the that followed, China was compelled to accept the most humiliating terms, that included complete renunciation of all her rights in Korea, Taiwan and the Pescaders Islands. Even more significant was the clause ceding the The Unequal Tmty System in China Liaodtung Peninsula,whicbwas part of Manchuria. Eventually, Japan was forced to return Liaodtung because of the pressure of Russia, Gennany and France, which was motivated by their own rivalry with Japan. However for this intervention by the three powers, the Chinese had to pay a heavy price in the fonn of more concessions to these powers. This set off a real "scramble for concessions" among all the major powers, which saw even more thorough humiliation and exploitation of China by the imperialist powers.

7.4 THE "SCRAMBLE FOR CONCESSIONS"

The early Western economic interest in China was trade, and it continued to be the predominant interest even after the Opium Wars. The foreign concessions in the Treaty Ports were acquired not so much to get a territorial foothold in China, as to facilitate the progress of foreign trade. However, side by side with the growth of this trade, other fonns of economic activity by the foreigners also developed. Initially, these fonns of economic activity, like banking and shipping, were closely related to trade. The first foreign bank was the British-Chartered Oriental Banking Corporation set up in Hong Kong in 1845 and in Shanghai in 1848. The first foreign shipping company was the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company set up by the Americans in 1862.

However, after 1860, foreign finns also ventured into manufacturing with vigour. By 1894, there were more than 87 foreign industrial ventures with a total capital of 13 million taels and employing 34,000 people. Initially they were engaged mainly in shipbuilding and repairing, and processing goods for export. But soon they also turned to producing goods for sale in China itself; Locally manufacturing goods for sale in China was one way in which the foreign finns could avoid customs duties and reduce their transportation costs. With their vast capital resources, privileges and technological superiority, they faced little competition from Chinese manufacturers.

With the progress of imperialism in the last quarter of the 19th century, the imperialists' desire for new outlets for their capital increased enormously. China seemed like a vast, and as get largely untapped, field for their investment. Foreign industrialists and bankers competed fiercely with each other for contracts from the Chinese Government to build hydraulic works, construct fortifications and arrange arms shipments, build railways and open mines, etc. To be in a stronger position with respect to the Chinese Government as well as with respect to their competitors from other countries, finns from one country began to combine in syndicates which undertook to manage all matters relating to a particular project-from financing it, to supplying technical expertise and personnel, as well as all the necessary equipment.

The economic penetration of China by imperialism developed dramatically after the Sino- Japanese war of 1894-95. The weakness of China was used to extract maximum economic concessions from her. Following the example of Japan, the three powers which intervened seemingly on China's behalf after the war-Russia, France and Gennany-also sought special privilege and concessions. They demanded as a "right" that they should be allowed to build railways, open factories and rnines in those parts of China where they felt they were entitled to special influence. Russia, like Japan, demanded and obtained concessions in Manchuria. France was interested in the southern provinces of Yunan, Kwansi and Kwantung; while Gennany was interested in the eastern coastal region of Shantung. Not to be outdone, Britain sought and received concessions in the territories adjoining Hong Kong and the Yangze River valley, as well as the port of Weihaiwei. Generally speaking, the form adopted by the big powers to win these concessions and establish their own spheres of influence, was to "lease" territories for a long period (like 99 years), during which the Chinese Government would not be allowed to have any rights in those territories, while the concerned foreign power would be allowed to have full control, including the power to station their own police forces in those areas. Or else, the concerned power would secure a promise from the Chinese Government not to give any other country rights in those temtories.

The pace of the "scramble for concessions" was so frenzied, that by the turn of the century China resembled a large "melon" carved up into different sections for the enjoyment of others. In each of these sections, a particular foreign power was the virtual overlord. It determined whatfactories, which mines and which railways were to be developed in irs own section, with no consideration other than its own benefit. These powers then concluded agreements amongst themselves-without any reference to the Chinese Government-to respect each other's spheres of influence. Even when the Americans (who did not have any such concessions) got an agreement from all the powers to respect equal opportunity for trade, the Treaty Ports and the customs service in their sphere of influence-the so-called "Open Door" Policy of 19CHLthe: did not bother to include the Chinese Govemment in this agreement. Nor did they question the right of these countries to have their own spheres of influence or concessions in China.

Another significant feature of the "scramble for concessions" was the loans extended to the Chinese Government by the foreign powers. The first agreement for such a loan of 400 million francs was obtained by theFranco-Russian Banking Corporation, to enable the Chinese Government to pay back the indemnity Japan had imposed on it after the war of 1894-95. Others were quick to follow suit with other loans. In 1896, British and German banks obtained the contract for another loan to the Chinese Governmefit to meet the second instalment of the indemnity to Japan. This loan was concluded on terms even more unfavourable to the Chinese. Not only was the interest rate higher, but it was made clear that China would not be allowed to pay back the loan in full before 36 years were over, and that no changes would be allowed in the administration of the Foreign Inspectorate of Customs, since a portion of the revenues was pledged against the loan.

Through the loans, the financial and economic grip of the imperialists over China was tightened into a vice from which China could not extricate itself. By the end of the century, the entire customs revenue which had once been used for the modernization of Chinese defence and other sectors,was required just to make the payments on the debts. Moreover, each loan, though highly profitable to the lender, was considered to be a "favour" done to the Chinese Government, for which it was entitled to more "concessions" and other privileges. Thus, an extremely intricate network of economic exploitation was built up.

The extent of China's humiliation and subjugation at the hands of the foreign imperialists cannot be gauged merely by the formal treaties signed between the Chinese Government and the foreign governments. Yhe economic contracts and agreements which China entered into with various foreign banks, syndicates, etc., also undermined the sovereignty and independence of China to no less a degree. The foreign contracting parties were powerful economic conglomerates which had the full backing of their home governments. China could not run the risk of defaulting on these agreements without getting itself involved in a full-scale war with the imperialists. Thus, even when the Ch'ing Government was , overthrown in 191 1, its successor governments for many years did not repudiate any of the treaties or economic agreements with the foreign powers, who continued to dominate'china economically and politically for three more decades.

Check Your Progress 2 1) Discuss in about ten lines some of the maln developments leading to the "scramble for concessions"?

2) Outline in about 10 lines the consequences of the Sino-French war of 1884-85...... The Unequal Treaty System in China ......

3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( 4 ) or ( x ). i) The Treaty of Tientsin permitted missionaries to reside and carry on activities anywhere'in China. ii) The "Open Door" Policy of 1900 included the Chinese Government in the agreement. iii) The first foreign shipping company was set up in 1862 by the Japanese at Shanghai. iv) From 1860 to 1911, China's economic, political and temtorial independence was undermined by the imperialists.

7.5 LET US SUM UP

China never became a colony directly ruled by any one power. It has been characterized as a "semi-colony", or even as a "hyper-colony" (a colony of several powers). This made China's experience of subjugation at the hands of the imperialists quite unique.

In the half-century from 1860 to the Revolution of 1911, China's economic, political and temtorial independence ar.d sovereignty was steadily eroded by the imperialists. The foreign encroachments were enshrined in a series of treaties in which the Chinese Government agreed to give up one concession after another. They were also reflected in the numerous contracts and economic agreements that China entered into with various foreign firms and banks. However, the legal aspect of these treaties and agreements was not as significant as the actual military and economic weakness of the Chinese Empire. It was this weakness which made the treaties and agreements absolutely binding on China. It was not till China acquired a renewed military and political strength in the course of several decades of revolutionary upheaval, that the Chinese were in a position to successfully repudiate their suborqnation to the foreign powers.

7.6 KEY WORDS -

Foreign concessions : Areas where the foreigners resided in the Treaty Ports. Synarchy :Joint administration by Chinese and foreigners. Missionaries :Christian priests sent abroad to propagate and make converts ti, Christianity. Tael :Chinese currency. ~ributaries: States which paid tribute to China. Syndicates :A group of banks and industrial houses from one country which collaborated to undertake projects in China. Conglomerates : Monopoly houses. Western Imperialism 7.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

Check Your Progress I 1) Your answer should include (a) the Treaty ports and foreign concessions, (b) the Foreign Inspectorate of Customs, (c) the consular courts, (d) the Tsungli Yamen. See Sub-secs. 7.2.1 and 7.2.2. 2) Your answer should iriclude collection and remittance of customs duties and levies. See Sub-sec. 7.2.2. 3) (i) 4 (ii) 4 (iii) 4 (iv) x

Check Your Progress 2 1) Your answer should include - the breakdown of the policy of cooperation. - increasing clashes between China and the big powers over the missionary issue, territorial encroachments by the foreign powers, etc. - the rivalry among the imperiaiists for new markets and outlets for their capital. See Sec. 7.3. 2) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 7.3.2. 3) (i) 4 (ii) x (iii) x (iv) 4 UNIT 8 JAPAN AND THE WEST (UP TO THE ME1JI RESTORATION) -

Structure Objectives introduction Initial Contacts 8.2.1 Iberian Interlude 8.2.2 Sakoku 8.2.3 The Dutch Window Black Ships off the Coast of Japan External Pressure and Internal Debate 8.4.1 The Coming of Perry 8.4.2 The Aftermath Anglo-French Rivalry in Japan Let Us Sum Up Key Words Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

8.0 OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit you will be able to: know about the initial contacts Japan had with the Western countries, . learn why Japan adopted a policy of isolation, understand the reasons behind the efforts of the Western powers to intervene in the internal affairs of Japan, know the debates in Japan over relations with foreigners, understand the pressures and circumstances under which Japan had to give up its policy of isolation, know the impact of the opening up on its internal affairs, and understand why Japan did not became a colony. r 8.1 INTRODUCTION

Japan has had a long historical experience of interacting with different cultures and societies. This has given it a tradition of acquiring new modes of thinking and using this tradition for furthering its own objectives. The purpose of this Unit is to trace the relationship that Japan had with the Western nations before the Meiji Restoration.

Japan's first experience with the Western nations was in the second half of the sixteenth century and this encounter provided a tradition of scholarship on the West which was effectively used in the middle of the nineteenth century.

The second encounter, during the high tide of Western imperialism in the middle of the I nineteenth century, ?Has marked by Japan's successful transition from a pre-modern society I to a modem one without being colonized in the process. The national regeneration and I preservation of na'tional independence was a product of the successful handling of Western I imperialist incursions. This Unit discusses the main trends in the internal transformation of I Japan and how they interacted with Western intrusions.

- - - 8.2 INITIAL CONTACTS

In 1542 three Portuguese who were travelling by a Chinese junk were forced to land on the Japanese island of Tanegashima because of a typhoon. This is said to mark the first contact of Europeans and Japanese. This brief encounter was followed by increasing visits of Western 1mperl.llsm Portuguese traders and missionaries. Japan's contact with Europe brought with it not unly new goods, such as guns and tobacco but the Japanese were also exposed to a range of new ideas as well as to Christianity. The rulers of Japan actively promoted these contacts and were receptive to the new ideas allowing the missionaries to propagate their doctrines.

However, by the early years of the Tokugawa period problems arose between the Europeans and the Japanese rulers. in part because Christianity was seen as a disruptive influence. Consequently foreigners were banned from entering Japan. Thus Japan's first contact with the European nations was limited to about a hundred years. Yet, the legacy of this short interlude played an important role in the internal developments of ~apan.A group of scholars known as the Dutch scholars, because they studied Dutch and through that language learnt about Western science and civilization, developed a body of knowledge which questioned the dominance of Chinese classics. Their influence though limited and confined through much of the Tokugawa period assumed importance in the closing years of Tokugawa rule when the Western powers appeared once again on the Japanese coast.

8.2.1 Iberian Interlude

In the middle of the 16th century when the Portuguese qnived in Japan the country was undergoing a process of unification. In that sense it is still not really appropriate to speak of a Japanese nation at thi>time. The land was governed by a number of powerful regional lords or Daimyo who exe cisd their power through a closely interlinked network of retainers or samurai . Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582), the son of a feudal lord from the province of Owari had through skill and strength extended his sway over a large part of Japan. In 1568 when he entered the Imperial capital of Kyoto the medieval age of Japan can be said to have ended. The process of unification was carried further by his general, Hideyoshi, who usurped power after Nobunaga's death. After Hideyoshi, power was taken by the shrewd and cunning l; kugawa 1e:~asu and he was able to establish a systen~of government which provided Japan with a stable rule for nearly two hundred and fifty years. Japan's initial contact with the West took place within this context.

Here it would be appropriate to point out that while Japan's contact with the European nations was brief and limited it had a long experience of relations with its East Asian neighbours. China and Korea. In the formative years of Japanese civilization Chinese influence and Korean contacts had been decisive in moulding and giving Japan a sophisticated set of institutions and philosophies (See Block-1). In the fourteenth century the Japanese had been active in trade, commerce and even piracy4n the region and there were Japanese settlements as far as Siam.

European expansion has a long and complex history but for o~u.purposehere it is necessary to note that a Papal Bulljssued t: the Pope had divided the world between the Spanish and the Portuguese. Portugal was given the exclusive right to spread Christianity in the Eastern hemisphere while Spain was given the Western. In Portugal the Society of Jesuits founded in 1540 by Ignatius Loyola was the dominant sect. The Jesuits consequently played the major role in the spread of Christianity and they retained.their exclusive hold over Japan even after Spain and Portugal were united in 1580 under Philip 11. This monopoly was resented by other Christian orders like, the Franciscons, Dominicans, and Augustinians. It was only in 1608 that the ban on the other orders working in Japan was lifted and this contributed to further increasing rivalry and competitiw between the Christian orders in Japan. This rivalry was effectively used by the rulers to further their interests. It must be noted that though many of the missionaries came with Portuguese missions they . themselves were not always from portugd. For example Francis Xavier (1506-1552) was from Navarre which then was a part of Franct: and Will Adams (1564-1620), the Englishman who worked with Ieyasu, was employed on a Dutch ship, Erasmus.

Contact between Japan and the European nations took place in a period when commercial and tnde rivalry was intense and moreover, the version of Christianity which came to Japan was the most militant one and strict. In 1549 Francis Xavier came to Kagoshima and began to preach Christianity with the approval of the Daimyo of Satsuma. The Japanese religious environment, in contrast was marked by tolerance and theco-existence of Shinto and Buddhist religious systems. Buddhism had come from India through China d Korea and been altered and adapted in the process of transmission. The introduction of Christianity was . initially viewed with similar interest and toleration. It was not seen as threatening either the Japan and the West (up to the Meiji Restoration)

11. St. Francis Xavier (Painting by a Japanese Artist).

political power gr the social fabric of Japan. But we must remember here that it was not just Christianity which had come to Japan because along with it had come trade and commerce.

.'The activities of the Christian missionaries and the problems they created are very closely linked with the desire for trade and at times it is difficult to isolate the one from the other. From Nobunaga to Ieyasu the rulers were open to Christian ideas and treated the missionaries well. Many Daimyo converted to Christianity. This was largely motivated by a desire to attract trade. Nobunaga's tolerance of the Jesuits activities was also determined by his vigorous suppression of Buddhist and other sects. The Buddhist monasteries had become powerful centres exercising political power backed by the strength of their private armies and extensive landholdings. Nobunaga's patronage helped the Jesuits to win converts and by 1582 there were some 150,000 Christian converts.

Hideyoshi, the next ruler put a ban on Christianity in 1587 and executed a number of priests and Japanese converts. Hideyoshi's action seems to have been based on the fear of the P political implications of Christianity. Spanish monks and traders also intrigued against the Portuguese and sought to increase their own power. Though Chiistian converts were executed it was nothing on the scale of the Inquisition in Europe. In spite of the ban he was interested in bringing the European traders to eastern Japan. The trade camed by the Europeans was not just of Western goods. The Portuguese played an important role as intermediaries in the trade between China and Japan. They brought Chinese textiles, porcelain, medicine, spices and gold as well. When Ieyasu came to power he too attempted to influence the traders to move to ports near Edo. He was in touch with the Spanish in the Phili2pines. However, while the missionaries were toleratkd there was growing suspicion of their se'ctarian rivalries and a fear that they were serving the interests of,their monarchs. Also, there was an understanding that trade could be carried on without the missionaries and edicts barring Christianity appeared in 1606, 1607 and 1611. But it was only in 1617, after Ieyasu's death that the first execution of a foreign priest took place.

After Ieyasu died his successor Hidetada began persecuting Christians. This was due to the suspicion that their activities would endanger political stability. The Europeans were competing with great intensity for trading privileges and would spread rumours and suspicion against each other. In 1622 the authorities suspected that the Spanish Rornan Catholic Church was planning to invade Japan. The number of Japanese converts is not known but it is estimated to have reached 300,000. Growing suspicion increased repression and Christianity was driven underground from 1626 onwards.

The final blow came in 1637 when the Shimabara rebellion occurred. In this area there were a large number of Christian converts and this challenge to Shogunal authority was viewed Western Imperialism with alarm. The rebellious peasants raised Christian slogans and carried banners with Jesus and Mary wriqen on them. The Tokugawa Shogunate saw this as a political threat and crushed the rebellion. In the aftermath of the rebellion Buddhist priests were sent to "pacify the hearts and minds of the people". The following year, ~JI 1638, the Portuguese were expelled.

The hostility to Christianity arose out of the fear of political disruption. The Tokugawa Shogunate saw the danger of Christian missionaries encouraging Daimyo with moral and material support and this could endanger the stability of the political order.

Christianity as a doctrine also found it difficult to integrate with existing beliefs. Initially missionaries had appeared as another sect of Buddhism. For instance, the Jesuits used Dainichi, a word for the Buddha and Vairocana, for God in the'belief that it meant supreme diety. Gradually, of course, understanding of Christianity increased but its intolerance of Buddhism and indigenous beliefs made it difficult for it to find acceptance.

The Portuguese and Spaniards were also joined by the Dutch who sought to extend their trade. Will Adams, who was employed by the Dutch found favour with Ieyasu and he used this to put forward the suspicion of Protestant states against the Catholic powers. The English too were in rivalry with the other European powers. These rivalries and internal problems which were imputed to Christianity led the Tokugawa's to increasingly limit and ultimately proscribe Christianity. In 1624 all Spaniards were ordered to be deported and many were executed. The Shimabara peasant rebellion in 1637 in which there were many Christians, increased the ferocity of anti-Christian policies. In 1638 the Portuguese were ordered to leave. The English trading station had closed by 1623 and so by 1640 only a small group of Dutch traders were left. Of course there were Chinese traders.

8.2.2 Sakoku The policy of isolation followed by the Tokugawa is known as sakoku or closed country and various explanations have been offered to explain why the Tokugawa imposed a ban on the entry of foreigners and prevented Japanese from leaving Japan on pain of death. They also limited the size of ships to prevent long voyages. It is normally argued that the Tokugawa were forced to take these steps because they wanted to eliminate Roman Catholicism which for them was a socially disruptive and politically dangerous doctrine. The Catholics owed allegiance to the Pope and could pose a danger to the power of the Shogun. A second explanation is that the Tokugawa wanted to monopolize trade and the Europeans were not willing to shift their trade from the ports of Nagasaki to ports around the Tokugawa capital Edo.

However, these explanations ignore the fact that the Tokugawa continued to have diplomatic and trade relations with their Asian neighbours, China and Korea. Foreign trade was managed by the Daimyo and was not a monopoly exercised by the Shogun. Thus the Tsushima Daimyo maintained a permanent factory at Waegwan in Korea from 1611 to the Meiji period. Scholars like Ronald Toby have argued that the Tokugawa's policy of isolation w-as part of a larger foreign policy which sought to maximize security and confirm and strengthen the sovereignty and legitimacy of Tokugawa rule. The Tokugawa began to assert their position and at the same time had a break from the Sinocentric world order. They abandoned the earlier attempts to normalize relations with China and by 1635 the Shogun was using the title of "Great Prince of Japan" (Nihon Koku Taikun). The expulsion of European powers was just one aspect of a larger foreign policy. In fact the word "sakoku" or closed country was never used in the 1630s. Its earliest use is in 1858 only.

8.2.3 The Dutch Window

The Dutch traders were permitted to continue their trade from a small man-made islapd Deshima off the coast of Nagasaki. This small trading station served as a window to the Western world for the Japanese. The trickle of trade was not as important as the ideas which slowly seeped in and inspired the Rangakusha or Dutch scholars. These studies were officially encouraged by the eighth Shogun Yoshimune and a number of distinguished scholars like, Arai Hakuseki (1657-1725), Sugita Genpaku (1732-1817). and Hiraga Gerinaj (1726-1779) who carried out important work which introduced the ideas of science. These Japan and the West (up to the Meiji Restoration'

12. Dutch Settlement (Nagasaki), scholars learnt Dutch with great difficulty and effort as there was hardly any contact with the Dutch at Deshima and they had to compile their own dictionaries. Many of them were doctors and they learnt about anatomy and dissection from European works. Astronomy, . geography and military science were also some of the subjects on which they concentrated. They sought knowledge which could be applied and not just abstract theories and doctrines.

The chief characteristic which identifies this group is their concern with national power rather than any desire to improve the live^ of the people. Dutch studies helped to diffuse Western learning and provided practical help to the Shogun and Daimyo. Japan's initial contact with the West had brought firearms. The gun played a decisive role in the Battle of Nagashino in 1575 only thirty two years after the first Portuguese appeared and later Hideyoshi effectively used firearms in his invasion of Korea. The Dutch scholars were not the only product of this contact with Europe. Christianity though officially proscribed continued to be practiced by small groups and these hidden Christians, as they were called, devised elaborate methods to continue their worship.

8.3 BLACK SHIPS OFF THE COAST OF JAPAN

Tokugawa society was, in spite of its dynamism, isolated from developments in Europe.' When foreign ships began appearing and demanding access to Japanese ports it was faced with a serious problem. During the seventeenth century Japanese military capabilities were not very different from the Portcguese or English but by the nineteenth century the . European nations had developed in ways unimaginable in Japan. The rise of England as a major colonial power and the spread of its power to Africa and Asia was dimly known to the Tokogawa and they were also unaware of their inability to deal effectively with the threat posed by the Western nations. The encounter with the West in the nineteenth.century posed new problems for the Tokugawa and it was not equipped to deal with these problems. The imperialist intrusion became a critical factor in the decline of the Bakufu as it attacked the Bakuhan system at-many critical points. The encounter showed clearly that while the Bakufu could enforce the policy of isolation it could not initiate any change. The question of who wauld exercise authority in Japan had arisen because of internal problems but the Western encounter further aggravated the tensions and made a resolution of these issues imperative. The entry of the European powers allowed the groups who were discontented with the Bakufu to come together in a'coalition against Tokugawa rule.

Japan was opened to the West by the United States when Commodore Matthew Perry came Western Imperialism in 1853 and was promised a treaty the following ye. . In 1858 Townsend Harris, Counsel for the USA concluded a treaty which opened Jay;an to trade and commerce. This marked the culmination of a process which had begun much earlier. The Russians and British had been pressing on the coast of Japan since the seventeenth century. The Russians had establiched themselves on the Sea of Okhotsk and from here they made exploratory trips. In . 1739 Spanberg, a Russian explorer had discovered a route to Japan. Subsequently serious efforts were rr+e to open Japan and establish relatidns. In 1792 Lieutenant Laxman went to Hokkaido but he failed tb win any concessions. The next envoy went to Nagasaki, which was the only port where foreigners were allowed but the Japanese were not interested in foreign trade. In 1806 and 1807 the Russians raided Japanese posts in Sakhal$ and the Kurile Islands and this led to tensions and confrontations between the two countries.

The British had been attempting to explore this area as early as the seventeenth century. Captain Cook was planning to go to Japan when he died in 1793. The mission led by Macartney to China in 1793 also failed to go to Japan though it had been planned. In 1797 an English ship went to Hokkaido and in 1808 the frigate Phaeton entered Nagasaki.

The United States, because of its interests in whaling and trade with Qina, was beginning to play an increasingly important role in opening Japane~eports to foreign trade. The whaling ships had visited Nagasaki and other ports sometimes chartered by the Dutch who had lost their ships in the Napoleonic wars. But the need to take provisions and shelter during storms made a regular arrangement vital for these ships. By the 1840s in the United States westward expansion had brought with it ideas of manifest destiny. Attempts by U.S. businessmen in China to gain access proved futile and the government began to be interested in Japan. From 1835 attempts were made to conclude diplomatic arrangements. In 1846 Commodore Biddle came to Edo Bay but he was refused entry. Commander Glym subsequently went to Nagasaki in 1849 but did not make any arrangements to carry on trade.

dheck Your Progress 1 1) Why did Japan adopted a policy of isolation? Answer in about five lines.

2) What were the problems faced by the Tokugawa due to its encounter with the West in the 19th century? Answer in about five lines.

3) List the efforts made by U.S. to open up Japan......

...... i ......

EXTERNAL PRESSURE AND INTERNAL DEBATE

The pressure on Japan to conclude diplomatic and commercial relatiens.yith the Western powers placed the Bakufu in a diffieult situation. The initial reaction was to maintainstrict Japan and the West (up to the Meiji Restoration) isolation. In 1806 a decree ordered local officials to keep foreigners out and later the officials were told to destroy any ships which came near the coast. The barbarians had to be kept out and the integrity of Japan preserved. Yet it must be noted that the reaction to the problem was complex. On the one hand the Japanese clearly lacked the military capability to keep the Western nations out but on the other hand most groups were adamant that there should be no relaxation of the policy of sakoku or closed country.

The subsequent years witnessed the confrontation of these two trends, as one argued that Japan should be closed and the other was urging accommodation to the foreigners or opening the country (kaikoku). These two positions were linked to the question of supporting the Bakufu as the legitimate ruling authority in Japan or reasserting the power of the Imperial House as the real legitimate authority. The elements dissatisfied with the Bakuhan system came to urge a policy of sonno-joi or "revere the Emperor and expel1 the barbarians". This policy had its intellectual roots in the philosophical doctrines which argued that Japan's uniqueness arose because its Emperor was regarded as a direct descendant of the Sun Goddess. This uniqueness and the central position of the Emperor in the political and cultural system of Japan was further reinforced by scholars who were writing a history of Japan from the time of its mythical foundation. These doctrines evoked a symp#etic response among groups who found it increasingly difficult to function within the Bakuhan system.

Intellectuals like Aizawa Seishisai (1782- 1863) and Fujita Toko (1806-1855) developed the argument agaihst allowing foreigners entry into Japan. Yet, they sought to increase Japan's strength by using Western techniques. The technical constructions of the West would be used to protect and preserve the integrity of Japan. There were voices for reform even fmm within the Bakufu.

The Bakufu had over the years wimessed a deterioration in its financial condition and periodic reform had not' proved effective. From 1841-1843 Mizuno Tadakuni, head of the highest Bakufu office of Roju (Elders), had carried out the Tempo Reforms. He was replaced and his successor Abe Masahiro wasthe major figure to formulate Bakufu policy till 1857 when he died. Abe was in favour of involving the great Daimyo who had been excluded from the councils of government. Even Tokugawa Nariaki, Daimyo of Mito and an influential member of the Tokugawa family was in favour of a broad based support from the leading Daimyo.

The Bakufu was not united on what policy to pursue but there were a number of contending approaches. Using the expertize of the Dutch scholars the Bakufu established a school to study Western books and this by 1857 became the Institute for the Investigation of Barbarian Books. Many of the Dutch scholars, familiar with the activities of he Western nations in China and other parts of Asia, advocated reform measures, particularly of the Tokugawa's military capabilities tc meet the foreign threat. For instance, as early as 1784 Hayashi Shihei (1738-1793) published A Discussion of the Military Problems of a Maritime Nation advocating extensive military reform. Sakuma Shozan (1798-1866) an influential scholar who had studied gunnery and other Western subjects coined the slogan "Eastern ethics and Western science". They failed to understand that ideas arise out of certain cultural situations and that using Western . techniques would invariably effect Japanese values. The slogan recognized Japanese weakness but such views 'wwe still politically ineffective. The pervasive view was that foreigners should be kept out; that trade would be harmful and that a change in the political system was required to meet the crisis. 8.4.1 The Coming of Perry In 1853 Commodore w at thew Perry came to Japan via China and Okinawa. His squadron of two steam frigates and two sloops, entered Edo Bay in July 1853. Perry managed to present a letter: from the President of the USA. Perry's imperious behaviour underlined theinability of the Tokugawa Bakufu to deal effectively with the power of the Western nations. The question of whether to open Japanese ports was referred to the great Daimyo as well as to the Imperial Court. This was an unprecedented move but the Tokugawa were not in a position to enforce a policy,withhut the support of these groups. The period from 1853 to 1868 when the Tokugawa Ilakuh was replaced'by the Meiji government marked a period of intense, and at times, acrimonious debate and rapid changes. The positions of the various groups were in a flux and rather than see the advocates of an open country or a closed country as fixed groups it is better to see them as representing strategies for meeting the foreign threat. In 1854 Perry returnedwith greater force and after negotiations the Treaty of Kanagawa was signed on March 31,1854. The treaty opened the ports of Shimoda and Hakodate where U.S. ships could refuel and provision their ships. There was a most favoured nation clause which would automatically extend any benefits granted to any other country. The United States was also allowed to post a counselar agent at Shimoda. The treaty was a small step as the ports opened were small and remote but it had a major departure from the Bakufu's earlier policy of isolation. Just as Perry nad concluded his treaty the Russians had also been active. Putiatin had been trying to extract a treaty and settle the boundary to the north of Hokkaido but had failed. In October the Bakufu concluded a similar treaty with the British and then with Russia in which Nagasaki was also opened. In 1855 the Dutch too signed a treaty with the Japanese. The United States sentaTownsendHarris as its counsel to reside in Shimoda in 1856. Here, he faced considerable difficulties, but through patience and tact managed to convince the Bakufu that they would be better served by signing a treaty with the United States otherwise they might have to sign more onerous treaties with the other Western powers. The Harris Treaty signed on July 29, 1858, opened the ports of Kanagawa and Nagasaki and by stages Nigata and Hyogo. Foreigners were to be allowed to reside at Osaka and Edo and they were to have extra-territorial privileges. Finally, the two countries would exchange representatives. Similar treaties were concluded with the other nations. Aside from opening ports, the major concession the Japanese made was to fix import and custom duties at low rates.

8.4.2 The Aftermath The Bakufu's policy of granting concessions to the foreign powers was increasing internal opposition. While Abe Masahiro had obtained Imperial sanction for the treaty and involved the great Daimyo in the councils of the Bakufu there was opposition from those who had traditionally exercised control of the government. The nert head of the Council of Elders, Hotta Masayoshi, was not in favour of involving the outside Daimyo and supported a policy of granting trading rights to the Western powers.

Hotta sought to not only obtain the support of the Daimyo for a full commercial treaty but went to Kyoto to get advance approval from the Emperor. But the Court in 1858, because of opposition from some Daimyo, did not give a clear answer. In 1858 Ii Naosuke became Tairo, the highest position within the Bakufu government and he sought to reassert the power of the Shogunate. He signed the commercial treaty without sanction from the Imperial Court and also resolved the dispute over who would succeed to the Shogunate. The Shogun was without child and weak and consequently the Daimyo of Mito was trying to have his son Keiki pamed as heir and since Keiki was adopted into the Hitotsubashi family his claim was legitimate. His claim was supported by the Imperial Court and this was a departure from earlier practice for the Court had never been involved in Bakufu affairs. Ii Naosuke had the Daimyo of Wakayama appointed as successor to assert the authority of the Bakufu.

It may be pertinent to point out that adoption was a common practice in Japan and blood ties were not of great importance. Through adoption social status could be improved. Thus a worn&! from a "low status" could be adopted by someone with "high status" and then married to one of equal rank. Merchant houses often adopted capable clerks as official heirs if their own sons were incompetent.

Ii Naosuke's actions provoked a reaction amongst the supporters of tMe Emperor but he met this with strict measures. The Ansei purge in whicl Ii Naosuke punished those involved in the Hitotsubashi party might have succeeded in reasserting the power of the Bakufu but Ii was assassinated in March 1860. Ii Naosuke's death was a blow to the Bakufu but even 13. Commodore Perry's Ofticen

a) Capt. Adams b) Cnpt Abbot c) Perry's son Western Imper&lism

14. Perry's Flett.

IS. A Japanese Sketch of Perry'. ships. 'more damaging was the increasing strength of the Court and Daimyo. Opposition to the Japan and the West (up to the Bakufu gathered around the Imperial Court and was led by the outside han of Satsuma and Meiji Restoration) Choshu. Many samurai gathered around Kyoto and these masrcrless samurai or ronin . provided a volatile and militant group around the Imperial Court.

The Ansei Purge was effective insofar as it attempted to create a political structure where the Bakufu would be the dominant political force but in which the dissident elements and the Imperial Court would also be involved. The loyalist elements were of course angry and the climate was one in which tall< of revenge and war had become common. Ii Naosuke's 1 successor attempted to improve ties between Edo and Kyoto. The marriage of the Shogun Iemochi and the Imperial Princess Kazunomiya was an expression of this closeness of the Court and the Bakufu. The Bakufu also sent a mission to Europe in 1862 which managed to L persuade the British and the French to postpone the opening of trade in Hyogo and Nigata.

However, the Bakufu, though recognized as the ruling power, was in a weak position and the han of Choshu seized the initiative to press its demands. Ii Naosuke's successor Ando I Nobuyuki was nearly killed by loyalist elements and this put an end to his attempts. The ! year 1862 marked a watershed because from this point the Bakufu lost its dominance and became one of the contending forces vying for dominance. It steadily lost the initiative to Choshu which began to assert its power and position and to press its demands. Kyoto was controlled by Choshu and the Shogun was persuaded to pay a visit and issue an edict calling for the expulsion of foreigners from June 25, 1863. The order was carried out by Choshu which bombarded ships of the United States, France and Holland. This act invited the retaliation of the United States and France.

Satsuma, the other main rival of the Bakufu carried out a coup and with the aid of the h~n of Aizu took control of Kyoto and the Imperial Court from Choshu. Choshu retaliated but was unsuccessful in its efforts to recapture Kyoto and moreover, because of its attacks on foreign ships a combined fleet of U.S., French, English and Dutch forces attacked Choshu and demanded an indemnity of $3 million. This high demand was used as a lever to gain further privileges in June 1866 when tariffs were reduced from a general 20 per cent to only 5 per cent.

Earlier in Satsuma on September 14, 1862 a British national Richardson had been killed. This incident is known as the Namamugi incident because it took place near the village of Namarnugi and the Bakufu had to pay an indemnity of 100,000 pounds and after threats by Britain Satsuma was also forced to pay 25,000 pounds. r In 1864 the Bakufu was involved with bringing Choshu under control but its second expedition launched in August 15, 1866 was defeated. In this context foreign inbusions were beginning to play an increasingly important role. From 1853 till about 1865 r imperialism had been making steady encroachments into Japanese territory and was becoming involved in Japanese social process. But after 1865 this trend assumed alarming proportions and imperialism began to pose a dangerous threat to Japanese sovereignty. Russian expansion in the north of Japan had been a problem and after 1865 concern began to mount in the Bakufu that the Russians were expanding their claims in Sakhalin and Karafuto.

In a situation of increasing domestic discord the Western pdWerS pressed the Tariff Convention of 1866. This was guided largely by the British.Minister Sir Harry Parkes and in the words of Conrad Totman was "a solid foundation upon which to construct a massive and enduring imperial commercial establishment in Japan".

ANGLO-FRENCH RIVALRY IN JAPAN

Up to now it had been a question of Japan and the foreigners but soon Anglo-French rivalry began to intervene in Japanese affairs with the French gravitating towards the Bakufu and I the British supporting Satsuma and Choshu. The French connection began in 1864 when a I I Bakufu official was sent to Paris and Leon Roches came to Japan. Roches gradually began to pursue an independent French policy rather than work in concert with the other Western powers. A decision was taken to advance a loan to build a major shipyard at Yokosuka and the idea of a joint Franco-Bakufu trading company was also floated. Similarly, the British too were gradually shifting towards supporting the han. In 1866 Ernest Satow, an official of the British Legation had translated into Japanese a series of articles that he wrote urging foreigners not to treat Japan as one single entity but rather as a collection of Daimyo ruled han. Japan was gradually intertwined in Anglo-French rivalry and the danger of imperialist incursion was rapidly assuming dangerous proportions. The linking of Bakufu and France and Britain and Satsuma-Choshu had serious internal repercussions. The Daimyo on the one hand were strengthened against the Bakufu but mutual suspicion also increased and conciliatory overtures were made difficult. Finally, the dependence of both Daimyo and the Bakufu on Western military technology and training increased.

The war against Choshu enabled the foreign powers to further increase their levels of involvement particularly in the matter of supplying guns to the various groups. Sometimes the fears were incorrect but there were many rumours that the Daimyo were receiving financial aid and military help. Katsu Kaishu, a Bakufu official described England as a "famished tiger" and he went on to warn that the Bakufu too should not borrow money from France as that was a "hungry wolf '.

Inland travel by foreigners and missionary activity were two areas which were also creating problems. By 1867 not only diplomats but technicians and missionaries were moving about in areas of Japan. Once Hyogo and Osaka were opened this travel increased and the Bakufu issued instructions to allow foreigners to travel, to visit Nara and to enter the "theatre and restaurants in Edo and Osaka". This led to incidents of violence as the public had still to accept the idea of foreigners entering Japan. Attacks on foreigners increased and this further increased demands for indemnities.

The opening of Japan had not meant that Christianity would be allowed and the ban on the religion continued. However, with the growing presence of foreign residents Christianity wadlowed to be practiced in the treaty ports. Missionaries began toamve and in spite of the ban took steps to spread their religion. French missionaries had opened a church in Nagasaki in 1865 and they allowed in those Japanese who began to practice the religion openly. A Japanese official wrote in complaint to the French representative Leon Roches that missionaries were preaching in villages, staying in peoples homes, collecting gold and silver and that their activities were disruptive and must be stopped. These problems created tensions not just between the Bakufu and the foreigners but between the local people and the foreigners and the Bakufu, aggravating an already complex problem.

By 1867 the foreign powers had become,deeply involved in the internal rivalries and this involvement created a dangerous situation for Japan in which it could easily have succumbed to colonialism. The economic effect of the treaties and the entry of foreign trade had been disruptive. Cheap manufactured goods like cotton fabric were ruining traditional domestic industry. In particular the favourable gold : silver exchange in Japan was used by foreign traders to devastating effect. In Japan the gold : silver exchange was 6: 1 whereas in the rest of the world it was 15: 1. Traders brought in silver and bought gold cheap and then exported this gold to make a handsome profit. The massive export of spices and influx of silver disrupted the Japanese economy and caused undue hardship to the people. The large number of peasant uprisings and urban disturbances is ample reflection of the strains the'.* economy and society were undergoing.

The reason why Japan was not colonized has been explained in a variety of ways. Explanations stress the interest of imperialist countries in China and the relative neglect of Japan because it did not offer a potentially large market. However, as indicated in the above paragraphs the imperial powers were actively intervening in Japanese affairs and it is only because the period of civil war was brief that they did not have the opportunity td entrench themselves in local politics. Leon Rocks was recalled by the French government and so he could not act on behalf of the Bakyfu. The United States was involved in its own civil war and Britain backed the winners and so there was no reason for it to change the outcome.

The Japanese groups aside from their slogans were largely clear that isolation was no longer a real choice and they had to deal with the Western world and this would only be possible from a position of national strength. Japanese society was in a position to evolve policies and strategies to counter imperialist domination and the sources of these strengths must be sought in the long and complex history of Japan from at least the sixteenth century. Japan's successful handling of Western pressure was not a matter of having a breathing space. Check Your Progress 2 Japan and the West tup .r- ... Meiji Restoration) 1 Discuss in about ten lines the debate in Japan about relations with the Westerners.

Discuss in about ten lines the impact of Commodore Perry's visit on the internal affairs of Japan......

3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark (4)or (x) i) The policy of sonno-joi meant welcome the barbarians and expel1 the emperor. ii) Shozan gave the slogan "Eastern ethics and Western science". iii) England and America wer? able to make Japan their colony. iv) The interests of the British and the French clashed in Japan.

8.6 LET US SUM UP

The interaction with the West that has been examined in this Unit can be divided into two periods: The first was in the latter half of the sixteenth century when Portuguese traders and missionaries came to Japan. The second was in the nineteenth century when Western imperialist powers sought to incorporate Japan into the imperialist system.

In both cases Japan displayed an openness and quickness in lcsponding to new ideas and learning from them to its own advantage. Japan also displayed a conservative and closed approach to changes within its social structure. While it had to allow the black ships, as Commodore Perry ships were called and just as the Portuguese ships had been called, it prevented and restricted the entry of foreigners as far as it could. Western Imperiali5m 8.7 KEY WORDS

Daimyo : Rulers of feudal domains who were divided into three groups, the outer Daimyo were erstwhile enemies of the Tokugawa and were excluded from any exercise of power (eg. ~atsuma,Choshu). They enjoyed a great deal of autonomy. Han : The territory of a Daimyo. Kaikoku : The policy of opening the country to the entry of foreigners. Papal bull : Decree of the Pope. Sakoku : The policy of isolation followed by the Tokugawa. Sonno-joi : A saying meaning "Revere the Emperor and Expel1 the Barbarians".

8.8 ANSW-ERSTO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

Check Your Progress 1 1) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 8.2.2. 2) You should read Sec. 8.3 and base your answer on it. 3) See Sec. 8.3 (last three paragraphs).

Check Your Progress 2 , 1) Base your answer on Sec. 8.4. 2) See Sub-sec. 8.4.2. 3) i) x ii) 4 iii) x iv) 4

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Bai Shouyi (ed) : An Outline History of China, Peking 1982. Danis Twitchett and John K Fairbank (ed) : The Cambridge History of China, Volume 10,; London 1978. Immanuel C.Y. Hsu : The Rise of Modern China, Oxford 1985.

Jean Chesneaux eta1 : China from the Opium Wars to the , Delhi 1978. Tan Chung : Trinity to Dragon, Delhi 1985. E.H. Norman : Japan's Emergence as a Modern State, Indian reprint, Delhi 1977.