MYANMAR BUDDHIST PERSPECTIVE ON BHIKKHUNI ORDINATION: NEW

INTERPRETATIONS ACCORDING TO ASHIN ADICCAVAMSA AND MINGUN

JETAWUN

ASHIN TEJINDA

LD NO. 5819499

A RESEARCH PAPER SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

IN PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION

GRADUAL SCHOOL OF HUMAN SCIENCES

ASSUMPTION UNIVERSITY OF

2017 Copyright by

ASSUMPTION UNIVERSITY OF THAILAND Research Paper Title: MYANMAR BUDDHIST PERSPECTIVE ON BHIKKHUNI

ORDINATION: NEW INTERPRETATIONS ACCORDING TO ASHIN ADICCAVAMSA

AND MINGUN JETAWUN SAYADA W

By: ASHIN TEJINDA

Research Paper Advisor: DR. VEERACHART NIMANONGN

Accepted by the Graduate School of Human Sciences, Assumption University in

Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master Degree in Philosophy and

Religion

...••.••...... •••••••••

(Assoc. Prof. Dr. Suwattana Eamoraphan)

Dean of the Graduate School of Human Sciences

Research Paper Approval Committee

~frV7 ...... ;:::.~ ...... Chair

(Dr. Kajornpat Tangyin) ...... ~~~!ij...... Adv~or (Dr. Veerachart Nirnanong)

... ·-::Vln .1(.\~ ·--~~~tw ...... ~ •• Faculty Member

(Asst. Prof. Dr. Shang-Wen Wang) ii

Research Title: MYANMAR BUDDHIST PERSPECTIVE ON

BHIKKHUNI ORDINATION: NEW

INTERPRETATIONS ACCORDING TO ASHJN

ADICCA V AMSA AND MIN GUN JETA WUN

SAYADAW

Researcher: ASHIN TEJINDA l.DNo: 5819499

Majoring In: PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION

Advisor: VEERACHART NIMANONG

Academic Year: 2017 Abstract

In , Bhikkhunf Sarr1gha has gone~extinct around the 11th century

A.O. At present, some Buddhists want to revive Bhikkhunf Smrigha. However, according to

sixth Garudamma, Bhikkhunf ordination must be performed in presence of both Smrighas,

Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunfs. Therefore, in the Theravada Buddhism, Bhikkhunf Smrigha could not be absolutely revived. Ashin Adiccavamsa gives new interpretation of Bhikkhunf

iii ordination. His interpretation is an alternative approach to understand the concept of

Bhikkhunf ordination. Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw also gives new interpretation of Bhikkhunf ordination. Most Myanmar Buddhists do not agree with these new interpretations, but some agree with them. At present, there are many Bhikkhunfs who were ordained with the help of

Mahayana Bhikkhunfs. Myanmar Buddhists do not acknowledge the current Bhikkhunfs as

Theravada Bhikkhunfs. Firstly, this research will state the origin and development of

Bhikkhunf Saf!1gha. As a second, new interpretations of Bhikkhunf ordination presented by

Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw will be studied. Finally, this research will evaluate the new interpretations of Bhikkhunf ordination and will study Myanmar Sa'!lgha 's view on the current Bhikkhunfordination. iv

Acknowledgement

First and foremost, I would like to pay my highest respects and most sincere gratitude to the th~ee triple gems: Buddha, Dhamma and Sarrzgha. 1 would also like to express my highest respects and thanks !O Ven. Dr. Nanissara, known as Sitagu Sayadaw, the chancellor and founder of Sitagu International Buddhist Academy in Sagaing, Myanmar, who gave me full scholarship for the completion of MA at Assumption University, .

Again, I would like to express my very great appreciation to Dr. Veerachart

Nimanong, Head of the Philosophy and Religious Program, Assumption University, who is my research advisor.

Moreover, I would also like to offer my special thanks to Dr. Warayuth Sriwarakuel,

Dean of Graduate Program of Philosophy and Religion, Assumption University, who opened my eyes with valuable criticism while giving me help needed.

Besides, I would like to thank the following respected lecturers, Dr. Kajornpat

Tangyin, Dr. Shang-Wen Wang, Dr. John Giordano, Dr. Michael Clark and Dr. Subhavadee

Numkanisorn from the Graduate Program of Philosophy and Religion, Assumption

University, who gave me excellent knowledge, comments and suggestions on the presentation of my research study.

1 would also like to thank the secretary, staff of the Graduate School of Philosophy and Religion, library staff, my classmates and Dhamma friends. I would also like to express my thanks to Dr. Myint Thein (a Retired Lecturer, Department of Accounting, Martin De

Tours School of Management and Economics, Assumption University), Daw Than Than

Myint (Kitty), Lecturer of Southeast Asian Studies Program at Chulalongkorn University, v and U Nyi Nyi Pe, Lecturer of English, Assumption University, who proofread and checked my grammar.

I am also indebted to Myanmar Buddhist devotees around Assumption University campus for providing me with all necess_ities throughout my studies here.

Last but not least, I would like to offer my special thanks to my preceptor, Ashin

Somana and my parents, U Tin and Daw Sh we Hteik for taking care of me until now. In fact, it is beyond words to fully express my thanks to all kindly people who helped and supported me the beauty of benevolence and encouragement. They will always be remembered in my daily prayers. vi

Contents

Page

Abstract 11

Acknowledgement IV

Contents VI

Abbreviations IX

CHAPTER I: Introduction

1.1 Background and Significance of the study

1.2 Research Objectives 9

1.3 Thesis Statement 10

1.4 Review of Related Literatures 10

1.5 Definition of the Terms used in the Research 14

1.6 Research Scope 14

1.7 Research Methodology 15

1.8 Research expectation 15

CHAPTER II: A study of origin and development of BhikkhuniStuµgha

2.1 The term Bhikkhunias appeared in Tipifaka and Buddhist literatures 16

2.2 BhikkhuniSmrzgha in the Buddha's time 18

2.3 Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha after the Buddha 25 vii

2.4 BhikkhuniSaf(lgha in early period of Myanmar 29

CHAPTER III: An analysis of new interpretations of Bhikkhuniordination as applied

by Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw

3.1 Buddhist Hermeneutics 35

3.2 Friedrich Schleiermacher's Hermeneutics 40

3.3 Brief background on the life of Ash in Adiccavamsa 42

3.4 Ashin Adicavamsa's interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination 44

3.5 Brief background on the life of Min gun Jetawun Sayadaw 50

3.6 Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw's interpretation of Bhikkhuniordination 51

3.7 Comparative study between two interpretations 58

CHAPTER IV: Discussion and evaluation of the impact of the new interpretations of

Bhikkhuniordination on the society and Myanmar Saf!lgha's views on

current issue

4.1 Comparison and contrast between the Theravada traditional concepts and

new interpretations of Bhikkhuniordination 61

4.2 Impact of Ashin Adiccavamsa's new interpretation on the Myanmar

society 65

4.2.1 Positive views on Ash in Adiccavamsa' s interpretation 66

4.2.2 Negative views on Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation 69 viii

4.3 Impact ofMingun Jetawun Sayadaw's new interpretation on the Myanmar

society. 70

4.4 Myanmar SaY[lgha's views on current Bhikkhuniordination 72

CHAPTER V: Conclusion and recommendation for further research

5.1 Conclusion 83

5.2 Recommendations for further research 88

References: 90

Appendix: Ashin Adiccavamsa's Biography 96

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw's Biography 97

Researcher's Biography 98 ix

Abbreviations

A Anguttara Nikaya

Example (A, 1, p. 61)

A = Anguttara Nikaya

=Volume I

p. 61 =Page 61

Bhb Bhikkhunibhavabhavavinicchaya

Bhv Bhikkhunivinicchaya Sartam

D Digha Nikaya

M Majjhima Nikaya

Miln M ii indapafiha

VA,III Pacityadi

Srt Saratthadipani Tika

VbhA Vibhanga Atthakatha (Sammohavinodani)

Sp Sam antapasadika

Sv Sum ingalavilasini

Vjr Vaj1rabuddhi Tika x

Vmt VimativinodanI Tika

Vin (Khuddaka Nikaya) CHAPTER I

Introduction

1.1 Background and Significance of Research Problem

This research is intended to study the origin and development of Bhikkhuniordination

as mentioned in Theravada Pa/i canonical texts, commentaries and sub-commentaries, and

the new interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination as presented by Ashin Adiccavamsa, Mingun

Jetawun Sayadaw, who are Theravada Buddhist scholar monks in Myanmar. The reason why

the researcher chose this topic is that interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination presented by

Ashin Adiccavamsa, and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw are the alternative approaches. These

new interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination have conflict with Traditional Theravada

concepts. The researcher believes that it is a ·good subject for comparative study between

these new interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination and Traditional Theravada concept. As

regards this topic, it is needless to say that there has been no other researcher before who has

done a research work under this title, "Myanmar Buddhist Perspective on Bhikkhuni

Ordination: New Interpretations According to Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawan

Sayadaw." The researcher, therefore, believes that this research will provide new knowledge

regarding the field on Bhikkhuniordination.

According to Cii/avagga Pajj canon, women entered as Bhikkhuni into the Buddha

Sasana during the 5th year after the Buddha's achievement of enlightenment. The Buddha

permitted through the urging of his chief attendant Ananda at the

serious and determined request of his foster-mother, Mahapajapati GotamL In the Buddha's

dispensation, became the first Bhikkhuni by accepting Eight 2

Garudhammas, i.e. a serious and heavy rules or principles to be respected. Among these eight

Garudhammas, the sixth Garudhamma is mentioned below:

"Having trained for two years in six rules, a probationer must seek ordination from both the assemblies of and Bhikkhunis," dwe vassani chasu dhammesu sikkhitasikkhiiya sikkhamfinliya ubhato saf[lghe upasampada pariyesitabbfi. (Vin, II, p. 255)

Regarding the ordination of five hundred royal ladies, the Buddha promulgated:

"Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis,'' anujanfimi bhikkhave bhikkhfihi bhikkhuniyo upasampadetun. (Vin, II, p. 257)

They became ekato-upasampanna Bhikkhunis who received ordination solely from the Saf[lgha. When there was a problem of interviewing female candidates, the

Buddha promulgated the following:

"Bhikkhus, I prescribe the ordination in the community of bhikkhus for one who has been higher ordained on one side and has cleared herself in the community of Bhikkhunis," anujanfimi, bhikkave, ekato-upasampannaya bhikkhunisaf[lghe visuddhiiya bhikkhusaf[lghe upasampiiletun. (Vin, JI, p. 271)

According to the Vinaya rules, a candidate should obtain ordination from Bhikkhuni

Saf!1gha for the first time and then ordination from Bhikkhu Saf[lgha for the second time.

Bhikkhuni ordination must be performed on both side of Saf[lgha. Therefore Bhikkhuni ordination is not possible without BhikkhuniSaf!lgha.

From the Buddha's time, Bhikkhuni Sasanfi flourished in India until the gth century.

Bhikkhu Analayo, in his article ']he Revival of the Bhikkhuni Order and the Decline of the

Sfisanfi," stated as below:

"The Chinese Pilgrim Yijing, who travelled in India in the late ih century, reports the existence of Bhikkhuni in India, noting their frugal life styles. Inscriptional evidence indicates that Bhikkhunis existed in India even in the gth century." (Analayo, 2013, p. 116) 3

However some scholars believe that Bhikkhunls existed in India until 11th century.

They consider that Bhikkhunis seemed to have disappeared together with the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha due to the invasion of Turkish Muslims through Indian land in that period.

In the third century B.C.E., both the Bhikkhu and Bhikkhunl Saf!lghas were established in under Mahinda and Sarpghamitta from India. They established the

Theravada school of Buddhism on the island. In Sri Lanka, Bhikkhuni Smrzgha flourished until the eleventh century. Bhikkhu Analayo, in his article "The Revival of the Bhikkhuni

Order and Decline ofthe Sfisanfi," mentions:

"According to the Dipavamsa (16.38f) and the Mahfivamsa (19.650), during the reign of Asoka the Bhikkhunlordination was brought from India to Sri Lanka by a group of Bhikkhuni:S from India, headed by Sarpghamitta. In Sri Lanka the Bhikkhunl order appears to have disappeared at some point around the 11 century during a period of political turmoil that had decimated the entire monastic community." (Anlayo, 2013, pp. 116-117)

In Buddhism, there were four assemblies of the disciples: Bhikkhu, Bhikkhuni,

Upfisakfi, male lay follower, and Upfisikfi, female lay follower. At present, there are only three assemblies after Bhikkhunl assembly has died out around the eleventh century.

Buddhists in some countries are trying to revive Bhikkhunl assembly. They have a desire to find the whole four assemblies of the Buddha. Sara1 who has been a Mae Ji2 for two years, a

Samaperl(female novice) for four years and a Bhikkhunifor two years says:

A chair with a broken leg must be fixed. Tlie Buddha established four groups of Buddhists: Bhikkhus, Bhikkhunis, laymen, and laywomen. As the Bhikkhunl

1 In 1928, two young sisters, Sara and Chongdi Bhasit received the Samaperi ordination. They received Bhikkhuni ordination in 1932. They refused to give up their robes. They were charged with an act of disobedience to the Order of the Sm!lgha. Sara was jailed for eight days, Chongdi for four. (Kabilsingh, 1991, pp. 45-47) 2 Mae Jis shave their head, wears white robes, and observes either five or while following a forITJ of monastic life without formal ordination or proper ordination lineage. (Kabilsingh, 1991, p. 36) 4

Saf!lgha is now missing, we have to reestablish this for the sake of completion. (Kabilsingh, 1991, p. 48)

In Theravada Tradition, Bhikkhuni assembly has gone extinct around the eleventh

century whereas in , it is still in existence. At present, instead of Bhikkuni

_assembly, we can find Thilashins in Myanmar, Dasas11a Matas3 in Sri Lanka, Mae Jis in

Thailand. They keep only ten or eight precepts (Dasa or Affha S11a) whereas Bhikkhunis keep

311 precepts promulgated by the Buddha. The former group belongs to the assembly of

female lay follower (Upasikfi). They are regarded by Buddhist legalists to be Upasikii.

Bhikkhu Analayo, in his article ''The Revival of the Bhikkhuni Order and the Decline of the

Sasanii," states the following:

"The current situation of in Sri Lanka, Burma and Thailand compares poorly to the situation of Bhikkhunis described in the Pa_Ji Cannon. In the final analysis the disadvantages nuns in these countries have to face seem to go back to the basic fact that these nuns in Sri Lanka, Burma and Thailand are not recognized as fully ordained monastics on a par with the Bhikkhus. This is particularly evident with the Mae Jis in Thailand who, in spite of being the tradition with the longest history, are in a worse position in several respects compared to their Burmese and Sri Lankan counterparts." (Analayo, 2013, pp. 167-168)

As there is a demand for the reestablishment of Bhikkhuni Order in contemporary

Theravada Buddhist countries, today, the re-establishment or non-establishment of

BhukkhunJOrder has become a controversy among the Buddhists in the Theravada Buddhist

countries, such as Sri Lanka, Thailand, Myanmar etc. and as well as those Buddhists in the

west. Chatsumarn Kabilsingh, in her book "Thai ," writes:

"In the Buddha's time, there were many successful role models for women in the Saf!lgha. However, through the long in Thailand, these positive role models have been actively suppressed. Revival of the

3 In Sri Lanka the ten precepts nuns are named Dasa S11a Mma.(Lindberg Folk, 2008, p. 101) 5

Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha would be a very important way to elevate the status of women in religious life. Buddhist Tradition maintains that there are five spiritual opportunities difficult to attain: being born as a human being, encountering a Buddha, being able to "go forth," from joining the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha, denies them the opportunity to express their spiritual lives to the fullest. Becoming a Bhikkhu or Bhikkhuniis important because it is the way to practice full-time, allowing the individual to deepen his or her understanding of the Bud_dha's teaching. It is also important to maintain the Saf!lgha, which has been the vehicle for preserving the Buddhist teaching from the Buddha's lifetime to the present day." (Kabilsingh, 199 J, p. 42)

Beginning in the late 1990s, the reestablishment of the Bhikkhuniordination has been initiated in the Theravada world, headed by Sri Lanka monks and nuns. Taking the support of a number of educated monks, Sri Lankan women have sought to re-establish the long- vanished order of nuns not only to a place in their nation's heritage but to the religious life of global Theravada Buddhism. The first ordination in the current restoration movement was performed in , India, in December 1996, when Sri Lankan women were ordained as

Bhikkhunis by Sri Lankan monks from the Mahabodhi Society assisted by Korean monks and nuns. This was followed by a grand international ordination at Bodhagaya in February, 1998, conferred on women from many countries. It was celebrated under the sponsorship of the

Taiwan-based organization. Bhikkhus from different countries following both the _Theravada and Mahiiyiina traditions along with Bhikkhunis from attended this ordination. From I 998 on, Bhikkhuniordinations have been celebrated regularly in Sri Lanka,

(Bodhi, 201 _o, pp. 99-100). At present, many women on the island have been ordained.

However they still have not received official recognition from either the Sri Lankan government or the chief monks.

Bhikkhu Analayo, in his book "The Legality ofBhikkhuniOrdination," writes:

At the Bodhgaya Bhikkhuni ordination, the candidates received Theravada robes and bowls, and they did not take the vows. After completing the ordination, the new Bhikkhunis underwent a second ordination at which 6

only Theravada Bhikkhus officiated. The crucial question now is whether this ordination can be recognized as valid from a Theravada legal viewpoint. (Analayo, 2013, p. 8)

In the fifth century, Chinese Bhikkhunilineage was brought from Sri Lanka to China.

But Chinese Bhfkkhunis follow a different code of rules and regulations, Patimokkha. They

follow Dharmagi1ptaka Vinaya. It appears to have been imposed in China by imperial order

in the eighth century. It has more rules and regulations for the Bhikkhunis than the Theravada

Vinaya. It also differs in formulation of some of that rules that the two share.

(Analayo, 2013, p. 18)

During the ordination act, School uses a language other than Pa/i

which is a language of the Theravada School. In this case, Theravada School might perceive

this as Kammavacfivipatti due to incorrect wording. Regarding the Simf, the Dharmaguptaka

School uses more markers for defining the Sima than Theravada does. In this case also,

Theravada School might perceive this as Simfivipatti (invalid Simff). Therefore most

Theravada monks recognize as the invalid to ordination with the Mahayana Bhikkhunis.

(Seeger, 2006, pp. 163-164)

Thai Buddhist community is also having different opinions on reestablishment of

Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha. Dr. W.Piyaratana, in his article "Critiques on the Establishment of the

BhikkhuniOrder in Thailand', says:

"Those who against on the establishment point out that the role of female in either supporting Buddhism or in practicing Dhamma is good. But there is no Bhikkhuni ordination. If female would like to practice Dhamma, they should uplift the institution of Mae Chee since this Mae Chee is more flexible and is able to attain the same path. If the lack of support of Bhikkhuni assembly leads

4 Sima is the boundary that clearly defines the area in which legal acts (Sa'!1ghakamma) can be carried out. (Seeger, 2006, p.164) 7

to the declination of Buddhism, then would decline or disappear since Sukhothai period.

Those who are in need of the establishment point out that the establishment is possible even there is not assistance of Bhikkhus as evidenced in Tipifaka. It shows that the Buddha allowed Bhikkhunfs to give an ordination to Bhikkhunis." (Piyaratana, 2-015)

Myanmar is one of the most significant Theravada Buddhist countries with 80% of the population practicing Buddhism. The fifth and sixth Siiigfiyanfis, communal recitations,

were held in Myanmar. had long been supported from the assemblies

of only three Buddhaparisad, Bhikkhu, Upfisakfi and Upfisikfi. The question on the legality of

reestablishment of Theravada Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha has been asked by many Theravada

Buddhists as well as Myanmar Buddhists. There were conflicts among Myanmar Buddhist scholars on whether Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha can be revived or not. Moreover there was a demand for official reception of Bhikkhuni Daw SaccavadI, a Myanmar Bhikkhuniwho was ordained

on February 28, 2003 in Sri Lanka, said:

"Because Thilashin is not a Bhikkhuni, she loses good qualities of monks (SamaJJaguJJas)5. For this, no one would consider to give its compensation." (Bhb,2006,p.34)

At present, in Myanmar the first_ person who gives a new interpretation of Bhikkhuni

Ordination to revive the BhikkhuniOrder is Ashin Adiccavamsa, a famous author, who wrote over four hundred books including Padasangabapat composed of Pfi/i. He wrote a book

"Bhikkhunisfisanopadesa, i.e. An Overview of the BhikkhuniSfisan§' in 1935.

5 qualities of monk who has impurity morality: (l) full of reverence for the Buddha, (2) for the Jaws, (3 )for the order, and ( 4) for his fellow-disciples, ( 5) he exerts himself in putting questions about, and in recitation of (the sacred texts), (6) He is devoted to learning, though he has done wrong, (7)the guilty one entering the assembly, enters it decently clad, he guards himself alike in body and mind through fear of rebuke, (8) his mind is set upon exerting himself (toward the attainment of Arahatship), (9)he is of the companionship of the brethren, (JO) if he does wrong, he lives discreetly, and so on. (Miln, pp-249-250) 8

His interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination presented in this book is alternative and different from Pfi.li commentaries, sub-commentaries and Myanmar Buddhists' views. On this book, Myanmar Buddhist scholar monks including learned lay followers criticized and argued with A shin Adiccavamsa while some agreed· to his view. However he was excluded from the Sarrzgha organization. Most Myanmar Buddhists have no desire to revive Bhikkhuni

Sarrzgha. However, until now, his alternative explanation on Bhikkhuniordination stands as a light to reestablish BhikkhunI Sarrzgha that has gone extinct since the eleventh century.

Another Myanmar Buddhist monk who gives a new interpretation for rev1vmg

BhikkhunI Sarrzgha is Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw who wrote 22 books. In 1949, he wrote a book, "Milindapaiiha A/thakathti." In this book, Min gun J etawun Sayadaw stated that women can obtain Bhikkhuniordination at the present day. His statement also had caused arguments and controversy within the Myanmar society. Thus, those copies of the book that had already been published were kept away by the publisher. However his interpretation is a guideline for other Theravada Buddhist scholars, namely, Bhikkhu Analayo, Bhikkhu Bodhi, etc. who have a great thirst for the reestablishment of BhikkhunI Sarrzgha.

In the Mahtiparinibbana Sutta, the Buddha highlighted a set of conditions that will lead to the welfare of his disciples and prevent decline. Among the conditions, the Buddha mentioned the one that Bhikkhus are not to authorize what has not been authorized, and are not to abrogate what has not been authorized.6 The commentary, Sumingalavilfisini, states

"the Vinaya is what gives life force to the Buddha's dispensation. The Buddha's dispensation will endure as long as the Vinaya endures."7 The rules and regulations given in the Vinaya

Pifaka are central importance for monastic members of the Theravada Traditions. Therefore,

6 Appaiiiiattarrz na paiiiiapessanti, paiiiiatta'!l na sgmucchindissanti. (D. II. p. 77) 7 Vinayo nama buddhasfisanassa ayu. Vinaye thite sasana'!l thita'!l nama hoti. (Sv, p. 11) 9

Theravada Buddhist monks consider that it is their duty to preserve the original form of

Dhamma and Vinaya for the progression and the sustainability of the Buddha's teaching. If,

in Myanmar, someone presents the concepts in contrast with Theravada Dhamma and

Vinaya, he or she must be obedient to the judgment of the State Independent Vinayadhara . organization.8 This organization investigates whether his or her concepts correspond to the

Theravada Dhamma and Vinaya or not. This organization ruled in the Saf(lgha-court that the

current BhikkhuniOrdination deviates from the Theravada Vinaya.

Many people are aware that Myanmar monks do not accept the revival of Theravada

Bhikkhuni Saf(lgha at all. Therefore it is necessary to explore more in order to know the main

reasons. The present research will study on the Bhikkhuni Saf(lgha as appeared in the Tipi faka

and commentaries, and the new interpretations of Bhikkhuni presented by Ashin

Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawan Sayadaw along with the Myanmar Buddhists' view on the

revival of BhikkhuniSaf(lgha.

1.2 Research objectives

1. To study the origin and development of Bhikkhuni Saf(lgha mentioned in

Tipifaka, commentaries and sub-commentaries, and to explore the existence of

BhikkhuniSaf(lgha in early period of Myanmar.

2. To study the new interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination as presented by

Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw.

8 This organization is called "Naing Ngan Daw Thee Char Wi Nee Do A Phwe" in Burmese language. It is composed of Buddhist monk scholars. Actually, it can be called Court oflnquiry. 10

3. To evaluate the influences of new interpretations of the Bhikkhuni ordination

to the present society and to study Myanmar Saf!lgha 's view on current

Bhikkhuniordination.

1.3 Thesis statement

New interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination presented by Ashin Adiccavamsa and

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw are the alternative approaches which differ from the

explanations of Theravada's commentaries and sub-commentaries. Even though their

interpretations are in conflict with the explanations of Theravada's commentaries and

sub-commentaries, they guide the possibility of revival of Bhikkhuni Sarrzgha in today's

Theravada Buddhism.

1.4 Review of related literatures

The related literatures stated below can provide a complete work of this research:

Dr. Ashin Pannavamsa, a Myanmar Buddhist monk, writes on the topic of Midwetaw

Gotami Hnint Bhukkhunf Siisanii. He presents an analytical study on the life of GotamI

and Bhikkhuni Siisana as mentioned in Theravada Buddhist literatures. The primary

purpose of this presentation is to study widely the life of Gotaml Then who was the first

Bhikkhunf, and origin, enlargement, decline and extinct time of the Bhikkhuni Siisana. He

studies in detail the life of Gotam! Then and Bhikkhunf Siisana as stated in Theravada

Buddhist I iteratures. 9

9 Pannavamsa, Ashin. 2010. Midwetaw Gotami Hnint Bhikkhuni Sasana, State Sas~a Pariyatti University, Yangon. 11

Dr. Ashin Pannavamsa writes on another topic of Myethmaukkhit Theravada Buddha

Siisanfi (Myanmar) Hnint Bhikkhuni Sasanfi. In his book, he presents in detail the history

of Theravada Buddha Siisanfi and the history of Bhikkhuni Smr1gha. In conclusion, he

expresses the current Theravada Buddha Sfisanfiand the problem of Bhikkhuni.10

Hiroko Kawanami writes an article on the bhikkhuni ordination debate: Global

inspirations, -Local concerns, with special emphasis on the view of the monastic

community in Burma: In her article, she examines the current events following the

Bhikkhuni restoration in Sri Lanka and looks at the situation of the Myanmar Sm]lgha,

which has traditionally seen itself as the guardian of 'authentic" Buddhist heritage,

thrown into a debate by the action of a Myanmar Bhikkhuniwho was ordained in Sri

Lanka in current times. Her article begins with the early initiatives of revivalist monks as

well as the viewpoints of Myanmar Smr1ga and the nuns as to the Bhikkhuni issue.

Additionally she explores attention to the tension created between the international

Bhikkhunis who endorse liberal ideologies of gender equality, individual rights and

universalism into a faith based community, and local nuns who adhere to the traditional

norms of religious duty, moral discipline and service to the community, and question the

ultimate aim in endorsing such secular ideals. 11

Bhikkhu Analayo writes an article on the revival of the Bhikkhuni Order and the

Decline of the Siisanfi. Jn his article he studies the revival of Bhikkhuni order in the

Theraviida traditions and its supposed relation to a decline of the Buddha's dispensation.

10 Pannavamsama, Ashin. 2012. Myethmaukkhit Theravada Buddhasfisana (Myanmar) Hnint Bhikkhunisfisanfi, State Sasana Pariyatti University, Yangon. 11 Kawanami, ·Hiroko. 2007. The Bhikkhuni Ordination Debate: global aspirations, local concerns with special emphasis on the view of the monastic community in Burma, Department of religious studies, Lancaster University_ 12

He presents the contrast between the positive evaluation of the existence of an order of

Bhikkhunis in early Buddhist discourse and the "prediction of decline", according to

which the restoration of this order would result in a decline of the Buddha's dispensation

(Siisanff). Then, he reviews modern-day apprehensions that the reestablishment of

Bhikkhunf order constitutes a "Mahayana threat", and then examines the "Theravada

sense of identity." In an attempt to cover the legal issue of reestablishing Bhikkhunf

ordination, he explores the alternatives of "dual ordination" and "single ordination." In

conclusion he studies the recent position of nuns who have not received full ordination in

the Theravada tradition as instances of an "actual decline." 12

Bhikkhu Bodhi writes an article on the revival of Bhikkhunf Ordination in the

Theravada Tradition. In his article, he intends to focus on the legal and moral issues

involved in the restoration of the Bhikkhunf Sarrigha in the Theravada Tradition. He

divides his book into three sections: in the first section, he examines the difference of

opinions presented by Theravada Traditionalists who see a restoration of Bhikkhuni

ordination as a legal impossibility. In the second section, he shows textual and ethical

considerations that support the claim that Bhikkhunf ordination should be restored. In the

final section, he replies with the legal arguments offered by the traditionalists and in brief

considers how the restoration of Bhikkhunf ordination might be harmonized with the

~ipulations of the Vinaya. 13

12 Analayo, Bhikkhu. 2013. The revival ofBhikkhuniOrder and the Decline ofthe Sfisanii. Center for , University of Hamburg, Drum Buddhist College, Taiwan. 13 Bodhi, Bhikkhu. 2010. The Revival of Bhikkhuni Ordination in the Theravada Tradition. Dignity and Discipline: Reviving Full ordination for Buddhist Nuns, edited by Thea Mohr and Jampa Tsedroen, Wisdom Publications, Boston, Article originally presented at the International Congress held July 18, 20, 2007 in Hamburg, Germany. 13

Rawe Tun, Myanmar Buddhist monk, writes a book on Bhikkhunf Sasanfi Hnint

Thilashin Thamaing. He divides his book into three parts. In the first part, he expresses

the history of Bhikkhunf as explained in the Pfi/i canonical texts and commentaries and

the flourishing of Bhikkhunf Sasanfi outside India, such as Sri Lanka, Aparanta state and

Suvm}I;abhumi area. In the second part, he examines the history of Thilashin (Buddhist

nun) as mentioned in historical records, docume!1ts and researches. In the final part, he

states lives and activities of the well-known Thilashins. 14

Similarly Maung Paw writes a book on the revival of Bhikkhunf Sasanfi in today's

Theravada Buddhism. He divides his book into six parts. In the first part, he mentions

four assemblies and permission to Mahapajapati Gotami and five hundred royal ladies

into the Sasanfi. Jn the second part, he states Bhikkhunf Sasanfi at the time of King Asoka,

the decline of Bhikkhunf lineage in Majjhimadipa and flourishing of Bhikkhunf Sm!zgha

outside Majjhimadipa, such as Sri Lanka, Aparanta and Suvmp;abhumi. In the third part,

he examines the causes of decline of the BhikkhuniSasanfi. In the fourth part, he states the

revival of Bhikkhunf Saf!lgha in Theravada tradition at modem day. In the fifth part, he

expresses other researches on Bhikkhunl Jn the final part, he explains the Biography of

Gunasarl and Saccavadi who are Myanmar Bhikkhunis. 15

All of the above books mentioned will be used as the important references for this

research.

14 Rawe Tun. 2014. Bhikkhuni Sfisana Hnint Thilashin Thamaing. Aungparami Press, Yangon, Myanmar. 15 Maung Paw. 2005. The Revival ofBhikkhuni Sasanain Today's Theravada Buddhism. University of California. 14

1.5,Definition of the Terms used in the Research

"Bhikkhu" means Buddhist monk.

"Bhikkhunl' means fully ordained Buddhist nun.

"Garudhamma" means heavy or special rule or principle to be respected.

''Natti-catuttha-kammavaca" means recitation of one Natti, a motion just once, immediately followed by recitation of the Kammavlicli, an ecclesiastic pronouncement thrice.

"Pabbajja" literally means "going forth" and refers to when a layperson leaves home to live the life of Buddhist renunciant among a community of Bhikkhus. This generally involves preliminary ordination as a novice.

''Pabbajjadosa" means flaw obstructed to the higher ordination, or stumbling block to the higher ordination.

"SfimaJJerl' means female novice.

"Sikkhamana" means SamaJJerf who has obtained formal consent from the Bhikkhunf

Saf!lgha to observe the first six of the ten precepts impeccably for a period of two years.

"Thilashin" means Buddhist nun who upholds eight or ten precepts. Its literal meaning is the possessor of precepts.

"Vinaya" means rule and regulation laid down by the Buddha.

1.6 Research Scope

This research will be a study of origin and development of Bhikkhunf Saf!lgha mentioned in Pa/i canonical texts, commentaries and sub-commentaries and as well, of the new interpretations of Bhikkhunf ordination presented by Ashin Adiccavamsa and

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw. The researcher will discuss and evaluate the influences of new 15 interpretations of the Bhikkhuni ordination to the present society and express Myanmar

Buddhists' view on new interpretations of Bhikkhuniordination and current issue.

1.7 Research Methodology

This research generally takes the hermeneutical approach in the Theravada Buddhism in particular, in addition the normative and documentary researches, discussions, analyses and criticisms. Methodology will be based on the explanations of Pa/i texts, commentaries and sub-commentaries and on interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination presented by Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw.

1.8 Research expectation

1. To show new interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination presented by Ashin

Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw.

2. To compare within Tipi_t.aka, commentaries, and sub-commentaries and new

interpretations.

3. To study the view of Myanmar Buddhist society on the interpretations of

Bhikkhuniordination and current issue. CHAPTER II

A study of origin and development of BhikkhuniSaf!1gha

2.1 The Term Bhikkhunias appeared in Ttpi{aka and Buddhist literatures

The term Bhikkhuni is a Pa/i word. In Vinaya Pacittiya. Bhikkhuni means: she is a

Bhikkhuni because of being a mendicant for alms, she is a Bhikkhuni because of having a

habit of going around for alms, she is a Bhikkhunibecause of wearing a patchwork cloth, she

is a Bhikkhuni because she is designated (called) by others, a Bhikkhuni because of her

acknowledgement, a Bhikkhuni because of becoming Bhikkhuni by the Buddha's utterance

'come, Bhikkhum~' a Bhikkhunibecause of becoming Bhikkhuniby taking the three refuges, a

Bhikkhuni because of filling with good character (S11a) etc, a Bhikkhuni because of filling

with essence of good character (S11a) etc. a Bhikkhuni because she is practicing good

character (Sila) etc. a Bhikkhuni because she has practiced good character (S11a) etc. a

Bhikkhunibecause she is ordained validly and worthily by both complete orders by means of

· a (formal) act at which the motion is put and followed by three proclamations. (Vin, IV, p.

214)

Tipi faka P a/i-Myanmar dictionary explains "Bhikkhuni (thl) Bhikkhu+ im~ (a)

Bhikkhunima, Rahanma, (b) one who is called Bhikkhuni." U Hoke Sein, in his dictionary,

mentions "Bhikkhuni (bhikkhuJJ1) (i) Ra Han Mein Ma, female monk." Dr. Pannavamsa, in

his book "Myet Hmauk Khit Theravada Buddhasasana Hnint Bhikkhunisasanfi', explains that

the word "Bhikkhunl' means Rahanma, woman who serves the duties of the Sasanii, entering

into the BuddhaSasana(A Myo Tha Mi Thathana Wun Htan). (Pannavamsa, 2012, p. 73.) 17

According to Saratthdipani Tzkfi, 1 there are two kinds of Bhikkhuni· a Bhikkhuniwho

received ordination from the Buddha and a Bhikkhuni from the Sarrigha. Of them,

Mahapajapati GotamI who received ordination by acceptance of was a

Bhikkhuniwho received ordination from the Buddha. Excluding Mahapajapati GotamI, all

others were Bhikkhunis who received ordination from the Sarrigha.

There are two kinds of Bhikkhunis who received ordination from the Sarrzgha: a

Bhikkhuni who received ordination from Bhikkhu Sarrzgha and a Bhikkhuni from both

Sarrzghas, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis. Of them, five hundred Sakyan women were Bhikkunis

who received ordination solely from the Bhikkhu Samgha. Apart from them, the others were

Bhikkhunls who received ordination from both Sarr1ghas, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis.

According to the Samantapfisadikfi, Parifiikm;

ordination:

(a) Ordination by a mere Buddha's utterance "Come, 0 Bhikkhu",

(b) Ordinati

(c) Ordination by accepting admonishment,

(d) Ordination by answering the questions,

( e) Ordination by accepting eight Garudhamma,

(f) Ordination by sending messenger,

1 Sabha bhikkhuniyo satthuladdhiipasampadfi, Sat!1ghato laddhilpasampadati duvidha. Garudhamma pa_tiggahapena hi laddhilpasampada mahapaj iipatigotami satthusantikava laddhf1pasampadatt a satthuladdMipasampadanfima. Sesa sabbiipi sar!1ghato !addhzlpasampada. Tapi ekato upasampanna, ubhato upasampannati duvidha. Tattha ya ta mahapajapatigotamiya saddhil'(l nikkhanta paiicasata sakiyaniyo. Ta ekato upasampanna bhikkhusaf(lghato eva laddhilpasampadattfi. Itara ubhato upasampannaubhatosaf(lghe upasampannatta. (Srt, Vol III, pp. 111-2). 2 Ayanhi upasconpada nfima a_(thavidha ehibhikkhilpasampadfi, saraIJagamanilpasampada, . Ovadapa_tiggahm.Jltpasampadfi, panhavyakaral}ilpasampadfi, garudhammapa/iggahapilpasampadfi, dutenilpasampadfi, a_t_thavacikupasampada, natticatutthakammf1pasampadati. (Sp, vol I, p. 216) 18

(g) Ordination by recitation of eight times,3

(h) Ordination by recitation of four times.4

Among them, only E, F, G and H relate to the Bhikkhunis. The others do not relate to them.

Of them, E is only for Mahapajapati GotamI. F is only for Ac;lc;lhakasika.5 G is for other

Bhikkhunis apart from Mahapajapati GotamI and five hundred Sakyan women.

2.2 BhikkhunISangha in the Buddha's time

In the fifth year after his enlightenment, the Buddha established Bhikkhuni Sal!lgha.

According to Cii/avagga Pfi/i canon, while the Buddha was residing at Nigrodhiirama monastery in Kapilavatthu of Sakkya, Mahapajapati GotamI, his foster mother, approached and asked for admission of women to the Order by formal ordination. The Buddha rejected her request. Although she made the request for three times repeatedly, the Buddha rejected her request every time.6 At that time, she was sad and sorrowful, in that the Buddha would

3 At the Bhikkhuni-smrigha side, there are recitations of one Natti and three Kammavacas; and also at the Bhikku-smrigha side, there are recitations of one Natti and three Kammavacas. It is double of the form of ordination. There are two Natti and six Kammavacas, totally there are eight recitations. 4 It means recitation of one Natti and three Kammavficas in a Simahall. 5 Jn Sammohavinodani Af.lhakathti, it explains that, among the eight kinds of ordination, only three ordinations still exist: ordination by pronouncement of four times, ordination by sending messenger and ordination by pronouncement of eight times. The others can be possible only at the Buddha's time. (VbhA, p. 316). As such, although Bhikkhuniwho attains monkhood by sending messenger did not happen to another except A<;l<;lhakasika due to lack of necessitating situation, another Bhikkhunis may appear ifthe necessitating situation occurs. (Bhv, 2004, p. 37) 6 The reason for such rejection was that the Buddha had decided to grant admission of women to the Order not easily but only after pains-taking efforts on the part of women to gain permission for ordination. Only then would they realize that becoming a Bhikkhuni in the Dispensation was a thing difficult of attainment and would safeguard their Bhikkhuni status with constant vigilance. The Buddha wished them to cherish the hard won admission to the Order obtained after a great struggle (Mahabuddhavam, Vol III, p. 415). Dr. Nandamalabhivamsa also explains "at the time of dispensation of Lord Buddha, the social position of women was low .... the surroundings were very full of dangers for women, tha(s why the women were not permitted to go forth into the dispensation." (Nandamalabhivamsa, 2015, pp. 5-6) Bhikkhu Bodhi also explains "because the Buddha hesitated to 19 not allow women to lead the monastic life. She paid respect to the Buddha and departed

crying with the tearful eyes.

While the Buddha was residing at the Kii_tagiira monastery in Mahiivana of Vesali,

Mahapajapati GotamI, having cut off her hair and worn orange-colored robes, arrived at the

Kii_tagiira monastery with the five hundred Sakyan women. Mahapajapati GotamI, with swollen feet and body covered with dirt and dust, tears streaming down her cheeks and in sore distress, stood outside under the entrance porch.

Venerable Ananda saw Mahapajapati GotamI in such a plight at the gate, and he inquired: ''why stand you there, outside the porch?" Mahapajapati GotamI replied: "O venerable Ananda, the Buddha does not allow women to lead the monastic life in the

Dispensation of the Dhamma-Vinaya."

Then, Venerable Ananda went to the Buddha and requested: Venerable Sir,

Mahapajapati GotamI is standing outside the porch. May I request seriously that they be permitted your authorization for entering into the monastic community! The Buddha replied:

"that is not a proper thing ... dear Ananda and 1. advise you not to be interested in the matter of admitting women folk into the monastic community as Bhikkhunis." Nevertheless,

Venerable Ananda did not give up, so he requested the ~uddha again for the third time. Still the Lord Buddha kept refusing. Eventually, Venerable Ananda realized that he should change his style of finding a way for the women to get a special permission from the Buddha. He,

admit women to the Saf!lgha, from fear that it would shorten the life span of the teaching, we can draw out the message that Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunfs have to be heedful in their dealings with one another and not indulge in frivolous socializing. The Buddha might also have hesitated because he foresaw that the creation of a Bhikkhunl Saf!lgha would have placed on the Bhikkhus the burden of educating and protecting the nuns, responsibilities that could have obstructed their own progress." (Bodhi, 2010, p. 109) 20 therefore, asked the Lord Buddha whether women could achieve Ariyaship ranging from

Fruitional Stage of Sotfipanna, , Anfigfimi to Arahatta, by leading the life of

Bhikkhunis within the frame-work of Dhamma-Vinaya Sasanfi.

The Buddha replied: "Ananda, women could achieve Ariyaship r{lnging from

Fruitional Stage of Sotfipatti, Sakadagami, Aniigfimi to Arahatta, within the frame-work of

Dhamma Vinya."

Venerable Ananda said: "Venerable Sir, if they were capable of achieving the four

Stages of Ariyaship, since Mahapajapati GotamI had rendered great service to the Buddha, it would be good if women have permission to enter into the monastic community as

Bhikkhuni"

The Buddha finally accepted to Venerable Ananda's request, saymg, "Ananda, if

Mahapajapati GotamI accepts the Eight Garudhammas, then that would be her ordination.

Eight Garudhammas are as follows:

1. A Bhikkhuni, even if she has received ordination since a hundred years in the Order,

must do worshiping, rising from her seat, putting the ten fingers together and raising

them to the head, and paying respect of a Bhikkhu though he may have been a

Bhikkhu only for a day. This is a rule to be revered, respected, honoured and adhered

to for life.

2. A Bhikkhuni must spend her rainy season at a residence next to monastery of

Bhikkhus. This is a rule to be revered, respected, honoured and adhered to for life. 21

3. Every fortnight a Bhikkhunimust seek two things: To ask the observance day to the

Bhikkhu Sm!1gha and to approach for instruction and admonition to Bhikkhu Sm!1gha.

This is a rule to be revered, respected, honoured and adhered to for life.

4. After rainy season, a Bhikkhuni must attend the invitation ceremon"y at both the

communities of bhikkhus and bhikkhunis, in each of which she must invite criticism

on what has been seen, heard and suspected of her. This is a rule to be revered,

respected, honoured and adhered to for life.

5. A Bhikkhuniwho has committed a serious rule must undergo penance for a fortnight,

in each community of Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis. This is a rule to be revered,

respected, honoured and adhered to for life.

7 6. Having trained for two years in six rules , a probationer, Sikkhamfina, must seek

ordination from both the assemblies of Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis. This is a rule to be

revered, respected, honoured and adhered to for life.

7. A Bhikkhuni should not revile or abuse a Bhikkhu in any way. This is a rule to be

revered, respected, honoured and adhered to for life.

8. From this time forth, Bhikkhunis are forbidden from exhorting or adm_onishing

Bhikkhus. Bhikkhus are permitted to exhort and admonish Bhikkhunis when and where

necessary. This is a rule to be revered, respected, honoured and adhered to for life.

Having learned these eight Garudhammas from the Buddha, Venerable Ananda approached and said to Mahapajapati GotamI "GotamI, if you accept these eight Garudhammas, then that will be your ordination." As Mahapajapati Gotami accepted these eight Garudhammas, she became first Bhikkhuni in the Buddha Sasanii. Venerable GotamI said to the Buddha as to

7 Six rules are abstaining from killing, stealing, sexual misconduct, lying, intoxicants, and eating solid food in afternoon. 22 how she should pursue towards the five hundred Sakyan women. The Buddha prescribed

"Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhuni" Thus, those five hundred Sakyan women became BhikkhuniS who received ordination from Bhikkhu Smpgha.

When some Bhikkhunis who had no sexual organs, incomplete sexual organs, who did not menstruate regularly, who menstruated continuously, etc. were found, the Buddha prescr.ibed "Bhikkhus, I allow who is giving ordination to a female candidate to interrogate her as regards the twenty-four8 Pabbajja-dosas, stumbling blocks." When the Bhikkhus interrogated the female candidates, they were ashamed, embarrassed and unable to reply.

Therefore the Buddha prescribed "Bhikkhus, I allow ordination in the Bhikkhu Saf(lgha for one who has been higher ordained on one side and has cleared herself in the Bhikkhuni

Bhikkhus have 227 rules whereas Bhikkhunis have 311. A male candidate who has received novice life can be ordained immediately, whereas a female candidate has to practise the six rules for two years to receive the state of Bhikkhuni-hood. According to the Pacittiya

Pa/i canon, a female candidate has to encounter six stages to reach the state of Bhikkhuni- hood. Initially she has to accept Pabbajja ordination as a Samw;eri from a Pavattini, a

Bhikkhuni preceptor. Secondly, she has to request for the precepts of a probationer,

Sikkhamfinasammuti, for the recognition as a trainee, from the Bhikkhuni Saf(lgha. At that time, the Bhikkhuni Sa'!1gha must impose the Sikkhamfinasammuti on her by a Natti-catuttha- kammavaca. ln that case, the Samaperibecomes a Sikkhamfina. Having completed two years of probation and training, she needs to request for Vuffhfinasammuti, for the emergence from probation period, from the Bhikkhuni Saf(lgha. At this stage, the Bhikkhuni Saf(lgha has to

8 Among the twenty-four, eleven questions are related to physical deformities, five to diseases and_ eight pertaining to the candidate's position and possessions.(Parami, 2008, p. 98) 23 permit the Vu.(thiinasammuti to her. In this way, she becomes a female candidate ready to be ordained and she has to receive the ordination on both sides of SaT(lghas.

In Cu/avagga Pfi.li canon, the procedures for Bhikkhuniordination are mentioned: The female candidate first should be made to take a Pavattini, a Bhikkhunipreceptor. After taking a preceptor, bowl and robes should be pointed out to her. Taking her to the outer place of the

Sarrzgha, she must be instructed twenty-four stumbling blocks (pabbajjadosa) by a learned competent Bhikkhuni. Taking back her to the middle place of SaT(lgha, she should be let request for ordination to the Bhikkhuni SaT(lgha and she must be cleaned by interrogation of those stumbling blocks. After satisfying of requirements, she must be ordained as initial step by the BhikkhuniSmrzgha reciting Natti-catuttha-kammavaca. Having ordained on the side of

Bhikkhuni Smrzgha, she must be ordained by the Bhikkhu Smrzgha reciting Natti-catuttha- kammavacfi, and then year, season, and date must be immediately announced. Having done these things on the side of Bhikkhu SaT(lgha, she must be explained three dependences and the eight strict prohibitions by Bhikkhuni Smrzgha. The whole process is called Ubhato­ upasapanna i.e. dual-saT(lgha ordination. Apart from Venerable Gotaml and five hundred

Sakyan women, other Bhikkhunis received ordination by the dual-saT(lgha ordination.

After Mahapajapati Gotaml and five hundred Sakyan women became Bhikkhunis,

BhikkhuniSiisanaflourished day by day. Then, famous women, including Queen Yasodhara,

Queen , Uppalavm:u:ia, Uttara and so forth entered into the Bhikkhuni SaT(lgha. In the

Cu/avagga Pa/i canon, Mahapajapati Gotami and five hundred Sakyan women became

Arahants. In the , six hundred and five Arahant Bhikkhunis are listed. In Theri­ apadana, 130036 Ar.ahant Bhikkhunis are listed. Total number of Arahant Bhikkhunf.s was 24

131141. Arahant Bhikkhunis stated in Anguttara and Sm!lyutta have also already included in

above-mentioned list. This total number is just the list of famous Arahant Bhikkhunis. There

were also numberless Arahants, Anagami, Sakadagfimi, and Sotapanna Bhikkhunis who are

not stated in this list.

In the Buddha Sfisanfi, the significant role of Bhikkhunis was on equal terms with

Bhikkhus, Upasakfis, male Jay followers and Upasikas, female Jay followers. The Buddha

considered well-trained Bhikkhuni disciples as one of the pillars of the teaching. In the

Mahaparinibbana Sutta, the Buddha said "Evil , as long as I have no Bhikkhu disciples

(Bhikkhuni disciples, male Jay followers and female Jay followers) who are competent, well trained, confident, learned, upholders, of the Dhamma, practicing in accordance with the

Dhamma, practicing properly, conducting themselves in accordance with the Dhamma, who

have learned their own teacher's doctrine and can explain it, teach it, describe it, establish it,

disclose it, analyze it, elucidate it, and having thoroughly refuted rival doctrines in accordance with reasons, can teach the compelling Dhamma, I would not pass away into final

Nibbana." (D, II, pp. 104-105)

In Etadagga Vagga of Ekanipata of Anguttara Nikaya, the Buddha appointed the following

Bhikkhunis to the position of "Etadagga" (most eminent) in different domains of the spiritual life:

1. Mahapajapati Gotaml Theri - being senior-most Bhikkhuni

2. Khema Theri -possessing great wisdom (Buddha's chief female Disciple)

3. Uppalavm:u:ia Theri -possessing great supernormal power (second chief Disciple)

4. Patacan Then - bearing the Vinaya discipline 25

5. Dhammadinna TherI - giving sermons as a preacher

6. Nanda Then - being energetic

7. Sona TherI or Bahuputtika TherI - being absorbed in the Jhfina

8. Sakula TherI - possessing the Divine Eye

9. Kundhala Kesa TherI - possessing quick penetrative knowledge

10. BhaddakapilanI TherI - possessing the power to recollect the past existence

11. Bhaddakaccana Then - possessing great wisdom and supernormal power

12. Kisa GotamI TherI -wearing robes made from rag

13. Singalaka matu TherI - having highest confidence in the triple gem.

2.3 BhikkhuniS01pgha after the Buddha

After the Buddha, the role of Bhikkhunis faded away. In the first and second Sangayaniis

(communal recitations), they did not participate. In the third Sangayanaperiod, the status of

Bhikkhuni Sm!Jgha was bright again with the support of King Asoka. Bhikkhus, eighty million, and Bhikkhunis, nine million and six hundred thousand participated in the donation ceremony of King Asoka who donated eighty-four thousand monasteries.

In 309 B.C, King Asoka sent missionary teams to nine countries. Among them, Bhikkhuni

Saf!lgha appeared only in Aparanta9 state, SuvaJJJJabhumi 10 area and Sri Lanka. According to

9 In the Aparanta region included Sindh, western Rajasthan, Gujarat, western Malwa and the region in the vicinity of the Narmada, (Om Prakash, 2005, p. 9). Aparantika (Aparanta or the Northern Konkan about the Thana District), (Sircar, 1971, p. 226). The country comprises the territory of Northern Gujarat, Kathiawar, Kachch and Sindh, (Malalasekekra, 1960, Vol I, p. 117). Suniiparanta and Aparanta are the same place, (Mahadhammathingyan, 1956, p. 21 ). Aparanta or Suniiparanta was called Supparaka in ancient time. Present name is Cuipar. The name of satellite city is Vanijagama. It 26

Piirf!jikaptja A.tfhakathfi, five monks led by Venerable Yonakadhammarakkhita arrived to

Aparanta state. Venerable Y onakadhammarakkhita preached Aggikkhandhopama Sutta to

people. After hearing the Sutta, seventy thousand people understood the truth. A thousand

men became Bhikkhus and over sixty women also became Bhikkhunis. There was no record

in regard to which Bhikkhunis led Bhikkhuniordination and how long the Bhikkhuni Smrzgha

lasted there. There was no documentation which gives traces of Bhikkhuni lineage of

Aparanta state.

According to Piirf!jikaptja Af.thakatha, Venerable Sona and Uttara, one of missionary

groups of King Asoka, arrived at Suvappabhumi. They preached Brahmajala Sutta to people.

People took in triple gem and sixty thousand people understood the truth. Three

thousand five hundred sons and one thousand five hundred daughters became Bhikkhus and

Bhikkhunis. However, there was no documentation as to how long Bhikkhuni Sasana lasted

there.

In B.C. 310, including Sumana Novice and Bhanduka, a lay devotee, five Arahants led by

Venerable Mahinda arrived at S1nala-dipa (Sri Lanka). Missionary team ·met

Devananpiyatissa, the king of S1nala-dipa on the Missaka Mountain. After hearing

Culahatthipadopama Sutta taught by Venerable Mahinda, King and his followers took refuge

in triple gem. Missionary team went to the Anurada city and taught Peta Vatthu, Vimana

was located within Thane (Sana) District and Surata (Surat) District, north of Mumoi, between Namanda River and Pacchimaghat alias Anaukghat Mountain. (Taungpauk Sayadaw, 1950, p. 204) 0 ' It was located on Sumatra Island. Areas that are put into Suvappabhumi are Java Island in south­ east, India Ocean in west, Singapura (Singapore) in east, Malay in north, Tanintharyi and Ramanna state in lower Myanmar, Ayutthaya, Laos and Canbodia, (Taungpauk Sayadaw, 1950, p. 230). SuvaJJpabhi:a:ni is generally identified with Lower Burma, probably the Bagan and Moulmein districts. It probably included the coast from Yangon to Singapore. (Malalasekekra, 1960, p.1262) 27

Vatthu and Saf!1yutta in the King's palace. Five hundred women Jed by Queen Anupi became Sotfipanna.

When Queen Anupi wanted to go forth, and the king said "Give her the going forth

(Pabbajja)," Venerable Mahinda replied "Great king, we are not permitted to give the going forth to women. In Pfitaliputta, my sister, Saryigbamitta TherI lived there. She must be sent here for the ordination." Eleven Bhikkhunfs, Arahants, Jed by Saryighamitta arrived at the

Anurfidha city.

Queen Anu!a and her followers were ordained by these Bhikkhunis. Soon they all became

Arahants. Bhikkhunf Saf!!gha led by Saryighamitta with one thousand Bhikkhunfs headed by

Anu!a lived in Upfisikiivihiirabhikkhunf monastery and eagerly performed learning, teaching and practicing Dhamma. When other women saw their performances, they also entered into the Bhikkhunforder.

In the following centuries, Bhikkhunf Saf!!gha of Sri Lanka was gradually weak and faint.

In the 11th century, Bhikkhunilineage was extinct. Bbikkbu Ana1ayo, in his book "Legality of

BhikkhunJOrdination," writes:

"In Sri Lanka the order of Bhikkhunfs, founded with the help of a group of Indian Bhikkhunfs beaded by Saryigbamitta, continued thrive until the 11th century. During a period of political turmoil that had decimated the entire monastic community, the Bhikkhunf ordination lineage seews to have come to an end in Sri Lanka." (Analayo, 2013, pp.7-8) 28

According to Chinese Pilgrim monk's records and inscriptional evidence, we can understand the late situation of the BhikkhunT Smr1gha in India. Fa-Hien who travelled to India in 4th

11 century A.D recorded as to BhikkhunTs of Sankasya :

"At thi_s place the monks and nuns may be a thousand, who all receive their food from the common store, and pursue their studies, some of the Mahayana and some of the HTnaylina." (Legge, 1993, pp.51-52)

Yijing who travelled to India in the late ih century also recorded the existence of Bhikkhuni.

"The Chinese Pilgrim Yijing who travelled in India in the late ih century reports the existence of BhikkhunT in India, noting their frugal life styles." (Analayo, 2013, p.116)

According to inscriptional evidence, Bhikkhunls existed in India until gth century.

"Inscriptional evidence indicates that BhikkhunTs existed in India even in the gth century." (Analayo, 2013, p.116)

Moreover some scholars believe that BhikkhunTs existed in India until 11th century.

Dhammananda BhikkhunTsays:

"There are archeological findings in various places in India to prove their existence up to as late as 11th century A.D. There are names of renowned · BhikkhunTteachers inscribed on the base of and Buddha images. There were names of BhikkhunTs who sponsored the carvings of the Buddha images, etc. They seemed to have disappeared together with the Bhikkhu Smr1gha with the invasion of Turkish Muslims through Indian land in that period." (Dhammananda, 2008)

According to these evidences, we can assume the existence of Bhikkhunls in India until the 11th century. However it would be difficult to differentiate whether th~y were

Mahayana or , later known as Theravada, even so, we can know the last surviving period of BhikkhunTlineage in India.

11 Sankasya is a word. Sankassa in Pa_li w9rd was a town where the Buddha descended the human world after preaching the Abhidhamma for three months in the Tavatinsaheaven. 29

It is not an easy task to express why Bhikkhuni Sasanawas a downfall in the history of Buddhism. The following reasons could be the possible causes for the decline of the

BhikkhuniSas an a:

I. The elder Bhikkhus- disliked the BhikkhuniSaf!lgha.

2. Bhikkhu Saf!lgha had lesser desire to supply appropriate protection for Bhikkhuni

Saf!Zgha to live in celibacy.

3. Bhikkhunis have strict rules to follow.

4. It was much easier for Bhikkhunito commit the Vinaya rules

5. They had lesser help of lay community

6. Weakness in the Theravada sect on account of emergent Saf!lgha groups or sects,

Mahayana etc.

7. Bhikkhus in power of authority had little or no desire to provide Bhikkhuni Saf!1gha.

(Maung Paw, 2005, p. 19)

2.4 BhikkhuniSmrzgha in Early Period of Myanmar

Traditionalists -believe that there were no Bhikkhunis in Myanmar history. However, according to Chinese chronicle and stone inscriptions of Pagan period, Myanmar historians have found out some evidences of the existence of Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha in Myanmar.

Professor Gordon Luce indicates to sections in the Chinese Tang Dynasty records that refer to

Pyu people in upper Myanmar as early as during the eight to ninth centuries:

"When they come to the age of seven, both boys and girls drop their hair and stop in a monastery, where they take refuge in the Saf!lgha. On reaching the age of twenty, if they have not awakened to the principles of the Buddha, they let their hair grow again and become ordinary townsfolk." (Miami, 2016, p. 18) 30

Later than the early twelve century, Gordon Luce found out numerous proofs of nuns being active in the stone inscriptions of Bagan age. In his book "Old Burma early Pagan", he mentions:

"From the Shwesandaw relic-chambe_r come also two narrow tablets (Pl. 52, c,d,e) with Mon Signatu~es engraved down !he back: - "This is the Buddha of the Reverend Lady Sislfl" - one of the numerous proofs of the existence of the Buddhist nuns at the Pagan." (Luce, 1969, p.101)

However he does not prove whether they were fully ordained as Bhikkhunfs or not in terms of their religious status.

Professor Pe Maung Tin assumes the existence of Bhikkhunfs in Bagan period. He refers to one inscription in relation to an important ceremony for the dedication of cave.

Among the 8 Skhins (lords), there was a nun named Ui Chi Taw who was in accord with the same honour as monks on the occasion. In his paper "women in the inscriptions of Pagan,'' he explains:

"In L303 12 Sakkaraj 623 we read about the dedication of a cave: "The 8 Skhins (lords) who recited on the occasion are: Skhin Vinan Thuir, Skhin Sarapuiy, Skhin Thamonka, Skhin Upata, Surabhirac's teacher, Panranmi's teacher, Ui' Chi Taw, the Princess's teacher" You will notice that Ui' Chi Taw is a woman's name. And it is curious that she should be one of the 8 lords who recite the paritta prayer. We may dismiss the idea that judging by her name she is a lay woman. A lay woman would not be one of the 8 lords who recite the paritta prayer. A lay woman would not be one of the 8 lords performing a paritta ceremony. It would be less unnatural to regard her, in spite of her Jay name, as an ordained nun. In fact we read of the Ui Chi Taw monastery (or nunnery), where a sum of royal money was given to certain Saw people (L369). She would thus be the head of a nunnery to which she has given her name. Then in L153 we meet her twice as "the Venerable Uiw Chi Taw." Since this inscription is dated Sakkaraj 560, she must have acquired this title soon after her ordination on the completion of her 20th birthday. She would thus be about 83 years of age when she took part in the paritta ceremony 63 years later in Sakkaraj 623 as stated in L303. It is thus worthy of note that a nun was accorded the same honour as monks on the occasion of such an important religious function as the paritta, on the dedication of a cave. If this interpretation of the passage is correct, than we have a rare instance of

12 L refers to the List of In51.criptions found in Burma issued by the Archaeological Departmei:it 1921. Sakkaraj refers to Burmese Calendar year. 31

an alms ordained woman (Bhikkhuniin Pagan" (JBRS, Vol.XXV, Part I, 1935, p. 151)

Professor Than Tun, a Myanmar historian, considers the existence of Bhikkhunis in Bagan

period over 1600 of Buddha era quoting inscriptions of its period. At the Bagan age,

Bhikkhunis used to be called by her lay name with a prefix ·Uiw o_r Uih, Uim, Ui and I.

BhikkhuniS' names were engraved on stone inscription. One inscription has stated that, once, daughter (Thanpyin princess) of King Klacwa was a Bhikkhuni. Than Tun, in his book

"History of Buddhism in Burma," mentions the following:

"The Order in Burma today allows no woman in it and tradition says that this begun from A.D 456 but the inscriptions of our period yield some evidence on the strength of which it is possible to revise the above tradition. Female ascetics in the Order were called Bhikkhuni and we find the mention of Bhikkhuniamong the lists of slaves in two inscriptions dated A.O. 1236. The only reason for their presence among the slaves must have been because they were born of slave parents and though their masters had been kind enough to allow them to be ordained they would become slaves again if and when they left the Order. Very often, we find monks called by their lay names. If it is a Bhikkhuni she would in some cases be called by her lay name with a prefix Uiw or its variants Uih, Uin, Uim, Ui and I. In an inscription dated A.O. 1196 among the names of five church dignitaries as witnesses to a dedication we find the name of the Reverend Uiw, Pam - the Bhikkhuni which comes second. One inscription from Pin Sekkalampa, near Yenangyaung, Magwe district, mentions that a Sarrzghathera Uiw, Kram San dedicated some slaves to the in A.O. 1215. As an elder among !he monks would be addressed phun mlat so Uih Tafi San. There was also phun mlat so Uiw Chi Taw who must have been quite a popular Bhikkhuni. When Princess Acaw Lat in A.O. 1261 built a hollow pagoda and enshrined relics in it eight church dignitaries were present to recite the paritta and Ui, Chi Taw was among them. Perhaps it was this Ui Chi Taw who was mentioned in A.O. 1279 as the head of a monastery where a certain land transaction was made. Such names a Luri:tphari:t and Brahmacan as two witnesses to a dedication in A.O. 1266 also suggests that they were Bhikkhuni. Another interesting piece of evidence is that in an inscription dated A.O. 1267, a female donor mentions ce1iain lands as ...

iJapha KlacwamaiJkriiJa kuiw rahan milpe so achanhuikpe so lay

These lands were given to me by my father the great king klacwa when he (allowed me to enter) the Order. 32

This donor perhaps quitted the Order and got married after which she made a series of dedications including the above lands. On the reverse face of the inscription she said: "After having painted the hollow pagoda my Ian mansa - husband the Prince, dedicated the following slaves." This strongly suggests that the donor was a daughter of King Klacwa who was once a Bhikkhuni. Thus although the tradition says that there were no Bhikkhunisince A.D. 456, we have evidences of their presence even in the latter half of the 13th century. It is a pity that modem Burmans are not as liberal minded at their ancestors of . Pagan. (Than Tun, 1956, pp.125-126)"

Phun mlat so Uiw chi law may be translated in the modem colloquium as the Great Master

(Mistress) Daw Si Taw.

Win Than Tun also presumes that the nuns of the Pagan period were Bhikkhunis, differing from present-day Myanmar nuns, since they had the same titles as monks, such as

Skhin, Sankri, Phunmlatso, Pancan. Their names occur in connection both with the San and

Phun monks. A Bhikkhuni is referred to in the inscription as Phunmlatso Uin Chitaw.

According to the inscriptions, Bhikkhunis of the Pagan period were more influenced by

Mahayana. Win Than Tun, in his thesis titled "Myanmar Buddhism of the Pagan Period

( 1000-1300)," mentions as follow:

The donors in the inscriptions that mention the names of Bhikkhuni mostly prayed for Buddha-hood for themselves and for for others.· They never prayed for Paccekabuddha-hood or Arahatship. This suggests that they were more influenced by Mahayana. Most of the inscriptions connected with them are found at Chauk and Sale townships in Magwe district and from some places in and around Pagan, such as Minnanthu, Myindaba and Wetkyi-in. (Win Than Tun, 2002, p. 107)

Rawe Tun considers that Bhikkhunis' names in the inscriptions of Pagan period have

been engraved in Pajj whereas the names of woman religiosa have not been stated in Paji.

Their names have been inscribed in lay names, such above-mentioned "Uiw Chi Taw (Daw

Si Taw), Uiw Kram San (Daw Kyan Thin) and so on." This is a difference from Bhikkhu

Saf(lgha. Therefore they are not Bhikkhunis, but they were only paribbiijakas, wandering

female ascetics. (Rawe Tun, 2014, p. 137) 33

He concludes that there were well-known woman religiosa as regards Bhikkhu

Smpgha of Pagan period. But those woman religiosa may not be Bhikkhinis. We do not know what these women were called at that age, but they were the ancestors of present day

Thilashin. (Rawe Tun, 2014, pp.137-138)

Ashin Pannavamsa assumes that the woman religiosa's names in inscription of Bagan period may not be Bhikkhuni's names. They are only the names of ancestors of present day

Thilashin. He states that the inscriptions of the Pagan period have been engraved over 1600

B.E (11 century A.D.) and Bhikkhuni Sfisanahas gone extinct since 1000 B.E (456 A.D) on account of following reasons:

1. In the later time of 1000 B.E, there was not any evidence on Bhikkhunis.

2. In Fa Hien's records in 943 B.E, nothing was mentioned about existence of

Bhikkhunis even in Sri Lanka that they were the last existence (although the existence

of Bhikkhu SaY(lgha was explained in detail).

3. In the Vajirabuddhif]kti, 13 well-known sub-commentary on Vinaya rules, the

measurement of the underwear girdle robe is one and half cubit in breadth according

to the saying of ancient exegesis. This may mean that even in the times of suti-

commentarians, even the prerequisites of Bhikkhuni were unk~own and the gap has

lapsed so much since, no one knows with any certain measurement of it.

4. If the lineage of Bhikkhuni had lapsed, it could not be revived. (Pannavamsa, 2012,

p.168)

Pe Maung Tin and Than Tun believed the existence of Bhikkhuni in Pagan period. They were prominent historians in Myanmar. Their views presented with the evidences of stone

- 13 "KaccikaPamfinaT(l TiriyaT(l Diya

Pannavamsa who believe non-existence of Bhikkhuni also should not be neglected. As regards to existence or non-existence of Bhikkhunlin Pagan period, the researcher would like to conclude that there were eminent woman religiosa in Pagan period. No one can know what these women were called at that time. But they may be the ancestors of present day Thilashin. CHAPTER III

An analysis of new interpretations of BhikkhunI ordination as applied by Venerable

Adiccavamsa and Min Gun Jetawun Sayadaw

3.1 Buddhist Hermeneutic

Hermeneutics comes fro!ll the Greek term "Hermes" which means a Greek messenger god who carries messages from God to man. It is derived from the Greek verb Hermeneuein.

Hermeneuein means "to interpret." There are three basic directions that use verb form

(hermeneuein): (1) the first basic direction is "to express," "to assert," or "to say" aloud in words. This is connected with the "announcing" function of Hermes. (2) The second basic direction is "to explain" as in explaining a· situation. Explaining is also a form of interpretation. (3) The third basic direction is "to translate" as in the translation of a foreign tongue. "To interpret" means "to translate." Translation is a special form of the basic interpretive process of bringing to understanding. All three meanings may be stated by the

English verb "to interpret." (Palmer, 1969, pp. 12-27)

Hermeneutics can be divided into three periods: (1) pre-modem (traditional or pre­ critical), (2) modem (critical) and (3) post-modem (post-critical) (Klemm, 1986, p. 4). Pre­ modern hermeneutics arises prior to the western Enlightenment. Modem hermeneutics begins in the Enlightenment. Post-modern hermeneutics is the present period.

For Friedrich Schleiermacher, well-known as the "father of modern hermeneutics, modem hermeneutics occurs as a general theory of understanding and interpretation of texts.

Contemporary hermeneutics includes both explanation and interpretation to justify the understanding of both general and religious texts (Nimanong, 2006, pp.78-79). 36

Buddha's Dhammas can be basically known as three Pifaka, five Nikaya and 84,000

Dhammas. In Theravada Buddhism, Tipifaka is placed at the center of the tradition. It is regarded as "the word of the Buddha" (Buddha-vacana) and even as the Dhammakaya.

According to Lopez, there is hermeneutics in Buddhism and Buddhist hermeneutics started with the Buddha's instruction to Venerable Ananda that "The doctrine and the disciple,

Ananda, which I have taught and enjoined upon you is to be your teacher when I am gone.

What, exactly, was his teaching and what does it mean for the teaching to be the teacher? It was the contemplation of these questions that led to what can be called Buddhist hermeneutics, (Nimanong, 2006, p.79). Nettipakarana that includes in Khuddaka Nikaya is recognized as the Theravada Buddhist hermeneutics. It was composed by Venerable

Mahacaccfina, one of the most prominent disciples of the Buddha. He was the foremost of those who analyze in detail the meaning of what was stated by the Buddha in brief (A, I, p.

23). Nettipakarana is also well-known as a guide-book, serving for interpretation. Veerachart

Nimanong distinguishes Buddhist Hermeneutics into different periods: This is based upon the periods of the Buddhist scriptures. They are: (I) pre-commentary hermeneutics, (2) commentary hermeneutics and, (3) Post-commentary hermeneutics, which include hermeneutics as practiced by Thai Buddhist scholars through both hermeneutics of Dhamma studies (Pariyatti) and insight Meditation (Vipassanii), (Nimanong, 2010).

Pre-commentary hermeneutics includes the Tipi_taka and Nettipakarana. In the

Tipifaka, there are essential doctrines that could be said as the hermeneutical theories: the doctrine of Dependent Origination (Pa_ticcasamuppiida), and twenty-four relations

(Paccayas), etc., four great authorities (Mahapadesa), non-disagreeable method (Apannaka), ten principles of faith, metaphor, parable, simi-le, dialogue, etc. These doctrines are normally 37 recognized as Dhamma that must be put into practice through direct experience.

Nevertheless, they can also be said as the hermeneutical theories that could be applied to interpret other things as well, (Kemananda, 1993, pp. 76-114). Theravada Buddhist

Hermeneutics is known as the "Gradual path" (Anupubbamagga), following the Buddha's teaching step by step from morality, concentration and insight. This gradual path is identical with the five graduated sermon (anupubbikathii), starting from 'talk on giving' (dfinakathii),

(Nimanong, 2010). The hermeneutical principles of "Gradual Path" are explained in the

Nettipakarana, Pefakopadesa texts, and . George D. Bond stated that both the

Netti and Pefakopadesa develop the notion of the 'Gradual path' to Nibbfina and employ it as a hermeneutical strategy for explaining the Dhamma, (Lopez, 1988, p. 29). Nittipakarana points to reach the goal of Dhamma. Piya Tan writes "The Netti's method not only requires the interpreter to tease out the meaning of the Dhamma from the text (letter or phrasing), but also to indicate how a text points to the goal of the Dhamma (the spirit) (Tan, 2002, p.13).

The Nettipkarana explains the nature of the dhamma by citing Buddha's saying, "O

Bhikkhus, I shall teach you a dhamma that is good in the beginning, good in the middle, and good in the end, with its own meaning and phrasing", (M, III, p. 327). It presents five methods (naya), sixteen kinds of conveying (hara), and the sixteen patterns of dispensation

(sfisanapa.(thfina). In the late 5th century, Venerable Dhammapala, a Sri Lankan monk, wrote commentary and sub-commentary on Nettipakarana. Buddhist scholar monks in Myanmar composed its sub-commentaries. 1

Three sub-commentaries: (1) Nettivibhiivaniftika written by Ashin Saddhammapala sitlmahadhammarajaguru at the time of King Narapati in the· dynasty of Ratanapura. (2) N_ettihararatthadipani written by Sayadaw U Budh and (3) Nettiharatthadipani Thit written by Mahavisuddharama Sayadaw. 38

Commentarial hermeneutics occurred notably in the Visuddhimagga.

Visuddhamagga enumerates four modes of analysis to be used m analyzing doctrinal concepts. For example, the concept of fire could be questioned in regard to "what are the fire's characteristics, function, manifestation, and proximate cause?'', and the answer of which is thus: "the heat, burning, light and the other great elements, are the characteristics, function, manifestation, and proximate cause of the fire respectively", (Khemananda, 1993, pp.115-116.) This method of questions-answers can be used to the other Dhammas, such as four Noble Truth, Twelve Links of dependent Origination, Five Aggregates, Twelve Bases, and Eighteen Elements included in the Visuddhimagga. There are many of distinctive doctrines and ideas of Theravada developed in the commentaries and sub-commentaries to the Tipi_taka. The commentarial writings represented Theravada's second and final solution to the problem of how to interpret and understand the Tipifaka. Theravada's first solution to the problem of interpretation is found, however, in two post-canonical texts, the Nettipakarana and Pe_takopadesa. These two works set forth an approach to the interpretation of Tipi_taka, a hermeneutical method and view-point that shaped Theravada's thinking on these matters and profoundly influenced the commentarial tradition. (Lopez, 1988, p. 29)

Post-commentary hermeneutics: in this section, the forms of interpretation as performed by Thai Buddhist Scholars are investigated in some details. For example, mention is made of the 's theory of two kinds of language, namely "Human Language and

Dhamma Language. (Nimanong, 2010)

There are three significant domains in Buddhist theory: (1) Homiletics, (2)

Hermeneutics and (3) Apologetic (Tan, 2002, p. 6). Homiletics means the art of teaching the

Dhamma as a subject of study and covers questions. It includes the applications of the

Buddha's gradual teaching method (Anupubbikathff). Hermeneutics deals with the art of 39 interpreting and tries to answer questions in accordance with the

Nettipakarana and Pefakopadesa. Apologetic is the art of solving theological dilemmas as illustrated in the questions of King Milinda and responding challenge from outside.

Depending on the level of persons who differ from temperaments (carita) and ability

(indariya), the Buddha used different teaching methods. His methods consist of teachings with "direct meaning" (Nitattha) and those with "indirect meaning" (Neyyattha), or, implicit meaning (Pariyiiya) anc.l explii;il meaning (Nippariyiiya), anc.l wnvenlional lrulh

(Samutisaccfi) and ultimate truth (Paramatthasaccfi). The One who interprets Buddha's teachings should comprehend these teaching methods. The Buddha said "Bhikkhus, these two misrepresent the Tathagata. Which two? One who explains a discourse whose meaning requires interpretation as a discourse whose meaning is explicit, and one who explains a discourse whose meaning is explicit as a discourse whose meaning requires interpretation.

These two misrepresent the Tathagata," (A, I, p. 61 ). An interpreter must comprehend and grasp the meaning and phrasing of the Dhamma properly. The Buddha pointed out "these two things lead to the decline and disappearance of the good Dhamma. What two? Badly set down word!'; and phra!';e!'; ancl hncily interpreted menning. When the \vorcis nnci phrn:;e:; are badly set down, the meaning is badly interpreted. These two things lead to the decline and disappearance of the good Dhamma, (A, I. p. 60). One who interprets the Buddha' teachings must understand and comprehend the meaning and phrasing of the Dhamma clearly and correctly and he or she must take special care so as not to deviate them. 40

3.2 Friedrich Schleiermacher's Hermeneutics

Friedrich Schleiennacher (1768-1834) was known as the father of modern theology and modern hermeneutics. He changed the traditional Biblical hermeneutics into a general hermeneutics w~ich fanned texts of all kinds.

According to Schleiennacher, henneneutics is not only the art of understanding the meaning of the text, but is the art of avoiding misunderstanding. Understanding as an art is the re-experiencing of the mental processes of the author who wrote the text. The author constructed a sentence and the reader comprehends into the structures of the sentence and the thought.

Schleiermacher emphasized two aspects of interpretation: grammatical interpretation which focuses on the common language itself and psychological interpretation which tries to understand the author's individual style as the way she or he sets experience and thought into language. (Klemm, 1986, p. 58)

Grammatical interpretation consists of understanding of the text. This method needs the understanding of the words and common language. An interpreter must examine the words related to the sentences and the sentence in the contexts of the paragraph and so on, until he can reach a comprehension of the text.

The psychological interpretation deals with entering into the creative mind of the original author, also known as 'authorial intent.' For Schleiermacher, the answer to th~ problem of hermeneutics is to comprehend the author's individual intention for the composition of the text, and meaning intended by him or her. This psychological interpretation relies deeply on the divinatory method. 41

A grammatical approach can use the comparative method and proceed from the general to the particularities of the text. The psychological approach uses both the comparative and the divinatory, (Palmer, 1969, p. 90). The comparative method means understanding written language by trying to compare the statements of the writer with statements which might be regarded as universal. The divinatory method means understanding written language by trying to understand the intention of the author.

Both comparative and divinatory methods are necessary for grammatical and psychological interpretation. Comparative methods place individual expressions m larger linguistic contexts in order to see how the individual thereby takes on specific meanings.

Divinatory methods reproduce the author's experience of combining thoughts and images into a whole. In practice, grammatical interpretation gives greater emphasis to comparative techniques; psychological interpretation favors divinatory techniques. Full understanding requires employing both of these operations on both the grammatical and psychological sides of interpretation. Higher understanding is achieved when both sides are worked out and brought into agreement. (Klemm, 1986, p. 58)

Grammatical aspect of interpretation requires the understanding of the words and common language. The psychological aspect of interpretation deals with entering into the creative mind of the original author. Full understanding needs employing both of these operations on both the grammatical ·and psychological sides of interpretation.

Grammatical aspect of interpretation is a method of understanding how meaning is determined by the way in which language is used. Psychological aspect of interpretation is a method of understanding how written language represents the thoughts of the author.

The method of interpretation of Bhikkhunl ordination presented by Ashin

Adiccavamsa-and Min gun Jetawun Sayadaw is similar to Schleiermacher' s Hermeneutics 42 based on two constituents of psychological and grammatical factors. Both Ashin

Adiccavamsa and Min gun Jetawun Sayadaw gave interpretation regarding the intention of the

Buddha and Venerable Mahinda on Bhikkhuni ordination. New interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination are closely akin to Schleiennacher's divinatory method in which the interpreter seeks to transform himself into the author in order to understand the meaning of the text.

3.3 Brief background on the life of Venerable Adiccavamsa

Ashin Adiccavamsa (Myanmar year 1244-1313) was a Buddhist monk, well-versed in

Tipi_taka, commentaries and sub-commentaries. He pursued further studies in English, Hindu,

Sanskrit, Urdu, Bengali, and Japanese script in India, Sri Lanka and England. He had desire to write Buddhist literatures into these languages. He established Adiccavamsa Monastery in

Yangon.

During his life span, he wrote over 400 books. In 1935 he published a book titled

"Bhikkhunisfisanopadesa," and challenged the broadly accepted opinion that the Bhikkhuni

Sarrigha could not be re-established in the Theravada tradition. This book is composed of six chapters. In tl)e first chapter, he explained the purpose of writing this book. In the second chapter, he stated the ordination by accepting the eight Garudhammas. In the third chapter, he mentioned women's ordination. In the fourth chapter, he expressed commentary's view and Myanmar Buddhist scholars' concept. The fifth chapter dealt with the responding to criticism. In the sixth chapter, it was on the exhortation for Bhikkhuni ordination to women.

Interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination in this book is alternative, and different from commentaries, sub-commentaries and Myanmar Buddhists' view. 43

In response to this book, Myanmar Buddhist scholar monks and learned lay followers criticized and argued against Ashin Adiccavamsa. Those criticisms and arguments on this book were talk of the town in the Newspapers and Journals. Some scholar monks including

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw agreed with his views. In his book, he lucidly stated his attitudes in two passages: The first passage stated that even the Buddha who cared for th-e welfare of all human beings was not able to help completely. Owing to the act of their wrong views and deeds some landed in the low realm. In contrast, some went either to the celestial realm, or the Brahma world because of their good deeds. Above all, some attained Nibbana because of their constant practice of Dhamma." Naturally, Ashin Adiccavamsa, the author of

Bhikkhunisasanopadesa book, might not be able to satisfy everyone. In another passage the author stated that he did not firmly and strongly assume that Buddhism is the best and the most valid teachings of all. According to him, he, with the doubt, was still searching for the ultimate truth. He said he had studied many other religious traditions and examined their teachings. Nevertheless he still believed in Buddhism and was not able to give it up. And with this view, he has prepared and decided to be a follower of a person who would point him the ultimate truth of Dhamma. The Saf!lgha responded by subjecting him to a prolonged period of isolation and he was excluded from all Saf!lgha activities. Exclusion from Saf!igha activities was not only for the interpretation of BhikkhunI ordination, but also for the above­ mentioned two passages. Later, he wrote another book titled BhikkhunI Ayetawpoun. This book is about the Burmese Buddhists' complaints and his responses on the exclusion from the

Saf!lgha activities. 44

3.4 Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation of Bhikkhuniordination

Ashin Adiccavamsa's hermeneutics is related to the interpretation of BhikkhunJ

Ordination stated in Cu/avagga Pa/i Canon. He interpreted BhikkhunJ ordination in the divinatory method to understand the Buddha's intention. He argues the validity of ordination by Bhikkhu Smr1gha. His argument goes between the two rules: the first one is ordination solely by Bhikkhu Sarrzgha:

"Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunfs."

The second one is ordination by both Sarrzghas, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunfs:

"Bhikkhus, I permit ordination by Bhikkhu Saf!lgha for the one who has already been ordained and has been cleansed by the Bhikkhunf Saf!lgha."

With regard to permission of the Bhikkhuni ordination stated in Cu/avagga Pfi_li

Canon, Ashin Adiccavamsa mentions his interpretation:

As to the BhikkhunJ Ordination, initially women were ordained only by Bhikkhu

Sarrzgha. In such a way, the numbers of BhikkhunJ Saf!lgha increased in the Buddha Sfisanfi.

BhikkhunJ ordination was in accordance with the first rule. Later Bhikkhunf Saf!1gha was assigned only for interrogation of Pabbajjadosa and as before, women were ordained by

Bhikkhu Saf!1gha. For this reason, we cannot say that the firsrrule is invalid due to the second regulation. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 71-72)

Ashin Adiccavamsa compares the difference on the permission of ordination between

Bhikkhu and BhikkhunJas follow:

With regard to the Bhikkhu ordination, the Buddha originally prescribed "Bhikkhus, l allow giving of higher ordination by taking three refuges." Later the Buddha said "From this - day on, Bhikkus, I abolish ordination by taking the three refuges that l had prescribed; 45

Bhikkhus, I allow ordination by Natticatutthakammavaca." Just as the Buddha officially

abolished Bhikkhu ordination by taking the three refuges, here also, he should have officially

withdrawn the first rule if he had a desire to abolish it. This case is very significant. He did

not withdraw the first rule. Therefore it is still valid. The Buddha permitted merely the ·

interrogation in the presence of the Bhikkhunf Sm!lgha. He allowed the ordination of women

only in the presence of the Bhikkhu Sm!lgha. This also approves its validity which must be thoroughly understood without any doubt. Therefore, it must be firmly noted that the first regulation was not invalid. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 72)

Since the first rule was not invalid, Bhikkhunfordination can be conducted by Bhikkhu

Sangha in accordance with the first rule. However, if the Bhikkhunf Sm71gha still exists,

according to the second rule, after women are cleaned of Pabbajjadosa, they must be ordained by Bhikkhu Smr1gha. In Sri Lanka, at the time of ordination of the Queen Anu!a and her five hundred attendants, due to the lack of Bhikkhunf Sm?Igha, Bhikkhunfs Jed by

Sarpghamitta from Majjhima were invited by King, and ordination was conducted. At

present, owing to the lack of Bhikkhunf Smrzgha, women must be cleansed by interrogation about Pabbajjadosa by Bhikkhu Sm11gha, in the way done by Bhikkhunf Saf!lgha, and must be ordained by themselves. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 72-73)

The permission to Bhikkhunf Saf!lgha for interrogation was not because of impossibility to interrogate by Bhikkhus. In reality, Bhikkhunf were more suitable for interrogation than Bhikkhus for candidates who were shy and fearful in the presence of the

Bhikku Saf!lgha. Another factor is BhikkhunfSaf!lgha also existed to conduct the interrogation of the candidates. If Bhikkhunf Saf!lgha did not exist, there was no one to hand over. The candidates who really wanted to be ordained need not be afraid of it. To complete ordination 46 the candidates must pass through interrogation one way or the other, since the mam requirement is to be cleansed from Pabbajjadosa. The Buddha, at the beginning of His dispensation, permitted to ordain only by taking the three refuges for candidates for the reason of lack of Pabbajjadosa. Moreover A99hakasika was ordained merely by sending messenger. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 73-74)

Additionally, if we think that only the second regulation is val id, and the first regulation should certainly be invalid, such possibility should be checked. If the first rule is invalid, the second rule connected with it may not be possible. In this case, the Buddha might have ruled that women must be interrogated and must be ordained by Bhikkhuni Smr1gha themselves. Instead of it, the procedure of ordination is to be reached to the presence of

Bhikkhu Smr1gha. Hence, Bhikkhuni ordination has actually not completed by Bhikkhuni

Sarr1gha yet. The candidates can become Bhikkhunis only in the presence of the Bhikkhu

Smr1gha. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 74)

According to the Pfi_li word, "ekato upasappannaya," Bhikkhuniordination has not yet completed and it is just for the. sake of clearance in the presence of the Bhikkhuni Saf'!lgha.

The interrogation in the presence of the Bhikkhuni Saf'!lgha was permitted merely to relieve the shyness and fear of female candidates. Hence, permission only for interrogation is obvious. Consequently, it should not be in vain to benefits of all women folks and Buddha

Sasana due to the lack of the Bhikkhunis who have duty merely for an interrogation.

(Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 74-75)

If Bhikkhuni ordination cannot be performed due to the lack of Bhikkhuni Saf!1gha, the authority of ordination should return to original Bhikkhu Saf'!lgha. Lack of Bhikkuni Saf'!lgha should not be the reason or hindrance for those women who want to be ordained in order to 47 become Bhikkuni The rights of the women should not be ignored or hampered using unreasonable cause, that is, lack of Bhikkhuni Each and everyone who wants to become

Bhikkhuni should have a chance to be ordained if they are free from Pabbajjadosa.

(Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 75-76) Bhikkuni Smpgha can be revived as long as Bhikkhu Saf!lgha who can give ordination in accordance with the first rule exists. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 77)

A Sikkhamana must observe tlie six rules and must receive Vu.t_thfinasammuti, the emergence from probation period. Having completed these two requirements, she can be ordained. Observing six rules and giving Vu.t_thfinasammuti in the presence of the Bhikkhuni

Saf!lgha are mentioned in canonical text. However, the Buddha did not forbid carrying out these requirements in the presence of Bhikkhu Saf!lgha. These requirements can be performed by the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha alone because the significant point is a mere observance of the six rules for two years. Nevertheless, the first Sakyan women did not need to observe these requirements. Similarly, after interrogation of Pabbajjadosa, a female candidate can be ordained in accordance with Bhikkhu Saf!lgha 's precedent. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 77-78)

The sixth Garudhamma has been laid down looking forward of a couple of Saf!lgha,

Bhikku and Bhikkuni in the future. It does not mean that Bhikkhuni ordination must be performed only in both sides of Saf!lgha from the day of acceptance of Garudhamma.

Besides it should not be considered that it was referred to the first Sakyan women. Therefore it does nQt mean that, at the time of incompleteness of both Sa1J1ghas, Bhikkhuni ordination must be performed only in both sides of Sa1J1gha. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 79)

At present, due to the lack of the Bhikkhuni Sa1J1gha, only Bhikkhu Saf!lgha has complete authority of the Bhikkhuni ordination according to the regulation, "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis." Suppose two people legally belong to a thing and if one of 48 them passes away, the person who survives, automatically belongs to that thing. Similarly,

Bhikkhuni ordination connected with both Smr1ghas could be performed only by Bhikkhu

Saf(lgha when there is no existence of Bikkhunis. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 80-81)

Eight Garudhammas are not rules. In A.(thakatha, they have been used as a metaphor like rules. Indeed, they are an agreement of women to become Bhikkhuni. If the

Garudhammas are accepted as an agreement, it was intended to be used only for

Mahapajapati GotamI to become a Bhikkhuni (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 82-83-84)

With regard to the Bhikkhuni ordination, another problem deals with Venerable

Mahinda's statement. According to Samantapasadika, ParifjikaJJrfa Af.thakatha, King

Devananpiyatissa requested Venerable Mahinda to give ordination to Queen Anu~a. To this request, Venerable Mahinda replied that they are not permitted to perform the ordination to women. Here, someone may ask why Venerable Mahinda replied that we are not permitted to give ordination to women.

Ashin Adiccavamsa explains: Samantapasadika, ParljjikaJJfja A!_thakathli, has copied this conversational paragraph from Dipavaf!ISG or Mahfivaf(lsa. If Venerable Mahinda actually said as above mentioned, it may be merely a referring-speech (Sandiiya Bhasita), indirect meaning (Pariyiiya Bhasita) and implicit meaning (Neyyattha). (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 88)

Venerable Mahinda wished to develop the reverence of people on both, Bhikkhu and

Bhikkhuni Moreover he wished to invite Bhikkhunis led by his sister, Sarp.ghamitta to Sri

Lanka. If BhikkhunJS arrives there, people would revere them and many women would admire them. If this were so, many women would enter into the Buddha Sasanaas Bhikkhuni. 49

Referring to these consequences, Venerable Mahinda said "we are not permitted to give ordination to women." (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 96-97)

In another way, at that time, although people who live on the island revere Venerable

Mahinda, they may be a mere royal people led by King Devananpiyatissa. They also may not clearly understand the relationship under Dhamma and Vinaya between the Bhikkhus and

Bhikkhunis. Indeed, a few people led by King Devananpiyatissa might und~rstand it. In this situation, if Queen AnuFi is ordained, people who do not understand Dhamma and Vinaya may be wrong view on Venerable Mahinda. Therefore, he said "we are not permitted to give ordination to women." He intended not to underestimate him and his colleagues as to the ordination of Queen Anu1a. By using the indirect meaning, Bhikkhuni Sal!lgha would arrive from Mijjimadipa. At the time, both Bhikkhu and Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha have more chance to perform development of Buddha Sasanii and welfare of people on the island. This is true.

Venerable Mahinda was responsible for progression of Buddha Sasaniiand benefit of people on that island. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 97-98)

Venerable Mahinda's statement is not direct meaning. We must understand that it is an indirect meaning. Therefore, regarding the Venerable Mahinda's statement, we should not consider that women cannot be ordained by Bhikkhu Sal!lgha. As mentioned above, owing to the indirect meaning, we must understand that, at present, woman can be ordained by

Bhikkhu Saf!lgha.

In another sense, at that time, while monks led by Venerable Mahinda were performing for the propagation of Buddha Sasanii on the island, Bhikkhuni Sarrzgha still exists. Therefore they need Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha to contribute ordination in accordance with

Vinaya r~le. They must be obedient in accordance with the Vinaya. This is true. If Bhikkhuni 50

Smpgha still exists, no one would say that Bhikkhuni ordination can be performed according to the regulation of ordination by a Bhikkhu Sal'!lgha. When Bhikkhuni Smpgha still exists,

Bhikkhuni ordination can be accomplished only if they contribute. Referring to it, Venerable

Mahinda said, "We are not permitted to give ordination to women." It means that we alone are not allowed ordination to women. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 106-107)

3.5 Brief Background on the life of Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw, alias Ashin Narada (Myanmar year 1230-1316) was also a

Buddhist monk, well-versed in Tipi_taka, commentaries and sub-commentaries. He wrote 22 books including Pafi commentaries, MilindapanhaAffhakathaand Pefakopadesa Affhakatha.

For many years, he taught Tipi/aka and commentaries and sub-commentaries to students in different places in Myanmar. He established Jetawun monastery in Thathon, a town, in the

Mon state, Myanmar. Moreover he was a meditation master. Taungpulu Sayadaw and Mahasi

Sayadaw, very famous in meditation, inherited his meditation method.

He advocated Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation of Bhikkhuniordination. At the age of 70, he wrote Milindapanha A.(thakathii. It has 505 pages. It was published in 1949. In this book, he asserted his views of Kathina and Bhikkhuni ordination with an alternative approach. His interpretation on Kathina and Bhikkhuni ordination is in contradiction with the traditional Theravada Buddhism. In this book Ashin Narada stated that women can obtain

Bhikkhuni-hood at the present day. His statements led to the arguments within the Myanmar

Buddhist society. Thus, those copies of the book that had already been published were kept away by the publisher. However, his interpretation is considered as a guideline for some

Theravada Buddhists who have desires for reestablishment of Bhikkhuni Sal'!lgha. 51

3.6 Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw's interpretation of Bhikkhuniordination

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw's hermeneutics is also related to the interpretation of

Bhikkhuni ordination. He interpreted Bhikkhuni ordination in the divinatory method to understand the Buddha's intention. His argument goes between two regulations. The first one is sixth Garudhamma: "After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhamfina should seek ordination from both Saf!lghas." The second one is ordination solely by Bhikkhu

Saf!lgha: "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis."

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw explains: a guideline can be said to be given for Bhikkhus of the future. What is this guideline that can be said to be given for Bhikkhus of the future?

"Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis." There is a passage beginning: "After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhamfina should seek ordination from both Saf!lgha." The statement, "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis," does not occur with reference to the subject of the statement: "After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhamfina should seek ordination from both Saf!lghas." And the statement,

"After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhamfina should seek ordination from both Saf!lghas," does not occur with reference to the subject of the statement:

"Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis." Although the latter does not occur with that reference, still the subject referred to by the two statements, each taken by itself, is just a woman who is to be ordained. (Bodhi, 20 I 0, p. 135)

One statement says that a woman who is to be ordained should be ordained by a

Bhikkhu Saf!lgha; the other, that a woman who is to be ordained should be ordained by a dual-Saf!lgha. Now there will be future Bhikkhus of wrong beliefs who will cling to their own conviction and for the purpose of promoting.their wrong beliefs will argue thus: "Friends, if 52 the Buddha said: 'Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis,' then the statement: 'After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhamfina should seek ordination from a dual-Saf!lgha' is false. But if the Buddha said: "After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhanyfina should seek ordination from a dual-Saf!lgha,' then the statement:

"Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis' is false. Isn't it true that ordination by a dual­

Saf!lgha is excluded by the injunction that a Bhikkhu Saf!lgha should give ordination to a woman? And isn't the allowance to give ordination by the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha excluded by the injunction that a dual-Saf!lgha should give ordination to a woman? Thus the two are mutually exclusive. A Bhikkhu Saf!lgha giving ordination to a woman candidate is one; a dual-Saf!lgha giving ordination to a woman candidate is another." (Bodhi, 2010, pp. 135-136)

This is a dilemma. At present, when Bhikkhus are unable to answer and resolve this. dilemma, other Bhikkhus sometimes come along and argue over it. Some say: "The Bhikkhu

SmJ1gha could ordain women only in the period before the BhikkhuniSaf!lgha arose. From the time the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha arose, women must be ordained by a dual-Saf!lgha. Therefore, now that the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha has become extinct, women cannot be ordained by the

Bhikkhu Saf!1gha." But others argue: "They can be ordained."

In this matter Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw said that the statement: "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhun·is" was made by the Buddha, and this statement of the Buddha concerns restriction of the ordination solely by a Bhikkhu Saf!lgha to a period when the

Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha does not exist. Hence there is a difference in both meaning and wording between this statement and the other explaining the procedure for a Sikkhamfina. The statement: "After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhamfina should seek ordination from a dual-Saf!lgha" was spoken by the Buddha, and it explains the 53 procedure for a Sikkhamana. Hence there is a difference in both meaning and wording between this statement and the other restricting the single-SaJrzgha ordination to a period when the Bhikkhuni SaJr1gha does not exist. One is a restriction of the ordination solely by a

Bhikkhu SaJrzgha to a period when the ~hikkhuni Sarrzgha does not exist, while the other explains the procedure for a Sikkhamfina. The two are far apart in meaning; they are not speaking about the same thing and should not be mixed up. All the Buddha's bodily deeds, verbal deeds, and mental deeds were preceded and accompanied by infinite wisdom. He had unobstructed knowledge and vision regarding the past, the future, and the present. (Bodhi,

2010, pp. 136-137)

Thus the Buddha's statement: "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis" concerned restriction of the ordination solely by a Bhikkhu Sarrzgha to a period in the past when the Bhikkhuni Sarrzgha did not exist; in the future, too, it will be restricted to a period when the Bhikkhuni Sarrzgha will not exist; and at present it is restricted to a period when the

BhikkhunJ Sarrzgha does not exist. Since the Buddha had seen such situations with his unobstructed knowledge and vision, tha! is, with his knowledge of omniscience, his statement should be allowed to have such applications. It should be admitted that the Bhikkhu Sarrzgha had been allowed to ordain bhikkhunis in the past, though restricted to a period when the

Bhikkhunl Sarrzgha did not exist; ih the future too, though restricted to a period when the

BhikkhunJSm?1gha will not exist; and at present too, restricted to a period when the Bhikkhunl

Sarrzgha does not exist. Hence at present, or even now, though restricted to a situation in which the Bhikkhunl Sarrzgha has become non-existent, women can be ordained by the

Bhikkhu Sarrzgha. (Bodhi, 2010, p. 137) 54

When Queen Anu/awanted to go forth, and the king said, "Give her the going forth,'' why did Mahinda Thera reply: "Great King, we are not permitted to give the going forth to women?

With regard to this question, Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw explains: This was because the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha existed at the time, not because it was prohibited by the text (Sutta).

Thus to explain the meaning, Venerable Mahinda said: "My sister, the TherJSarp.ghamitta, is at Pataliputta. Invite her." By this statement, the point being made is that he is not permitted to ordain women because of the restriction of the ordination solely by a Bhikkhu Saf!lgha to a period when the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha does not exist, not because it is prohibited by the text.

The text which states: "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis" should not be rejected merely on the basis of one's personal opinion. One should not strike a blow to the Wheel of

Authority of the omniscient knowledge. The wishes of qualified persons should not be obstructed. For now women are qualified to be ordained by the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha. (Bodhi,

2010, pp. 137-138)

When the Buddha said: "If, Ananda, Mahapajapati GotamI accepts these eight

Garudhammas, let that suffice for her ordination,'' he laid down these eight Garudhammas as the fundamental regulations, mii_lapaiiiiatti, for Bhikkhunis at a time when bhikkhunis had not yet appeared. One Garudhamma among them - namely, "After completing her training in six rules for two years, a Sikkhamfina should seek ordination from a dual-Saf!lgha" - was laid down as a fundamental regulation for a Sikkhamfina to undertake as part of her training at a time even before the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha appeared. After the Buddha had laid down these eight Garudhammas as the fundamental regulations for Bhikkhunis, ordination initially arose by Mahapajapati's acceptance of them. When Mahapajapati GotamI asked: "The most 55

Venerable, how shall I act in regard to these Sak.yon women?" The Buddha did not see: "It is only now that the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha is non-existent (but it will not be so) in the future too."

He saw: "The Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha is non-existent now and in the future too it will be non­ existent." Knowing that when the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha is non-existent the occa_sion arises for an allowance given to the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha to be used, the Buddha laid down a secondary regulation (anupaffiiatti) to the effect that women can be ordained by the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha, that is: "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis." But this secondary regulation did not reach a condition where it shared validity with any prior and subsequent prohibition and allowance that had been laid down. Thus the Buddha, the Worthy One, the perfectly

Enlightened One, who knows and sees, allowed women at present to be ordained in such a way. (Bodhi, 2010, pp. 138-139)

With regard to the Kammavacii for the ordination, Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw states:

"In order to achieve success in the recitation of the enactment formula (Kammaviic§), the text of the enactment formula should be recited in full. A competent, able Bhikkhu, who understands the Buddha's intention, should inform the SaY(lgha: "venerable, let the Saf!lgha listen to me. This one of such a name seeks ordination under that one 0f such a mane. She is pure with regard to the obstructive factors. Her bowl and robes are complete. This one of such a name asks the Saf!lgha for ordination with that one of such a name as sponsor

(pavattinI}. If the Saf!lgha finds it fitting, the Sa'!1gha may ordain this one of such a name with that one of such a name as sponsor. This is the motion. Venerable, let the Saf!lgha listen to me. This one of such a name seeks ordination under that one of such a name. She is pure with regard to the obstructive factors. Her bowl and robes are complete. This one of such a name asks the Saf!lgha ordination with that one of such a name as sponsor. The Saf!lgha ordains this one of such a name with that one of such a name as sponsor. Any venerable who 56 agrees to the ordination of this one of such a name with that one of such a name as sponsor should remain silent; any venerable who does not agree should speak up. A second time l declare this matter ... A third time I declare this matter (repeat above pronouncement). This one of such a name has been ordained by the Sarrzgha with that one of such a name as sponsor. The Sarrzgha is in agreement; therefore it is silent. That is how I understand it."

(Bodhi, 20 I 0, p. 13 9)

At the conclusion of the enactment formula, the woman who was to be ordained by the Bhikkhu Sarrzgha is now called "one ordained on one side solely by a Bhikkhu Sarrzgha."

But in the commentary, the Bhikkhus ordained the five hundred Sakyan women on the basis of the secondary regulation, "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain Bhikkhunis." Without having them first select a preceptor, they ordained them making them pupils of Mahapajapati, and thus, for the success of the enactment formula, they used the following proclamation:

"venerable, let the Sarrzgha listen to me. This one of such a name seeks ordination under

Mahapajapati," and so forth. Thus they too were all called "ordained on one side." There is no reference to them first selecting a preceptor. And since here the Buddha had not yet authorized it, here there is nothing about first selecting a preceptor, or about explaining the bowl and robes, or about requesting the ordination, or about inquiring into the twenty-four obstructive factors, or about explaining the three dependences and the eight strict prohibitions. Thus, even at the cost of life, Bhikkhus do not lay down what has not been laid down and do not abrogate what has been laid down, but they take up and practice the training rules that have been laid down; such is the Buddha's intention. By this very method, a

Bhikkhu Smrzgha can give ordination to constitute a Bhikkhuni Smrzgha made up of those ordained on one side, and when a chapter of five Bhikkhunis has been constituted, it is proper 57

for them to give ordination in the remote countries through a dual-Smrigha procedure. And in

this case it is determined that a dual-Smrigha has arisen. (Bodhi, 2010, pp. 139-140)

Then, if it is asked, "why did the Bhikkhus in the past ordain the five hundred Sakyan

women? The answer should be given: "Because the narrative gives the story of what had

been allowed all as one." At this points, with the arising of a dual-Saf!lgha, if a woman

wishes ordination, she should acquire the going forth as a Siimal)eri in the presence of

Bhikkhunis, and it is only a Bhikkhuniwho should let her go forth. After they have let her go

forth, only a BhikkhunJSaf!lgha should give her the agreement to train as a Sikkhamana. After

she receives it, she should train in the six rules for two years. When the Sikkhmana has

completed her training, she should then seek ordination from a dual-Saf!lgha. And here, when

it is said in the fundamental regulation, "After completing her training, a Sikkhamfina should

seek ordination from a dual-Saf!lgha," the Buddha laid down a particular sequence. He first

had the Sikkhamfina receive ordination from a Bhikkhu Smrigha and cleared of obstructive

factors by the Bhikkhus. Thereupon she would receive ordination by a Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha,

and thus she would ~e "ordained by a dual-Saf!lgha." At a later time, however, the Buddha

laid down a supplementary regulation, saying: "Bhikkhus, I allow a woman who has received

ordination on one-side and been cleared of obstructive factors by the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha to receive ordination by the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha." Thus he enjoins a Sikkhamfina who has

completed her training to first receive ordination from a Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha. When she has

been ordained on one side and cleared of obstructive factors by the Bhikkhuni Saf!1gha, she is

subsequently to be ordained by the Bhikkhu Sm_ngha. Thus he allowed her to become

ordained by a dual-Saf!lgha in a reversal of the preceding sequence, but did not reject one who previously had been ordained on one side by the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha. The one was too

remote from the other for the two to be confused with one another. Also, imagining that a 58

later supplementary regulation negates a previously laid down regulation occurs to blind

foolish persons, not to those with insight, for the conclusion is seen in the narrative on the

supplementary regulation. (Bodhi, 2010, pp. 140-141)

This is the sequence in the text for the act of ordination of a Sikkhamfina who has

completed her training: First, she should be asked to choose her preceptor. After she has done so, the bowl and robes shoi:ld be explained to her: "This is your bowl. This is your outer robe; this is your upper robe; this is your under robe; this is your blouse; this is your bathing

cloth. Go, stand in that area."

Thus the Bhikkhu Sm71gha described above should make a determined effort as follows: "Now that the Bhikkhuni Saf[lgha has become extinct, we will revive the institution of Bhikkhunis! We will understand the heart's wish of the Buddha! We will see the Buddha's face brighten like the full moon!" A Bhikkhu motivated by a desire to resuscitate the

institution of Bhikkhunis should be skilled in the subject praised by the Buddha. But in this problem, this is the guideline given for Bhikkhus of the future. (Bodhi, 2010, p. 142)

3.7 Comparative study between two interpretations

Ashin Adiccavamsa was contemporary with Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw. Mingun

Jetawun Sayadaw advocated Ashin Adicca's interpretation of Bhikkuni ordination. Eight years after Ashin Adiccavamsa has published "Bhikkhunisasanopadesa", Mingun Jetawun

Sayadaw wrote "Milindapanhfi Af_thakathfi." Although they both gave new interpretations as

the validity of Bhikkhuniordination by Bhikkhu Sm71gha, they have different concept in some

factors. Therefore the researcher needs to compare between these two interpretations. 59

Ashin Adiccavamsa focuses his interpretation on two rules: the first rule was ordination only by Bhikkhu Sarµgha, and the second rule was ordination by Bhikkhu Sarµgha after cleansing by Bhikkhuni Sarµgha. The Buddha did not abolish ordination by Bhikkhu

Sarµgha. Therefore it is still valid. It can be used for Bhikkhuni ordination. As long as

Bhikkhu Sarµgha exists, Bhikkuni Sarµgha can be revived. For him, Garudhamma is not a regulation but it is just an initial agreement for Bhikkhuni ordination starting with

Mahapajapati GotamI.

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw focuses his interpretation on two regulations: The sixth

Garudhamma and the ordination solely by Bhikkhu Sarµgha. These two regulations are not related to each other. The rule of ordination by Bhikkhu Sarµgha related with restriction to a period when the Bhikkhuni Sarµgha does not exist. The sixth Garudhamma explains the procedure for a Sikkhamfina. The sixth Garudhamma is a fundamental rule. Ordination by

Bhikkhu Sarµgha is secondary rule. The Buddha laid down this rule for use at the time of non- existence of Bhikkhunis in future. He had foreseen with his infinite wisdom, the omniscience, to the extinction of the BhikkhuniSarµgha in future. Thus,. he gave his permission for Bhikkhu to ordain Bhikkhunis in the future.

With regard to Sikkhamfina, Ashin Adiccavamsa explains: For Sikkhamfina, observing six rules and giving Vu.(thfinasammuti can be performed by the Bhikkhu Sarµgha because the

~ significant requirement is a mere observance of six rules for two years. On the other hand,

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw states: Before completing a required number of Bhikkhunis, a female candidate does not need to observe the requirements of a Sikkhamfina. Only when a chapter of five Bhikkhunis has been constituted, and if a woman wishes an ordination, she 60 must meet the requirements of a Sikkhamiina and must be ordained through the procedure of ordination by both Smrzgha.

Regarding the Venerable Mahinda's speech, Ashin Adiccavamsa considers it as a referring-speech (Sandhfiya Bhfisita), an indirect speech (Pariyfiya Bhasita) or an implicit speech (Neyyattha). Mingun Jetawun Sayaday stated that BhikkhunI Saf!lgha had already existed at that period of time, so it would not be assumed that· it was the text (Sutta) that prohibited the act. CHAPTER IV

Discussion and evaluation of the impact of new interpretations of Bhikkhun.iordination

on the society and Myanmar Smµgha's views on current issue

4.1 Comparison and contrast between the Theravada traditional concepts and new

interpretations of Bhikkhun.iordination

New interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination of A shin Adiccavansa and Min gun Jetawun

Sayadaw are in contradiction with the Theravada traditional interpretation. The researcher needs to compare between the new interpretations and Theravada traditional concepts on

Bhikkhuni ordination.

According to Ashin Adiccavamsa, initially, Bhikkhuniordination was performed only by a Bhikkhu Sarrigha. Many women became Bhikkhunis in accordance with the procedure of ordination only by Bhikkhu Sarrigha. For a Jong time, this procedure was applied until

Bhikkhuni was permitted for interrogation of Pabbajjadosa. Apart from five hundred

Sakyan women, there were also many Bhikkhunls who were ordained by Bhikkhu Sarrigha.

According to the commentary and sub-commentary, ordination by Bhikkhu Sarrigha was only for five hundred Sakyan women. The commentary mentions that Bhikkhunis who received ordination from Bhikkhu Sarrigha were five hundred Sakyan women, (Pacityadi, p.

242). Moreover, the Sub-commentary explains that Bhikkhunis who accepted ordination in 62

the presence of Bhikkhu Saf!lgha were five hundred Sakyan women and the Bhikkhuni who was changed to a female sex (on account of previous Kamm a). (Vmt, II, p. 21)

Ashin Adiccavamsa considers that ordination solely by Bhikkhu Saf!lgha is still valid.

At present, women can be ordained in line with its regulation. Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw also asserts that ordination solely by Bhikkhu Saf!lgha can be used at the time of non-existence of

Bhikkhunis.

According to the Theravada traditional concept, after Mahapajapati GotamI became a

Bhikkhum~ she approached the Buddha and asked him "How shall we proceed with five hundred Sakyan princesses?" The Buddha prescribed "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain

Bhikkhunis." Therefore, making Mahapajapati GotamI as a preceptor (upajjhiiya), five hundred Sakyan women were ordained by Natticatutthakammavaca by Bhikkhus. They became Bhikkhu-ekato-upasampanna-bhikkhunis, i.e Bhikkhunfs who received ordination from Bhikkhu Saf!lgha.

Although, in the sixth Garudhamma, the Buddha has prescribed that a Sikkhamfina must seek higher ordination from both assemblies of Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis, there was not yet any Bhikkhuni at the time of Mahapajapati GotamI' s ordination. Therefore the Buddha specially permitted ordination by accepting eight Garudhamma. At the time of higher ordination of five hundred Sakyan princesses, only Mahapajapati GotamI was a single

Bhikkhuni There was not enough number of IJfakkhuni Sm11gha to ordain in accordance with the sixth Garudhamma. Therefore the Buddha especially permitted to ordain five hundred

Sakyan women as Bhikkhunis who were ordained solely by Bhikkhu Saf!lgha.

1 A Bhikkhu can become Bhikkhuniwhen a biological sex change takes place. In such case, a Bhikkhu does not lose his monastic status by becoming a woman and becomes Bhikkhuniwithout undergoing re-ordination. (Kavanami, 2007, p. 236) 63

Later on, special permission was no longer needed due to the sufficiency of Bhikkhuni

Smrzgha. Women must be ordained twice in the Simfi, by the procedure of dual-Smrzgha ordination in accordance with the sixth Garudhamma. The Buddha permitted the procedure of ordination by Bhikkhu Smrzgha because the required number of Bhikkhuni Smrzgha is not complete. At the time of completeness of Bhikkhuni Smrzgha, Bhikkhuni ordination must be carried out in accordance with the sixth Garudhamma regulation. (Bhb, 2006, pp. 85-86-87)

To sum up the Theravada traditional concept on Bhikkhuni ordination, the followings are the findings:

(I )The Buddha permitted higher ordination to Mahapajapati Gotami by accepting eight

Garudhammas because there was not any Bhikkhuniyet.

(2) He permitted to ordain five hundred Sakyan princesses by Bhikkhu Smrzgha because there was not yet enough number of Bhikkhunis.

(3) He permitted to ordain other women under the procedure of the sixth Garudhamma because of.completeness in enough number of BhikkhunI Sangha.

In the exposition of the word "Bhikkhuni", the Buddha himself defined that

Bhikkhuni means the one who has received ordination from the both Smrzghas. 2 (Vin, I, p.

307)

As regards the Garudhammas, Ashin Adiccavamsa considers Garudhamma is not a regulation, but an agreement for Bhikkhuni ordination.

2 BhikkhunI Nfima Ubhatosamghe UpasampanmI 64

According to the Theravada traditional concepts, the Garudhamma is a fundamental

regulation. The rule of ordination by Bhikkhu Saf!lgha, i.e the rule, "Bhikkhus, I allow you to

ordain Bhikkhunis," is a supplementary regulation and the rule of ordination by both

Saf!Zghas, i.e. the ·rule, "Bhikkhus, I permit the higher ordination by Bhikkhu Saf!Zgha for the

one who has already been ordained and has been cleansed by the Bhikkhuni Saf!Zgha," is also

a supplementary regulation. (Bhb, 2006, pp. 88-92-93)

Before ordination of queen Anu!a, venerable Mahinda said "We are not permitted to

ordain to women. With regard to that speech, Ashin Adiccavamsa considered that it was an

indirect way. Again Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw also pointed out that Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha had

already existed at that period of the time in Pataliputta, so it could not be considered that it

was the text that prohibited the act.

The Bhikkhunivinicchasatam, a research paper on Bhikkhuni ordination issued by the

State Independent Vinayadhara organization, explains that, because Bhikkhus are not allowed to ordain a woman who has not been ordained by Bhikkhuni Saf!Zgha, Venerable Mahinda

told the King that they were not permitted to give the ordination to women. Ekato­

upasampanna BhikkhunJwho has been ordained in the presence of Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha must

be -ordained again by Bhikkhu Samgha. On this issue, Venerable Mahinda said to the King that, his sister, Theri Saf!Zghamittfi, lived in Pataliputta city, must be invited here for the

ordination. Moreover, Venerable Mahinda's statement was not to be considered as an indirect

speech because there was no explanation of it in the sub-commentaries. Woman who has not

been initially ordained in the presence of Bhikkhuni Sarr1gha is not suitable to be ordained by

Bhikkhu Sal!lgha. Therefore Venerable Mahinda told the King that they were not permitted to

give the ordination to the women. (Bhv, 2004, p. 60) 65

To sum up the Theravada Tradition, Single-Sm!lgha ordination is only for five hundred

Sakyan women. It cannot be applied again. According to the sixth Garudhamma, Bhikkhuni ordination is possible only if both Sm!lghas, Bhikkhu and Bhikkhuni, exist. Thus, in the

Theravada tradition, it is not possible to revive Bhikkhuni Sm!lgha in accordance with the

Vinaya rules.

4.2 Impact of Ashin Adiccavamsa's new interpretation on the Myanmar society

A shin Adiccavamsa became well-known because of his book "Bhikkhunisfisanopadesa. "

At the end of his book, he mentions three purposes of writing it. These are:

(1) To propagate the Buddha Sasanfi,

(2) To Jet all Buddhists understand rightly and clearly,

(3) To Jet women folk achieve Bhikkhuniordination. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 294)

However his book led to arguments and conflicts within the Myanmar Buddhist society.

The issue had become controversial even before the official publication of his book. Thus,

newspapers and magazines started to attack him on this issue.

In his book, he lucidly stated his attitudes in two passages:

(a) Even the Buddha who cared for the welfare of all human beings was not able to help

completely. Owing to the act of their wrong views and deeds some landed in the low

realm. In contrast, some went either to the celestial realm, or the Brahma world

because of their good deeds. Above all, some attained Nibbana because of their

constant practice of Dhamma. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 24) 66

(b) I cannot firmly and strongly assume yet that Buddhism is the best and the most valid

teachings of all. With doubt, I was still searching for the ultimate truth. I had studied

many other religious traditions and examined their teachings. Nevertheless I still

believe in Buddhism and was not able to giv·e it up. And with this view, I have

prepared and decided to be a follower of any person who would point me the ultimate

truth of Dhamma. (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 26)

These two passages had more impact than his interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination on

Myanmar Buddhist society. Consequently, almost all Buddhist associations in Myanmar were

opposed to his act. The Sm!Jgha responded by subjecting him to a prolonged period of

isolation and he was excluded from all Sm!Jgha activities.

Exclusion from Sm!Jgha activities was not only due to his interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination, but also for the above-mentioned two passages. Thus, he was considered by

Myanmar Buddhists that his views on Buddha's teachings were extreme. Above all, most

Myanmar Buddhists were against his new interpretation of Bhikkhuniordination.

On the other hand, some agreed with his interpretation of Bhikkhuniordination. They praised him for his new discovery on Bhikkhuniordination.

4.2.1. Positive Views on Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation

With regards to the Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation, some monks agreed with his

interpretation. Yet, they did not agree to revive Bhikkhuni Samgha. With this view, they stated the following:

"BhikkhuniSm!Jgha could be revived as guided in Ashin Adiccavamsa's book. However we do not agree to implement it." ( Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 124) 67

Some monks suggested that it would be better not to do anything strange to the public. They

said as follow:

"It was not important whether it was true or false. It would be better not to do anything strange to the public" (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 126)

On the other side, some wholly agreed to Ashin Adiccav·amsa's.

interpretation. They believe that the revival of BhikkhunJ Saf!lgha is a beneficial act for the

Buddhasasana. They said as follow:

"Bhikkhunf Saf!lgha should actually be revived. It is clear that BhikkhunJ Saf!lgha should be revived as mentioned in this book. Moreover it will be well understood if people read original BhikkhunJ chapter in Paji of Vinaya Cu/avagga. If BhikkhunJs appear as guided in this book, it is for the propagation of Buddha Sasanfi. It is no need to worry over some flaws for great beneficial work. A beneficial work should not be forbidden over the some flaws." (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 127)

With regard to the Ashin Adiccavamsa's book, U San Aung, Tikakyaw Yozanar Sayakyi,

remarks it as a good guideline for the revival of BhikkhunJ Saf!lgha. He broadly mentions as follow:

"The revival of BhikkhunJ Saf!lgha is in conformity with four Mahapadesas (great instructions): Sutta (scripture), Suttfinuloma (conformity with scripture), .ifcariyavada (the commentarial tradition) and Attanomati (personal opinion). According to the regulation, "Bhikkhus, I allow you to ordain bhikkhunis", five hundred Sakyan women and others were ordained only by the Bhikkhus for such long period of time. Later, Pabbajjadisas _which are not suitable for Bhikkhus to interrogate arose. Quoting the Pa/i words "upasampannayo dissanti animittapi etc", we can interpret the meaning that Bhikkhus performed ordination without the interrogation of pabbajjadosas. And in that case, we can understand that a woman can become a Bhikkhuni although she may pose or cause some problems apart from Pfir[fjika pabbajjadosa.

To become good BhikkhunJs without Pabbajjadosas, Bhikkhunfs are permitted to interrogate female candidates. In the Pali words "ekato-upasampannaya bhikkhunisaf!lghe visuddhaya (one who has been higher ordained on one side and has cleared herself in the community of BhikkhunJs)", Bhikkhunfs are only for interrogating Pabbajjadosas. Therefore the Buddha did not utter only the word "ekato-upasampannaya'', but the word "bhikkhuni Saf!lghe visuddhaya." Kammavacathat has stated for procedure of ordination in the presence of the 68

Bhikkhuni Smrigha is only for a cleansing oneself in the presence of the Bhikkhuni Sa'!lgha. Therefore the Buddha highlighted "higher ordination in the presence of Bhikkhu Sa'!lgha." Thus, the Bhikkhunisfisanopadesa book is in accordance with the four Mahapadesas." It has given a good guideline not only for the progress of the Buddha Sasana but for the benefit of the worldliness. Based on those facts, I totally agree with it." (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. 10-1 I)

?ayagyi U Myo was also one of those who agreed with Ashin Adiccavamsa's book. He asserts that the subject of non-existence of Bhikkhuni Sa'!lgha should not be a hindrance for women by saying that:

"I agree with Ashin Adiccavamsa's concept of the Bhikkhuni ordination of women because his concept is in accordance with the texts. What has been seriously _argued was based on the subject of non-existence of Bhikkhunis. It is not the main point. It is possible if Bhikkhus perform the Bhikkhuniordination. If a woman has a good desire to practise, Bhikkhus can contribute the act of Bhikkhuniordination to her in accordance with the procedure. Women should not be prohibited in practising Patimokkha Adhis11a Sikkha in the life of Bhikkhuni. Women in the life of Bhikkhuni can contribute to propagate the benefit of Buddha Sasana and the world. Among the women, there are many women who have high intelligence, effort, a good state of mind and belief. They should not be in vain in having the opportunity to practise the Buddha's teachings. They should be encouraged to achieve the required qualifications without any hindrance." (Adiccavamsa, 1935, pp. I 2-13)

According to Dedote U Bha Cho's view, Ashin Adiccavam's book can create both advantage and disadvantage for Buddha Sasanii. The main point is whether it is in accordance with

Buddha's attitude. He mentions as follow:

"Bhikkhunisfisanopadesa book points out "although many Buddhists say that lineage of Bhikkhuni Sasana has gone extinct, but it has not yet gone. If a woman wants to be a Bhikkhuni, she could be." This book may be good or bad for the Buddha Sasana If it is a book which guides revival of Bhikkhuni in accordance with Buddha's desire, this small book will become a great book that contributes Buddha Sasana and the author also will become a benefactor of women. As opposed to Buddha's desire, if a book points out the rambling concept on primary regulation and supplementary regulation, illegitimate Bhikkhunis will appear and this book also will become a book which thwarts Buddha Sasana." (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 180) - 69

4.2.2 Negative Views on Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation

There were many Myanmar Buddhists who responded to Ashin Adiccavamsa' s book in the newspapers, magazines and articles. The researcher would like to mention some of them. Ash in Suriya asserts that Bhikkhuni Saf!Jgha cold no longer be revived giving reasons as follows:

"Among the eight kinds of higher ordination, woman is relevant only to the three: (a) Ordination by accepting the eight Garudhamma, (b) Ordination by sending a messenger, and (c) Ordination by the pronouncement of the eight times. A is related only to Mahapajapati GotamL B is only for A<;l<;lhakasika. C is for all women. Woman cannot be ordained by Bhikkhu Saf!Jgha. The Buddha prescribed to ordain women in the presence of Bhikkhu Saf!Jgha by Natticatutthakammavficfi, but it could no longer be used since dual-Saf!Jgha ordination was prescribed. (With regards to Venerable Mahinda's statement on the Bhikkhuni ordination, he did not mean to say it indirectly but rather it was a direct statement.") (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 136)

U Kyaw Dun, a sub-divisional officer, responded that Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation deviates from Vinaya. He stated as follows:

"Ash in Adiccavamsa' s concept to revive Bhikkhuni Saf!Jgha is merely his own idea. It is considered fulse because of the deviating from Vinaya" (Adiccavamsa, 1935, p. 137)

Regarding the Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination, Dr. Ashin

Candavarabhivamsa, the vice-rector of International Theravada Buddhist Missionary

University, states in Theravada Dhamma Sasaung as follows:

"When the Buddha prescribed second regulation, he did not dismiss the first regulation: However, in the Vinaya rule, if the new regulation was prescribed, the old one has automatically been null and void. In the procedures of Vinaya rules, the Buddha did not wholly prescribe Vinaya rule instantly. Depending on the later situation, he gave more addition. However no one put the first regulation into consideration. Only the latest regulation is confirmed. This is the procedure of Buddha's rule. Therefore, at present, the first regulation was no longer in use. Because no one could obstruct the rule laid down by the Buddha, the second regulation should not be considered that it is powerless too. At this age, the second regulation is merely impossible to use it because of lack of Bhikkhuni But it has not been null and void. Although there is no Bhikkhuni, the rule is still alive. Buddha's authority will disappear only when 70

Buddha S.is'anadisappears. As long as Smanais still long lasting, his authority will exist." (Than Tun, 2014, p. 53)

With regard to Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation of Bhikkhunf ordination, Dr. Ashin

Pannavamsa, the registrar of State Pariyatti Smana University, in his thesis, "Myethmaukkhit

Theravadabuddhasmana and Bhikkhunfs.is'anfl', writes as follows:

"Ashin Adiccavamsa gave a guideline to revive Bhikkhunf Smana in the procedure of higher ordination by Natticatutthakammavficfi. However that procedure has been especially permitted as a regulation only for the five hundred Sakyan princesses before the completeness of Bhikkhunf Sal'Jlgha. It has been abrogated by two regulations: sixth Garudhamma, and dual-Sal'Jlgha ordination. Therefore that procedure could no longer be used to revive BhikkhunJSal'Jlgha." (Pannavamsa, 2012, p. 281)

Dr. Ashin Pannavamsa concluded by saying that at present, Bhikkhunfordination is no longer possible in Theravada Buddha S.is'anabecause lineage of Bhikkhunfs have gone extinct to do ordination in accordance with sixth Garudhamma regulation.

4.3 Impact of Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw's new interpretation on the Myanmar

Society

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw was one of those who advocated Ashin Adiccavamsa's interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination. Eight years after Ashin Adiccavamsa has published

Bhikkhunfsmanopadesa Book, Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw also gave his interpretations of

Bhikkhunf ordination and Kathina in his book, "MilindapaifJza A!fhakatha." As his interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination and Kathina were also different from Theravada traditional interpretations, he was criticized by some Buddhists for his interpretations. Thus, those copies of the book that had already been published were kept away to avoid the greater conflict among Myanmar Buddhists. 71

When a person asked Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw concerning the problem of Bhikkhuni, he replied "I did not write without evidence. I wrote it citing Cujavagga Pii_li sentence,

'Anujanfimi Bhikkave Bhikkhiihi Bhikkhuniyo Upasampadetum ', and its commentary. This supplementary regulation would last until five thousand years of Buddha Siisani'i from them on the Buddha prescribed it. Therefore I wrote that women can be ordained by Bhikkhus. The important thing is whether supplementary regulation is null and void or not. If it is null and void, they cannot be ordained. We must understand that they can be ordained because of its validity." (Htay Hlaing, 1993, p. 447)

Mahasisadaw, one of his disciples, did not agree to publish his book because this book may lead to problems rather than an advantage for the Buddha's Siisanii, (Htay Hlaing, 1993, p. 447). With regards to this book, there was no furor among the Myanmar Buddhists like the

Ashin Adiccavamsa's event.

Bhikkhu Bodhi, in his article, "The Revival of Bhikkhuni Ordination in the Theravada

Tradition', states as follows:

"I do not agree wholly with the Sayadaw's argument, particularly with his contention that the Buddha had foreseen with his omniscience the future extinction of the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha and intended his permission to Bhikkhus to ordain Bhikkhunis as a designed to deal with an immediate problem arisen during the Buddha's own time; but I also regard it as one that that we can employ as a legal precedent to solve our present problem. Nevertheless, I believe the Jetawun Sayadaw's essay is a refreshing reminder that a current of thought sympathetic to the revival of the Bhikkhni Saf!lgha could flow through the Theravada world even sixty years ago. Moreover we can see from his essay that the idea that the Bhikkhuni Saf!igha can be revived was a hotly discussed topic of his time, and it is likely that a positive attitude towards the issue was shared by a sizeable section of the Burmese Saf!lgha." (Bodhi, 20 l 0, pp. 125-126) 72

The researcher noted that the response to Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw's interpretation was not strong and not lasting simply because the Sayadaw did not want to enlarge conflict in this issue and withdrew his book, "MilindapaiihaA.t.fhakathfi."

In fact, Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw was a successful meditation master with the followers inside and outside Myanmar. He really did not want to involve in any controversy.

Thus the strong response against his interpretation did not arise.

4.4 Myanmar Sarµgha's views on current Bhikkhuniordination

Theravada Bhikkhuni Saf!Zgha has gone extinct around the 11th century. Around the last 2 decades ago, in Theravada Buddhism, Bhikkhuni Sal'flgha was revived by Theravada

Bhikkhus and Mahayana Bhikkhunis.

A serious effort to restore the Bhikkhuni Order was made in 1996 by the Sri Lankan

Bhikkhu, Ven. Dr. Dodamgoda Revata Thera, the Bharata Sal'flgha Nayaka (Sri Lankan

Sal'flgha Nayaka of India) with the support from a few leading Bhikkhus in Sri Lanka headed by Ven. Mapalagama Vipulasara Thera. This was done to meet a genuine need for missionary activities in India. After being trained for three months by a team of Korean Bhikkhunis, ten

Sri Lankan Dasasnamfitas were given higher ordination by the Korean Bhikkhunls in

December 1996 at Saranath, India, which is the very place where the Buddha started the

Bhikkhuni ordination. The ordination of th~ Sri Lankan Bhikkhunls was confirmed by a team of Korean and Sri Lankan Bhikkhus. (Moorthree, 2005, p. 25) 73

On February 28, 2003, two Myanmar SamaJJerJ, Daw Gunasari3 and Daw SaccavadI, were ordained as Bhikkhuni in Sri Lanka. On October 13, 2002, Daw GunasarI became a

Buddhist SamaJJeriat her age 70 at Dharma Vijaya Buddhist Vihara, Los Angeles, California.

On February 28, 2003, SamaJJeriDaw Gunasari and SamaJJeriDaw SaccavadI were ordained by dual-Saf!lgha in Sri Lanka. At present, BhikkhuniGunasariis the abbess of Mahapajapati

Monastery in California.

Daw SaccavadI became a nun after she graduated from Yangon University at the age of 22. She was bright and stood first in the state canonical examinations, Patama-nge and

Patama-gyi, in 1988 and 1991 respectively. In 1993, she passed the Dhammacariya examination. She went to Sri Lanka to study for a master's degree in Buddhist Studies and became involved in the activity to reestablish the Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha. She decided to be ordained on March 3, 2002. Myanmar Buddhist Monk Organization in Sri Lanka dissuaded her from doing so. On February 16, 2002, Ashin Kovida, presiding monk of Makutarama

Myanmar monastery in Sri Lanka, sent a report on her decision to the Saf!lgha Maha Nayaka

Organization. The Myanmar Embassy in Colombo also advised her to give up the decision because her Bhikkhuni ordination would be performed by Bhikkhunis who are the lineage of

Mahayana. On February 18, 2002, Myanmar Sarrzgha Maha Nayaka Organization sent a disapproval Jetter to Ma SaccavadI stating that procedure of current Bhikkhuni ordination deviates from the Theravada Dhamma and Vinaya. Then, oriMarch 2, 2002, the Ministry of

Religious Affairs also sent a Jetter to her to follow the counsel of the Saf!lgha Maha N ayaka

Organization. Nevertheless, she defied the authorities and went ahead with the ordination.

She first became a SfimaJJerlin February 2002. On 28 February 2003, together with another

3 Her lay name was Khin Swe Win. She was born in I 932 in Myanmar. After becoming a physician, she immigrated to the United States in I 961 to work in medicine with her husband. 74

Myanmar SamaJJeri Gunasar!, she became Bhikkhunis before completing her probationary training required the sixth Garudhamma. She was ordained at Thaponayon Monastery in

Colombo by Ven. Talalle Dhammaloka, who acted as her Upajjhaya and Bhikkhuni pr~ceptors Ven. Bhikkhun! KhemacarI and Ven. Bhikkhun! Kusuma.

On May 7, 2003 after the ordination, she sent a letter to the Sarrigha Maha Nayaka organization, criticizing the senior monks for their conservative stance on the Bhikkhuni issue. In the letter, she stated a request to give a decision whether, in Myanmar, Thilashins should continue their existence because they are neither Sfimal)erf, nor Bhikkhuni; they belong to the assembly of female lay follower (Upasikff). Next she asked if 'Theravada'

Bhikkhunis abroad are legitimate Bhikkhunfs or not. She enclosed her photograph taken with

Bhikkhuni GunasarI in Long Beach, California. Her disrespectful behavior exasperated the

Myanmar Sa'!lgha. They felt unhappy for the behavior of a young Myanmar nun from abroad. It was the situation that defied their authority openly. She came to be regarded as a

'problem-maker'. The Sarrigha Maha Nayaka Organization made a plan to carry out her in accordance with the Vinaya rules if she returns to Myanmar in her new status dressed as

Bhikkhuni In 2004, The Sa'!lgha Maha Nayaka Organization issued a book titled

Bhikkhunivinicchaya Sartam.4

In December 2004, Daw SaccavadI revisited Yangon to attend the World Buddhist

Summit, and stayed there to care her ailing father. At that time, three Buddhist monks5

4 This paper was a research which studies whether the revival of Bhikkhunl SaYJ1gha can be possible or not in the current Theravada Buddhism. This research made a conclusion that, at current situation, Bhikkhunl ordination is no longer possible in Theravada Buddhism. The monks on the research committee were Magwe Sayadaw (Ven. Bhaddanta Kumara), Pakokku Sayadaw (Ven. Bhaddanta Vicara) and Tipitaka Sayadaw of Maha Gandayon Monastery (Dr Ven Sumingalalinkara). 5 (1) The monks were Ashin Pal)9ita, Mahavi~utarama monastery, Yangon, (2) Ashin Therinda, State Pariyatti Sasana University, Yangon and (3) Ashin Nanissara, Tipitakamahagandhayon, Yangon. 75 submitted a disapproval letter (Codanfi) to the Sm!lgha Maha Nayaka Organization as to the

Daw SaccavadI's Bhikkhuniordination. In response to this disapproval letter, Daw SaccavadI also submitted a letter of explanation (Sodhanfi) to the Sm!lgha Maha Nayaka Organization.

Therefore, the Sal!l.gha Maha Nayaka Organization appointed the State Independent

Vinayadhara Association to make a decision in accordance with the Vinaya on her ordination. In May 2005, the State Independent Vinayadhara Association ruled in Sal!lgha- court that she must give up her Bhikkhuni-hood because her ordination deviates from

Theravada Vinaya rules.

She tried to undress in front of senior monks. Therefore, she was reprimanded by the

Sal!lgha Maha Nayaka organization for being disrespectful. She apologized senior monks and nuns for being disrespectful. On 27 May 2005, she was jailed under the section 295 and

295(a) of Myanmar's Criminal Code for abusing the Sasana and desecrating a religious space. After three months in jail, she was finally released and allowed to go back to Sri

Lanka.

From the viewpoint of Theravada Vinaya, Daw SaccavadI's ordination was in the slack conditions. Her ordination was not in accordance with the procedure of a Sikkhamana stated in Vinaya Pacittiya. Her preceptor and other contributors attained Bhikkhuni-hood under the Mahayana BhikkhunI:S. Therefore they are lineage of Mahayana. In

Bhikkhunibhavabhava Vinicchaya, it mentions as follow:

"Although Daw SaccavadI accepted ordination in the presence of dual­ Sal!lgha, her ordination was not in accordance with the procedure of Theravada Vinaya. Preceptor and other contributors who performed her ordination were not Theravada BhikkhunJS. They are Mahayana." (Bhb, 2006, pp. 76-77) 76

On this issue, Dr. Candavarabhivamsa says m the Therevadadhamma Sarsaung (article) as follow:

"They (current Theravada Bhikkhunis) are Mahayana because they are the lineage of Mahayana." (Than Tun, 2014, p. 45)

The Bodhgaya Bhikkhunf.ordination was carried out in a way that made it very clear that this was not going to be a conversion to the Mahayana. The candidates received Theravada style robes and bowls, and they did not take the bodhisattva vows6 that are usually given after completed ordination in the Mahayana traditions. After completing the ordination, the new bhikkhunis underwent a second ordination at which only Theravada bhikkhus officiated.

Thus, there can be little doubt that these bhikkhuniS did not have any intention to convert to the Mahayana, (Analayo, 2013, p 127). However, current Bhikkhuni ordination with the help of Mahayana Bhikkhunfs is considered as invalid activity by Myanmar Buddhists. In

BhikkhunJbhavabhava Vinicchaya, it states as follow:

"Sri Lankan Bhikkhunis are not the qualified ones. Moreover they are not even Samaperiand Sikkhamana in accordance with the Vinaya rule." (Bhb, 2006, p. 65)

Chinese Bhikkhuni lineage originated from Sri Lanka. In 429 CE, Sri Lankan Bhikkhuni

Devasara traveled to China with a group of Bhikkhunis and established Bhikkhuni Smrigha there. They gave higher ordination to more than three hundred Chinese women at a monastery in Nanjing. Chinese Bhikkh7:1ni lineage has been continuing to the present day without an unbroken lineage. This lineage spread to Taiwan, Korea, and Vietnam. Therefore some who want to reestablish Theravada Bhikkhuni Sannrrigha consider as the validity to current Bhikkhuni ordination because Chinese Bhikkhunis are lineage of Sri Lankan

6 In Chinese tradition, Bhikkhunis follow the 348 full monastic precepts and receive dual ordination.

They also follow the Bodhisattva precepts and take Bodhisattva ordination. (Rujing Mao, 2015, p. 58) 77

Bhikkhunis. Chatsumam Kabilsingh, m her book, "Thai Women in Buddhism", writes as follow:

"Historically, it has been established that Chinese women received their lineage from Sri Lankan Bhikkhunis-i.n the Theravada tradition. Moreover, the monastic rules followed by the Chinese SannfJlgha are that of the Dharmagupta, a sub-sect of Theravada Buddhism. This clearly establishes that the Chinese ordination lineage is Theravadin, although this fact is unknown to most Theravadin monks. Those who do know of it prefer not to acknowledge it. Recently, increasing numbers of women are receiving ordination in the West, particularly in the United States, along with women from Sri Lanka and Nepal. It is time for our Buddhist sisters to claim their rightful heritage as given by the Buddha. The position of Buddhist nuns is a reflection of the health of the Buddhist community as a whole, and a vital BhikkhunI Sangha is essential to the continued development of the Buddhist community." (Kabilsingh, 1991, pp. 52-53)

Mr. Gunapala Dharmasiri, a famous writer on this issue, state as follow:

Since the tradition of Vinaya ordination is fundamentally the same in Mahayana and Theravada, if an ordination lineage has been lost in one tradition, it can be reinstated by borrowing from those countries where it has been preserved. (Moorthree, 2005, pp.30-31)

Myanmar Buddhists believe the Theravanada Dhamma and Vinaya as the authentic teachings of the Buddha. After the Buddha, Buddhist monks handed his teachings down with oral traditional learning directly from generation to generation without any addition and abrogation. There are some differences in Vinaya "rules between Theravanada and Mahayana.

Bhikkhu Analayo, in his boo]5, "The Legality of BhikkhunIOrdination," writes:

"The Dharmaguptaka vinaya has more rules for Bhikkhunis than the Theravada Vinaya and it also differs in the formulation of some of the rules that the two Vinaya share." (Analayo, 2013, p. I 8)

The lists of BhikkhunI Vinaya rules of six schools are as follows:

(1) Theravada

(2) Dharmagupta

(3) Mahisasaka 78

(4) Mahasanghika

(5) Sarvastivada

(6) Mula-Sarvastivada:

Table 1: BhikkhunfPiitimokkha Rules of Six Schools

4 schools I.Th. 2.Dh. 3. Mhs. 4. Msg 5.Sar. 6. M.Sar

Parifjika 8 8 8 8 8 8

Sarrzghadisesa 17 17 17 19 17 20

Nissaggiya 30 30 30 30 30 33

Pacittiya

Pacittiya 166 178 210 141 178 33

P atidesaniya 8 8 8 8 8 8

Sekhiya 75 100 100 77 106 90

Adhikarana 7 7 7 7 7 7

Samatha

Total 311 348 380 290 354 346

Two groups of minor rules seems to differ greatly in all schools namely Pacittiya and

Sekhiya, while the first three major groups of rules remain more or less in unity. (Kabilsingh,

1991,p.2) 79

According to the Theravada tradition, there are five kinds of perfection, Sampatti, to make a successful ordination:

(I) the perfection of candidate ( vatthu)

(2) the perfection of motion (Natti)

(3) the perfection of pronouncement (Kammavacay

(4) the perfection of Sima

(5) the perfection of members of the Sal'[Jgha.

Deficiency in any one of the five kinds of perfection constitutes an invalid act of

Upasampada ordination. Theravada Buddhist monks are very careful about these five kinds of perfection to be a successful ordination. During the ordination act, Theravada Buddhist monks use to recite Kammavaca in Pa/i Language whereas Dharmagupta School uses a language other than Pa!i. Martin Seeger, in his article, "The Bhikkhuni Ordination

Controversy in Thailand', writes as follow:

"According to traditional Theravada understanding, flaws in the ordination formula lead to the "failure" (Vipatti) of the ordination act and, consequently, the ordination is invalid. Since the Dharmaguptaka School uses a language other than P iiji - the language of the Theraviidins - during the ordination act,· Theraviidins might perceive this as Kammavaciivipatti, that is, as invalid ordinations due to incorrect wording." (Seeger, 2006, p. 163)

With regards to the Simii, there are also different conditions in Theravada and Dharmagupta.

Martin Seeger, in his article, "The Bhikkhuni Ordination Controversy in Thailand', writes as follow:

"A further problem anses from the significant differences between the Theravada and Dharmaguptaka schools in designating the so-called Sima. Sima is the boundary that clearly defines the area in which legal acts (Sal'[Jghakamma) can be carried out. The Dharmaguptaka School, for example, uses more markers for defining the Simathan Theravada does and also makes use of certain markers that are not permissible in the Theravada school. As the 80

rules for authorizing Sima fonn another legal requirement for a valid ordination procedure, Theravadins might consequently perceive an ordination that is perfectly valid according to Dharmaguptaka standards as invalid according to their own requirements. Before traditional Theravadins can move towards agreement concerning a revival of the bhikkhuni order, these legal discrepancies must be resolved." (Seeger, 2006, p. 164)

Thus, these differences in Vinaya and formal acts of the community of monks

(Sm[lghakamma) are conditions which cannot be acknowledged as Theravada Bhikkhunis to current Bhikkhunis who were born from the lineage of Mahayana.

With regards to the current Bhikkhuni ordination, Dr. Nandamalabhivamsa who is the rector of international Theravada Buddhist Missionary University, Sitagii International

Buddhist Academy and International Institute of Abhidhamma states in his books "Bhikkhunf

Sasana in Theravada Tradition," as follow:

"The Bhikkhunis ordained by this "hybrid" method Theravada and Mahayana method are not real Theravada Bhikkhunis in the viewpoint of Theravada." (Nandamalabhivamsa, 2015, p. 30)

In the Therevadadhamma Sarsaung, Dr. Candavarabhivamsa writes as follow:

"Since there is no Theravada Bhikkhuni at present, from whom and how can she (who wants to attain BhikkhunJ-hood) receive female novice-hood? And who will train her in the six rules? And after the interrogation on her training rules are done, who would give her Vu,tfhanasammuti? There may be many Bhikkhus but when there is no any Bhikkhuni, who will the Bhikkhus recite the Kammavaca? These are the difficulties for Bhikkhuni ordination." (Than Tun, 2014, p. 52)

Regarding the Daw SaccavadI's ordination, Dr. Pannavamsa, in his thesis, "Myethmaukkhit

Theravadabuddhasfisana and Bhikkhunisfisanff', mentions as follow:

"Daw SaccavadI was ordained by dual-sm[lgha. However, she is not real Bhikkhuni because her preceptor and other contributors were not Bhikkhunis who accepted ordination in accordance with the Theravada Vinaya." (Pannavamsa, 2012, p. 281) 81

When a monk who has a desire to revive Bhikkhunf Smr1gha asks Mingun Tipitaka Sayadaw with regard to the revival of this act, he replied:

"In the world, danger of the Buddha Sasana actually appears because some monks are trying to revive BhikkhuniSiisanii." (Bhv, 2006, p. 42)

In the Bhikkhunivinicchaya Sartam, the State Independent Vinayadhara Association gave decision on Bhikkhuniordination as follows:

1. In the sixth Garudhamma, the Buddha laid down that a probationer (Sikkhamiina) should seek higher ordination from both Saf(lghas,

2. The rule "ordination solely by Bhikkhu Saf(lgha," is a supplementary rule which has been laid down only for the five hundred Sakyan women,

3. In the Vajirabuddhi '[Jka, it explained that the rule, "ordination solely by Bhikkhu

Saf(lgha," has been also abrogated,

4. In the commentary, it directly states that a woman who has not been ordained in the presence of BhikkhuniSaf(lgha should not be ordained by Bhikkhu Saf(lgha,

5. BhikkhuniSaf(lgha which can perform initial ordination has gone extinct, and

6. Commentaries and Sub-commentaries explain that there is no other Bhikkhunf who accepts higher ordination solely by Bhikkhu Saf(lgha except five hundred Sakyan women and

Bhikkhuniwho was changed to female sex.

Therefore, at present, Bhikkhunf Sarr1gha could not be absolutely revived or re-established. It is not possible at all. (Bhv, 2004, p. 74) 82

The revival of Bhikkhuni ordination is not concerned with gender equality. This is a matter that needs to be resolved and evaluated from the viewpoint of Theravada Vinaya. The researcher would like to sum up that Myanmar Sarrigha does not acknowledge the current

Bhikkhunfs as Theravada Bhikkhunis because they are lineage of Mahayana. Since there are different Vinaya and formal acts of the community of monks (Sarrighakamma) between the

Theravada and Mahayana, there is no way Bhikkhuni Sarrigha can be revived in the

Theravada Buddhism. Due to these contradictions, it is not possible to permit the act which deviate from the Theravada Vinaya. CHAPTERV

Conclusion and recommendation for further research

5.1 Conclusion

The first objective of this research is to study the origin and development of

BhikkhunI SaT[lgha in Tipi_taka and commentaries, and to explore the existence of ancient

Myanmar BhikkhunI SaT[lgha. Therefore this paper presents the origin and development of

BhikkhunI SaT[lgha as appeared in Tipi_taka and its commentaries. Firstly Mahapajapati

GotamI became Bhikkhuniby the accepting eight Garudhamma. Among these eight, the sixth

Garudhamma stands at the central role for the BhikkhunI ordination. The Buddha instructed

Bhikkhus to ordain five hundred Sakyan women. When the Bhikkhus interrogated the female candidates, they were shy, fearful and unable to reply in puzzlement. Therefore the Buddha permitted them to be ordained in the presence of Bhikkhu SaT[lgha for the one who has already been interrogated and ordained by BhikkhunI Sarr1gha. From that day on

Mahapajapati GotamI and five hundred Sakyan women became Bhikkhunis, and BhikkhunI

Sasanaflourished day by day. In this way, many women entered into the BhikkhunJSasana.

After the Buddha's passmg away, BhikkhunI Sasana faded away for unfavorable conditions and events. But during the time of King Asoka, BhikkhunI Sasana flourished again. King Asoka sent missionary teams to nine countries in different directions. Among them, BhikkhunISarrzgha appeared only in Aparanta state, SuvGIJIJGbhiimi area and Sri Lanka.

In Sri Lanka, Bhikkhunis survived until the 11th century A. D.

Although traditionalists believe that BhikkhunI SaT[lgha was not existent in Myanmar history, Professor G. H. Luce found some evidences of the existence of BhikkhunI SaT[lgha. 84

Moreover Professor Pe Maung Tin and Dr. Than Tun believed the existence of Bhikkhuni

Smrigha through the stone inscriptions of Bagan. However, Rawe Tun and Dr. Pannavamsa asserted that the names stated in stone inscriptions were not Bhikkhunis, but they were the ancestors of present day Thilashin. Although it is clear that there were eminent woman religiosa in Bagan period, no one can know what these women were called at that time.

Therefore the researcher concludes that there is no clear evidence as to whether, in ancient period of Myanmar, Bhikkhuni Smr1gha was in existence or not.

The second objective of this research is to study the new interpretations as presented by Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw. Towards this objective, the researcher studies Ashin Adiccavamsa's "Bhikkhunisfisanopadesa" which illustrates the new interpretation on Bhikkhuni ordination against the Theravada traditional concept. Ashin

Adiccavamsa argued the validity of the ordination by Bhikkhu Saf!lgha: He focused his interpretation on two regulations: ordination by Bhikkhu Smrigha (the first rule) and ordination by both Saf!lgha, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis. Since the Buddha did not abolish the first rule when he prescribed the second regulation, Ashin Adiccavamsa believed that it was still valid, and can be used for Bhikkhuni ordination. Thus, he believed as long as Bhikkhu

Smr1gha exists, Bhikkhuni Smr1gha could be re-established.

According to him, Garudhamma is not a regulation. It is an agreement for Bhikkhuni ordination. For Sikkhamtina, observing six rules and giving Vuffhanasammuti can be performed by the Bhikkhu Saf!lgha because the significant requirement is a mere observance of six rules for two years.

Regarding the Venerable Mahinda 's statement, "We are not permitted to ordain women", Ashin Adiccavamsa considered it as a referring-speech (Sandhayabhasita), an 85 indirect speech (Pariyayabhasita) or an implicit speech (Neyyattha). Therefore it should not be considered that women cannot be ordained by Bhikkhu Sa0gha.

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw supported Ashin Adiccavamsa but by focusing his interpretation on two regulations: the sixth Garudhamma and ordination by Bhikkhu Saf!1gha.

These two regulations are not related to each other. The rule of ordination by a Bhikkhu

Sa0gha is limited to a period when the Bhikkhuni Sa0gha does not exist. The sixth

Garudhamma explains the procedure for a Sikkhamfina. The sixth Garudhamma is the fundamental rule. Ordination by Bhikkhu Sa0gha is supplementary rule. The Buddha laid down it for use at the time of absence of Bhikkhuni Sa0gha. He had foreseen with his omniscience the future extinction of the Bhikkhuni Sa0gha and intended his permission to

Bhikkhus to ordain Bhikkhunis for the future. Therefore, currently, women are qualified to be ordained by the Bhikkhu Sa0gha. Once a group of five Bhikkhunis has been constituted,

Bhikkhuni ordination must be performed through the ordination procedure by both sides of

Smrzghas.

Regarding Venerable Mahinda's speech, Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw maintains that this was the Bhikkhuni SmJ1gha existed at the time, not because it was prohibited by the text

(Sutta).

Both, Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw interpreted the validity of ordination by Bhikkhu Sa0gha. To sum up, at present, Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha can still be revived by Bhikkhu Sa0gha. When Bhikkhuni Sa0gha appears, Bhikkhuni ordination must be performed in accordance with procedure of ordination by Both Sa0ghas. 86

The researcher finds that new interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination are similar to

Schleiermacher's Hermeneutics based on two constituents of psychological and grammatical factors. Both Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw gave interpretation regarding the aim of the Buddha and venerable Mahinda on Bhikkhuni ordination. They interpreted Bhikkhuni ordination m the divinatory method to understand the author's intention.

The third objective is to evaluate the influences of new interpretations of Bhikkhuni ordination to the Myanmar Buddhist society, and to study Myanmar Sm(lgha 's views on current Bhikkhuni ordination. For this objective, the researcher finds that new interpretations presented by Ashin Adiccavamsa and Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw differ from Theravada traditional interpretations. According to the Theravada traditional concepts, at the time of higher ordination of five hundred Sakyan princesses, only Mahapajapati Gotami was a single

Bhikkhuni. There was not enough number of Bhikkhuni Sm(lgha to ordain in accordance with the sixth Garudhamma. Therefore the Buddha specially permitted to ordain five hundred

Sakyan _women by Bhikkhu Sm(lgha. After the five hundred Sakyan women, this special permission was no longer needed due to the sufficiency of Bhikkhuni Sm!Jgha. Women must be ordained twice in the , by the procedure of both sides of Salflgha in accordance. with the sixth Garudhamma. The Buddha permitted the procedure of ordination by Bhikkhu SaJ?1gha, ekato-upasampanna, as the required number of BhikkhunISaJ?1gha is not

~ complete. At the time of completeness of Bhikkhuni Salflgha, Bhikkhuni ordination must be carried out in accordance with the sixth Garudhamma regulation. 87

As regards to Venerable Mahinda's statement, "We are not permitted to give ordination to women," Theravada traditionalists assert "It was a direct meaning. Women cannot be ordained by Bhikkhu Sm!Jgha."

Thus, ordination by _Bhikkhu Sarrigha is only for five hundred Sakyan women. It cannot be applied again. According to the sixth Garudhamma, Bhikkhuni ordination 1s possible only if both Sarflghas, Bhikkhu and Bhikkhuni, exist. Thus, under the Vinaya rule of the Theravada tradition, it is not possible to revive Bhikkhuni Sarrigha again.

New interpretation of Bhikkhuni ordination presented by Ashin Adiccavamsa and

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw led to arguments and conflicts within the Myanmar Buddhist society. Most Myanmar Buddhists do not agree to these new interpretations which differ from

Theravada traditional concepts, whereas only a few agree to them.

Around the last two decades ago, in Theravada Buddhism, Bhikkhuni Sm?1gha was reestablished in India with the help of Mahayana Bhikkhunis. Myanmar Buddhists do not acknowledge those Bhikkhunis as Theravada Bhikkhunis because there are some differences in Vinaya rules between Theravada and Mahayana. Moreover there are different formal acts of the community of monks (Sarrighakammas) between Theravada and Mahayana. These differences are the conditions which cannot be acknowledged as Theravada Bhikkhunis to current Bhikkhunis who were born from the lineage of Mahayana. Finally Myanmar Sarrigha

Council issued a research paper on Bhikkhuni ordination. According to this research, in

Theravada Buddhism, Bhikkhuni Sarrigha could not be absolutely revived at all.

The researcher believes that above research findings will clarify the possibility or impossibility of revival of Bhikkhuni Sarrigha in Theravada Buddhism to the readers. In this 88 way it will eventually reduce the doubt, conflicts and attempt for the revival of Bhikkuni lineage in Myanmar specifically, and Theravada Buddhism.

5.2 Recommendations for further research ·

Further research is open to all interested to contribute to the field of knowledge about the Bhikkhuni ordination. The researcher finds that Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha cannot be revived in

Theravada Buddhism as Myanmar Saf!lgha Council officially declared that, currently,

Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha could not be definitely revived. However, now, in Sri Lanka, Thailand and other countries, Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha was forcibly revived by some Buddhists using the words "Gender Equality, and Women's Right" But the religious practices should not be confused with or encroached by Human Right Ideals. The researcher noticed that in almost all religion in the world the role of women has a special place, not a discrimination. In

Myanmar, if Bhikkhuni Saf!lgha were revived without Bhikkhu Saf!1gha 's consensus, it would ultimately lead to the breakup of Myanmar Buddhist society and produce undesirable impact rather than benefit for the Buddha Sasanii.

Therefore, if the women role in Buddha Sasanii needs to be promoted, instead of debating on Bhikkhuni ordination, the role of Thilashins should be considered. Thilashins are

Buddhist religious women who appeared after Bhikkhunis' disappearance since the early

Pagan period. Due to the limited scope and time, this research could not afford to include the role of Thilashins. The researcher hopes that this research will encourage future studies on

Thilashin in Myanmar. There are many interesting topics about Thilashins worthy of further investigation that the researcher has identified in the course of this research. These are: 89

1) A study oflifestyle, difficulties and requirements of Thilashins in Myanmar.

2) A study of Activities of Thilashins for Buddha Siisana: learning, teaching, practising

the Dhamma and engaging in social works.

Another interesting fact is that the lineage of Chinese Bhikkhunis originated from Sri

Lanka. Some Buddhist scholars say that the monastic rules followed by the Chinese Smrigha are that of the Dharmagupta, a sub-sect of Theravada Buddhism. Yet, there are some differences of Bhikkhuni Pfitimokkha rules between Theravada and Dharmagupta School.

Due to the limited scope and time, this research could not include a comparative study of

Bhikkhuni Patimokkha rules between these two Schools. Therefore, for further research, there is an interesting topic that the researcher has identified:

3) A comparative study of Bhikkhuni Patimokkha Rules between Theravada and

Dharmagupta School.

Again, there are some differences in formal acts of the community of Bhikkhunis

(Bhikkhuni SmJ1ghakammas) between these two schools. As the researcher could not provide much information regarding the Bhikkhuni Smrigha activities the following is recommended for further research:

4) A comparative study of formal acts of the communities. of Bhikkhunis (Bhikkhuni

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Appendix

Ashin Adiccavamsa's Biography

Ashin Adiccavamsa was born in Myanmar year 1244 at Pinsu village in Yamethin town-ship, Meikhtila District, Mandalay Division. He became a novice at his age fourteen. In

Myanmar year 1263, he became a Buddhist monk. He learned Buddhist literatures under the different scholar monks including famous Man Le Sayadaw. He was a Buddhist scholar, well-versed in Tipitaka, commentaries and sub-commentaries. After studying Buddhist

literatures for many years, he continued his studies in English, Hindu, Sanskrit, Urdu, Bengali and Japanese script in India, Sri Lanka and England. He had desire to write Buddhist literatures into these languages.

He established Ashin Adiccavamsa Monastery in Yangon. He wrote over 400 books.

Among them, Milindapaiiha Nissaya (translation Milindapaiiha Pa/i text into ·Burmese)

Padasangahapat are his masterpiece. He was praised by Many Buddhist scholars including

Sri Lanka monks on his Padasangahapat. In 1935 he published a book titled

"Bhikkhunisfisanopadesa." He wrote another book titled Bhikkhuni Araydawpoun.

He disrobed at the age of sixty and married a woman. His layman's name was U

Aung Myat Htut. He taught Buddhist literatures to his followers. He passed away at the age of sixty-nine. 97

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw's Biography

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw, alias Ashin Nadara was born in Myanmar year 1230 at

Kan Gyi Gone village, Sagaing Township, Sagaing Division, Myanmar. He became a novice

_at the age of fourteen. In Myanmar year 1249, he became a Buddhist monk.

Mingun Jetawun Sayadaw was a Buddhist scholar, well-versed with Tipi_taka,

commentaries and sub-commentaries. He wrote 22 books including Pfi/i commentaries,

Milindapaiiha A_t_thakatha and Petakopadesa A_t_thakatha. For many years, he taught Tipi_taka

and commentaries and sub-commentaries to students. He established Jetawun monastery in

Thathon, a town, in the Mon state, Myanmar. Moreover he was a successful meditation

master with the followers inside and outside Myanmar. Taungpulu Sayadaw and Mahasi

Sayadaw, very famous in meditation, inherited his meditation method.

He passed away in Myanmar year 1316. By teaching and practicing Dhamma, and

writing books, he devoted his whole life into the Buddha Sasana. 98

Researcher's Biography

Ashin Tejinda was born in Taung Byone village, Dadaoo Township, Madalay

Division in Myanmar, in March in 1984. At the age of thirteen, he became a novice under the patronage of his parents and preceptor, Ashin Acara, in Kanswe monastery. At the age of twenty, he was ordained a Buddhist monk as Ash in Tejinda in Sima of Kanswe monastery. In

2007, he graduated Sasanadhaja Dhammacariya Degree, equivalent to Master of Arts

(Buddhist study), from the Religious Affairs Department, Ministry of Religious Affairs. He received the degree when he was residing in the New Ma So Yein Monastery in Madalay.

In March in 2013, he received his Bachelor Degree in Arts majoring in Buddhism from the Sitagu International Buddhist Academy, Sagaing, Myanmar. He served as a teacher for one year teaching students who liked to learn Buddhist literatures. Then he went on study for his Master Degree in Graduate School of Human Sciences, majoring in Philosophy and

Religion at Assumption University, Thailand. On completion of M.A (Philosophy and

Religion), he will serve as an instructor at Sitagu International Buddhist Academy under the guidance of Dr. Nanissara (Sitagu Sayadaw), the founder of Sitagu Association in Myanmar.