January 1967 Subscription: $3.00 per year V~l. XVIII, No.1

THE POLITICAL ROLE OF THE PROTESTANTS IN -- 1959 TO 1962

C. Alton Robertson

Part 1*

To many , this title may well seem st r ange . To write about Protestants in Cuba i s odd enough, but to write of the political role of the Protestants in Cuba undoubt­ edly appears mad. There are Protestants in Cuba, however, and many of them were po­ litically ac t i ve in the per i od from 1958 to 1962. In fact, in January 19 59, when came t o power after the flight of Batista, there were more Cubans who were Protestant ministers than Cub ans who wer e Roman Cat hol i c pr i ests; a majority of all t he chur ch buildings and chapels on the island were Protestant; and the average at tendan ce at the Prcte stant churche s " Sunday services was approximately the same as t he average attendance at Roman Cat ho.li c Sunday services.l

Protestants wer e not , of cOllrse , a maJority gr oup or even a very large one . On­ l y 15 to 20 percent of t he total 0~ban population was active i n either Protestant or Roman Catholic congregations. On the ot he r hand, t he Protestants of Cuba numbered mor e than 250 , 000 persons in 1959 and were a potent i ally strong political force . (The Communi st party claimed only 20 , 000 members in 1959.) It i s the combi nat i on of t he se facts, plus t he i nvolvement of yrot est ants ' in t he anti-Batista underground movement and in t he initial adminis tration set up by Fidel Castro, that has led the wri t er t o seek answers to such questions as : What role did Protestants play in t he Castro r egime in 1959 and 1960 ? Did they have a platform or pr ogr am to present to the regime ? Did they have the po ssibility of i nfluencing, if not cont r ol l i ng , t he key de cisions of t hese ye ar s?

In the Introduction to Religion, Revolution, and Reform: New Forces for Change in Lat i n Ameri ca , Frederick B. Pike writes:

Obviously, Christian groups can no longer be 'count ed upon to ser ve as t he wat chdo gs of the est ablished order . •••

*Part II will appear i n t he February Occasional Bulletin.

Single copies of this issue of the Occasional Bulletin: 35¢. Orders shoul d be ad­ dressed: Missionary Research Li brary, P.O. Box 590, Manhattanville St at i on , New York, New Yor k 10027. 2

Given t he ,mount i ng tide of demand for social change in Latin America, it is pertinent to inquire what the role of religion, either in restraining or hastening the change, is likely to be. 2

To this inquiry, applied specifically to Protestantism in Cuba at the time of its r evolution, t hese articles are directed; not simFly to ascertain the historical

data, but to seek insights and guideposts for churches "no longer e ' ••the watchdogs of the established order."

The Protestants and the Anti-Batista Movements

Theodore Draper maintains that the Cuban Revo~~~ion was primarily a revolution supported by the middle-class and professional sectors of Cuban society.3 This pos i ­ tion, while not universally accepted by students of the , is nonethe­ l ess never totally denied, for all se e the revolution as an uprising of the people and none would deny the ,i nvol vement of professional and middle-class persons in it.

The Protestant church of Cuba in 1959 was a middle-class church . One of its primary emphases sinc e the early 1900 ls had been educat i on , and the maj or ity of the Protestant constituency by 1959 enjoyed educati onal levels"incomes and class status well above the average in that country. Emilio Rodriguez, principal of La Progresiva, the Presbyterian pr i mar y and secondary , school"in Cardenas, said in 1958: "Protestants in Cub a are respected ci t izens . For example , there are always several Protestants in the House of Representatives."4

Likewise, J. Mario Casanella, writing in 1957 for Missions, an official magazi ne of the American Baptist Convention, and reporting on the fifieth anniversary of Cole gios Internacionales, a school in El Cristo, noted with pride that "Many [former s tud e nt~ today occupy positions of r esponsibility in gover nment . "5

Throughout the conflict that led t o the overthr ow of Batista, the Nat i onal Coun­ cil of Evangelical Chur che s took as an official stand t he task of reconciliation be­ tween Bat i st a and the r ebel forces . This "corporate neutrality" may have been a shield. I t may have been sincere. But it is known that many of the leaders of this council and of the four major denominations related to.it (The Methodist Chur ch , the Protestant Episcopal Church, the Presbyterian Chur ch , and the Bapt i s t Church related to the American Bapt i st Convent i on ) were involved unofficially with the rebel forces.

On J anuary 8 , 19 59 , when Fidel Cast r o made his,victorious/entry, into Havana and addressed the huge crowd gat her ed in Camp Colombia, there were~eight or nine men in civilian clothes who stood in the ver y cent er of the ,ol d "reviewing -stand" with him, to be hono r ed that day. All of them were Protestant clergymen, inclUding the Rev. Raul Fe rnandez Ceball os , pastor of the First Presbyterian Church~in Havana and execu­ tive secretary of the Cuban Council of Evangelical Churches, and the Rt. Rev. Alexander Hugo Blankingship, Protestant Episcopal /Bishop of Cuba. 6

Surely, the presence of these cl ergymen on t he dais with Fidel Cast r o was a rec­ ogn i t i on of the contribution t hat they and their people had made to the revolution. This contribution went far beyond serving as chap.Lafns ito the rebel forces in the Si­ erra Maestra. The full extent of it may never ,be known, but the parts that can be documented include t he following:

In February 1956, the Rev. Cecilio Arrastia, Presbyterian staff member of the National Counci l of Evangelical Churches and consultant to the United State s National Council of Churches Cooperative Committ ee in Latin Ameri ca" carr i ed "close to 3

$10 , 000" to Fidel Castro in Mexico. This money, which had been collected in Cuba 'I was needed for the expedition of the .7

Dr. Mario Llerena, a Protestant layman with a B.D. from Princeton Pheo.L c g.ic a.l Semi nar y and a Ph.D. from Harvard University, after being forced to Le ave Bat :'..3: a ' s Cu ba where he served as a leader of Cuba ~ s Civic Resistance , Movement against BatLs t.a , b e c ame the first president of the ' Twenty-Sixth of July Movement I s corrrrni ttee-,i n-e>: ilE ard the personal representative of Fidel Castro in the United States.8

The headquarters of the Havana underground was' located at 222 Sal ud Stre et " t t e. horne of Dr , Faustino Perez, Protestant layman. 9 Faustino Perez was one of t he tW'21ve who survived the Granma landingl O and was "acting chief of the Twenty-S::xth of' J1j , ~ y Movement in the capital,"ll and it was he who . Look H. L.,Matthews to the Si e.r'y 9. Mae s t r a for his famous February 17, 1957 , meeting with Fidel. On March 1 9:> 195 ' .1 be and the girl who posed as his wife on the trip e a s t with the Matthews were ar .re.st.s d and maltreated.1 2

Frank Pais and his brother Josue, sons of a Baptist minister in Sant.Lago , ver e both freedom fighters; and Frank Pais, who has been described as Fidel's right ar m i n that strategic city, is a memorialized hero-martyr of therevolution . 1 3 The Frank Pais Se cond Front in the Sierra del Cristal of eastern Oriente Province wa s estab­ lished by the group led by Raul Castro in April 1958. H. L. Matthews wr i tes that Frank Pais was "Fidel's s econd in command." He des cribes 'him and Cami.lo Ci enf'uego s as "very able. moderate and anti- Corrununist" and feels that it was the deaths of' 1:he s e men that "left the field clear for •.• Ole Guevara and •••Raul Cast r o. "14

One of the Corrrrnittee of Ten in charge of the resistance movement in the ci t y and provrnce of Matanzas who served as the c ommi t t ee ' s treasurer and head of Lnt'crrnat i.on was the Rev. Rafael Ceped a . 1 5

Jorge Alvarez, a Protestant layman, left his wife and two chi l dren in Place tas fu'1d his job in the b ank to become a leader of a contingent of rebel fighters " And Esteban Hernfu'1dez, a faculty member of a Presbyterian· s chool, La Progresiva i n ~a rd e ­ nas , was killed by the Batista police.16

I n Punta Brava, the Rev. Mario Fernandez , Methodist pastor, was Lmpr fscned on the charge of "complicity with the r evolution. "17

Most writers estimate that by January 1, 1959, 90 percent of t h e people of ~~a were behind Fidel Castro, and it would not '.be surprising to .f'Lnd rt h at, the majer :: t y of the Protestants were included. The ' act i ve ' role they played in t he C:l.V:i. c Resa st.ance Movement, however, may surprise some. That this minority, middle-class c h u~ch s up ­ ported the rebels is ' testified to even mor e by the roles they played in the pC ~ ' : L 0d :immediat el y following vict ory.

Protestants af t e r Vi ctory

After January 1, 1 95 9, Batista was gone . The raison d'etre of the Civic Re s is­ tance Movement c e a s ed . But the Protestants in Cuba had proved themselves in t he years of the conflict to such an extent that many of them were approa ched by t he new regime t o ac cept positions of r esponsibility. As a corrrrnun i t y , they t h:rew t herns elves behind the new gover nment .

Bishop Blankingship at Camp Colombi a on the day of Castro's entry into Hava~ a said to Ch ar l e s C. Shaw that the Protestant church "has worked unremittingly f c,r the 4 succe s s of the r evolution."18 It now began to work unremittingly for the success of Fidel Cast r o 's pr ogr am .

Dr . Faustino Perez was named to the cab inet of President Urrutia, as head of the newl y cr eat ed Mi nist ry for the Recuperation of Mi s applied Proper t y .

The Rev . Raul Fernandez, pastor of t he First Presbyterian Church in Havana, be­ came head of literacy work for the new gover nment .

After a short t erm as gover nor of Havana province , Senor Jose Naranjo, a Protes­ t ant l ayman, became Secretary of the Interior i n the Urrutia cabinet.

The Rev . Daniel Alvarez assumed a posi t i on as one of the chief officers in the Department of Social Welfare, and mor e t han twelve gr aduat es of La Progresiva assumed "important posts in various mi ni st r i es " of t he regime.19

I n Car den as , the woman vice-president of La Progresiva served with two men as an i nterim commi t t ee replacing the mayor. The woman principal of the Protestant church­ related school i n Encrucijada served as interim mayor of that city.

The potential influence of Protestants1was certainly out of proportion to their numbers. They had bac ked the revolution and were part ,of the new gover nment . Pre­ sumably, they were in a po sition to bring positive cr i t ici sm and di r ec t i on to t he new, emer ging system.

In Rel igi on , Revolut ion, and Reform, Emilio Williams in a chapt er on "Protes­ tantism and Cul tur e Change in Brazil and Chile" makes the point that the acc eptance or gr owt h of Pr otes tant ism in Latin America i s cl osely related t o changes in the cul­ t ur e ' s value system and so cial structure. With the immensity of change in rapidly industr ializing and urbanizing Latin America, the traditional values and structural und er pinni ngs of the so ciety are undergoing great strain or are be i ng abandoned.

The mo re pronouncedly the internal structure and its inherent value system of a Protestant body deviates from t hose of traditional Latin Ameri­ can so ciety, the more at t r ac t i ve it has proved to be to t he masses. 20

In t he Cuban Revol ut i on t he society as a whole was on the verge of a break with t he past . That which had bec ome traditional in Cuba was roundly condemned, and one observer has remarked t hat muc h of Fidel Castro's material in the speeches he made in ear ly 1959 coul d have come from any Protestant sermon. 21

The Protestants liked what they heard and what they s aw happeni ng in those early weeks . Fidel Cast r o was doi ng away with gambling and was cl osi ng the casinos. He allowed no alcoholic beverages among his troops and lectured against the evils of drink. He st ood for honest administration and was oppo sed to vice.

The re wer e exec ut i ons of war cr i minals e arly i n the 'r egi me -- what did t he Cuban Pr otestants t hink of them? Thr ee United States member s of the faculty at the Union Theol ogical Seminary in Matanzas r eflected the Cuban view in a wire to President Ei senhower and other leader s:

Urge withhold criticism of Cuban Government whi ch has overwhelming popular support including ci vi c , church, and other democratic organiza­ tions . Ameri can silence on countless crimes of Batista Government makes pr esent criticism of execut i ons offensive and dan gerous to Cub an- Amer i can 5

relations, Press reports ove~look the model reform'forder and renewed faith in government created by the new regime ,'22 '

Charles C. Shaw, reporting in February 1959, said that,the ,~otestant'clergymen he had interviewed and asked about the executions, had :responded 'wi t hout exception in this way:

A much gr e at er evil than the , \exec'\tion,s~of' mers ,cpnvi~ted " ?f: war crimes at trials which are" to say the..least', 'unor t hodox ,.would. be', the indiscrimi­ nate killing of these same people by' the mob vengeance, and th1ere was', noth­ ing theoretical about that fear.,., Not a single', person has be'e'n lynched in Cuba.

We would be happier if there 'were no'killings. We wou~d be happier yet if there had been no previous, crime's for' which the' Government I s prL son­ ers are charged.

Meanwhile, we work for ,a better ,Cuba as we worked·unstintingly for the success-of the revolution,23

This "work for a better I Cuba" in the ,early peri.od .of' the, Revo.LutLon seems at best undirecte~, at worst, misdirected. Reaqing the accounts of t he pre-1959 revolu­ tionary activities of the Protestants would lead 'one to concluae that what was being forged was a community of politicql realists who ,had grasped clearly the relationship between Christian faith and political action. One wo~d expect then to see a dynamic church emerge in the post-revolutionary days, alive'with prophetic 'vision, dedicated to social change, and sophisticated,. both theologically and politically. I Had their faith not dictated their risking their ·i i ve s , in the antli-Batista r esLs t'ance ? Their attraction to Fidel Castro ,and support\of his rebellion was surely based(on positive affirmations of the nature of the state and government. Surely the ministers and laymen now part of the administration had a plan, a program that united them.

This writer raised such questions with the Rev. Mr .• Arrastia in an interview on April 4, 1966, The response was a shaking of the head as he' said, "No, We were sim­ ply theologically unprepared for what ,happened. We Protestants had no program, We just wanted to help Fidel get rid of Batista. And then we 'went back to our regular work." And "regul.ar -wor'k ;" as i t-ef'Lect.ed in the progr,ams adopted and implemented by the Protestant churches in those first few months of 15{5,9, "s'eemed primarily to be seen as evangelism in the most narrow isense. The Methodists, Presbyterians, and Bap­ tists launched "five-year plans."

"The Church in Latin America today, can either ret'reat and be 'i nt er e st ed only in the individual salvation'.of souls, or can think of its: mi~sion as sowing ideals in so­ ciety. Both of these are inadequate alternat:i:ves," said the .~Rev..Emilio, Castro, pas­ tor of the Methodist Church of 'Mont evi deo , 'Ur ugu ay', : to(the''d,ei'egates ,of the, World • t . . ' : Student Christian Federation's Regional ' Conference; on, "The;;Life' and Mission of the Church" in Mexico City on December 14, 1962.24

The Rev. Mr, Castro declared that if, in the face ·of the present Latin American revolution, "the Church ' r e t r ~ at s and speaks only~of,.dpMv;id.Ual salvation it would un­ doubtedly have an increase ,in"number-s because ( emph a s~ is' on "anot he r Ii.fe, always at­ t r act s persons who are suffering and despairarig in~ the ~:present ~" But this approach would "constitute escapism and make the : Church merely anvasy.Lum;" On the, other hand, "if the Church is content to .sow ideals regq.rding 'theJFather,hood. of;{}odi arid respect for individ~als as its missi~n, :then this, too, .Ls an IHl'uslon, for preaching cannot supplement reality and the mi'ssicm of th'e Church iinplies' d'irect '- act/ion. " 6

"The Church in Latin America, when, choosing this aJ.termitive of sowing ideaJ.s, creates concern and Ldeal.Lst.s ;" he continued, "but has not given them ways oL;knowing how to implement and put these ideals into practice. The:concretization of ideaJ.s is essential. "

With this framework in mind, looking at the act i vi t i es and plans of the Protes­ tant churches in Cuba in 1959 one finds both aJ.ternatives (the traditionaJ. emphases of Protestantism in Cuba) being adopted. There is,little recognition of th~ir inade­ quacy and scant possibility of any other alternatives. The -f'a f. Lur e to' see the need for "concretization of ideaJ.s" in politicaJ. reaJ.itY,is summariZed strikingly by the 1958 Narrative 'Repor t of the American Baptist Home Missions:

The end of the year brought the most desired change in Cuba with the flight of the dictator, Batista. The Cuban Baptist; lead~rs ,met to consider the situation and to plan for courageous forward steps to take', advantage of this newly won freedom and the great interest 'in spirituaJ. matters. The coming year will be more than usuaJ.lY,critical for ·thislisland as t he l ead­ ers build a new politicaJ. structure. Similarly it will bel criticaJ. for the churches as they work and plan to strengthen their program and to meet the particular needs of this present time. 25

The victory was won. Freedom was new and glorious. "Interest in spiritual mat­ ters" was great. The comin g year was recognized as critical for both church and state; but the inherent di chot omy is striking. The churches are to "plan to strengthen their program to meet particular needs" while "the leaders {Castro and companiJ build a nevi polit.i.c a.L structure." That t.he church's most important job at that moment in history might well have been to participate'in the building of the "new politicaJ. structure" does not appear in any of the\churches' published materiaJ.s during this early period of the revolution, so far as this writer has been able'to ' find.

In July 1959, the Methodists created the Sierra Maestra District of their church in Oriente Province and reveaJ.ed the strategy they had employed during the war years. They had decided to "ring the mountains with churches, so that with the cessation of hostilities, the mountains could be entered with the Gospel , using each church as a center from which to operate." The mountains had been "ringed," and the Methodists began a series of revival campaigns in the area. 26

In Holguin, a city of 100,000 in Oriente Province, the 10caJ. Methodist church with 150 members embarked on a building campaign and with' aid from United States Methodist churches built a $43,000 church as a memorial to the late, Bi shop Branscomb of . 27

Evangelistic revivaJ.s and the building of churches dominated Cuban Methodism during these early months and years of r-econst ructi.on , "I'he -"f'orward movement" in evangelism proceeded in Oriente Province, ,t he scen~ of 't he /r ebel ' ent r enchment , which had suffered the most devastation. This eastern province became the focus of the new government's programs in education, road' building, and agrarian reform.

Oriente Province aJ.one had 50,000 persons who had been made qestitute by the fighting. There was a lack of food and clothing. There ,were homeless children and destroyed cities and towns. The Presbyterian Church in Cuba 'recognized this situa­ tion . It sent the Rev. Francisco Garcia and Dr. Emilio Rodrigue~, principaJ. of La Progresiva, to the United States with an appeaJ. to the United Presbyterian Church for aid in supporting a program of expansion into this area (which -is five times the size of Puerto Rico).28 7

The Cub an Presbyterians worked on plan s t o send pas tors, teachers, and doctors i nt o Oriente Pr ovince , and the General Counci l of t he Uni t ed Presbyterian Church i n t he U. S.A. vot ed i n M~rch 1959 "t o make $95 ,000 av ailable f or Cuban re.lief and reha­ bilitation. " The f unds , admin istered by t he Presbyter i an Church in Cuba, were used to :

(1) Est ablish pr ovi s ional camps f or home less ch i ldren; (2) Equip mob i le health unit s f or work in devastated areas ; (J) Rebui ld 250 wrecked homes of f ami l ies , regardless of r eli gi on , in t owns of Oriente Pr ovi nce; and (4) Set up r ecreati on and guidance center s for rebe l soldiers.29

On June 9 , 1959 , the Cuban Presbyter ians l aunched Campamento Pre sbit eriano "La Pr ogre siva," a surmner camp for 120 chi ldren in Oriente Province . Only one out of five quali f ied applicants .could be admitted to t his ,camp , which pr ovided phy sical care, recr eation, and educ a tion . The camp s ite was lent to the Cuban church by Julio Lobo, t he "Sugar King" of Oriente. Thirty-five volunteer doctors, nurses , teachers, cooks , and helper s staf fed t he camp, and sixteen pr efabr icated cabins , each named for a revolutionary hero, were er ect ed . One elder ly l e ader told Henry J . McCorkle , Pres­ byterian Life r eport er, "I have lived in thi s area f or t hirt y-fi ve ye ars and thi s i s the f i rst t ime that anybody has ever done anyt hi ng f or our children. "30

Perhap s most r evealing of the Cuban Protestant mentality prior t o the revol ution was the comment that a doctor 's wife made to Mr. Mc Corkle . She said , "I never knew t hat this kind of condition could exist i n my own country. "31 This l ady and her hus­ band r etur ned to t heir city home after that surmner but found it impossible t o s ettle back i nto t he routine. Subseque nt ly, they r eturned to serve on the staff of Tanamo , a r elief ce nter i::1 Or iente which gr ew out of the surmner camp experience , and built on l and purchased by the Presbytery of Cuba. I n December 1960, A. C. For rest, a Canadi ­ an Christian, visited Tan amo and the doctor ~s wife expanded 0::1 her previous state­ ment . Mr. FOTrest wro-se: "In the missi on at Ori ente , pol itics seemed f ar away." Mrs . Figueredo, the doctor I s wife , tol.d him: "We are j ust Christians trying to do our job. And the revoluti on did t his for us. It ope ned our eyes to t he ne eds of others , and i t made us r e ali ze we l oved money too much. And that creates unhappines s . We are happy here. "32

A paradox was developing . The r-evo.Iution had been a success, but it had to be­ come establ ished and or ganized . I t needed a progr-am, an ideological base . Most ob­ servers agree t hat while Fidel Castro had led the revolution, he had given l ittle considerat ion to post- revol ution pl m\n~ng and pr ogr am. Castro tol d Herbert L. Matthews in the fal l of 1963 :

The f irst cabinet with Mira Cardona, Agramonte, Chibas, etcetera (re­ spectively Prime Minister , For eign Minist er, Financ e Minister) was chosen by Ur r utia. I had nothing to do with i t . I really wanted t o keep outside of the political picture cut it was imp~ss ib le .33

Matthews accepts Castro I s words at f ace value. Others do not . But even those who f eel t hat Castro from the beginning pr oj ected a dictatorial Marxist state, with himself as head, wo uld not deny that the f irst cabinet had an i mpor t ant r ol e t o play. Dr aper puts forth the hypot hesi s t hat Castr o needed t o,set up t he governmental f ront headed by the moderates Urrutia and Mi ra Card ona in order to knock them down as a test of his own power position in relati on to t he strong mi ddl e cl ass and pr ofes s ion­ al suppor ter s of the r evolut i on. 34 Both Urrutia and Mi r o Cardona, who r e signed i n protest and in hope that the moderates would rise up in t hei r defense, wer e me t only with indifference and silence as Castro con tinued to draw adulation and applause. 8

Miro Cardona is reported to have said: "I resigned. Cuba did not protest. It ac­ cepted, it applauded."35

Draper contends that any "qualms Castro may have had about the Cuban middle cl as s ••.were soon dispelled by the ease with which its representatives could be used and discarded."36 By Jul y 17, 1959, both of these moder at e leaders, Urrutia and Cardona, were out of office.

Perhaps the Protestant chur ch could have been an effective base for moderation not counter -r evol ut i on , but plans for elections, setting up viable institutional forms of government, counsel with the united force of numbers behind it. One is re­ minded that many rebels following the American Revolution wanted George Washington to establish a dictatorial form of gover nment with himself at the head. But Washington refused, and the tedious job of institution building for democracy and orderly bal­ anci ng and transferring of power began.

We will turn to a consi der at i on of this possibility in Part II, in the next is­ sue of the Occasional Bulletin.

Footnotes

1. David White, "Cuba: Beautiful and Violent," The Christian Century, January 21, 1959, p. 74.

2 . William V. D'Antonio and Frederick B. Pike (eds.), Religion, Revolution, and Re­ form: New Forces for Change in Latin America (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1964) , p. 5.

3 . Theodore Draper, Cas t r o ' s Revolution, Myths and Reali t i es (New York: Frederick A. Prae ger, 1962), p. 10.

4 . "Christians in a Troubled World," Presbyterian Life, July 1, 1958, p. 18.

5. J . Mario Casanella, "Colegios Internacionales ," Missi ons, April 1957, p. 44.

6 . Ch arles C. Shaw, "The Price of Freedom," Presbyterian Life, February 15, 1959, p , 23 .

7. Letters to the Editor, Chr i st i an Century, March 25, 1964, p. 403 .

8 . Shaw, Ope cit.

9 . I bid.

10. McGaf f ey , Wyatt and Clifford R. Barnett, Cuba: Its People, I t s Society, Its Cul­ t ur e (New Haven: HRAF Pr ess, 1962), p. 247.

11. Herbert L. Matthews, The Cuban St ory (New Yor k : George Braziller, 1961), p. 18 .

12. Ibid., p. 62.

13. Shaw, Ope cit.

14. Matthews , Ope cit., p . 64. 9

1 5. Rafael Cepeda, "A Pastor 'Revolutionist' Escapes Batista t s Police," Presbyterian Life, February 1 5, 195 9, p. 26 .

16. Lois C. Kr oe hl er , "An Amer i can Tea cher Views Days of Terror•.. and Victory," Presbyterian Life, February 1959, p. 28 .

17. Carl D. Stewart, "Methodists in the Cuban Revolution, " World Out l ook , March 1959, p. 8 .

18. Shaw, op. cit., p . 24 .

19. Henry L. McCorkle, "Report from Cuba: Churchmen Have Prominent Roles i n New Gov­ errnnerrt," Presbyterian Life, August ,1 , 1959, p. 24ff.

20. D'Antonio and Pike, OPt cit., p. 108.

21 . Hiram H. Hilty, unpublished mimeographed report to the American Friends Service Commi t t ee .

22. "The Cuban Revolution, II Editorial, quoted in, World Outlook, March 1959, p. 6 .

23. Shaw, op. c i t . , p. 24 .

24. All references and quotations from this conference are from notes taken by the writ er who was a member of the U.S. delegation.

25 . American Baptist Home Missions, 1958 Narrative Report, p . 25 .

26 . Carl D. Stewart, "Methodist in Cuba I s Sierra Maestra Mountains," World Outlook, Mar ch 1 960, p . 7 .

27. Ash ton Ao Almond, "The Branscomb Memorial in Holguin, Cuba," World Outlook, De­ cember 195 9, po 17.

28 . "Cub an Protestants Ai d Reconstruction," Presbyt erian Life, March 1, 1959, p , 22 .

29. Henry J. Mc Corkle, "Smal.l Revolut i on in Oriente," Presbyt erian Life, Au gus t 1 5, 1 959, p . 7.

30. Ibid ., p o lO v

31. Ibid.

32. A. C. Forrest , "A Sunday in Cuba," Presbyterian Life, J anu ary 1, 1961, p , 33.

33. H. L. Matthews, "Return to Cuba," Hisp anic American Report, January 1 964, p , 11.

34 . Theodor e Dr aper, Castroism Theory and Pra ctice (New York: Frederick A. Praeger,

196 5), p , 117 0

35. Ibid., p. 119.

36. Ibid., p. 118.