Euroopa Komisjon 2004–2014 Presidendi avaldus koos valitud dokumentidega

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

Euroopa Komisjon 2004–2014 Presidendi avaldus koos valitud dokumentidega

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

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ƒƒEuroopa Komisjon 2004–2014 Presidendi avaldus ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 ƒƒEuroopast. Arutlus Euroopa Liidu olevikust ja tulevikust Humboldti ülikoolis Berliinis, 8. mail 2014 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61

Kõned ƒƒBuilding a Partnership for Europe: Prosperity, Solidarity, Security Vote of Approval, European Parliament 3 Strasbourg, 21 July 2004 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 ƒƒMessina, 50 years on: turning the crisis to our advantage 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MESSINA CONFERENCE Messina, 4 June 2005 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 ƒƒFrance and Europe: a shared destiny FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Paris, 24 January 2006 �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������103 ƒƒSeeing Through The Hallucinations Third Hugo Young Memorial Lecture, Chatham House London, 16 October 2006 �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������107 ƒƒA stronger Europe for a successful globalisation 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome Berlin, 25 March 2007 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������117 ƒƒThe Treaty of Lisbon: a treaty for 21st century Europe SIGNATURE OF THE TREATY OF LISBON Lisbon, 13 December 2007 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������119 ƒƒPolitical guidelines for the Commission 2009 – 2014 A message to the president of the European parliament Brussels, 3 September 2009 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������123 ƒƒThe creation of a Euro area instrument for coordinated assistance to Greece Statement Brussels, 19 March 2010 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������153 EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

ƒƒStatement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the Euro Area Statement to the European Parliament Brussels, 5 May 2010 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������155 ƒƒPeoples of yesterday, peoples of tomorrow: 35 years of EU/ China relations Tsinghua University global vision lectures series Beijing, 30t April 2010 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������161 ƒƒState of the Union Address 2010 European Parliament Strasbourg, 7 September 2010 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������167 ƒƒStatement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State or Government of the Euro area 4 Press statement Brussels, 20 July 2011 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������179 ƒƒState of the Union Address 2011 – European renewal European Parliament Strasbourg, 28 September 2011 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������181 ƒƒThe State of Europe DIE EUROPA REDE Berlin, 9 November 2011 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������195 ƒƒSpeech at the opening session of the Rio+20 conference Earth Summit – Rio+20 Rio de Janeiro, 20 June 2012 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������209 ƒƒState of the Union Address 2012 European Parliament Strasbourg, 12 September 2012 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������215 ƒƒSpeech to the European Union Heads of Delegation Annual Conference of EU Heads of Delegation, EUSR and Chargés d’Affaires Brussels, 4 September 2012 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������231 ƒƒFrom war to peace: a European tale Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize Award to the European Union Oslo, 10 December 2012 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������241 ƒƒEurope as Solution: Facts and Myths Ambassadors' seminar Lisbon, 3 January 2013 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������251 ƒƒThe European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean: Global Partners for the 21st Century EDITORIAL BY JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO AND HERMAN VAN ROMPUY EU-Brazil summit 2013, 24 January 2013 �������������������������������������������������������������������������261 ƒƒThe logic of interdependence and its consequences Building Bridges Conference Brussels, 7 March 2013 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������263 ƒƒMoving into a Partnership of Choice Russia-European Union – Potential for Partnership conference Moscow, 21 March 2013 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������269 ƒƒA new era of good feelings Bloomberg & European American Chamber of Commerce Conversation New York, 12 April 2013 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������277 5 ƒƒThe State of the EU in 2013: Heading towards Federalism or Fragmentation? Brussels Think Tank Dialogue Brussels, 22 April 2013 �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������283 ƒƒStatement on the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with U.S. President Barack Obama, the President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy and UK Prime Minister David Cameron, G8 Summit press conference Lough Erne, 17 June 2013 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������291 ƒƒA united, strong and open Europe Address to European Union Heads of Delegation Brussels, 3 September 2013 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������293 ƒƒState of the Union Address 2013 European Parliament Strasbourg, 11 September 2013 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������301 ƒƒStatement at the Eastern Partnership Summit Eastern Partnership Summit Vilnius, 29 November 2013 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������315 ƒƒAddress on a New Narrative for Europe at the Opening of the Milan General Assembly New Narrative for Europe Milan, 9 December 2013 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������319 EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

ƒƒAcceptance Speech for the Charles V European Award EUROPEAN ACADEMY OF YUSTE FOUNDATION Yuste, 16 January 2014 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������325 ƒƒStrengthening Europe security and defence sector High-level conference on the European security and defence sector Brussels, 4 March 2014 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������333 ƒƒSpeech at the EU-Africa Summit EU-Africa Summit Brussels, 2 April 2014 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������339 ƒƒAcceptance speech for the Atlantic Council's Distinguished Leadership Award 2014 Distinguished Leadership Awards Washington DC, 30 April 2014 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������343 6 ƒƒLet reason prevail over force Jagiellonian University – Conferral of the Plus Ratio Quam Vis Gold Medal Kraków, 10 May 2014 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������347 ƒƒPaving the way for a European Energy Security Strategy Energy Security Strategy Conference Brussels, 21 May 2014 �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������351 ƒƒStatement at the signing of the Association Agreements with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine European Council Brussels, 27 June 2014 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������359 Ametlikud dokumendid ƒƒKoostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus Brüssel, 2. veebruar 2005 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������373 ƒƒKomisjoni panus järelemõtlemisperioodiks ja kauemakski: demokraatia, dialoogi ja diskussiooni D-kava Brüssel, 13. oktoober 2005 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������393 ƒƒKaks korda 20 aastaks 2020 Kliimamuutus – Euroopa võimalus BRÜSSEL, 23. jaanuar 2008 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������399 ƒƒEMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat Brüssel, 7. maI 2008 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������407 7 ƒƒEuroopa majanduse taastamise kava Brüssel, 26. november 2008 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������417 ƒƒFinantskriisist taastumine: Euroopa tegevusraamistik Brüssel, 29. oktoober 2008 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������431 ƒƒEuroopa majanduse elavdamine Brüssel, 4. märts 2009 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������437 ƒƒEuroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia Brüssel, 3. märts 2010 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������451 ƒƒNõukogu määrus, millega luuakse Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanism Brüssel, 9. maI 2010 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������473 ƒƒMajanduspoliitika koordineerimise edendamine Brüssel, 12. maI 2010 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������477 ƒƒMajanduspoliitika parem koordineerimine aitab suurendada stabiilsust, elavdada majanduskasvu ja luua enam töökohti – ELi majandusjuhtimise tõhustamise hoovad Brüssel, 30. juuni 2010 �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������485 ƒƒEuroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve BRÜSSEL, 29. juunI 2011 �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������493 EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

ƒƒMuutuste kava ELi arengupoliitika mõju suurendamiseks BRÜSSEL, 13. oktoober 2011 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������509 ƒƒStabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed BRÜSSEL, 30. maI 2012 ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������517 ƒƒTegevuskava pangandusliidu poole liikumiseks BrÜssel, 12. september 2012 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������529 ƒƒTiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine BrÜssel, 28. november 2012 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������535 ƒƒInimväärne elu kõigile: vaesuse kaotamine ja maailmale 8 säästva tuleviku tagamine BrÜssel, 27. veebruar 2013 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������559 ƒƒKonkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor BrÜssel, 24. juulI 2013 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������569 ƒƒELi uus õigusriigi tugevdamise raamistik BrÜssel, 11. märts 2014 ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������581 ƒƒÕigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programm (REFIT): hetkeseis ja tulevikuväljavaated BrÜssel, 18. juunI 2014 ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������587 ƒƒSupport package for Ukraine Brussels, 25 june 2014 �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������599

Euroopa Komisjon 2004–2014 Presidendi avaldus

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

26. juunil 2004 kirjeldas endine välissuhete volinik Chris Patten BBC-le antud 11 intervjuus Euroopa Komisjoni presidendi rolli kui „raskeimat ametikohta läänemaailmas”. Olles töötanud sel ametikohal 10 aastat, arvan, et võin sellega nõustuda.

Kui ma sisenesin 2004. aasta novembris Euroopa Komisjoni peakorterisse Berlaymonti hoones, et võtta üle komisjoni presidendi kohustused, ma loomulikult teadsin, et see on raske töö, ent ei oleks osanud kuidagi aimata, mis meid ees ootas. Euroopa on viimase 10 aasta jooksul elanud üle kõige raskemaid aegu oma ajaloos, nähes põhiseaduse lepingu tagasilükkamist Prantsusmaa ja Madalmaade poolt, pikka aeglase majanduskasvu perioodi, suurt tööpuudust mitmes liikmesriigis, riigivõlakriisiks arenenud finantskriisi, mitme valitsuse pidevat ebastabiilsust ning ühe raskeima poliitilise ja julgeolekukriisi puhkemist pärast külma sõda seoses konfliktiga Ukraina ja Venemaa vahel.

Me oleme siiski jäänud ühte ja edukalt laienenud. Pärast Lissaboni lepingu vastuvõtmist oleme võtnud kasutusele uue töömeetodi. Sellel aastakümnel on Euroopa Liidu liikmeskond peaaegu kahekordistunud – 15 liikmesriigilt 28-le – ning euroala on suurenenud 12 liikmesriigilt 17-le ja suureneb peagi 18-le. Oleme kohandunud, et olla tugevamad ja paremini ette valmistatud probleemide lahendamiseks ning üleilmastumise võimaluste kasutamiseks. Vastu ootusi ja paljusid ennustusi oleme näidanud Euroopa Liidu äärmist vastupidavust. Samuti oleme näidanud üles poliitilist tahet ja eeskuju kui asendamatut tõukejõudu tegevusele poliitilisemas ELis.

Käesolev tekst ei ole veel minu memuaarid, see on esimene isiklik avaldus, mida ma tahan jagada veel enne, kui mu ametiaeg on läbi. Seda ilmestavad ja täiendavad mõned olulised dokumendid ja rida poliitilisi kõnesid, mida ma EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

olen komisjoni presidendina pidanud. See ei pretendeeri Euroopa Komisjoni töö ammendavale aruandele nende aastate jooksul, kuid ma püüan anda selles ülevaate – ehkki loomulikult impressionistliku – oma kogemustest, esitades need algatused nende poliitilises kontekstis.

Loomulikult ei oleks ükski Euroopa Komisjoni saavutustest võimalikuks osutunud minu kolleegidega kolleegiumist ning meie ametnike tiheda koostöö ja pühendumuseta. Ma ei nimeta neid siin isiklikult – oleme juba avaldanud Euroopa Komisjoni saavutused, et rõhutada nende ametiaja kõige olulisemaid algatusi – kuid ma tänan neid kõiki.

Ma tunnen, et oleme teinud koos visa ja edukat tööd hoidmaks Euroopat ühtse ja avatuna ning muutnud ta seeläbi tugevamaks. Hoolimata kõigist raskustest on see olnud põnev ja rahuldust pakkuv aastakümme.

12 Ühendatud Euroopa Laienemisest majanduskriisi ohjamiseni

Kui ma asusin tööle komisjoni presidendina, eeldati, et mu ametiaja suurimaks üksikprobleemiks saab seni suurema laienemise tagajärgede haldamine.

Kindlasti arvati, et kasv 15 liikmelt 25-le, siis 27-le ja 28-le lõppeks kolleegiumi destabiliseerimise või selle killustamisega geograafiliste, ideoloogiliste või poliitiliste tunnuste järgi. Nii ei läinud, kuid vähesed julgesid tol ajal selle vastu kihla vedada. Suurenenud Euroopa Komisjon osutus stabiilseks ja viljakaks. Minu jaoks oli komisjoni ühtsuse, järjekindluse ja tõhususe tagamine üks peamisi ülesandeid, selleks et komisjon saaks Euroopas juhtrolli mängimise kõrval ka sümboliseerida Euroopa riikide suutlikkust koos elada. Sest see on see, mida Euroopa ühtsus sisimas tähendab: meie riiklikke kodusid hõlmav ühiskodu.

See kujunes tõepoolest mu nende aastate peamiseks tegevuseks, eesmärgiks ning ajuti isegi hirmuks: et vältimatutel erinevustel ja võimalikel hõõrumistel Euroopa liikmete – põhja ja lõuna, rikaste ja vaeste, suurte ja väikeste, kesksete ja ääremaiste – vahel ei tohiks lasta meid kunagi lahutada ja killustada meie ühisprojekti. Euroopa integratsioon on olnud alati selliste lõhede kaotamise ja raskustest ülesaamise viis ning see on olnud sealjuures märkimisväärselt edukas. Kui me laseme erinevustel süveneda, ei saa Euroopa Liit areneda poliitiliselt ega õitseda majanduslikult ja sotsiaalselt. Euroopas aitab ainult konsensusel põhinev juhtimine vältida killustumist. Muud teed edasi lihtsalt ei ole. Selle lähenemisviisi olen ma võtnud komisjoni presidendina ning seesama veendumus on juhtinud mind suhetes nõukogu ja Euroopa Parlamendiga. EESSÕNA

Suurenemine säilitades ühtekuuluvust

Minu juhitud komisjon oli esimene laiendatud ja ühendatud Euroopas. Ma võtsin lahendada mõned uute liikmesriikide spetsiifilised probleemid, et vältida nende kohtlemist hiljaksjäänutena. Üheks selle elemendiks oli algusest peale portfellide ja asepresidentide valik. Ma surusin meelega alla kiusatust anda tähtsamad portfellid suurtele riikidele. Ei olnud juhuslik, et mu eelarvevolinikud olid uutest liikmesriikidest ja et poliitiliselt olulised ametikohad anti uutest liikmesriikidest pärit asepresidentidele. Sellepärast tegelesin ma Visegrádi riikidega, sh võttes osa mitmest kohtumisest; sellepärast tegi komisjon ettepaneku Läänemere energiaturu elektrivõrkude ühendamise kava algatuse ja muude energiajulgeoleku tugevdamise meetmete kohta; sellepärast määrasin ma eriesindajad jälgima pingsalt Küprose küsimust; ning sellepärast me pöörasime erilist tähelepanu Rumeeniale ja Bulgaariale. 13 Kui 2014. aasta suvel otsustati määrata Euroopa Liidu uuteks juhtideks mu sõbrad Jean-Claude Juncker kui komisjoni president ja Donald Tusk kui Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja, tundsin ma, et meie investeering Euroopa laienemisse oli rohkem kui õigustatud. See on täiuslik näide Euroopa konsolideerumisest, asutajariikidest hiljuti ühinenuteni. Kes osanuks paar aastat tagasi arvata, et Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja tuleb Poolast?

Euroopa laienemine kuni Horvaatia liitumiseni 2013. aastal andis uut hoogu, süstides Euroopa projekti värske entusiasmiannuse uutelt liikmesriikidelt, mis oli märguandeks kogu piirkonnale. Laienemine ei lahjendanud mingil määral meie eesmärgikindlust ega võtnud maha meie hoogu. See ei tähenda, et kõik läks algusest peale kui lepase reega, ega seda, et kõik oli täiuslik. Kuid nüüd, 10 aastat hiljem, on saanud üldiselt väga selgeks, et uued liikmesriigid osutusid väga suureks toeks Euroopa integratsiooni süvendamisel. See on üks Euroopa edulugu, millest palju ei räägita, kuid selle tähtsus muutub aja jooksul üha ilmsemaks. Mul on olnud rõõm anda sellesse panus oma lähenemisviisiga komisjoni presidendina.

Euroopa ühtsuse säilitamine oli mu esimese ametiaja pidev väljakutse. Killustumise oht oli pidev, nii liikmesriikide ja institutsioonide vahel kui ka komisjoni enda sees.

Mu esimene komisjon sattus kiiresti vastakuti suurte pingeallikatega: usalduse puudumine Lissaboni 2000. aasta strateegia vastu, mille eesmärk on muuta Euroopa maailma kõige konkurentsivõimelisemaks ja dünaamilisemaks teadmistepõhiseks majanduseks, stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti läbivaatamise lõpuleviimine 2005. aastal, patiseis seoses Euroopa eelarvega ja mõningate EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

eelmise komisjoni poolt vastu võetud ja suuri lahkarvamusi tekitanud õigusaktide, näiteks Bolkensteini teenustedirektiivi käsitlemine. Kõik see kerkis esile negatiivsete referendumitulemuste tõttu kahes asutajariigis, Prantsusmaal ja Madalmaades, mille kodanikud lükkasid põhiseaduse lepingu tagasi.

Ehkki kahe nimetatud hääletamistulemuse põhjused olid erinevad, juhtisid need mõlemad tähelepanu kodanike murede eiramisele ja laienenud Euroopa ebakindlusele üleilmastumisega kohanduda püüdmisel. (Sama võib teataval määral öelda ka Iirimaal 2008. aastal Lissaboni lepingu üle toimunud referendumi negatiivse tulemuse kohta.) Loomulikult langes liikmesriikidele põhivastutus leida toimiv viis põhiseaduse lepingu kõige olulisemate osade säilitamiseks, võttes selgesti arvesse ja austades kahe asutajariigi kodanike väljendatud muresid.

Komisjon mitte ainult ei täitnud oma rolli konsultatsioonikampaanias demokraatia, dialoogi ja diskussiooni D-kava kohta, tal oli määrav roll 14 tingimuste loomisel sellise lahenduse leidmiseks, mis oleks algsele lepingule nii lähedane kui võimalik. Koos Jean-Claude Junckeri ja Joseph Borrelliga, kes olid siis vastavalt rotatsiooni korras nõukogu eesistuja ja Euroopa Parlamendi president, õnnestus meil Prantsusmaal toimunud referendumi tulemustele reageerides leida minu kabinetis enne pressikonverentsi mõningane ühine alus koostöö jaoks, mis omakorda avas tee järkjärguliseks väljumiseks suluseisust, mis tekkis põhiseaduse lepingu referendumi negatiivsete tulemuste tõttu.

Sellise positiivse tõuke andmist ei teinud lihtsamaks asjaolu, et Bolkensteini direktiiv, ehkki eelmine komisjon võttis selle üksmeelselt vastu, tekitas nii palju lahkhelisid. Näiline „Poola torumehe” oht oli saanud üldtuntuks, näiteks Prantsusmaa avalikus arvamuses. Vastupidi – ehkki loo seda osa sageli alahinnatakse, tekkis vastliitunud riikides pärast vanade liikmesriikide paljusid teravalt negatiivseid märkusi laienemise väidetavate tagajärgede kohta sügav pahameel.

Hoolimata palvetest, et mitte öelda ähvardustest, ettepanek tagasi võtta, otsustasin ma seda siiski mitte teha. Ma olin kindel, et tagasivõtmine kahjustaks ühisturu kui töökohtade loomise ja majanduskasvu katalüsaatori edasist arengut. Ehkki me olime valmis arutama algse ettepaneku muutmist, olnuks selle täieliku tagasivõtmise ultimaatumile allumine mõjunud katastroofiliselt komisjoni autoriteedile, ja muutuks seeläbi aja jooksul Euroopale veelgi suuremaks probleemiks. Olin otsustanud tagada komisjonile autoriteet koos ainualgatusõigusega, et liikmesriikidevaheline ilmne suurenev pinge ei väljuks kontrolli alt.

Mul tekkis samalaadne dilemma kemikaale käsitleva õigusaktiga REACH. See võeti vastu samuti eelmise komisjoni viimasel tööaastal, põhjustas palju EESSÕNA

lahkarvamusi, ning võttis lugematuid tunde, et leida mõistlik kompromiss, mis andis meie kaugeleulatuvale keskkonnaalasele tegevuskavale kindla majandusliku põhjenduse.

Koostöö, mitte vastasseis

Nimetatud hoopidest toibumiseks pidid komisjon, Euroopa Parlament ja liikmesriigid tegema koostööd – mitte kui vastased, vaid kui tõelised partnerid meie Euroopa ühisprojektis. Euroopa demokraatia areneb avaliku arutelu alusel, mis viib kompromisside ja konsensuseni, järgides tundlikku tasakaalu liikmesriikide ja Euroopa huvide, sotsiaalse õiguse ja majandustulemuste, majanduskasvu ja stabiilsuse, individuaalse vastutuse ja kollektiivse solidaarsuse vahel, mis on Euroopa juhtimisel vältimatu. Tasakaal on vajalik ka eesmärkide ja probleemide vahel nii riiklikul, Euroopa kui ka globaalsel tasandil. Olen olnud alati veendunud, et on vaja sellist koostöösuhet (Kooperationsverhältnis) 15 Euroopa ja riiklike institutsioonide vahel, mis näitaks sellist peenhäälestatud lähenemisviisi meie ühiste eesmärkide saavutamiseks.

Euroopa integratsioon nõuab sellist juhtimiskunsti, mis erineb riiklikust poliitikast, nagu ma kirjeldasin 2014. aasta mais oma Humboldti kõnes. Minu ametiajal me oleme pidanud ühenduse meetodit hoidma ja uuendama. Loomulikult me oleme finantskriisist tulenevate nõudmiste tulemusena näinud mõnes valdkonnas valitsustevahelise lähenemisviisi teket, kuid Euroopa Komisjon koos Euroopa Parlamendiga on suutnud kaitsta ühenduse lähenemisviisi, mis on õigusriigi põhimõtetel ja liikmesriikide võrdsusel põhineva Euroopa Liidu garantii. Isegi kui valitsuste vahel oli erimeelsusi ühendusepõhise lahenduse suhtes – nagu juhtus fiskaalkokkuleppe puhul – ütleb paljugi asjaolu, et komisjonile määrati sellegipoolest oluline roll ja et liikmesriigid pühendusid väljavaatele kaasata see lõpuks ühenduse raamistikku.

Euroopa Parlamendi seisukoht on arenenud sedamööda, kuidas on kasvanud tema volitused ja nendest tulenevad kohustused, mis oli eriti selge sel ajal, kui presidendiks oli Martin Schulz, ent suundumust võis märgata juba enne seda, presidentide Borrelli, Pötteringi ja Buzeki ajal, kelle kõigiga mul on olnud võimalus ehitada üles aina viljakamaks muutuv töösuhe.

Erinevalt teistest, kes näevad ELi nullsummamänguna, olen ma alati pidanud vajalikuks tugevdada meie institutsioone nii, et see ei mõjuks negatiivselt teistele, ning võtnud omaks nägemuse komisjonist töötamas mitte vastasseisus vaid koostöös, ühenduse lähenemisviisi kohaselt. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Üks selle aspekte on liikmesriikide parlamentide roll – millest ma olen juba 2006. aastast palju rääkinud ja mis on saanud tuntuks Barroso algatusena saata komisjoni ettepanekud ka liikmesriikide parlamentidele. Üks küsimus eelseisvateks aastateks on, kuidas suurendada riikide esindajates euroopalikku vastutust, muutmata otsuste tegemise struktuure nii keeruliseks, et need kaotaks töövõime.

Selles koostöövaimus me suutsime Euroopa negatiivsete referendumitulemuste järgsest masendusest välja tuua. Ma tegin ettepaneku võtta vaheetapina vastu deklaratsioon, sest uue lepingu vastu puudus esialgu ilmselt huvi, et naasta olulise juurde ja leppida kokku mõnedes alustes, mis muudaks meid, nagu deklaratsioonis teadaolevalt väljendati, zu unserem Glück vereint (õnn elada ühendatud Euroopas). Tõepoolest, 2007. aastal, Berliini deklaratsiooni ilmumise ajal, kui tähistati Rooma lepingu 50. aastapäeva, oli selge, et terve Euroopa oli valmis uueks alguseks. 16 Koos Saksamaa täiendava toega hakkasime ette valmistama konstruktiivset arutelu selle üle, mis sai hiljem Lissaboni lepinguks.

Need sündmused, mis rõhutasid komisjoni ja liikmesriikide vastastikuse mõju keerukust, on vorminud mu mõtlemist need 10 aastat, kui ma püüdsin töötada liikmesriikidega pigem partnerina kui vastasena. Need kinnitasid ka mu seisukohta, et Euroopa integratsioon võib olla kodanike silmis edukas üksnes siis, kui liikmesriikide juhid on valmis andma positiivse panuse Euroopa arendamisse. Olen mitmel korral näinud, et peamine raskus ei ole niivõrd euroskeptikute vastuseis, vaid Euroopat pooldavate jõudude masendus, nende pettumus, kui nende eesmärke ei toetata.

Minu süvasuhe liikmesriikidega ei ole tulnud kergelt. Komisjoni on mõnikord süüdistatud selliste ettepanekute tegemises, mis on olnud üksnes liikmesriikide seisukohtade vähim ühisnimetaja, kuid see on muidugi pilav. Komisjon ei ole ega peaks olema mõttekoda, mis avaldab mõtlemapanevaid ideid lihtsalt avaldamise nimel, vaid peaks alati leidma õige tasakaalu ambitsioonivajaduse ja realistliku vastuvõtmislootuse vahel. Komisjon ei ole seepärast liikmesriikide sekretariaat ega teener, isegi mitte suurte liikmesriikide oma. Ma olen seda alati mõistnud. Ehkki Prantsusmaa ja Saksamaa on vajalikud nii integratsiooni kui ka selle jaoks, et komisjoni ettepanekud vastu võetaks, ei piisa ainult nendest. Kui mulle tundus, et Euroopa huvid on kaalul, ei kartnud ma nende kahe suure riigi kannatust proovile panna. Pidasin palju pikki ja keerulisi lahinguid,

näiteks Berliiniga sellistes küsimustes nagu autode CO2-heited, abi puudust kannatavatele inimestele ning Pariisiga sellistes küsimustes nagu euroala ja ülejäänud ELi vahelised suhted kui ka romade õigustest kinnipidamine. Pärast Deauville’i kokkulepet vaidlesime nii Saksamaa kui ka Prantsusmaaga erasektori osaluse üle. Pingelised arutelud toimusid ka muude liikmesriikidega, nagu EESSÕNA

Ühendkuningriigiga ELi eelarve üle. Seega ei ole alust arvata, et komisjonil puuduks piisav iseseisvus.

Suhe liikmesriikidega sai täiesti uue mõõtme mu teise ametiaja alguses, kui Brüsselis loodi uus eesistuja – Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja ametikoht. Mul on selgelt meeles, kuidas see põhjustas kohe suure kommentaaridelaine, eriti Brüsselis, et see nõrgestab komisjoni. Tegelikult oli see reform üks uuendustest, mida komisjon toetas. Püsivat eesistujat oli hädasti vaja Euroopa Ülemkogu töö järjekindluse ja stabiilsuse tagamiseks. Nende aastate jooksul me oleme Herman Van Rompuyga kujundanud välja oma kindlad rollid ning seadnud sisse hea ja tulemusrikka töösuhte. Mul on hea meel, et oleme suutnud näidata, et kahtlejail ei olnud õigus.

Jean Monnet’ ütlus, et Euroopa ühtsus tekib kriisiolukordade ja nende lahenduste viljana – „L’Europe se fera dans les crises et elle sera la somme des 17 solutions apportées à ces crises” – ei ole kunagi tõesemana kõlanud, ent see kehtib tingimusel, kui juhid on sellistel kriisihetkedel pühendunud tulemuste saavutamisele. Sest aastatepikkuse kogemuse tulemusena on mulle üks asi selgeks saanud – hoolimata kontekstist ja tingimustest sõltub Euroopa edu või läbikukkumine meist, teda ei saa võtta iseenesestmõistetavana.

Koos kriisile vastu

Vajadus ühtsuse järele oli üks põhjus, mille nimel ma võitlesin nii järjekindlalt, sageli väljavaadete kiuste, selleks et hoida Kreeka euroalal, et euro ei variseks kokku. Suur osa mu teisest ametiajast kulus sellele, et hoida liitu koos ning kutsuda liikmesriike ja ELi institutsioone üles võtma vastutust ja käituma solidaarselt, eriti reageerides finants- ja riigivõlakriisile.

See oli näiteks üks põhjus, miks komisjon ja Rahvusvaheline Valuutafond (IMF), ehkki üldiselt heas ja viljakas suhtes, ei olnud alati üksmeelel, kuidas kriisiga toime tulla. IMFis kiputakse mõtlema rohkem riikide majanduse kontekstis. Nad ei keskendu niivõrd süsteemsele mõjule euroalal või ELis – st nad suutsid kergemini kaaluda Kreeka väljumist euroalast, mis aga minu jaoks oli täiesti vastuvõtmatu. Komisjon jäi kindlaks, püüdes aidata Kreekal taluda survet euroalast lahkumiseks, sest see oli Kreeka enese huvides, ning sellepärast, et see oleks olnud raske hoop ühtse vääringu projektile. Me pöörasime erilist tähelepanu võimalikule sündmustelaviinile, mille see oleks võinud algatada, mitte ainult finantsilises ja majanduslikus, vaid ka poliitilises mõttes. Mu isiklik suhtlemine Euroopa juhtidega kriisi olulistel hetkedel oli ülimalt oluline tagamaks Kreekale vajaliku poliitilise ja majandusliku toe. Turu vaatepunktist oli euroala püsimine ülioluline, seoses sellega jälgiti pingsalt, milliseid samme EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

astub Saksamaa. Seepärast oli kantsler Merkeli otsus euroala ühtsuse kasuks, mida ma kogu aeg soovitasin, kindlasti otsustav. Sama kindlalt me veensime Kreeka juhtkonda, et nad peavad tegema omalt poolt kõik poliitilise stabiilsuse nimel, mis on vajalik selleks, et suruda läbi hädavajalikud reformid, mis tagaksid nende vastutuse. Alates kriisi puhkemisest suhtlesin ma pidevalt peaministrite Papandreou, Papademose ja Pikrammenose ning president Papouliasega. Suurt rahuldust pakkus, et 2012. aasta suvest (peaminister Samarase ajal) saavutati sobivad tingimused usalduse taastumiseks.

ELi ja euroala ühtsuse hoidmine oli mu püsiv moto Euroopa Ülemkogus eri vormis kriisikoosolekutel.

Olen veetnud lugematuid tunde telefonivestlustes ja kohtumisel riigipeadega, veendes neid uskuma mu vaadete õigsusesse, sealjuures on mul olnud abiks kindlad tõendusmaterjalid komisjoni talitustelt, mind tõukasid tagant 18 mu poliitilised veendumused, mitte ainult Euroopa Ülemkogus ja euroala tippkohtumistel, vaid ka erinevas vormis kohtumistel, nagu nn Frankfurdi rühma omad, koos Euroopa Ülemkogu, Euroopa Keskpanga (EKP), eurorühma, Prantsusmaa ja Saksamaa ning mõnikord IMFi juhtidega. Mulle meenuvad väga dramaatilised hetked, nagu kriitilised kohtumised 2011. aastal Cannes’is G20 raames, kui meil tuli lahendada Kreeka kriisi selle haripunktis, samal ajal, kui kasvas surve Itaaliale ja Hispaaniale. Nüüd, kui kriisi see etapp on seljataga, on raske ette kujutada, kui pingelised need kohtumised mõnikord olid ning milliseid poliitilisi jõupingutusi ja energiat need nõudsid, sageli tugeva surve all, et vältida katastroofi ja tuua vastaspooled ühise eesmärgi nimel üksteisele lähemale. Suur osa komisjoni ekspert- ja poliitilisest tööst on olnud diskreetne ja jäänud avalikustamata, just selle tundlikkuse tõttu finantsturgude jaoks. Meie tööd ei ole saatnud suur meediakajastus, kuid koos muude osaliste jõupingutustega on see olnud tulemuslik.

Euroopa otsuste keerdkäigud ja ajastus on mõnikord põhjustanud rahvus­ vahelisel tasandil strateegilistes partnerites kannatamatust ja mittemõistmist. Meil on olnud sel teemal väga avameelseid mõttevahetusi, näiteks Ameerika Ühendriikide presidendi ja Hiina juhtkonnaga ning selliste partneritega nagu Jaapan või Brasiilia, selgitamaks, et meil ei olnud mingeid valmis mudeleid – me tõepoolest ehitasime paati keset tormi – kuid nad ei peaks kahtlema Euroopa Liidu ja tema liikmesriikide otsustavuses teha kõik vajalik meie ees seisvatest probleemidest üle saamiseks.

Mu teine mure selles vallas oli vajadus tagada euroala hädavajalik süvendamine, säilitades samal ajal Euroopa Liidu kui terviku ühtsus. See küsimus jääb aktuaalseks nn Ühendkuningriigi probleemi tõttu. Euroopa Komisjon on EESSÕNA

sellele doktriinile nüüdseks kindla aluse pannud – oleme selle põhimõtted sätestanud tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskavas – ning ma loodan, et Euroopa poliitilised juhid on selle üldiselt omaks võtnud. Kuid see ei ole alati nii ilmne olnud. Näiteks on hästi teada, et mõned neist propageerisid täiesti teistsuguste institutsioonide loomist euroala jaoks. Olen olnud alati veendunud, et Euroopas võib vajalikuks osutuda mitmekiiruseline tugevdatud koostöö, ent iga hinna eest tuleb ka edaspidi vältida mitmeklassilise Euroopa teket, mida siiani on suudetud teha. Ehkki me peame eelkõige euroala süvendamisel kaugemale minema, saab ja tuleb seda teha ilma vastandlike leeride esilekerkimist põhjustamata. Selle doktriini üldisest omaksvõtust annab selgelt tunnistust otsus, et Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja, kes on pärit riigist, mis ei ole veel euroala liige, on ka euroala tippkohtumiste eesistuja.

Avatud Euroopa 19 Majandusliku üleilmastumise kasust vajaduseni aktiivsete välissuhete järele

Veel üks kõnealuse 10 aasta põhiteema on olnud vajadus olla maailmale avatud. Euroopa integratsiooni on alati vedanud nii välised kui ka sisemised tegurid, seda eriti käesoleval aastasajal. Pärast Teist maailmasõda, kui Prantsusmaa ja Saksamaa vaheline leppimine andis põhiteema ja motiivi selliste väljapaistvate isiksuste ideedele nagu Monnet, Schuman, De Gasperi, Adenauer ja Spaak, nähti majanduslikku integratsiooni nende riikide jaoks võimalusena saavutada poliitilisi võite ja muuta sõja võimatuks, isegi mõeldamatuks. Sarnaselt sellistele Euroopa-sisestele põhjustele peaks 21. sajandi Euroopa vaatama väljapoole, selles mõttes, et meie riigid omaette lihtsalt ei saa enam täita oma kodanike ootusi, kaitsta oma huve ja edendada väärtusi, mida nad esindavad. Isegi suurematel liikmesriikidel puudub kriitiline mass, mis on vajalik tasakaalustatud suhete jaoks selliste hiiglastega nagu Ameerika Ühendriigid või Hiina, kui nende tegevus ei ole kooskõlastatud ja nende huvid lahutamatult ühendatud Euroopa raamistikus.

Üleilmastumise poole püüdlemine

Euroopa peab üleilmastumist omaks võtma, nii majanduskasvu võimaluse kui ka teadmiste ja innovatsiooni allikana, osana avatud ja õitsva kultuuriga ühiskonna alusest. Vastupidiselt mõnedes ringkondades populaarsele aru­ saamisele on Euroopa üleilmastumisest tervikuna võitnud, nagu tunnistavad meie kaubandusnäitajad. Üleilmastumisest on meil palju rohkem võita kui kaotada, ent üksnes juhul, kui me pühendume tõeliselt sellele kõrgeimal poliitilisel tasandil. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Ähvardused olid aga kõigi nende aastate jooksul, ja eelkõige finantskriisi järel, vaieldamatult tuntavad. Vajadus, et EL jääks avatuks ja oleks üleilmse tegevuse eesotsas, nimelt seistes kollektiivselt vastu ilmse ja jultunud protektsionismi survele, oli tähtsam kui kunagi varem, ning maailm tegutses kriisi vastu kooskõlastatult ja veenvalt just ELi õhutusel. Mul on elavalt meeles, kuidas me käisime president Sarkozyga, kes oli tookord rotatsiooni korras nõukogu eesistuja, 2008. aasta oktoobris Camp Davidis president George W. Bushi veenmas ühinema meie üleskutsega võtta globaalseid meetmeid. See viis G20 tekkimiseni selle praegusel kujul, riigi- või valitsusjuhtide tasandil, ja tohutult tähtsa jõupingutuseni viia kriisile reageerimine selles staadiumis üleilmsele tasandile. Hoolimata Ameerika Ühendriikide algsest vastumeelsusest tegutseda kooskõlastatult, tunnustasid nad lõpuks vajadust tegutseda üleilmselt. Ka nemad olid õppinud 1930. aastate suurest majanduslangusest ja me saime pidada esimese kohtumise Washingtonis 2008. aasta novembris. Teine 20 tippkohtumine toimus juba neli kuud hiljem Londonis peaminister Gordon Browni eesistumisel ning seejärel on G20 muutunud kõige tähtsamaks majanduspoliitika koordineerimise foorumiks liikmete vahel, andes konkreetse kuju paljudele kontseptsioonidele, mille EL on esitanud, näiteks tasakaalustatud ja jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu raamistik, finantsregulatsioon ja -järelevalve, maksudest kõrvalehiilimise ja pettuse vastased meetmed. G20 areng on ülemaailmselt üks kõige märkimisväärsemaid muutusi ja selle loomine aitas kindlasti vältida palju negatiivsemaid stsenaariume, mis oleksid võinud ilma selleta realiseeruda.

Avatud Euroopa vajab aktiivset kaubanduse tegevuskava ja komisjon tegeles ka selle teemaga. Meie kaubandustehingud võimaldavad meil kasutada võimalusi, mida pakuvad avatud ja tekkivad turud mujal. Prioriteet oli läbi rääkida ja sõlmida Euroopa jaoks kaubandus- ja investeerimislepinguid, kiirendada majanduskasvu ning luua töökohti. See võetud kohustus avada kaubandus ei peatanud meid kasutamast kaubanduse kaitse mehhanisme kus ja millal vaja, nagu näitas juhtum Aasiast imporditavate jalatsitega või suuremahuline päikesepaneelide menetlus, mille me algatasime hoolimata mõne valitsuse vastuseisust. Avatud kaubandus peab käima käsikäes eeskirjadepõhise süsteemi ja võrdsete võimalustega kõigi riikide ja ettevõtjate jaoks. Hoolimata sellest, et me pühendusime ja pingutasime mitmepoolsetel läbirääkimistel ja Maailma Kaubandusorganisatsiooni (WTO) süsteemi nimel, mis jääb kõigutamatuks, pidurdasid muud peamised osalised Doha vooru erimeelsuste tõttu. Seepärast me oleme otsustanud jätkata oma jõupingutusi kahepoolsete kaubandustehingute pakutavate võimaluste kasutamiseks. Tulemused ongi näha. Oleme viimase viie aasta jooksul suutnud sõlmida uue põlvkonna lepped Lõuna-Korea, Singapuri, Colombia, Peruu, Kesk-Ameerika ja Kanadaga; me sõlmisime majanduspartnerluslepingud Aafrikas Lääne-Aafrika EESSÕNA

ja Lõuna-Aafrika Arenguühendusega (SACD); taasalustasime läbirääkimised Lõuna-Ameerika lõunaosa ühisturuga (Mercosur); me käivitasime olulised läbirääkimised vabakaubanduslepingute üle Jaapani, India, Vietnami ja Taiga ning investeeringulepingu üle Hiinaga. Peale selle me astusime enneolematu sammu ja alustasime läbirääkimisi Ameerika Ühendriikidega Atlandi-ülese kaubandus- ja investeerimispartnerluse (TTIP) üle.

Geopoliitilised muutused

Meie integratsiooni mudeliks peab olema avatud regionalism: avatud Euroopa, mis toimib pigem ühenduslülina kui sulgub enesesse. Ma asusin presidendi ametikohale pidades silmas seda avatud maailmapilti, olles olnud ühel või teisel viisil seotud välissuhetega suurema osa oma elust. Komisjoni investeerimine välissuhetesse nii headel kui ka halbadel aegadel ei ole kunagi varem olnud nii oluline, alates meie globaalsetest kohustustest kliimamuutuse ja arengu 21 valdkonnas kuni meie globaalse majandusstabiilsuse ja avatuse tegevuskavani, G20st ja G8st (mis vähenes hiljem seoses Krimmi annekteerimisega Venemaa poolt taas G7ks) meie toetuseni mitmepoolsusele, mille väljenduseks on ÜRO. Kõnealuste aastate jooksul tekkisid mul tugevad suhted ÜRO peasekretäride – esmalt Kofi Annani ja seejärel Ban Ki Mooniga. Olen tänulik nende toetuse eest Euroopa Liidu suurenenud rollile tema suhetes ÜROga. Välispoliitikat tuleb vaadelda poliitiliste ja majandusmeetmete kombinatsioonina, kusjuures majandusmeetmed tuleb paigutada laiemasse geopoliitilisse konteksti. Seepärast ei saa me maailmast taanduda. Maailm vajab avatud Euroopat ja Euroopa peab sobituma ülejäänud maailma. Vastastikune sõltuvus on tänane reaalsus, ent seda on vaja hallata, vastasel juhul on oht pigem selle käes kannatada kui sellest kasu saada. Sellepärast me teeme väga aktiivselt koostööd oluliste rahvusvaheliste partnerite ja organisatsioonidega.

Kõige hiljutisem näide välissuhete valdkonna probleemide suurusest oli ähvardus kogu maailma riikidele ning kindlasti Euroopa huvidele ja väärtustele, mis tulenes Venemaa lubamatust käitumisest Ukraina suhtes. Sündmuste kulg on kõigile hästi teada – alates survest mitte kirjutada alla assotsieerimislepingut, mille üle Ukraina oli Euroopa Liiduga läbirääkimisi pidanud, kuni Krimmi ebaseadusliku annekteerimise ja rahutusteni Ida-Ukrainas. Euroopa Liit jäi lõpuni põhimõttelisele seisukohale. Meie esmaseks prioriteediks jäi poliitiline ja rahumeelne lahendus. Mitte mis tahes lahendus, vaid selline, mis tagaks Ukraina iseseisvuse, sõltumatuse ja ühtsuse. Me oleme ikka ja jälle meelde tuletanud, et meie suhted idanaabritega ei mõju kahjulikult nende suhetele nende muude naabritega. Me ei ole kunagi taotlenud muid välistavaid suhteid. Euroopa Liit on investeerinud palju strateegilisse partnerlusse Vene Föderatsiooniga, olles veendunud, et koostöö on meie ühistes huvides. Kuid EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

EL ei saaks kunagi seadustada seda, mis ei saa kunagi seaduslik olla. Me ei saanud aktsepteerida piiratud iseseisvuse ilmselget naasmist Euroopa mandrile. Me pidime näitama oma toetust Ukrainale ja seda me ka tegime. Me ei hakka vabandama otsuse eest austada kolmanda riigi demokraatlikku õigust püüelda lähemate suhete poole Euroopa Liiduga. Oleksime olnud kõlbeliselt laostunud, kui oleksime Ukraina rahva palvele ära öelnud. Me pidime näitama Venemaale tema käitumise tagajärgi. Sündmused kulgevad endiselt edasi. Euroopa Liit jätkab tööd poliitilise lahenduse saavutamiseks läbirääkimiste teel. Seoses sellega ei ole Euroopa Komisjon pidanud paljuks ühtki jõupingutust, asudes esirinda kolmepoolsete läbirääkimiste edendamisel sellistel tundlikel teemadel nagu kaubandus ja energeetika. Selleks et saavutada läbirääkimiste teel lahendus neis küsimustes, olen ma olnud pidevas kontaktis presidentide Porošenko ja Putiniga. See tekitab minus mõnikord déjà vu tunde, nagu oleks taas 2008.-2009. aasta gaasikriis, kui mul oli samuti pidev side Ukraina ja Venemaa juhtidega. Kui EL 22 ei oleks kindlakäeliselt reageerinud, ei oleks olnud ohus mitte üksnes Ukraina sõltumatus, vaid ka väärtustel, võrdsusel ja õigusriigi põhimõttele tuginevate mitmepoolsete suhete jätkusuutlikkus ja usaldusväärsus.

Kuid meie otsustavust ei ole proovile pannud üksnes idanaabrus. Sündmused Vahemere lõunakaldal on osutunud võrdselt pingeliseks ja ajalooliseks. „Araabia ärkamine” oli lähiajaloo üks muljetavaldavamaid muutusi. Seda ei osanud keegi ennustada. Autoritaarsete režiimide kukutamine oli rahvaste demokraatia- ja inimväärsema elu soovi tagajärg. Loodame, et need riigid valivad demokraatliku tee, teades hästi elujõulise ja jätkusuutliku demokraatia väljavaateid riikides, kus ei ole õigusriigi ja pluralismi traditsiooni. Mõnes neist, näiteks Liibüas, puudub koguni toimiv tänapäevane riigiaparaat. Riskid olid suured, kuid mis meil üle jäi? Kas oleksime pidanud käed rüpes istuma või mitte toetama miljoneid, sageli noori inimesi, kes avaldasid toetust demokraatiale ja muutustele? Euroopa Liit lihtsalt pidi panustama demokraatiasse, sest me mõistsime, et kui me Pascali kihlveo poliitilises versioonis ka kaotaksime, on asi seda väärt. Seda me tegime oma „Partnerlusega demokraatia ja ühise heaolu nimel”, mida komisjon esitles 2011. aastal nimetatud revolutsioonide järel.

Ent nagu me Euroopas kõik oma kogemustest teame, on küpsete ja stabiilsete demokraatiate ülesehitamine keerulisem kui diktatuuride kukutamine. See on pikaajaline protsess. Me peame jääma seotuks vältimaks, et erinevate eesmärkidega ekstremistlikud jõud võtaks need protsessid üle. Poliitiline ebastabiilsus ja julgeolekuvaakum mõnes nendest riikidest on vesi radikaalsete rühmade ja usufundamentalistide veskile. „Islamiriik” kujutab tänapäeval suurimat ohtu tsivilisatsiooni ja meie ühiskonnamudeli püsimajäämisele. Euroopa peab osalema rahvusvahelistes jõupingutuses selle alistamiseks ja väljajuurimiseks. EESSÕNA

ELi jaoks ei ole tähtsamat partnerit kui Ameerika Ühendriigid. Me oleme and- nud sellele suhtele uue tähenduse ja hoo kahepoolsete algatuste abil, mis on viinud läbirääkimiste avamiseni Atlandi-ülese kaubandus- ja investeerimispartnerluse üle, millele ma kirjutasin koos president Obamaga alla 2013. aasta kevadel Lough Erne’i järve ääres Põhja-Iirimaal. See oli eesmärk, mille poole sai kaua püüeldud. Palju aastaid oli püütud, kuid vastupanu ja raskused olid alati peale jäänud. Minu ametiaegadel komisjonis õnnestus meil raskustest üle saada ning keskenduda tööle kokkuleppe nimel, mis võiks loodetavasti aidata saavutada olulisi majanduslikke, aga ka poliitilisi ja geostrateegilisi võite.

Veel üks tegevusvaldkond, millele ma olen olnud isiklikult pidevalt pühendunud, on Aafrika. Kuus aastat Portugali välissuhete ja arengu riigisekretärina, kui mu eriülesanne oli tegelda arenguriikidega, tekitasid minus erilise huvi Euroopa naabermandri vastu. Aafrikat tavatseti näha üksnes probleemse kontinendina, ebastabiilse ja konfliktse ala ning ebaseadusliku rände allikana. Sellegipoolest 23 on ta ka eelkõige tärkava majandusega kontinent, kus majandus on viimase aastakümne jooksul kasvanud rohkem kui 5% aastas. Tema demograafiline paisumine teeb temast maailma noorima kontinendi, mis tugevdab veelgi tema tohutut potentsiaali. Meil on palju ühiseid prioriteete, jätkusuutlikust majandusarengust kuni toimetulekuni kliimamuutusega. Seega peab Aafrikast saama Euroopa prioriteetne partner. ELi ja Aafrika tippkohtumiste kaudu me käivitasime ühisstrateegia ja tõelise võrdsete partnerluse. Me lisasime suhtele kaalu komisjoni ja Aafrika Liidu pidevate konsultatsioonide teel, Euroopa Komisjoni kolleegiumi ja Aafrika Liidu Komisjoni pidevate kohtumistega poliitilisel tasandil.

Me andsime ka kohest abi suurimat puudust kannatavatele või suurimas ohus olevatele riikidele, näiteks aitasime Malil tugevdada tema riiklikke struktuure ja rakendada tema üleminekukava rahvusvahelise konverentsi kaudu, mille eesistujad me olime president François Hollande’iga ning kuhu me koondasime Saheli ja Lääne-Aafrika juhid. Või näiteks meie meetmed Somaalias, kus me töötasime koos kõrge esindaja ja Euroopa välisteenistusega välja tõeliselt igakülgse strateegia, mis aitas kõrvaldada piraatlust rannikuvetes ning edendada arengut kaldal.

Ka Ladina-Ameerikas toimus viimasel aastakümnel märgatav areng. Seepärast investeerisin ma paljugi meie suhete tugevdamisse kahe piirkonna vahelise dialoogi kaudu või kahepoolsete suhete vormis. Üks mu algatusi oli anda strateegilise partneri staatus Brasiiliale ja ka Mehhikole, kellega meil on üldine leping. Mulle tundus imelik, et me omistasime oma partneritele Põhja-Ameerikast Aasiani „strateegilise” tähtsuse, kuid ei andnud seda staatust Brasiiliale, kelle majandus on tõusnud suuruselt kuuendaks maailmas. Portugali eesistumisajal EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

2007. aastal toimus Lissabonis esimene ELi ja Brasiilia tippkohtumine. Samuti külastasin ma mitut muud partnerit selles piirkonnas, nagu Tšiili, Peruu ja Colombia, ning edendasin suhteid nendega. Me sõlmisime esimese kahe piirkonna vahelise kaubanduslepingu Kesk-Ameerika riikidega.

Üks selle perioodi kõige muljetavaldavam muutus oli Aasia majanduslik ja poliitiline tõus, millele me reageerisime suhete tihendamisega kogu kontinendiga. Erilist tähelepanu on pööratud meie strateegilistele partneritele piirkonnas – Hiinale, Indiale, Jaapanile ja Lõuna-Koreale. 2014. aastal me tähistasime Hiinaga meie strateegilise partnerluse 10. aastapäeva pikaajalise koostööpaketiga ja alustasime läbirääkimisi investeerimislepingu sõlmimiseks. Indiaga me alustasime 2007. aastal läbirääkimisi vabakaubanduslepingu üle, et vallandada meie suhte potentsiaal. Jaapaniga me alustasime 2013. aastal, vastavalt uuenenud huvile suhteid süvendada, läbirääkimisi raamlepingu ja vabakaubanduslepingu üle, ning

24 praegu me näeme selle partnerluse suurenenud dünaamilisust. Lõuna-Koreaga me sõlmisime 2011. aastal esimese uue põlvkonna vabakaubanduslepingu, mis tõstis meie suhte uuele tasemele. Me toetame samuti aktiivselt piirkondlikku integratsiooni, vaidluste rahumeelset lahendamist ning täiendavate poliitiliste ja strateegiliste partnerluste loomist Kagu-Aasia riikidega meie kahepoolsete sidemete najal Kagu-Aasia Maade Assotsiatsiooniga (ASEAN). Muutused Myanmaris, mida ma külastasin 2012. aastal, ja mida me tugevasti toetame, on üks viimaste aastate positiivseid arenguid.

Euroopa tulemuslikkus ja väärtused

Üleilmastumise poole püüdlemine on tähendanud ka, et me oleme pidanud parandama oma välispoliitilist suutlikkust. Nagu ma eespool kirjeldasin, seadsime Herman Van Rompuy kui Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistujaga sisse hea koostöö ja tööjaotuse, järgides täiel määral meile aluslepinguga antud volitusi. Kõige tähtsam oli kõrge esindaja ametissemääramine, kes on ühtlasi komisjoni asepresident, ning Euroopa välisteenistuse loomine ja arendamine, mida ma olen alati toetanud. Endise välisministrina olin ma täiel määral teadlik vajadusest riikide poliitikate ja diplomaatiliste teenistuste vahelise koordineerimise selliste vormide järele, mis ulatuvad Euroopa Komisjoni tegevusvaldkonnast kaugemale. Seepärast oli mul heameel kõrge esindaja ettepaneku üle. Koos Catherine Ashtoniga, keda ma tundsin hästi, püüdsime luua sobivad tingimused, et vältida kildkondlikke konflikte seal, kus need võivad tüüpiliselt tekkida, ja luua toimivad suhted talituste vahel. Rida liikmesriikide valitsusjuhte ei olnud nii kindlad välisteenistuse pakutavas lisaväärtuses ega tahtnud seda toetada, koonerdades vajalike rahaliste ja muude vahenditega, mida oli vaja, et teenistus saaks võimete kohaselt toimida. EESSÕNA

Diplomaatia, ühise välis- ja julgeolekupoliitika ning ühenduse selliste instrumentide, nagu laienemispoliitika potentsiaalseid koostoimeid näitas selgelt Kosovo1 ja Serbia vaheline kokkulepe, mida kõrge esindaja vahendas. Paremat näidet Euroopa külgetõmbejõust ning meie hoolika ja sihikindla laienemispoliitika tähtsusest on raske leida.

Euroopa Liidul oli vaja tõsta ka kaitsevaldkonna taset, mille kohta olen esitanud üleskutseid kõigis oma kõnedes liidu olukorra kohta. Me peame tugevdama oma ühist välis- ja julgeolekupoliitikat ning ühist lähenemisviisi kaitseküsimustele, sest ainult üheskoos on meil jõudu ja ulatust, et muuta maailm õiglasemaks, seadusepõhiseks paigaks, kus austatakse inimõigusi. Jätkata tuleks ühise välis- ja julgeolekupoliitika arendamist paralleelselt NATOga, kuid austades kummagi organisatsiooni iseseisvust otsuste tegemisel. Viimastel aastatel on strateegiline partnerlus NATOga tugevnenud ning on väga tähelepanuväärne, et mind koos Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistujaga on alates 2007. aastast kutsutud 25 osalema kõigil NATO tippkohtumistel, ning et ka NATO peasekretär võttis osa 2013. aasta detsembris toimunud Euroopa Ülemkogu kaitseteemalisest kohtumisest. Komisjon on andnud oma panuse kaitsevaldkonnale pööratavasse tähelepanusse oma konkreetsetes pädevusvaldkondades, näiteks teatisega „Konkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor”. Kaitsel on oma hind, kuid meie julgeolek on hindamatu.

On ju lõpuks avatud Euroopa see Euroopa, kes näitab kogu maailmale oma solidaarsust.

Euroopa pühendumus arenguriikidele on püsinud, seda ka kriisiaastail. Koos liikmesriikidega me jääme suurimaks ametliku arenguabi andjaks, ning me võtame vajaduse korral vastutuse, näiteks 2007.-2008. aasta ülemaailmse toidukriisi puhul eraldas Euroopa Komisjon toiduainete rahastamisvahendist 1 miljard (1000 miljonit) eurot hädaabi. Samuti me kuulutasime välja rea muid algatusi, näiteks Euroopa Liidu aastatuhande arengueesmärgid, käivitasime 2010. aastal New Yorgis aastatuhande arengueesmärkide teemalise tippkohtumise, mis andis 1 miljard eurot aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamise kiirendamiseks. Me asutasime Aafrika rahutagamisrahastu, sest ilma arenguta ei ole julgeolekut ja ilma julgeolekuta arengut. Oleme kohandanud oma muutuste kava kaudu arengupoliitikat globaliseerunud maailma uutele tingimustele. Me oleme olnud humanitaarmeetmetega esirinnas – näiteks parandades abi andmise viise nii Euroopas kui ka väljaspool seda, luues Euroopa hädaolukordadele reageerimise keskuse – millega oleme teeninud partnerite tunnustuse kogu maailmas.

1 Selline nimekasutus ei mõjuta Kosovo staatuse küsimuses võetud seisukohti ning on kooskõlas ÜRO Julgeolekunõukogu resolutsiooniga 1244/1999 ja Rahvusvahelise Kohtu arvamusega Kosovo iseseisvusdeklaratsiooni kohta. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Oleme säilitanud oma pühendumuse arengule isegi majanduslanguse hetkedel, sest sellel püsib Euroopa: solidaarsus kodus ja võõrsil. See ei ole mitte üksnes poliitiliselt ja moraalselt õige, vaid ka meie endi strateegilistes huvides.

Oluline oli selle jaoks meie koostöö erasektori ja selliste organisatsioonidega nagu Bono ja Bob Geldofi ONE või Bill ja Melinda Gates’i fond. Ma olen arutanud nendega mitte ainult seda, kuidas kõige paremini nendele küsimustele üleilmset tähelepanu tõmmata, vaid ka kuidas veenda valitsusi olema heldekäelisem.

Euroopa Liit on olnud alati vajaduse korral valmis näitama solidaarsust konkreetsete tegudena – nii kodus kui ka võõrsil. Ma olen isiklikult olnud selle tunnistajaks oma paljudel külaskäikudel loodusõnnetuste piirkondadesse nii ELis kui ka väljaspool: alates tsunamist räsitud Indoneesiast kuni põgenikevooluni Darfuris või Zaatari laagrini Jordaanias, üleujutustes kannatada saanud piirkondadest Serbias kuni metsapõlenguteni Olümpose varemete ääres või maavärinajärgsete purustusteni 26 L’Aquilas.

Tugevam Euroopa Majandus- ja institutsioonilisest reformist energia- ja kliimameetmeteni

Viimase 10 aasta juhtmotiiviks on olnud hoida Euroopat ühtsena ja maailmale avatuna ning muuta Euroopa tugevamaks ning teda üleilmastumise vajadustele paremini ette valmistada.

Minu esimese ametiaja alguses, keeruliseks osutunud 2005. aasta lõppedes, panid kaks olulist sündmust aluse uueks tõukeks Euroopas, milles komisjon mängis algatuse „Tulemuslik Euroopa” kaudu keskset rolli: esiteks ajavahemiku 2007–2013 ELi eelarvega seoses saavutatud kokkulepe ning Euroopa Ülemkogu mitteametlikul kohtumisel Hampton Courtis saavutatud tulemused Euroopa tuleviku ja üleilmastumisega kaasnevate probleemide küsimuses. Saavutatud kokkulepete tulemusena taastus liikmesriikidevaheline toetus, mis võimaldas neil koonduda ühiste eesmärkide ümber ning muuta olustikku Euroopa Liidus, kus oli põhiseaduslepingu referendumite negatiivse tulemuse tõttu tekkinud masendus. Mis kõige olulisem, mõlemad kokkulepped kujutasid endast olulist saavutust, mis võimaldas näidata, et EL on suuteline tegema otsuseid isegi kõige raskemates tingimustes. Sellele järgnenud kliima- ja energiapaketti võib pidada ajalooliseks ning strateegilist tähtsust omavaks. Saavutasime kõnealused kokkulepped mitte tänu minimaalsele ühisnimetajale, vaid tänu sellele, et ühendasime konsensuse saavutamiseks kaks ambitsioonikat valdkonda, keskkonna- ja energiapoliitika. EESSÕNA

Euroopa eelarve koostamine

Lisaks uue aluslepingu väljatöötamisele ning Euroopa uuesti toimima saamiseks konsensuse leidmisele me pidime neil minu esimese ametiaja esimestel aastatel kokku leppima ka uues eelarves. Arutelu mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku ümber 2005. aastal osutus niivõrd keeruliseks, et paljud olid seisukohal, et kokkulepe jääb saavutamata.

Teadsin varasemast kogemusest, et eelarveläbirääkimised ei kuulu Euroopa säravaimate hetkede hulka. Enamik liikmesriike tuleb eelarveläbirääkimistele puhtalt „õiglase vastutasu” poliitika siseriiklikust loogikast lähtudes. Netorahastajate eesmärk on oma tulu maksimeerida, keskendudes eelarve konkreetsetele osadele neile olulistes valdkondades, samal ajal kui netomaksete saajad teevad kõik oma tulude suurendamise nimel, et siis siseriiklikult

avalikule arvamusele muljetavaldavaid summasid esitleda, jättes sageli vajaliku 27 tähelepanuta rahastamise kvaliteedi. Selliste lühinägelike seisukohtade tulemuseks on tavaliselt pikaajalised ja kurnavad debatid.

Esiteks pidas enamik valitsusi minu eelkäija poolt esitatud eelarveprojekti algusest peale ebareaalseks. Mäletan selgelt veel Portugali peaminister olles, kui külmalt suhtusid minu kolleegid Euroopa Ülemkogul kõnealusesse ettepanekusse. Probleem oli selles, et uus komisjon ei olnud võimeline läbirääkimisi korrapäraselt juhtima. Läbirääkimised toimusid Luksemburgi eesistumisperioodil ning asjaolu, et eesistuja toolil istus kogenud Jean-Claude Juncker, andis teatavat lootust, et kompromissile suudetakse siiski jõuda. Kuid see osutus siiski võimatuks, kuna ettepanekut ei peetud lihtsalt korrektseks ja realistlikuks aluseks, millelt läbirääkimistega edasi minna.

Suutmatus kokkuleppele jõuda tekitas kibedat pettumust ning asetas kogu koorma ja sellega kaasnevad süüdistused 2005. aasta teisel poolel kindlalt järgmise eesistuja ehk Ühendkuningriigi õlgadele. Asjaolu, et kokkuleppe saavutamine oli nüüd Ühendkuningriigi ülesandeks, nähti vastuolulisena. Ühelt poolt ei kuulunud Ühendkuningriik ELi eelarve sõprade hulka. Mälestused „Ma tahan oma raha tagasi”-poliitikast tekitab siiani paljudes Euroopa institutsioonide esindajates kõhedust. Teisalt aga ei tohiks Ühendkuningriigi-laadsel sõltumatul suurriigil kompromissi saavutamisega probleeme tekkida, eriti pärast seda, kui teda süüdistati eelneva kokkuleppe saavutamise takistamises.

Just sellises vaimus läksin vastu läbirääkimistele. Ükskõik millised ka olid Ühendkuningriigi seisukohad komisjoni ettepaneku suhtes, mõistsid nad, et komisjon institutsioonina oli läbirääkimiste läbiviimisel asendamatu liitlane. Näiteks palus peaminister Blair mul osaleda kõige olulisematel kahepoolsetel EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

eelarveläbirääkimistel riigi- ja valitsusjuhtidega, kus komisjon ei olnud tavaliselt esindatud, ning peaminister kutsus isegi mu kabinetiülema osalema oma paljudel kahepoolsetel kohtumistel. Lõpuks jõuti kokkuleppele ning eelarve osutus võrreldes eelnevate eelarvetega isegi mahukamaks. Komisjon võitles koos Euroopa Parlamendiga tarmukalt ambitsioonika eelarve nimel, probleemiks osutus aga, kuidas saada üle lihtsustatud lähenemisest, kuidas mõned liikmesriigid eelistasid „vanu” valdkondi nagu ühtekuuluvuse rahastamine „uutele” valdkondadele nagu teadusuuringud ja innovatsioon. Meie eesmärk oli vältida uue ja vana vastandamist, mis meil ka õnnestus. Kasutasime selleks uusi kontseptsioone, nagu ühise põllumajanduspoliitika ja ühtekuuluvuspoliitika reform, suunates need majandusreformide teostamise ja konkurentsivõime tõstmise teele ning muutes kõnealuse uue kontseptsiooni seeläbi modernseks majanduse toetuse vahendiks.

28 Ühendkuningriiki tuli eesistumisel tagasi hoida, et ei keskendutaks vaesemate liikmesriikide arvelt peamiselt rikkamate liikmesriikide prioriteetidele. Teatud hetkel ma isegi märkasin, et Tony Blairil oli oht muutuda tagurpidi Robin Hoodiks, kes võtab vaestelt ja annab rikastele. Ühendkuningriigi peaminister lähenes probleemile elegantselt ning tal õnnestus äärmiselt keerulistes tingimustes siiski kokkuleppele jõuda.

Alahinnata ei tohiks kõnealuse esimese katse ajaloolist tähtsust, mille käigus ületati poliitilised lõhed ja vastuolud eelarve moderniseerimise ning euroopalikuks muutmise kaudu.

Komisjoni roll kokkuleppe saavutamisel oli väga oluline. Komisjon tõi kõnealustele läbirääkimistele nn „tehnilise karisma”: komisjoni kõigi tasandite talituste suutlikkuse pakkuda välja kompromisslahendusi või toimivaid valemeid. Komisjon võttis läbirääkimistelaua taha kaasa ka oma poliitilise mõju ning teadmised, mille abil võtta vastu õiged otsused ning luua õiged liidud ning saavutada oma eesmärgid. See oli midagi enamat kui vaid poliitiline roll. Nendel rasketel hetkedel 2005. aastal oli oluline suurendada ka komisjoni usaldusväärsust Euroopa Parlamendi ja uute liikmesriikide silmis, kuna viimased sõltusid tugevalt komisjoni tegevusest ausa vahendajana suhetes suurte liikmesriikidega.

Komisjoni roll oli otsustav järgmise, kuni 2020. aastani kehtiva mitmeaastase eelarve läbirääkimistel 2013. aastal. Need läbirääkimised olid isegi raskemad kui eelmised, seda juba finantskriisi mõju tõttu liikmesriikide eelarvetele.

Vaieldamatult oli selge, et Londoni valitsuse tegevus oli veelgi enam parlamendi poolt kammitsetud kui eelmise valitsuse ajal, ning praeguse valitsuse nõuet, et mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku üldist mahtu tuleks vähendada, oli nõukogus EESSÕNA

ühehäälsust nõudva otsuse tõttu võimatu ignoreerida. Ühendkuningriik oli ka palju vähem isoleeritud olukorras kui varasemate eelarveläbirääkimiste ajal. Kõnealused läbirääkimised toimusid ajal, mil majanduskriisi mõjud hakkasid raskelt kodanike rahakoti pihta käima. Liikmesriigid soovisid näidata oma riigi üldsusele, et ka EL võiks sama meetodit kasutada, sellisel seisukohal olid Madalmaad, kuid ka Saksamaa, kelle arvamus oli üpris sarnane Ühendkuningriigi omaga. Sellistest seisukohtadest sõltumata oli komisjoni eesmärk alati luua läbirääkimistele raamistik, mis oleks ambitsioonikam kui liikmesriikide soovid, ning esitada struktuur ja uuendusi, mis peaksid vastu kogu läbirääkimiste aja.

Oluline oli näiteks ühtekuuluvuspoliitika täiendav läbivaatamine. Mind ennast kritiseeriti seetõttu, et osalesin mitmel Ühtekuuluvusfondist abi saavate riikide mitteametlikul tippkohtumisel. Seda algatust toetasid muuseas huvitaval kombel Euroopa erinevatest osadest pärit peaministrid Donald Tusk ja Passos

Coelho, kuid pidasin vajalikuks näidata, et komisjon peab jätkuvalt esmatähtsaks 29 ühtekuuluvuspoliitikat ning seda ajal, mil mõnedes liikmesriikides oli moes seda rünnata. Sidusime ühtekuuluvuse aruka spetsialiseerumise ning kliima- ja energiaeesmärkidega ning veelgi olulisemana, me muutsime nn isiklike nõudmiste keskset mõtteviisi, mille puhul valitsused keskendusid ainult neile eelarvest eraldatavale kogusummale, ning seadsime prioriteediks programmid ja projektid, mis olid suunatud innovatsiooni arendamisele, majanduse keskkonnasäästlikumaks muutmisele ja strateegia „Euroopa 2020” teiste eesmärkide saavutamisele. Lisaks sellele seoti ühtekuuluvuspoliitika veelgi enam toetust saavate riikide üldiste majandustulemustega. Sellise lähenemisviisi tulemuseks olid iga liikmesriigiga sõlmitud partnerluslepingud; lepingute loogikat järgitakse ka rakendamisel, mis tõstab omakorda ka rahastamise kvaliteeti.

Sarnane kindlaksjäämine ELi eksisteerimise seisukohast väga olulisele solidaarsuse põhimõttele sai kinnitust ka lähenemisviisis äärepoolseimatele piirkondadele ning ülemeremaadele ja -territooriumidele, ning samuti meie regionaalpoliitikas. Uuesti vaatasime läbi regionaalpoliitika koos kogu ELi hõlmavate prioriteetidega, pöörates vajalikku lisatähelepanu nõrgematele piirkondadele. Ilmekas näide meie regionaalpoliitika olulisusest on asjaolu, et kui kohtusin 2007. aastal esimese rahvusvahelise liidrina Põhja-Iirimaa uue, lahkunud Ian Paisley ja Martin McGuinnessi juhitava kaasava valitsusega, ütlesid nad mulle, et üheks väheseks kogukonnaüleseks dialoogiks, mis oli aastate jooksul aktiivsena püsinud, oli just Euroopa regionaalabi käsitlev dialoog. Nii me jätkasimegi edukat ja unikaalset rahuprogrammi ning lõime Põhja-Iirimaa töörühma, mille eesmärk oli kõnealust piirkonda Euroopa poliitikasse paremini kaasata ja piirkonnale sellest kasu tuua ning anda oma panus püsiva rahu, majandusliku arengu, majanduskasvu ja töökohtade taastamise jõupingutustele. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Euroopa ühendamise rahastu oli veel üks selline uuendus, mille puhul rõhutati transpordi-, energia- ja digitaalsektorite üleeuroopaliste võrkude kontseptsiooni, mis tõstis selgelt esile lisaväärtuse, mille ELi eelarve võib võrkudes esinevate ning liikmesriikide eelarvest rahastamisele mitte kuuluvate oluliste probleemide lahendamisse tuua. Galileo on veel üks oluline näide sellest, mida ainult ELi ja liikmesriikide ühiste jõupingutustega on võimalik saavutada. Ning isegi kui digitaalvaldkonnas, mille olulisust rõhutasin eelnevalt oma otsusega luua eraldi digitaalarengu asepresidendi ametikoht, puudus kahjuks piisavalt vahendeid, on oluline märkida, et kõnealune kontseptsioon on Euroopas täna toetust leidmas.

Vaatamata keerulistele finantstingimustele oli siiski võimalik koondada meie liikmesriike teadusuuringute eesmärgi ümber, mille tulemusel suurenesid uue teadusprogrammi „Horisont 2020” kaudu kulutused selles valdkonnas

30 30% ligikaudu 80 miljardile eurole (mis muudab selle üheks maailma kõige olulisemaks teadustöö rahastamise projektiks), ning veenda liikmesriike suurendama rahastamist programmile „Loov Euroopa”, mis hõlmab tõhustatud programme Erasmus, Erasmus+ ja Meedia, mis annavad seega konkreetse tähenduse meie väljendatud prioriteedile saavutada strateegia „Euroopa 2020” raames teadmistepõhine majandus. Oluline valdkond, millele pühendasin palju isiklikku tähelepanu, oli teadus- ja uurimistegevus. Sellest annavad tunnistust näiteks uute rahastamisvahendite, nagu palju tunnustust saanud Euroopa Teadusnõukogu toetamiseks loodud Euroopa Innovatsiooni- ja Tehnoloogiainstituut, ning Euroopa osalus sellistes projektides nagu rahvusvaheline katsetermotuumareaktor.

Läbirääkimiste üldist atmosfääri mõjutas ka eriti keeruline küsimus, mis hõlmas mõnede liikmesriikide katseid nõuda kokkuhoidu Euroopa avaliku teenistuse töötingimuste arvelt. Me mõistsime säästmise vajadust ning tõepoolest esitasime alates 2004. aastast ulatuslikke säästumeetmeid. Kuid ma seisin vastu liikmesriikide kõigile katsetele muuta ELi personalieeskirju küsimustes, mis oleks nõrgestanud institutsioonide suutlikkust täita oma eesmärke. Isegi Euroopa Komisjoni seisukohti teataval määral toetavad liikmesriigid pidid suunama oma tähelepanu siseriiklikele probleemidele ning vältisid läbirääkimiskapitali raiskamist ELi institutsioonide kaitsele. Seetõttu jäi minu õlule pidada sageli väga elavaid debatte ning mitte seada ohtu üha suuremate ülesannete ees seisvate Euroopa institutsioonide kvaliteeti ja tõhusust.

Olen arvamusel, et ELi eelarve moderniseerimine peab ajahambale vastu ning seda hakatakse vaatlema kui olulist uuendust. ELi eelarve on oma mahult tilk liikmesriikide eelarvete meres ning loodetavasti hakkab see aja jooksul kasvama. Minu ametiajal kahest läbirääkimiste voorust saadud kogemuste põhjal võime EESSÕNA

öelda, et oleme suutnud muuta eelarve moodsaks investeerimiseelarveks, mis on suunatud majanduskasvule ja töökohtade loomisele ning mis täiendab korrektselt liikmesriikide eelarveid, keskendudes pigem Euroopa mõõtmele ega ole asendusallikaks siseriiklike kulude kandmisel.

Finants- ja riigivõlakriis

On ütlematagi selge, et viimasel viiel aastal oli Euroopale kõige suuremaks väljakutseks finants-, majandus- ja sotsiaalkriis.

Kuid ärgem unustagem, et meie majanduse kasvunumbrid olid madalad juba enne kriisi. Esimene programm, mille ma esitasin komisjoni presidendina 2005. aasta alguses, käsitles juba majanduskasvu ja töökohtade loomist ning see rõhutas kindlalt reformivajadust.

Sellele järgnes Lissaboni strateegia läbivaatamine, kuna see oli kaotanud 31 suurema osa oma algsest särast ega olnud enam eriti usaldusväärne, strateegia hõlmas liiga palju erinevaid eesmärke ning selles esines juhtimisprobleeme. Nendele probleemidele juhiti tähelepanu juba 2004. aasta sügisel avaldatud Koki aruandes. Seetõttu tulime välja uuendatud Lissaboni strateegiaga ning seejärel minu teisel ametiajal strateegiaga „Euroopa 2020”, eesmärgiga saavutada jätkusuutlik, arukas ja kaasav majanduskasv. Kõnealune strateegia on majanduslike eesmärkide osas fokusseeritum ning sobib liikmesriikides vastutustunde tekitamiseks paremini. See pakkus võrdluspunkti paljudele teistele strateegiatele, näiteks sellele, kuidas me kasutame ELi eelarvet, või meie otsusele moderniseerida strateegiaid osana terviklikust lähenemisviisist majanduskasvule, nagu traditsioonilise kalanduspoliitika reform ajakohastatud merenduspoliitika raames.

Finants- ja riigivõlakriisist tulenev tohutu surve ja probleemid tõmbasid poliitilise ja meedia tähelepanu mõnevõrra kõrvale vajadusest viia läbi struktuuri- ja konkurentsivõimereform, seda vaatamata pidevale rõhuasetusele, mida komisjon ja teised, eelkõige OECD panid kõnealusele küsimusele. Kuid praegu me näeme, et reformide abil saavutatava majanduskasvu ja töökohtade loomise Euroopa juhtmotiiv oli erinevates pühendumusastmetes kogu aeg olemas. Me näeme, et liikmesriigid on Euroopa Komisjoni hiljuti avaldatud majandusreformide uuringu andmetel paljud nimetatud reformid ellu viinud. Riigipõhiste soovituste ja korrapäraste arutelude kaudu Euroopa Ülemkogus on suurenenud teadlikkus struktuurireformidest ja eelkõige Euroopa kulude konkurentsivõimest. Ehkki mõjusid on veel vara hinnata ning isegi kui tehtud edusammud on erinevad, paljastavad mikromajanduslikud näitajad seda, kui tõhusad on struktuurireformid. Sellest annavad tunnistust senisest paindlikum tööturg, pensionisüsteemi reformid, mis hõlmavad sageli pensionea tõstmist, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

pankade kapitali adekvaatsuse määra tõstmine, üleminek majanduskasvu soodustavatele maksudele ning ettevõtlusega alustamisele kuluva aja vähenemine. Hästi on käima läinud avaliku halduse, maksunduse ja tooteturgude reformid. Vaatamata tehtud edusammudele ei ole majandusreformid ELis veel lõpule viidud ning neid tuleks jätkata.

Reformikava ei viidud ellu ainult liikmesriikide tasandil, vaid ka Euroopa tasandil, selleks jätkati siseturu integreerimist esimese ja teise ühtse turu meetmepaketiga. Kõnealuste reformide teostamine ei kulgenud kaugeltki iseenesestmõistetavalt. Eelkõige kriisi keskel me pidime vastu seisma liikmesriikide survele, millega sooviti nõrgestada siseturu, riigiabi ja ausa konkurentsipoliitika põhimõtteid. Kuid komisjon jätkas konkurentsi- ja riigiabieeskirjade rakendamist ning kutsusin Mario Montit üles esitama aruannet edasiste meetmete kohta, mis aitas meil anda ühtsele turule uue hoo.

32 Tugevam rõhuasetus reformi sotsiaalsetele aspektidele oli selle arengu loogi­ liseks osaks. Näiteks komisjoni pühendumusest sotsiaalsetele probleemidele oli 2012. aastal loodud Euroopa abifond enim puudust kannatavate isikute jaoks, millega asendati ühenduses enim puudust kannatavatele isikutele toiduabi jaotamise programm. Sellele osutasid mõned liikmesriigid märkimisväärset vastupanu, vaieldes programmile vastu subsidiaarsuse osas. Olen mitmel korral riigi- või valitsusjuhtidele öelnud, et nad on andnud komisjonile rohkem distsiplineerivamaid volitusi kui vahendeid, millega suurendada solidaarsust.

Vastupanu sellistele algatustele oli selge ka siis, kui esitasime Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa Fondi ettepaneku, mis oli mõeldud neile, kel oli probleeme üleilmsest kaubandusest tuleneva restruktureerimise vajadusega. Muudeks näideteks meie tundlikkusest kõnealuses valdkonnas on võitlusele noorte töötusega ning kutseõppe rollile pööratud tähelepanu. Pärast mõningate nimetatud projektide külastamist, sealhulgas koos kantsler Faymanniga ka Austrias, kes hoiab kõnealuses valdkonnas esikohta, on minu veendumus ainult kasvanud.

Pühendasin palju aega ja tähelepanu ka sotsiaalpartneritele, seda alates tavalistest kolmepoolsetest kohtumistest kuni paljude mitteametlike kohtumisteni komisjonis. 2013. aasta mais kutsuti Euroopa sotsiaalpartnerid esimest korda osalema kolleegiumi tavakoosolekul. Isegi kui tööandjate ja ametiühingute seisukohad on sageli väga erinevad, ühendab neid siiski pühendumus Euroopa ideele. Meil on vedanud, et meil on sotsiaalpartnerite esindajate hulgas sellised inimesed nagu John Monks, Bernadette Ségol Euroopa Ametiühingute Konföderatsioonis ning Philippe de Buck ja Emma Marcegaglia BusinessEurope’is, keda Euroopa ideaalid innustavad tegutsema. EESSÕNA

Naljaga pooleks võib öelda, et me ei lasknud heal kriisil raisku minna. Meie esimeseks, ka G20 juhitud üleilmses makromajandusmeetmetes esitatud kriisijärgseks vastuseks oli Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava, milles tehti liikmesriikidele ja ELile ettepanek eraldada nõudluse suurendamiseks eelarvest kiiremas korras 200 miljardit eurot (1,5% SKPst). Kava lipukirjaks oli „õigeaegne, sihtotstarbeline ja ajutine”. Kõik liikmesriigid ei pidanud seda küll sihtotstarbeliseks ega ajutiseks. Tegemist oli osaga majanduslangusele suunatud terviklikust ja antitsüklilisest vastusest. Nii oli võimalik säilitada läbivaadatud stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti eelarve-eeskirjad, tunnistades, et me elame eriolukorras, samal ajal kui osa liikmesriike soovis nimetatud eeskirjadest lihtsalt loobuda. Ühtse eelarveraamistiku kõrvaleheitmine oleks olnud katastroof olukorras, kus meie majanduste vastastikune sõltuvus oli ilmsem kui kunagi varem.

Suutsime seda vältida ning Euroopa Liit on väljunud kriisist majanduse juhtimise, eelarvejärelevalve, panganduse ning finantsvaldkonna reguleerimise mõttes 33 tõepoolest palju ühtsemana. Ajavahemikku 2009–2013 iseloomustavad kõige paremini edasiviivad sammud, mis kujutavad kokkuvõtlikult endast suurimat edasiminekut Euroopa integratsioonis pärast euro loomist. Reformidega muudeti viisi, kuidas võetakse vastu Euroopa erineva majandusega riike ja finantssektoreid käsitlevaid õigusakte, kuidas teostatakse nende suhtes järelevalvet ning kuidas neid reguleeritakse.

Kriis tõi päevavalgele paljude Euroopa riikide fundamentaalsed probleemid ning jätkusuutmatud suundumused, kõrgest riigivõlast tuleneva haavatavuse, märkimisväärse makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse ning ülekanduva mõju teiste riikide majandusse.

Seetõttu tuli kõnealuste probleemide lahendamiseks teha otsustavaid samme. Ning EL suutis seda tänu kolmele peamisele sambale: finantsmehhanismide loomine euroala finantsstabiilsuse tagamiseks, majanduse juhtimise põhjalik ja laiendav reform ning meetmete võtmine finantssüsteemi parandamiseks.

Komisjon mängis kõigis kolmes nimetatud valdkonnas otsustavat rolli, esitades ettepanekuid, mis olid sageli omast ajast ees, lahendades mitte ainult kiireloomulisi probleeme, vaid esitades ka keskpika perioodi visiooni isegi siis, kui liikmesriigid ei olnud valmis neid samme veel tegema. Pidin pidevalt tõukama tagant rikkamaid liikmesriike, et nad oleksid solidaarsemad kõige haavatavamate riikidega (eriti siis, kui taotlesime Kreekale, Iirimaale ja Portugalile pikemaid tagasimaksetähtaegu ja madalamaid intressimäärasid) ning paluma, et nad võtaksid tervikliku reageerimise raames julgemaid meetmeid, kuigi ma teadsin, et ELi otsustamisprotsessi laad sundis meid järkjärgulise suurendamise poole. Selliselt tegutsedes aitas komisjon finantskriisile reageerides otsustavalt EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

kaasa euroala ja ELi olukorra päästmisele. Finants- ja majanduskriisi vältel osutus Euroopa Komisjoni roll paljudel kordadel asendamatuks, kuid teadlikult me ei afišeerinud seda avalikult: me pidime näitama valjuhäälsete nõudmiste ees ülereageerivate turgude volatiilsuse tõttu üles vastutustundlikkust.

Pühapäeval, 9. mail 2010 võttis komisjon vastu ettepaneku, millega loodi Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanism, et anda ELi eelarvest finantsabi euroala hättasattunud liikmesriikidele. Sellele eelnesid euroala riikide juhtidega reedel toimunud pikal õhtusöögil peetud pingelised arutelud, kus me leppisime kokku, et „me kinnitame praeguses kriisis taas oma pühendumust tagada euroala stabiilsus, ühtsus ja usaldusväärsus” ning „kõik euroala institutsioonid (nõukogu, komisjon, Euroopa Keskpank) ja euroala liikmesriigid lubasid kasutada selleks kõiki olemasolevaid vahendeid.” Majandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõukogu arutas ettepanekut samal 9. mai pärastlõunal ning otsustas luua

34 euroala riikidele kaks finantsabi mehhanismi: ühendusel põhineva Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanismi, mis võiks kasutada mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku kõiki vahendeid (tollane prognoos 60 miljardit eurot), ning valitsustevahelise mehhanismi (Euroopa Finantsstabiilsuse Fond), mille aluseks on euroala riikide tagatised, mis ulatusid 440 miljardi euroni. Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanism ja Euroopa Finantsstabiilsuse Fond võeti varsti kasutusele: kõigepealt osutati sama aasta novembris finantsabi Iirimaale ning 2011. aasta kevadel Portugalile. Nii Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanism kui ka Euroopa Finantsstabiilsuse Fond olid ajutised meetmed. Kolm aastat hiljem asendati need komisjoni kaasabil Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanismiga, mille puhul on tegemist 500 miljardit eurot hõlmava alalise kriisilahendusmehhanismiga, mille aluseks on juba komisjoni esialgsesse ettepanekusse kirjutatud põhimõtted.

Kuid ainuüksi finantssektori kaitsemeetmete loomisest ei piisanud.Majanduse juhtimise süsteem tuli ümber teha, et vältida tulevikus sarnase kriisi kordumist. 12. mail 2010, ainult kolm päeva pärast finantssektori kaitsemeetmeid käsitleva teedrajava ettepaneku esitamist, avaldas komisjon teatise majanduspoliitika koordineerimise edendamise kohta ning 30. mail teatise „Majanduspoliitika parem koordineerimine aitab suurendada stabiilsust, elavdada majanduskasvu ja luua enam töökohti – ELi majandusjuhtimise tõhustamise hoovad”. Kõnealuses kahes teatises esitati tulevase majanduse juhtimise paketi põhimõtted, millele lisandus 2011. aasta novembris komisjoni poolt vastu võetud teine majanduse juhtimise pakett. Need paketid moodustavad praeguse ELi majanduse juhtimise süsteemi, seda eelkõige euroala puhul. Paketid hõlmavad stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetusliku osa tõhustamist, parandusliku osa rakendamise kiirendamist poolautomaatses otsustusprotsessis, järelevalve laiendamist eelarvevälistele valdkondadele makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetluse kaudu ning euroala eelarvejärelevalve tõhustamist. EESSÕNA

Juba 2008. aasta mais hoiatati aruandes EMU@10 finantsmäärusega seoses „ebatõhususest järelevalve ja finantskriisi juhtimise raamistikus, viidates võimalikule ebapädevale reageeringule negatiivsete mõjude suhtes integreeritud finantssüsteemis.” Ent tollal puudus soov tegutseda. Nii etkui kriis jõudis 2008. aasta oktoobris meieni, me võtsime koheseid meetmeid inimeste säästude kaitsmiseks, hoiuste väljavoolu vältimiseks ning pankadele riikliku toetuse andmist käsitlevate ühtsete eeskirjade kehtivuse jätkumiseks ning ausa konkurentsi säilitamiseks meie siseturul. Panganduskriis näitas, et viis, kuidas pankade tegevust kogu maailmas reguleeriti ja selle üle järelevalvet teostati, ei olnud kooskõlas üha enam integreeritud kapitaliturgudega. Euroopas tähendas meie ühtne turg ja ühisraha, et olime isegi rohkem omavahel seotud kui teised. Kuid pankade järelevalve ja pankade maksejõuetusega tegelemine oli ikka suures osas siseriiklik ülesanne, mistõttu panganduskriis viiski riigivõlakriisini. Ent ma soovisin ka struktuurset reageeringut. Seetõttu palusin 2008. aasta oktoobris Jacques de Larosière’l juhtida kõrgetasemelist töörühma, mille 35 ülesandeks oli uurida lähemalt, kuidas selline asi sai juhtuda, ning teha kindlaks puudused õigusaktides ja järelevalves, mille kriis oli päevavalgele toonud. Minu poolt töörühmale antud volitustes oli selgelt sõnastatud, et „kui tahame, et finantsintegratsioon oleks süsteemse stabiilsuse ja madalamate kulude ning suurenenud konkurentsi mõttes tõhusam, on oluline kiirendada käimasolevat järelevalvereformi. Töörühmal paluti seetõttu esitada ettepanekud, millega tugevdada kõiki finantssektoreid hõlmavat Euroopa järelevalvekorda, et luua tõhusam, integreeritum ja jätkusuutlikum Euroopa järelevalvesüsteem.”

Sellest hetkest peale oleme teinud palju tööd kõnealuste puuduste kõrvaldamiseks ning võtnud vastu üle 40 õigusakti, et muuta pankade olukord kindlamaks, tagada, et põhilised osapooled, nagu riskifondid ning reitinguagentuurid ja samuti elutähtsad infrastruktuurid, nagu kesksed vastaspooled, oleksid koondatud regulatiivse järelevalve raamesse, eesmärgiga heita valgust keerukatele kauplemistavadele ning parandada tarbijakaitset. Enamik kõnealustest ette­ panekutest vormiti õigusaktideks rekordkiirusel.

Minu eesmärk oli kasutada võimalust ja rõhutada, mis oli vajalik tõelise pangandusliidu loomiseks. Ning tõepoolest, komisjon juba kasutas terminit „pangandusliit” oma 30. mai 2012. aasta teatises, kui teised olid kogu sellele ideele vastu või nõustusid kõige rohkem uduse „finantsstabiilsuse raamistikuga“. Üks riigijuht ütles mulle, et ma ei tohiks kasutada väljendit „pangandusliit”, sest aluslepingutes seda ei ole. Nagu ütlesin samal ajal ajalehe Financial Times veergudel (ajalehe esikülje pealkiri oli „Barroso eesmärk on ELi pangandusliit”, 12. juuni 2012): „Euroopa projekt on alati sammhaaval edasi liikunud. Me võime jätkata sammhaaval, aga nüüd me peame tegema väga suure sammu. Euroopa kas teeb sammu edasi või tekib suur killustatuse oht.” Me oleme EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

sellisele põhjalikuma lähenemisviisi rakendamiseks kogunud poliitilist toetust ning oleme selle tegelikkuses elluviimiseks esitanud õigusaktide ettepanekuid.

Kooskõlas meie ilmse omavahelise seotusega olid üheks kriisi poolt esile tõstetud aspektiks puudused juhtimissüsteemis, mistõttu ohjati tegevust Euroopa tasandi asemel hoopis kohalikul tasandil. Komisjon oli näiteks juba 2004. aasta detsembris, pärast seda, kui selgus, et Kreeka oli süstemaatiliselt teatanud oma eelarvepuudujäägi ja riigivõla kohta valeandmeid ning Eurostatil puudusid volitused selle kontrollimiseks, võtnud vastu teatise valitsemissektori statistika kohta. Komisjon esitas ettepanekud, millega hakati hiljem nõukogus viivitama ja mille olulised osad ei leidnud toetust. Alles kaheksa aastat hiljem, pärast Kreeka mulli purunemist olid liikmesriigid 2012. aasta detsembris nõus meie ettepanekutega Eurostati volituste märkimisväärse tugevdamise kohta.

Oleme sarnast dünaamikat täheldanud majanduskasvule suunatud strateegiate 36 puhul. Esialgne Lissaboni strateegia sai kiiresti palju paberit määriva ja tühje sõnu tegeva Euroopa Liidu sünonüümiks, kus liikmesriigid tegid tegelikkuses väga vähe. Juba 2005. aasta alguses käisin ma välja ettepaneku „Lissaboni strateegia uus algus”. Nagu ma olen juba varem selgitanud, olin ma veendunud, et pinev poliitiline olukord ametiaja alguses tähendas, et komisjon pidi tulemuste saavutamisel vaeva nägema. Kui me ei oleks oma eesmärke ümber teinud ning taaskinnitanud oma pühendumust Lissaboni eesmärkidele, poleks löögi alla sattunud mitte ainult meie usaldusväärsus, vaid ka meie sotsiaalmajanduslik mudel. Me saime selgelt aru, et kui me soovisime säilitada oma sotsiaalse turumajanduse mudelit, tuli seda reformida. Tehti märkimisväärseid, kuid ebaühtlasi edusamme, ent enamiku liikmesriikide toetuse puudumise tõttu me jõudsime märgatavate edusammudeni alles pärast kriisi, kui strateegia „Euroopa 2020” koos süvendatud majandus- ja rahaliidu süsteemsete juhtimisreformidega tõi kaasa edu ning andis meie majanduslikule lähenemisviisile varasemast puudunud jõu ja sihi. Komisjonile oli kogu kriisi vältel selge, et eelarve konsolideerimine, struktuurireformid ja suunatud investeeringud mängivad Euroopat ohustavate probleemide lahendamisel otsustavat rolli ning neid tuli teostada samaaegselt. Komisjon nõudis, et liikmesriigid ühendaksid konsolideerimise ja investeeringud ning keskenduksid kulude kvaliteedile, järgides samal ajal eelarve-eeskirju. Esitasime ambitsioonika majanduskasvule suunatud mitmeaastase eelarve ning tegime ettepaneku kaaluda kõiki võimalikke olemasolevaid vahendeid ning luua isegi uusi. Nagu ma ütlesin 2011. aastal Euroopa Parlamendi ees peetud kõnes Euroopa Liidu olukorra kohta, peaksid valitsused toetama komisjoni ettepanekuid „ELi projektivõlakirjade kohta ja rakendamine katseprojektide kaudu” või „Euroopa Investeerimispanga vahendite ja kapitalibaasi tõhustamine, et seda oleks võimalik reaalmajandusele välja laenata”. Aega läks, aga lõpuks kiitsid liikmesriigid need ettepanekud heaks. EESSÕNA

Komisjon oli taaskord Euroopa poliitikat vedav mootor. Kuid see oleks võimatu ilma Euroopa muude osapoolte toetavate ja jõuliste meetmeteta ettepanekute elluviimisel. See on alati nii olnud ja seda eriti viimastel aastatel. Lootkem, et praegu loodavad tingimused võimaldavad ettepanekute esitamisel tekkiva vastupanu ületada.

Komisjoni suhted peamiste partneritega on tugevnenud, seda kõige enam Euroopa Keskpangaga. Kriisi igas olulisemas punktis viimase viie aasta jooksul on komisjon ja Euroopa Keskpank teinud koostööd, jagades põhimõtteliselt samu seisukohti ning austades üksteise erinevaid rolle. Olen Jean-Claude Trichet’ ja Mario Draghiga jaganud arvamust, et hinnastabiilsusest lähtuv rahapoliitika eeldab asjakohaselt konsolideeritud eelarvet ning struktuurireforme. Olen korduvalt vastupidiselt mõnede riigi- või valitsusjuhtide arvamusele nõudnud, et Euroopa Keskpanga sõltumatust tuleb austada. Euroopa Keskpank on

ära teeninud tunnustuse oma töö eest Euroopas stabiilsuse taastamisel, seda 37 eelkõige kõigepealt väärtpaberituruprogrammi loomise kaudu 2010. aasta mais. Seejärel aga 2012. aasta juulis põhimõtte „teha kõik, mis nende võimuses” kasutamise ning rahapoliitiliste otsetehingute võimaldamise kaudu. Kuid Euroopa Keskpank sai need sõltumatud otsused teha seetõttu, et tingimused selleks olid juba loodud. Et need otsused saaksid võimalikuks, tuli kehtestada majanduse juhtimise süsteem, et oleks tagatud liikmesriikide eelarvete kordaseadmine, nende makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse kõrvaldamine, konkurentsivõime tõstmine reformide kaudu, ning hädasolevate riikide jaoks olid olemas vahendid ning kaasnevad kohandamiskavad andsid juba tulemusi. Komisjon on kogu kriisi vältel nõudnud eelarve konsolideerimise ja struktuurireformide ning sihtotstarbeliste investeeringute teostamist ning lisaks sellele üldisemalt veel euroala juhtimise reformi. Mul on hea meel märkida, et Euroopa Keskpank oli sama nõudlik kui meiegi, kui ta palus liikmesriikidel eespool nimetatud eesmärkide saavutamisel oma kahtlustest üle olla.

Kuigi Euroopa Keskpank on sõltumatu, ei võta ta oma otsuseid vastu teistest eraldi, vaid on osa süsteemist: euroala poliitika kujundamise süsteemist. Ilma kaugeleulatuvate juhtimis- ja poliitikareformideta ega 2012. aasta juunis toimunud euroala tippkohtumiseta, kus riigi- või valitsusjuhid kinnitasid pärast väga pikki ja pingelisi arutelusid kindlat pühendumust teha kõik vajalik euroala finantsstabiilsuse tagamiseks, eelkõige kasutades olemasolevaid EFSFi/ESMi vahendeid paindlikul ja tõhusal viisil, et stabiliseerida turge nende liikmesriikide jaoks, kes peavad kinni oma riigipõhistest soovitustest ja muudest kohustustest, sealhulgas oma vastavatest ajakavadest Euroopa poolaasta, stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ning makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetluse raames, ei oleks Mario Draghi võib-olla olnud suuteline esitama oma märgilist avaldust 2012. aasta juulis. Euroopa Keskpanka kritiseeriti väga sageli, seda just „õiget joont” EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

hoidvate sektorite poolt, kes ei mõistnud vajadust reageerida väga erakorralistele oludele ebatavaliste meetmetega. Ma pidin keskpanga rolli mitmel korral kaitsma, näiteks väitsin 2012. aasta septembris Euroopa Parlamendi ees peetud kõnes Euroopa Liidu olukorra kohta: „Euroala stabiilsuse tagamine on liikmesriikide ja ühenduse institutsioonide ühine ülesanne. Euroopa Keskpank ei saa ega hakka liikmesriike rahastama. Samas leiab komisjon, et kui rahakanalid ei toimi, võib Keskpank vajaduse piires sekkuda, näiteks riigivõlakirjade järelturgudel. Rahapoliitika usaldusväärsuse taastamine ei ole ju mitte ainult Euroopa Keskpanga õigus, vaid lausa kohustus.”

Kriisi üks kõige olulisematest mõjudest oli just kõnealuse süsteemi tõhustamine mitte ainult uute õigusaktide abil, vaid ka poliitika kujundamise protsessi kaudu, kus Euroopa Keskpanga ja komisjoni koos võetud seisukohtadel oli vajaliku konsensuse saavutamisel otsustav tähtsus. Selle ilmekaks näiteks on

38 nn nelja presidendi aruande koostamisprotsess, mille tulemuseks oli euroala tippkohtumine, kus kutsuti nõukogu eesistujat tihedas koostöös komisjoni, eurorühma ja Euroopa Keskpanga presidentidega töötama välja tõelise majandus- ja rahaliidu saavutamiseks vajalikku konkreetset tähtaegadega seotud töökava. Mul on heameel märkida, et iga kord, kui Euroopa Keskpanga president kutsuti Euroopa Ülemkogule, väljendasid tema sõnavõtud täielikku toetust komisjoni välja pakutud üldisele lähenemisviisile.

Vaadates tagasi minu ametiaja viimasele viiele aastale, tuleb mainida, kui märkimisväärsed on Euroopa Komisjonile majanduse, eelarve- ja finantsjärelevalve valdkonnas antud volitused ja ülesanded. Vajadus tuua kõnealused volitused Euroopa tasandile olid ilmseks saanud, kuna kriis näitas, et liikmesriigid on omavahelises sõltuvuses. Ülekanduv mõju oli selge ning see aitas meil saavutada majanduse juhtimise senisest integreeritumat süsteemi, milles komisjon saab liikmesriikidest sõltumatu institutsioonina tagada, et majanduspoliitikat käsitatakse tõepoolest ühise eesmärgina.

Usun siiralt, et Euroopa Liit väljub kriisist tugevamana kui kunagi varem. See võib tunduda paradoksaalne ajal, kui osa avalikust arvamusest ja Euroopa Parlamendist on üha selgemalt ja valjuhäälsemalt euroskeptiline. Kuid me peaksime järelduste tegemiseks nägema kogupilti, mitte väikest killukest. ELi vastupanuvõime ja leidlikkus kriisiga tegelemisel on teeninud meile teiste austuse. Tegemist on radikaalse pöördega võrreldes esialgse ja väga tuntava skepsisega, mida mina ja mu Euroopa kolleegid pidid kriisi algfaasis taluma, kui G20 kohtumistel mitu kolmandat riiki, kelledest mõnedel olid omad majanduslikud ja sotsiaalsed nõrkused, ei suutnud ahvatlusele vastu panna ning kritiseerisid meie kriisile reageerimist. EESSÕNA

Juhtpositsioon kliima- ja energiavaldkonnas

Euroopa uuenenud poliitilise hoo veel üheks oluliseks saavutuseks oli kliima- ja energiapakett.

2007. aastal kliimamuutuse ja energiaküsimuste kohta koostatud ettepanekute paketti nähti kohe kui kõige olulisemat panust võitluses kliimamuutuse vastu. Nüüd on paketil laialdane tunnustus. See oli oluline geostrateegilises mõttes, aga ka selle poolest, kuidas me ühendasime ida ja lääne ning muutsime keskkonnateema käsitlemist poliitilise küsimusena. Veensime keskkonnakaitsjaid mõistma, et muutused on majanduslikult põhjendatud, ning pingutasime selle nimel, et tööstus tunnistaks kliimasõbraliku uuendustegevuse ja investeerimise majanduslikku mõttekust. Kliimamuutuse ja energiapakett aitas ELil asuda selle teema vedamisel maailmas liidrirolli ja seeläbi saime

komisjonis luua tingimused, tänu millele võeti vastu Euroopa julged 20-20-20 39 eesmärgid. See osutus võimalikuks seetõttu, et laiendasime keskkonnapoliitika ulatust, sidudes omavahel meie kõige olulisemad keskkonnaeesmärgid ja tundlikud probleemid nendes liikmesriikides, kes olid ennekõike mures oma energiajulgeoleku pärast, kuna nad sõltuvad Venemaast. Ukraina 2006.-2007. aasta gaasikriisi võib pidada tulevaste sündmuste märgiks. Algatused nagu lõunapoolne gaasikoridor – mille nimel pingutasime koos president Alijeviga kõvasti, et allkirjastada deklaratsioon 2011. aasta jaanuaris Aserbaidžaanis, ja jätkasime tööd ka pärast seda – on sellest ajast peale paremini käima läinud ning muutunud strateegiliselt palju olulisemaks. Hiljutised probleemid meie poliitilise ja sõjalise julgeoleku valdkonnas lükkavad neile veelgi suurema hoo sisse, mis tähendab, et energiajulgeoleku teema tugevdab meie üldist kliimamuutuse tegevuskava varasemast veelgi enam.

Euroopa Komisjonil oli kliima- ja energiapaketiga tegelemisel võimalus näidata end kõige paremast küljest, kuna sellega olid seotud paljud poliitikavaldkonnad keskkonnast energiani, arvesse tuli võtta poliitiliste alternatiivide majanduslikke tagajärgi ja teostatavust ning probleemide lahendamiseks olid vajalikud eriteadmised ja poliitiliste kokkulepete sõlmimise oskus. Eesmärgi saavutamisel oli äärmiselt oluline, et eesistujariik Suurbritannia toetas kogu üritust. See näitab väga hästi, kui suurt tähtsust omistan teaduspõhisele lähenemisviisile ja selle hüvedele. Kliimamuutuse ja energiapaketi jaoks lõin koos Nicholas Sterni ja teiste maailmas tunnustatud ekspertidega kliimamuutuse nõuanderühma, et meie tegevus põhineks kindlatel teaduslikel andmetel. Euroopa Komisjoni tegevuses, kus vahel peame tegema otsuseid äärmiselt keerulistes valdkondades, on sõltumatute teadlaste nõuanded hädavajalikud ja neid tuleks kasutada süstemaatilisemalt. Just seda silmas pidades lõin komisjoni presidendi teadusuuringute peanõuniku ametikoha. Kuna teaduse arenguga käivad vahel kaasas eetilised küsimused või isegi probleemid, nõustab Euroopa Komisjoni EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

selles vallas teaduse ja uute tehnoloogiate eetika Euroopa töörühm – sõltumatu, pluralistlik ja eri valdkondi esindav organ, kes on ennast selles rollis nüüdseks tõestanud.

Kõik keskkonnateemadega tegelevad inimesed suhtusid Euroopa tegevusse positiivselt. Vähemuses olevad kliimamuutuse eitajad jäid erandiks, mis kinnitab reeglit. Kuid kahjuks põrkusid meie püüdlused tolle aja reaalsusega, kui kaks kõige suuremat saastajat Ameerika Ühendriigid ja Hiina ei olnud valmis siduvat kokkulepet sõlmima. Ehkki Euroopa avalikkus nõustus 20- 20-20 eesmärkide täitmisega 2020. aastaks, loodeti nende rakendamisel tekkivatele raskustele vaatamata, et teised võtavad sellest eeskuju, ning tundsid end petetuna, kui seda ei juhtunud. Kopenhaageni 2009. aasta tippkohtumine osutus suureks pettumuseks, sest ülemaailmne kliimamuutusevastane võitlus ei edenenud. Sisuliselt seisime silmitsi Hiina ja Ameerika Ühendriikide väikseimal

40 ühisel nimetajal põhineva liiduga. President Obamal oli õigus, kui ta ütles, et edasiminekust ei piisa, kui selgub, et tärkava turumajandusega riigid ei toimi samuti. Sellele vaatamata peeti tippkohtumist ELi eesmärkide lüüasaamiseks. Ka mina olin mingil määral pettunud ning ELi esindajatena koos peaminister Reinfeldtiga, kes oli sel ajal nõukogu eesistuja, väljendasime oma arvamust tippkohtumise tulemuste kohta üsna avameelselt. Tõsi on see, et kokkuleppele jõuda on lihtne, kui oled valmis leppima tagasihoidlike tulemustega. Selleks et võidelda suurema eesmärgi nimel, on rohkem julgust vaja. Me ei saavutanud oma eesmärke, kuigi olime Kopenhaagenis vaidluses õigel poolel ja peame endale tunnistama, et realistlikult võttes ei olnud tingimused sel ajal lihtsalt soodsad. Edasine areng näitas, et seda küsimust ei saanud tähelepanuta jätta. Nüüd on Hiinas ja Ameerika Ühendriikides hakatud kliimamuutuse teemale uuesti tähelepanu pöörama.

Euroopa pingutab maailmas endiselt kõige rohkem, ka nüüd, mil käimas on arutelud energia- ja kliimameetmete raamistiku üle 2030. aastaks ja meie

ettepaneku üle vähendada CO2-heidet selleks ajaks 40% võrra, ning EL püüab ressursitõhususe ettepanekutesse koondada mitut poliitikavaldkonda. Nii kliimamuutus kui ka energiajulgeolek ei ole kunagi varem päevakavas nii olulisel kohal olnud. Nüüd tagasi vaadates on selgemalt näha, miks oli see muutus nii oluline ja nii märkimisväärne ühtemoodi vanade ja uute liikmesriikide jaoks. Ning see muutus on püsiv. Euroopa Liidu sisestest ja rahvusvahelistest erimeelsustest kannustatuna korraldasime revolutsiooni kliimamuutuse- ja energiapoliitikateemalises mõtlemises ja arutelude pidamises.

Kliimamuutuse- ja energiapaketis on väga selgelt näha, millised on peamised jooned minu lähenemisviisis Euroopa poliitikale: komisjon, kes tegeleb oluliste strateegiliste küsimustega ja esitab poliitilisi ettepanekuid, mis on üheaegselt EESSÕNA

kaugeleulatuvad ja realistlikud ning mis võimaldavad Euroopa Liidul olla ühtne, avatud ja tugev.

Õigusriigi põhimõtte järgimine

Euroopa on midagi kaugelt enamat kui ainult turg – see on inimväärikusele, vabadusele, võrdsusele ja solidaarsusele tuginevate väärtushinnangutega ühendus. Tugev Euroopa peab olema kindlalt rajatud õigusriigi põhimõttele, mis on üks Euroopa Liidu aluspõhimõtteid. Komisjon on viimase kümne aasta jooksul õigusküsimuste ja siseasjade valdkonnas palju ära teinud ning need saavutused vormivad Euroopa Liitu järgmise mitmekümne aasta jooksul.

Ametiaja päris alguses tegime otsuse, et kõik seadusandlikud ettepanekud peavad olema kooskõlas põhiõiguste hartaga, mis sel ajal ei olnud täielikult aluslepingute osa nagu praegu. Lissaboni lepinguga võttis EL kohustuse 41 ühineda Euroopa inimõiguste konventsiooniga ja komisjoni juhtimisel on sellealastes läbirääkimistes jõutud juba märkimisväärselt kaugele. Kodanike õiguste tugevdamiseks on tehtud ettepanekuid ka näiteks tarbija õiguste ja isikuandmete kaitse valdkonnas, kus komisjon on nii ELi siseselt kui ka suhetes kolmandate riikidega, eeskätt USAga, võtnud suuna reformidele, mis tagaksid inimeste eraelu puutumatuse kõrgeimal tasemel.

Viimastel aastatel oleme aga mõnes riigis näinud problemaatilisi tendentse sellistes küsimustes nagu vähemuste (nt romade) kohtlemine, kohtuvõimu sõltumatus ja massiteabevahendite mitmekesisus. Euroopa Komisjon on alati kõhklematult tegutsenud, kui tema poole on pöördutud palvega jälgida ja kaitsta õigusriigi põhimõtte järgimist, tehes vajaduse korral tihedat koostööd Euroopa Nõukogu ja selle peasekretäri Thorbjørn Jaglandiga.

Vaidlused liidu väärtushinnanguid, eeskätt õigusriigi põhimõtte järgimist ähvardavate ohtude üle teatavates liikmesriikides on selgelt näidanud, et sellistes olukordades on riikidevahelise lähenemisviisi tõhususel piirid ning et asjaosalistel on erinevad ja kaljukindlad seisukohad selles suhtes, millised lahendused on võimalikud. Komisjoni kui objektiivse ja sõltumatu vahemehe pakutavat lisaväärtust on laialdaselt tunnustatud.

Heaks näiteks on siinkohal juhtum, kus Ungari peaminister Viktor Orbán teatas Euroopa Ülemkogus sõnaselgelt, et ta ei taha kuulata teiste laua ümber istuvate peaministrite kahepoolset kriitikat, kuid on valmis arvesse võtma Euroopa Komisjoni seisukohta, mis on kindlasti õiglane ja objektiivne ning kajastab ELi ühiseid väärtushinnanguid. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Selles valdkonnas ilmnevad valitsustevahelise meetodi piirid ehk kõige teravamalt, sest kunagi ei ole võimalik veenda kõiki valitsusi, et antud hinnangud põhinevad võrdväärsusel ja objektiivsusel, mitte aga tugevusel ja mõjuvõimul. Ainult komisjoni, kellel on suured kogemused ELi õiguse kohaldamisel, suhtutakse piisava usaldusega, et ta saab aidata väga tundlikes küsimustes konsensusele jõuda. Sellepärast on kõik valitsused ja isegi Euroopa Parlament sellistes olukordades ikka ja jälle komisjoni poole pöördunud.

Minu ametiaja lõpupoole võttis komisjon vastu raamistiku õigusriigi põhimõtte kaitseks liidus, millega on ette nähtud, kuidas komisjon sekkub varakult ja läbipaistvalt tõsise ja süsteemse ohu korral, et õigusriigi põhimõtet mõnes liikmesriigis rikutakse, kasutades menetlust, mis hõlmab järjestikuste etappidena hinnangut, dialoogi ja soovitusi ohu süvenemise ärahoidmiseks. See täiendab komisjoni õigust algatada rikkumismenetlusi ning lisaks on kriiside

42 lahendamiseks ja ELi põhimõtete järgimise tagamiseks võimalik viimase abinõuna kohaldada Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklit 7.

Tänapäeval kasutab üha rohkem Euroopa kodanikke ja ettevõtjaid oma õigust elada, töötada ja tegelda ettevõtlusega hoolimata riigipiiridest. Neid õigusi ja nendega kaasnevaid võimalusi üksikisikute ja ettevõtjate jaoks ei tohiks pidada iseenesestmõistetavaks.

Viimase kümne aasta jooksul on komisjoni ettepanekutega loodud Euroopa õigusruum, nii et kodanikud ja ettevõtjad saavad olla kindlad, et neil on kõikjal liidus võimalik tulemuslikult kohtusse pöörduda. Vastu on võetud üle kahekümne seadusandliku akti, mis koostoimes tagavad, et liikmesriikide kohtud teevad omavahel paremini koostööd piiriüleste asjade lahendamisel, mis mõjutavad nii kodanikke kui ka ettevõtjaid.

Vaba liikumise valdkonnas saavutas komisjon selle, et 2007. aasta detsembris kaotati kontrollid sisepiiridel veel üheksas liikmesriigis. Praegu elab Schengeni alal üle 400 miljoni inimese. Enamik Euroopa kodanikke, kes kolivad teise liikmesriiki, teevad seda õppimise või töötamise eesmärgil. Tähtis on aga see, et seda olulist õigust, mis on ühisturu toimimise eelduseks ja mida kodanikud peavad ELi üheks suurimaks saavutuseks, ei seataks kahtluse alla – seepärast aitab komisjon liikmesriikidel võidelda ka vaba liikumise õiguse kuritarvitustega.

Teine huvitav näide komisjoni rollist ausa vahemehena on see, kui Suurbritannia ja Hispaania valitsuse vahel tekkisid lahkhelid seoses inimeste ja kaupade vaba liikumisega läbi Gibraltari. Peaminister David Cameron helistas mulle ning kasutades meie kontakte mõlemas valitsuses (ma rääkisin ka peaminister EESSÕNA

Mariano Rajoyga) ja lähtudes meie soovitustest leidsime praktilise lahenduse, mis oli liidu õigusega täielikult kooskõlas.

Õigus Euroopa piires vabalt liikuda ei tohi aga seada ohtu teisi põhiõigusi. Seepärast on komisjon võtnud täiendavaid meetmeid tagamaks, et avalikku julgeolekut ei rikuta, hoolitsedes selle eest, et politsei- ja kriminaalkohtuasutused kogu Euroopas teevad tõhusat koostööd. Arengu ühe näitena võib tuua tõsiste kuritegude puhul välja antava Euroopa vahistamismääruse, mis asendab varasemaid keerukaid ja aeganõudvaid väljaandmiskokkuleppeid liikmesriikide vahel. Teiseks näiteks on valitsustevahelise Prümi koostöö integreerimine ühenduse raamistikku, mis annab politseile võimaluse võrrelda DNA- ja sõrmejäljeandmeid teistes riikides salvestatud andmetega, mis aitab ära hoida selliseid raskeid kuritegusid ja terroriakte nagu traagilised pommirünnakud Madridis ja Londonis 2004.-2005. aastal. Inimkaubanduse ja laste seksuaalse kuritarvitamise vastu võitleme nüüdisaegse digitaalmaailma vajadustele 43 kohandatud tugevama õigusraamistiku abil. Oleme teinud ettepaneku luua Euroopa Prokuratuur, et tagada kõikide ELi eelarvet kahjustavate pettusejuhtumite põhjalik uurimine.

Komisjon on teinud ettepaneku välispiiri kontrolli ühiste standardite kohta ja soovitanud tugevdada Euroopa Liidu Liikmesriikide Välispiiril Tehtava Operatiivkoostöö Juhtimise Euroopa Agentuuri (Frontex) suutlikkust abistada liikmesriike välispiiride haldamisel, et seista vastu suuri probleeme kaasatoovale ebaseaduslikule rändele ja eeskätt tegelda olukorraga Vahemere piirkonnas. Unustada ei saa traagilisi sündmusi Lampedusas 2013. aasta oktoobris, kus hukkus üle 350 inimese, kes üritasid jõuda Euroopasse lootuses uuele ja paremale elule. See juhtum illustreerib ja sümboliseerib raskusi, millega üksikutel liikmesriikidel tuleb globaliseeruvas maailmas seoses rändeküsimustega hakkama saada. See suunas meid selles valdkonnas tegema veelgi suuremaid jõupingutusi. Oleme selliste probleemide lahendamiseks välja töötanud tervikliku strateegia, milles soovitatakse võtta konkreetseid meetmeid seoses kolmandate riikidega tehtava koostööga, seoses piirkondliku kaitse, ümberasustamise ja tugevdatud seadusliku rändega, seoses võitlusega inimkaubanduse ja organiseeritud kuritegevuse vastu, seoses merepiiride korraliku haldamise ja parema jälgimisega ning seoses solidaarsusega nende liikmesriikide suhtes, kus rändesurve on kõige suurem. Kahjuks osutavad hiljutised sündmused meie lõunanaabruses sellele, et jätkub nende inimeste voog, kes on valmis Vahemere ületamiseks eluga riskima ja sageli jätavad nad seda tehes elu, ning sellele, et rändeküsimus selles piirkonnas saab lähiaastatel riikidevahelise solidaarsuse proovikiviks.

Komisjoni pühendumine põhiõiguste kaitsele selliste keerukate ja poliitiliselt tundlike sündmuste käigus oli kõigutamatu. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Õigem õigusloome

„Suured lahendused suurtes asjades” tundub loomulik, kuid leida väikeseid lahendusi väikestes asjades ei ole nii lihtne. Kogu oma ametisoleku jooksul olen püüdnud suunata komisjoni energiat Euroopa strateegiliste prioriteetide ja probleemidega tegelemisele. Samal ajal on komisjon teinud palju selleks, et leevendada halduskoormust, võttes vastu arvult vähem, kuid paremaid õigusakte. EList on tihti raske aru saada ja ta sekkub liiga palju. See ei tee ettevõtjate elu lihtsamaks ega suurenda alati populaarsust kodanike hulgas. Olen alati teadnud, et ei ole kaugeltki lihtne pöörata ringi ülisuurt tankerit, mis on programmeeritud automaatselt uusi õigusakte tootma. Kuid poliitiline olukord 2004. aastal, mida kirjeldasin eespool, veenis mind, et selles küsimuses on vaja midagi ette võtta. Minu tähelepanekud sel teemal said alguses üsna jaheda vastuvõtu osaliseks. Näiteks Euroopa Parlamendis, kus enamik erakondi

44 ja rühmitusi kaldub loomuomaselt eelistama õigusaktide rohkust, sest nad näevad selles võimalust oma mõjuvõimu suurendada. Samuti pidas see paika komisjoni enda kohta, kus üks kõrgema taseme peadirektor, kellega olin varem seda küsimust arutanud, teatas mulle viisakalt, kuid otsekoheselt, et sellisel juhul tuleks komisjon saata sundpuhkusele.

Kõikjal Euroopa poliitikas, selle mitteformaalsetes struktuurides, Euroopa institutsioonide juures tegutsevates huvirühmades või vabaühendustes kanti see maha kui Euroopale huvi mittepakkuv, nagu tähendaks õigusaktide suurem arv seda, et oleme sellevõrra rohkem eurooplased. Ma ei ole sellega nõus. Niisiis otsustasin 2007. aastal luua halduskoormuse küsimust käsitleva Stoiberi rühma ja tagasin, et komisjon järgiks selle järeldusi, käivitades selleks kogu aasta jooksul mitu algatust, mille eesmärk on tõkestada, vähendada bürokraatiat või see kaotada. Viimase viie aasta jooksul on peaaegu 6000 õigusakti kehtetuks tunnistatud. Bürokraatia vähendamisega oleme ELi ettevõtjate jaoks säästnud 41 miljardit eurot. Praegu saame öelda, et selline mõtlemine on Euroopa ringkondades muutunud harjumuspäraseks. Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programmiga oleme viinud selle uuele tasandile. Kaalume pidevalt oma tegevuse haldusmõju, püüame esmajärjekorras leida tegutsemiseks parima viisi ning kontrollime süstemaatiliselt kehtivaid õigusakte.

Liikmesriikidele see mõte meeldis, kuid sageli arvati, et seda kohaldatakse vaid Euroopa ja mitte nende suhtes. Suurbritannia järjestikused valitsused on bürokraatia vähendamise kavasse kahtlemata oma jälje jätnud, vahel viisil, mis tundus olevat pigem Euroopa-vastane, kuid mina leian, et see oli kõikide valitsustasandite, sh ELi tasandi (kuid mitte ainult) ühine pingutus. Asjaolu, et EL ja komisjon olid reformi algatajad, muutis selle veelgi tähtsamaks, et ei jääks EESSÕNA

muljet, nagu tegutseks EL üksnes tagantjärele, soovimata võtta seisukohta, või mängiks trumbid euroskeptikute kätte.

Praegu tundub irooniline see, et mõned Euroopa juhtfiguurid, kes omal ajal bürokraatia vähendamise algatust ei toetanud, nõuavad nüüd igal võimalusel vähem, lihtsamat ja odavamat õigusloomet. Tegelikult oli nii, et suurem osa Euroopa Parlamendi poliitilisi jõude seisid suurema osa mu ametiajast lihtsustamispingutustele vastu. Igal juhul on mul hea meel näha, et idee, mille esitasin 2013. aasta kõnes Euroopa Liidu olukorrast, et Euroopa peab olema „suurte asjade puhul suur ja väiksemate asjade puhul väiksem”, hakkab vähehaaval konsensuse osaks saama. Vähemalt teoreetiliselt on see nii. Peame olema valvsad ja jälgima, mis hakkab järgnevatel aastatel tegelikult toimuma. Teisest küljest on see minu meelest üks vastupidav idee, mis on Euroopa igal juhul tugevamaks muutnud. Olen seepärast tänulik mitte ainult David

Cameroni ja Angela Merkeli suguste juhtide jõupingutuste eest, vaid mu tänu 45 kuulub ka reformikava suhtes aktiivselt tegutsenud peaministritele alates Ruttest kuni Reinfeldtini ja Ansipist Kataiseni.

Kokkuvõte Nüüd, kus on käes mu viimased tööpäevad Berlaymonti hoone 13. korrusel ja valmistun komisjoni presidendi võrreldamatut missiooni üle andma Jean- Claude Junckerile, usun siiralt, et Euroopa on võrreldes varasemaga paremini valmis vastu seisma selle sajandi väljakutsetele.

Jõuda nii kaugele ning samas elada kaasa ja korraldada liidu ajaloo suurimat laienemist, tegelda põhiseadusliku kriisi ning maailma tõsiseima finants- ja majanduskriisiga annab tunnistust meie tahte- ja meelekindlusest seista maailmajaona ühtsena.

Üle kõige pean kalliks Euroopa projekti unikaalsust ning hindan rohkem kui kunagi varem seda, kui olulised on euroopameelsed inimesed, kes seisavad selle idee eest ja kaitsevad seda. Euroopat ei saa üles ehitada nii, et eri struktuurid omavahel jagelevad – seda tuleb teha koos. Oleme toetanud õigusriigi põhimõtet ja tegutsenud ühtsemalt välissuhtluses. Oleme tugevamad institutsiooniliselt, majanduslikult ja poliitiliselt. Ehkki me ei tea, mida tulevik toob, ja kui eurokriitikute või euroskeptikute tõttu kerkivad kahtlused, tuleks meil näha selles võimalust. Euroopa poliitikute, mõtlejate ja tegutsejate tulevastel põlvkondadel on põhjus seista selle eest, millesse nad usuvad, ja veenda teisi oma seisukohtade õigsuses. „Euroopa uus narratiiv” on algatus, mille käivitasin koos Euroopa Parlamendi ning mõtte- ja loomeinimestega, et leida vastused nendele EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

küsimustele ja täita tekkinud tühimik. Algatuses kirjeldatakse Euroopat kui „moraalset ja poliitilist vastutust, mida ei pea kandma mitte ainult institutsioonid ja poliitikud, vaid ka iga eurooplane.” Kui Euroopa tahab ka edaspidi olla tugev ja elujõuline, tuleb tal oma institutsiooniline ja majanduslik tugevus kindlalt siduda intellektuaalse ja rahvast kaasakiskuva poliitilise püsivusega, sest Euroopa on ka kultuuriprojekt. Kuigi kahtlemata on inimesi, kes näevad seda üksnes enda majandushuvide kontekstis, on ka palju neid, kes usuvad Euroopasse hingeliselt ja kindlalt. Minu tihe suhtlus kultuuripartneritega oli võimalus rõhutada, et kultuuriline vundament ja intellektuaalne mitmekesisus – isegi kui need ei kuulu komisjoni põhipädevuste hulka – on tegelikult need osised, millest koosnevad Euroopa süda ja see, mida Jacques Delors nimetas Euroopa hingeks.

Pärast kõiki neid aastaid on mul olnud võimalus näha, kuidas komisjon on

46 asunud Euroopa institutsioonilise keerukuse keskmes unikaalsele positsioonile. Komisjon ei ole vaid Euroopa katlaruum, vaid tal on praegu ja edaspidi täita äärmiselt oluline roll, sobitades omavahel selge arusaamise liikmesriikides esinevast mitmekesisusest ainulaadsete teadmistega Euroopa poliitikast ja selle rakendamisest. Komisjon on säilitanud algatusõiguse – ma ei kahtle, et see saab ka edaspidi nii olema – ja isegi kui tal on suurem kaalutlusõigus kui teistel, võimestab teda minu sõnutsi „tehniline karisma” juhtida meie ühist saatusekaaslaste kogukonda ehk Euroopa Liitu oskuslikult läbi kõikide vete, millised need ka ei oleks.

Komisjoni presidendina olen kogenud suurt kurbust, näiteks siis, kui külastasime koos peaminister Enrico Lettaga pärast traagilisi sündmusi Lampedusat, aga ka dramaatilisi hetki, nagu finantskriisi kõige teravamad momendid, kui kaalukausil olid mõne liikmesriigi ja meie ühisraha majanduslik saatus. Meenutan emotsionaalseid hetki, kui külastasin põgenikelaagreid Jordaanias, kus nägin oma silmaga, et meie abi tõesti aitas inimeste olukorda parandada, ja kui käisin Darfuris, kus vabaühendustes töötavate noorte eurooplaste vaprus aitas säilitada solidaarsustunnet ka kõige ohtlikumates tingimustes. Tunnen suurt uhkust hetkede üle, kui allkirjastasime Lissaboni leppe, kui uued liikmesriigid ühinesid Euroopa Liiduga ja euroalaga. Ma ei unusta kunagi ühte väga erilist päeva, kui koos Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja Herman Van Rompuy ja Euroopa Parlamendi presidendi Martin Schulziga oli mul au Euroopa Liidu nimel võtta vastu Nobeli rahupreemia. See on imeline tunnustus, et Euroopa Liit, rahuprojekt, võib olla ja ka tõepoolest on võimsaks inspiratsiooniallikaks paljudele inimestele kogu maailmas.

Kuid tähelepanu, Euroopa ülesehitamist ei saa kunagi võtta iseenesest­ mõistetavana. Oleks vale arvata, et lahendused pakuvad end ise ilma poliitilise EESSÕNA pühendumiseta ning ilma avalikkuse surve ja toetuseta. Raskemail hetkil, mida oleme koos tunda saanud, olen hüüdnud kogu jõust: „Ärge unustage Euroopa vastutusega kaasnevaid eetilisi põhimõtteid!” Selles mõttes tõid halvimad hetked, eriti Kreeka kriis, kõige rohkem selgust. Kuna olen portugallane, tunnetasin pingsalt ohvreid, mida mõnede riikide rahvad pidid tooma. Rohkem kui korra olen pingelistes olukordades tundnud – ja kindlasti ei olnud ma ainuke – et vaatame ainiti ja kohkunult alla kuristikku ja et teatavad poliitilised otsused või ka nende puudumine oleks võinud meid üle serva alla tõugata. Meil lihtsalt tuli õiget kurssi järgida, me pidime võtma vastutuse. See näitab, et poliitikal on väga suur tähtsus, olgu heas või halvas! Poliitilistel otsustel on alati tagajärjed. Oleme seda sageli näinud äärmuslikes olukordades. Loodan, et selle ajavahemiku õppetunnid on kätte saadud ja nendest on õpitud. Halvimat ei saa kunagi välistada. Tulevik võib meie ette tuua mitmesuguseid väljakutseid, võib seada meid vastamisi samaväärselt raskete valikutega. Euroopa on lõppematu seiklus. 47 Viimase kümne aasta jooksul ei ole me alati ja kohe teinud õigeid otsuseid, kuid oleme suutnud näidata, et prohvetite hukku ennustavad sõnad ei lähe täppi. Vastupidiselt ennustustele, et euroala laguneb või EL killustub, oleme näidanud liidu erakordset paindlikkust ja kinnitanud, et integratsioonijõud on teistest tugevamad.

Me oleme suutnud end ületada ning nüüd on meil ühendatud, avatud ja tugevam Euroopa.

Euroopa, mis on valmis tulevikule vastu astuma.

José Manuel Durão Barroso EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

48

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Lissaboni lepingule allakirjutamine: pika protsessi lõpp, kuid ka uutmoodi Euroopa algus. Unustamatu hetk: Euroopa Liidu nimel Nobeli rahupreemia vastuvõtmine 2012. aastal koos Herman Van Rompuy ja Martin Schulziga. Piiride kaotamine 2007. aastal: Schengeni ala laienemise tähistamine Zittau linnas Saksamaa, Poola ja Tšehhi Vabariigi piiril. 49

© Harrison Photography, Belfast

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Pühendudes Euroopale: koos endise Briti peaministri Tony Blairiga. Kohtumine Põhja-Iirimaa uue ja kaasava valitsuse juhtidega, meie hulgast lahkunud Ian Paisley ja Martin McGuinnessiga. Koos peaminister Enda Kennyga: Iirimaa oli esimene riik, kes kohandamisprogrammi probleemideta lõpetas, talle järgnes kohe Portugal. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

50

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Angela Merkel teab, et kuulamine võib olla sama oluline kui kõnelemine (2011. aastal Cannes’is toimunud ülipingelisel G20 tippkohtumisel). Valmis uueks alguseks: Berliini deklaratsioon, et tähistada 50 aastat Euroopa ühtsust. Lilled Angela Merkelile: lugupidamisavaldus Euroopa Ülemkogu edukale eesistujariigile. 51

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Töötades üheskoos Euroopa heaks: koos Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja Herman Van Rompuyga – maailmas ELi seisukohtade kaitsmisel oli koordineerimine alati väga hea. Suhtlemine ajakirjanikega, saabudes 2009. aastal Brüsselis toimunud Euroopa Ülemkogu mitteametlikule kohtumisele. Pidades kõnet Euroopa Liidu olukorrast Euroopa Parlamendis Strasbourgis 2013. aastal. Algus ei olnud täiuslik, kuid aegamööda hakkasime Euroopa Parlamendi presidendi Martin Schulziga väga tihedalt koostööd tegema (2012. aastal Oslos Nobeli rahukeskuses). EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

52

© EPA/OLIVER WEIKEN

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Portugal on alati minu mõtetes: Portugali Vabariigi presidendi Aníbal Cavaco Silva ja peaministri Pedro Passos Coelhoga. „Porreiro, pá!” – „Lihtsalt suurepärane”, sosistab peaminister José Sócrates mulle kõrva – ja mikrofoni –, kui oleme Lissaboni lepingus lõpuks üksmeelele jõudnud. 53

© Ricardo Borges de Castro

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Täiuslik näide ühtsest Euroopast: Poola peaminister ja Euroopa Ülemkogu tulevane eesistuja Donald Tusk. Emotsionaalne hetk, mil Euroopa Liidu lipp heisati esimest korda Praha lossile – koos Tšehhi presidendi Miloš Zemaniga. Kohtumine Visegrádi rühma riikidega; koos Balti riikide juhtidega partnerluslepingu üleandmisel Tallinnas. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

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[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Minu kaks sõpra Põhjamaadest: koos Eesti peaministri Andrus Ansipi ja Soome peaministri Jyrki Kataisega. Arutelu enne Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumist: koos Küprose presidendi Nicos Anastasiadesiga, Rootsi peaministri Fredrik Reinfeldtiga ja Sloveenia peaministri Alenka Bratušekiga. 2012. aastal Kopenhaageni ülikoolis koos Taani peaministri Helle Thorning-Schmidtiga. 55

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Näitamisvõimalus Euroopa noortele: kutseõppeprogrammi külastamine koos Austria kantsleri Werner Faymanniga. Koos peaminister Antonis Samarasega: toetades alati Kreekat. Koos peaminister Matteo Renziga: uus energia Itaalias. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

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[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Naabrid ja kolleegid, koos Hispaania peaministri Mariano Rajoy ja tema eelkäija José Luis Rodríguez Zapateroga; võttes vastu Hispaania Carlos III teenetemärki. Ibeerlased omavahel – koos Portugali peaministri Pedro Passos Coelhoga ja Hispaania peaministri Mariano Rajoyga. 57 © EPA/Julien Warnand

© EPA/Olivier Hoslet

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Belgia kroonprints (praegu kuningas) Philippe külastamas Euroopa Komisjoni; koos kuningas Albert II-ga volinike kolleegiumi 2000. iganädalase kohtumise puhul. Tervitades Hispaania printsi Felipet (praegu kuningas Felipe VI) Euroopa Komisjonis 2008. aastal. Madalmaade kuninganna Beatrixi vastuvõtmine Euroopa Komisjonis 2010. aastal. Koos tõelise sõbra Hispaania endise kuninga Juan Carlosega. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

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[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Jacques Delors: huumor, mitte ainult tarkus. Neli komisjoni presidenti reas: koos François-Xavier Ortoli, Romano Prodi ja Jacques Delors’iga. Kaasvõitlejad: minu kabinetis koos Jean-Claude Junckeriga kohe pärast seda, kui Euroopa Ülemkogu oli ta ametisse nimetanud. 59

Meeskonnatöö väärtus: minu esimene ja teine komisjon.

Euroopast. Arutlus Euroopa Liidu olevikust ja tulevikust

EUROOPA KOMISJONI PRESIDENDI JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO KÕNE HUMBOLDTI ÜLIKOOLIS BERLIINIS, 8. MAIL 2014

„Nós estamos na Europa e é na Europa que nós nos salvamos ou nos perdemos todos.”2 Eduardo Lourenço

õigepealt tahaksin teid tänada lahke kutse eest tulla siia, ühte Saksa ja Euroopa 61 suurtest ülikoolidest – Humboldti ülikooli. Tunnen selgelt, et olen Hegeli, K Max Plancki ja Albert Einsteini ülikoolis. Tänan teid võimaluse eest pidada Humboldti ülikoolis loeng Euroopast. Ma ei ole seda varem teinud, sest leidsin, et seda tuleks teha tagasivaatava kõnena siis, kui mu kümneaastane tööperiood Euroopa Komisjonis hakkab läbi saama. Üks põhjusi oli ka see, et mulle räägiti, et siinsed üliõpilased on harjunud pooleteisetunniste loengutega. Ma püüan oma kõne pisut lühemaks teha. Kuid ma usun, et just siin ja praegu on õige aeg ja koht anda väga otsekohene ülevaade mu senistest kogemustest ja teha ettepanekuid Euroopa tuleviku kohta.

Austatud kuulajad

Olen viimase 30 aasta jooksul osalenud aktiivselt Euroopa integratsiooniprotsessis ja seda mitte ainult viimase kümne aasta jooksul Euroopa Komisjoni presidendina, vaid ka oma kodumaa Portugali välisministri ja peaministrina. Seepärast tunnen, et enne komisjoni presidendi kabinetist lahkumist on minu kohus jagada oma kogemusi ja mõtteid selle kohta, kuidas saavutatud arengule toetudes edasi minna.

Ma tunnen oma õlgadel seda vastutust, aga küsimus ei ole ainult vastutuses – see on ka kirg, sest ma suhtun Euroopasse kirega. Ma arvan, et praegu on käes hetk mõelda ja otsustada Euroopa tuleviku üle.

Viimase kümne aasta suundumused, nii positiivsed kui ka negatiivsed, on olnud tähelepanuväärsed.

Viimasel kümnendil on Euroopa integratsioonil ette näidata mitu ajaloolist saavutust, alustades 2004. aastal toimunud laienemisega Kesk- ja Ida-Euroopasse ning uutesse Vahemere piirkonna riikidesse. Samas iseloomustavad seda perioodi ka pretsedenditud

2 Me oleme osa Euroopast ja Euroopa on meie kõigi pääsetee või kaotus. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

kriisid. Esiteks 2005. aastal alanud kriis, mis tulenes suutmatusest ratifitseerida Euroopa põhiseaduse lepingut ja mis suudeti ületada alles Lissaboni lepingu jõustumisega 2009. aastal. Seejärel kujunes 2008. aastal alanud finantskriisist tõeline katsumus, mis hõlmas võla-, majandus- ja sotsiaalkriisi. Selle käigus pandi rohkem kui kunagi varem proovile Euroopa Liidu ühtsus ja eelkõige ühisraha euro. Kriisidega toimetulekuks oli vaja võtta erakorralisi meetmeid ja luua täiesti uusi vahendeid.

Lisaks seisame silmitsi uue olukorraga seoses hiljutiste sündmustega Ukrainas ja Venemaal. Tegemist on ilmselt suurima väljakutsega julgeolekule ja rahule Euroopas pärast raudse eesriide ja Berliini müüri langemist.

Viimase aastakümne õppetunde tuleb Euroopa Liidu tulevikku käsitlevas arutelus arvesse võtta, seepärast soovin seda oma tähelepanekutega ergutada.

Nimetan seda arutluseks Euroopa Liidu oleviku ja tuleviku üle, sest olen veendunud, et Euroopa Liit peab edasi arenema ning areng peab olema orgaaniline, mitte järsk. 62 Vajame reforme, mitte revolutsiooni.

Vajame arengut, mitte kontrrevolutsiooni.

Austatud kuulajad

Ajalugu ei ole meeldiv ja sujuv liikumine mööda sirgjoont, vaid selles on pöördeid ja käänakuid. Iga natukese aja tagant toimub ootamatu kiirendus. Me elame praegu ajal, mil olukord muutub peadpööritava kiirusega ning riigid ja muud asjaosalised nii Euroopas kui ka rahvusvahelisel tasandil üritavad sellega toime tulla.

Juba algusest peale on Euroopa integratsioon olnud alati vahendiks, et selliste muutustega toime tulla, aidata riikidel kohaneda ajalooliste väljakutsetega ja toetada neid üle jõu käivate muutuste puhul.

Viimase kümnendi jooksul toimunud sündmused tõendavad Euroopa Liidu institutsioonide erakordset kohanemisvõimet ja paindlikkust. Seda võiks nimetada lausa plastilisuseks, sest muutes kuju ja vormi, on säilitatud sisu.

Mis siis on Euroopa projekti sisu, selle olemus?

Esimeses etapis – kutsugem seda Euroopa 1.0 – pärast Teist maailmasõda oli Euroopa projekti sisuks rahu ja jõukuse kaitse Euroopa vabaks jäänud osas majandusliku integratsiooni kaudu, mis põhines peamiselt Prantsusmaa ja Saksamaa lepitamisel.

Pärast raudse eesriide ja Berliini müüri langemist keskendus n-ö Euroopa 2.0 avatud turu ja avatud ühiskonna eeliste laiendamisele taasühendatud Euroopas.

Euroopa integratsiooni kolmas etapp algas finants- ja majanduskriisi mõjul ning seoses mitmepolaarse globaalse maailma tekkega. Nüüd on vaja seda Euroopa 3.0 projekti uuendada. EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST

Selle protsessi iga samm on viinud interaktiivsema ja keerukama Euroopa Liidu suunas ning on olnud sügavama mõjuga, kuna probleemid on olnud suuremad, raskemini hoomatavad ja nõudnud ulatuslikumaid koostöövorme.

Kolmanda etapi keskmes on peamiselt – või vähemalt peaks olema – võim ja mõju mida on vaja Euroopa rahu ja jõukuse kaitsmiseks üleilmastumise tingimustes. Majandus- ja finantskriis osutas eelkõige sellele, et ühisraha pikaajalise jätkusuutlikkuse tagamiseks tuleb kindlasti parandada euroala juhtimist ja võib osutuda hädavajalikuks teha poliitilisemat laadi institutsionaalseid otsuseid. Kõige keerulisem on leida selline lahendus, mis kaitseks siseturu ja meie liidu terviklikkust. Euroopas võib vajalikuks osutuda mitmekiiruseline tugevdatud koostöö, kuid iga hinna eest tuleb ka edaspidi vältida mitmeklassilise Euroopa teket, mida siiani on suudetud teha. Seega ütleme paindlikkusele jah, kihistamisele ei.

Enne kui käsitleda üksikasjalikumalt institutsionaalseid väljakutseid ja eelkõige küsimust Euroopa võimust ja mõjust maailmas, ärgem unustagem, et alates Euroopa ühenduste asutamisest on selle põhieesmärk olnud ja on ka täna rahu ja jõukuse 63 tagamine ning hiljutised sündmused annavad sellele kinnitust.

Rahu ja stabiilsus seepärast, et vägagi reaalne oht Euroopa majanduslikule vundamendile kõigutas meie enesekindlust ning tõi kaasa peaaegu sürrealistliku ja eskaleeruva paanika, mis ohustas Euroopa ühtsuse alustalasid. Euro võimalikku lagunemist nähti Euroopa lagunemise algusena. Kahtlemata oleks see taaskord jaganud Euroopa esimese ja teise klassi majandusteks ja seega ka ühiskondadeks. Ning kindlasti oleks see kustutanud visiooni järjest tihedamasse liitu koondunud võrdsete riikide maailmajaost.

Tõepoolest tekkis pingeid põhja ja lõuna, rikaste ja vaeste, võlgnike ja võlausaldajate, keskuse ja ääremaade vahel. Kuid me ei tohi lasta neil pingetel Euroopat killustada. Vastupidi, oleme kindlamalt kui kunagi varem lähiminevikus teel majandus- ja rahaliidu süvendamise suunas, hoides samal ajal täielikult esiplaanil põhimõtteid, mille eesmärk on säilitada kogu Euroopa Liidu ühtsus. Euroopa Liidu institutsioonide, Euroopa Komisjoni ja Euroopa Keskpanga pädevusi ja võimu on tugevdatud. Mõned neist pädevustest olid veel paari aasta eest, enne kriisi kujuteldamatud. Euroopa tasand on muutunud üha olulisemaks. Majandusliku poole pealt on see olnud suurim institutsiooniline ümberkorraldamine pärast euro kasutuselevõtmist.

Need, kes ütlesid, et Euroopa integratsiooni rahunarratiiv kuulub minevikku, vaadaku vaid Ukraina poole. Rahu ei ole iialgi enesestmõistetav ja absoluutselt kindel. Rahu tuleb igal põlvkonnal ikka ja jälle ise kindlustada Euroopa ühtsuse ja Euroopa ühiste meetmete kaudu kogu piirkonnas ja rahvusvahelisel tasandil. Euroopa integratsiooni seisukohast on see idee endiselt köitev.

Jõukus, mis on Euroopa integratsiooni algaegadest saati muutnud Euroopa Liidu nii atraktiivseks, sai finants- ja majanduskriisi käigus samuti „tuleristsed”. Tegemist oli kasvumudelite kriisiga, mis tõi päevavalgele püüded elavdada majanduskasvu finantstrikkidega ning säilitada kasvu avaliku ja erasektori võla abil, mida prooviti nii Ameerika kui ka Euroopa majanduses. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Nüüd oleme tagasi keerulisemal teel, tuginedes ülemaailmse konkurentsivõime nimel innovatsioonile ja struktuurireformidele. Enim kannatanud riikide kriisist väljumine on imetlusväärne. Iirimaa, Hispaania ja Portugal on teinud märkimisväärseid edusamme. Just sel nädalal teatas minu kodumaa Portugal, et väljub programmist ega taotle Euroopa Liidult edasist abi. Kõigist raskustest hoolimata on ka Kreeka ja Küpros õigel teel. Vastupidiselt paljudele ennustustele ei lahkunud keegi euroalast ning pärast muljetavaldavaid jõupingutusi oli Läti valmis euroalaga liituma. Euroopa riigid viivad ellu kriisist saadud õppetunde võla ja makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse vallas. Liikmesriigid reformivad oma majandust, isegi kui mõned, nende seas ka suured, peavad edusamme kiirendama. Tegu ei ole enam üksikute jõupingutustega, vaid üha enam võetakse arvesse piirideülest poliitikat ja mõju.

Euroopa vajab kinnitust tulemuste näol, mis on võimalik vaid innovatsioonile ja reformidele suuremat tähelepanu pöörates. Reformida on aga vaja majandusstruktuure, avalikku haldust, tööturgu, siseturgu, energia- ja kliimapoliitikat ning muid valdkondi. Nende tulemuste saavutamine kuulub meie hädavajaliku ühtsuse hulka. 64 Loomulikult olid mõned neist kohandamistest väga valulikud. Mõnedes riikides nägime sotsiaalseid eriolukordi. Kuid samas on oluline märkida, et need muutused pidid aset leidma, ükskõik kas euroga või ilma selleta, Euroopa Liiduga või ilma selleta. Ei euro ega Euroopa Liit olnud nende raskuste põhjustajad. Euroopa ei olnud mitte probleemi põhjus, vaid osa selle lahendusest.

Euroopa sotsiaalse turumajanduse aluseks on ainulaadne sotsiaalmudel. Isegi kui erisused liikmesriikide lõikes on märkimisväärsed, eristab meie heaoluriigi mudel meid teistest suurtest majandusjõududest ja ühiskondadest, nii arenenud kui ka tärkava majandusega riikidest. Heaoluriigi mudel on meie kodanike jaoks tähtis. Mudel, mis väljendab neile olulisi väärtusi ning on ainulaadne kombinatsioon isiklikust vastutusest ning ühiskondlikust ja põlvkondade solidaarsusest. Ühiskonnamudel, mille hüved, nagu turvalisus vanas eas või rasketel aegadel, on tagatud kogu elu jooksul. Oma sotsiaalset turumajandust suudame kaitsta vaid koostöö ja kohanemise kaudu.

Nüüd aga tagasi peamise teema ehk Euroopa integratsiooni kolmanda etapi juurde, mis hõlmab mõju ja võimu. Peame tunnistama, et rahu ja jõukuse kaitsmiseks Euroopas vajame Euroopa Liitu, mis projitseeriks maailmale aktiivsemalt oma võimu ja mõju. Kriiside käigus vähenes rahvusvaheline usaldus Euroopa mõju vastu. Euroopa majandusmudeli atraktiivsus vähenes ajutiselt ning meie kui ülemaailmse partneri väärtused ja autoriteet seati kahtluse alla. Nüüd tuleb anda vastulöök ning taastada meie roll ja mõju. Üleilmastumisega seonduv väljakutse ei piirdu vaid majandusega. Meie diplomaatiline lähenemisviis vajab ümbermõtlemist. Meie kaitsevõimekus tuleb ühendada. Meie väärtusi tuleb kaitsta aktiivsemalt kui kunagi varem.

Ka maailmakord kohaneb ja leiab uue tasakaalu. Me kas osaleme ümberkujundamises või laseme mööda oma võimaluse tulevikku mõjutada. Ka siin osutavad Ukrainaga seotud sündmused, et peame olema valvel ja – mis veelgi tähtsam – ühtsed. Euroopa kas edendab oma ühtsust ja valmisolekut projitseerida oma võimu ja mõju või kaotab tähtsuse. EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST

Peame muutma Euroopa Liidu siseolukorra stabiilsemaks.

Selleks peame kõrvaldama puudused kolmes valdkonnas. Võime rääkida juhtimisvaakumist, kuna liikmesriigid eraldi ei suuda enam kodanikele pakkuda seda, mida need vajavad, kuid Euroopa institutsioonidel puuduvad selleks endiselt mõned hoovad. Võime rääkida ka legitiimsuse puudujäägist, kuna kodanikele näib, et otsused võetakse vastu neist liiga kaugel. Samuti on lõhe ootuste ja tegelikkuse vahel, sest inimesed ootavad poliitiliselt süsteemilt enam, kui see suudab pakkuda. Liikmesriikidel ei ole võimalik nende puudujääkide parandamise vahendeid automaatselt Euroopa tasandile üle kanda, seega peame konkreetselt määratlema meie soovitava ühisuse taseme, sest sellest sõltub meie roll maailmas.

Stabiilsus saabub alles siis, kui ühtsuse kõrgemal tasemel on leitud uuesti tasakaal.

Austatud kuulajad

Keegi ei ole kunagi väitnud, et kohanemine on lihtne, isegi kui see on vaieldamatult 65 vajalik.

Põhjalike muudatuste elluviimine on Euroopa riikidele suur väljakutse, sest demokraatlike riikidena peavad nad mõtlema mitte ainult sellele, mida teha, vaid ka sellele, kuidas seda teha. Uue reaalsusega kohanemisest ei piisa, peame selle vastu võtma enesekindlalt ja tagama, et see on kõigi huvides. Mäletan peaministreid Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumisel ütlevat: „Teame, mida peame tegema. Ainus häda on selles, et kui me seda teeme, kaotame järgmised valimised.”

See ei saa olla vabanduseks vajaliku tegemise vältimisele, veenmise raske töö tegemata jätmisele. „Rendre possible ce qui est nécessaire” ehk vajaliku võimaldamine on vastutustundliku valitsemise tingimus.

See ei ole proovikivi üksnes Euroopa Liidu jaoks. Kogu maailmas seisavad riikide valitsused vastamisi sarnaste väljakutsetega. Demokraatia tõestab taaskord end parima ja stabiilseima teena neile vastu astumisel. Samas on demokraatia puhul vaja riigimehelikkust ja julgeid juhte rohkem kui muude süsteemide puhul.

Vastupidiselt mõnedes ringkondades populaarsele ettekujutusele on Euroopa integratsioon ka varasemates etappides toimunud alati nii alt üles kui ka ülevalt alla.

Nii oli see vastupanuliikumiste, ametiühingute ja ettevõtjate puhul, kes koondusid pärast sõjaõudusi. Nii oli see noorte sakslaste ja prantslaste puhul, kes soovisid 1950ndatel vaimseid ja riigipiire ületada. Nii oli see kreeklaste, portugallaste ja hispaanlaste puhul, kes, tundmaks end Euroopasse kuuluvaina, vabastasid end 1970ndatel diktatuurist, sest nad nägid, et nende riigikord ei suuda ega soovi kohaneda maailmaga, mis edenes ilma nendeta. Nii oli see 1980ndatel ja 1990ndatel Kesk- ja Ida-Euroopas, alates Solidaarsusest Poolas kuni sametrevolutsioonini Prahas, alates Balti iseseisvusliikumistest kuni ungarlasteni, kes esimesena langetasid raudse eesriide. Nende jaoks võrdus demokraatia taaskehtestamine suuresti Euroopa Liitu kuulumisega. Seda tundsid minu põlvkonna inimesed Portugalis ning sama tundsid EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

hiljem ka põlvkonnad Kesk- ja Ida-Euroopas. Nad teadsid Václav Haveli sõnul, et: „Euroopa on meie kodumaade kodumaa.”

Londonis 1951. aastal peetud kõnes kirjeldas Konrad Adenauer, kuidas oluliste küsimuste üldine mõistmine muutis Saksamaa veendunud Euroopa integratsiooni eest võitlejaks selle varases etapis. Ta sõnas: „Meid ei pane liikuma üksnes hirm bolševismi ees, vaid ka arusaamine, et meie ajastu probleeme, nimelt rahu säilitamine ja vabaduse kaitsmine, on võimalik lahendada üksnes suurema kogukonna siseselt. Sellist veendumust jagavad Saksamaal laiad rahvamassid ... Sellega seoses sooviksin osutada asjaolule, et Saksamaa Riigipäev väljendas 26. juulil 1950 üksmeelset heakskiitu Euroopa Föderatsiooni loomisele.”

Selline laiapõhjaline poliitiline ja ühiskondlik toetus on täna tähtsam kui kunagi varem. Hoota ei saa me edasi liikuda. Me ei saa ega tohikski avalikku arvamust sunniviisiliselt muuta. Kuid me võime proovida saavutada vajalikku konsensust. Siin aga jõuame poliitilise juhtimise teemani. Juhtimine tähendab vastutuse võtmist. 66 Juhtimine ei tähenda populaarsete või populistlike trendide jälgimist. sest Euroopa Liit ei ole enam see, mis ta kunagi oli. Ta on küpsem ja eelkõige tänu Lissaboni lepingule on demokraatlik valitsemissüsteem täiuslikum. Euroopa Liidu mõju ulatub selle kodanike igapäevaelus varasemast palju kaugemale. Me tegeleme palju tihedama liidu loomisega, mis enne oli vaid püüdluseks.

Kõige selle tulemusena bürokraatlikud, tehnokraatlikud ja diplomaatilised arutlused enam ei toimi. Isegi tippkohtumised on saavutanud oma piiri. Edasi liikumiseks vajame uut arutelu, uut dialoogi, et nii liikmesriikide kui ka riikidevahelisel tasandil tuntaks Euroopa projekti suhtes tõelist omanikutunnet.

See on asja tuum, sest poliitika ja valitsemiskord toimivad ainult siis, kui on jõutud konsensusele ühiste eesmärkide ja nende saavutamise vahendite osas.

Euroopa Liidu sui generis olemus ja pidevalt toimuv „ehitusprotsess” kajastub mitme aluslepinguga seotud aruteludes alates Maastrichti lepingust, mille puhul tulid nimetatud teemad eriti esile. Hiljem on finants- ja majanduskriisi tõttu tõstatatud mitu aluslepinguga seotud küsimust. Euroopa põhiseaduse küsimust ei ole lõplikult kõrvale lükatud.

Ma väidan, et sellele küsimusele ei ole praegu kindlasti võimalik lõplikku vastust anda.

Need, kes on omaks võtnud täieliku integreerimise paradigma, ei saa mööda vaadata asjaolust, et enamik inimesi ei taha, et Euroopa ühtsuse saavutamine toimuks liikmesriikide arvelt. Need, kes vaatavad olukorda ainult riiklikust või valitsustevahelisest seisukohast, ei saa jätta tähelepanuta, et liikmesriigid eraldi ei suuda enam kodanikele pakkuda seda, mida need ootavad. Püüe määratleda ühel või teisel viisil Euroopa integratsiooni lõpptulemust on mõttetu.

Mõistlik lähenemisviis on teistsugune. Igas etapis on Euroopa integratsioon toimunud kindla eesmärgi, Euroopa selgelt sõnastatud vajaduste kohaselt. Vahendid selleks – aluslepingud ja institutsioonid – on alati järginud poliitilist tahet. EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST

Nii et nüüd, enne kui arutada veel ühe aluslepingu tehnilisi üksikasju, peame vastama küsimusele: kui suurt pealinnade ja Brüsseli vahelist ühtsust peame vajalikuks ja vältimatuks? Millised on meie arvates valdkonnad, mille puhul tuleb igal juhul teha ühine otsus? Milline on meie liidu kokku lepitud, kindel ühine eesmärk? Millises ulatuses seome oma saatused lõplikult ja tingimusteta? Ühesõnaga, milline on meie visioon?

Kriisid andsid märku, et Euroopa integratsiooni intuitiivse „iseenesestmõistetava konsensuse” ajastu on jõudnud lõpule. Konsensust tuleb nüüd väljendada selgesõnaliselt. Nüüd on aeg poliitiliseks ja ühiskondlikuks aruteluks selle üle, millist ühtsust me ELi puhul soovime, kui ulatuslikku integratsiooni me soovime ning kes milles soovib osaleda ja millisel eesmärgil.

Austatud kuulajad

Lubage mul tutvustada poliitikat, põhimõtteid ja valdkondi, mida me minu arvates peame sellise konsensuse saavutamiseks esikohale tõstma. 67

1978. aasta aprillis leidis Euroopa Komisjoni toonane president Roy Jenkins end olukorrast, mis sai mulle endalegi aastakümneid hiljem väga tuttavaks.

„Ühenduse majandus,” ütles ta, „hõlmab töökohti ja kahanevat tööstust, rahanduslikku stabiilsust, regionaalpoliitikat ja energiapoliitika valikuid. Nende puhul on tegemist siiski poliitika, mitte bürokraatia koostisosadega.”

Ja kuigi tundus, et ta konstateeris kõigile teada tõsiasja, tegi ta sellest huvitava järelduse: „kuigi võib leiduda ka vastupidisel seisukohal olijaid, on ühenduse institutsioonid loodud kindlatel alustel ning neid on ajapikku kohandatud, et võimaldada saavutada argumentide koosmõju ning leida lahendusi nii tehnilisel kui ka poliitilisel tasandil. Nad ei pruugi olla ideaalsed ..., kuid raamistik otsuste tegemiseks on olemas.”

Ahvatlev oli siis ja on ka praegu arutleda pigem „otsuste tegemise raamistiku”, mitte selle üle, mida Roy Jenkins nimetas „poliitika sisuks”.

Liiga sageli toimuvad poliitikat käsitlevad üleeuroopalised arutelud institutsioonilises või põhiseaduslikus raamistikus. Liigne pühendumine valitsemiskorrale on juhtinud tähelepanu eemale strateegiatelt ja poliitikalt, millele tuleks keskenduda. Otsuste tegemise asemel me arutleme selle üle, kuidas otsuseid teha ja kes hakkavad neid tegema.

Tahaksin selle eest hoiatada, just nagu Jenkins tegi seda neli aastakümmet tagasi.

Euroopa integratsiooni kolmandas etapis meie ees seisvaid probleeme tuleks uurida esiteks vajaliku poliitika, teiseks vajalike strateegiate ning kolmandaks kahe esimese eesmärgi saavutamiseks vajaliku valitsemiskorra seisukohast. Just sellises järjestuses.

Euroopa tulevikku käsitlev arutelu peaks niisiis eelkõige olema arutelu, mis keskendub poliitikale ja strateegiatele, mitte institutsioonidele ja aluslepingutele. See arutelu peaks EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

käsitlema meie ühiseid eesmärke ja nende põhjuseid. Ilma selles küsimuses konsensust saavutamata võime arutleda lõpmatuseni subsidiaarsusklauslitest ja tingimustest, ilma et see kedagi veenaks või rahuldaks. Peame individuaalselt ja kollektiivselt otsustama, mida me tahame koos saavutada ja mida meil ei ole vaja või mida me ei taha koos teha.

Otsuste tegemise raamistik on Euroopa Liidus aastate jooksul tohutult edasi arenenud, seda mitte ainult Jenkinsi ajastuga võrreldes, vaid ka minu ajal. Kui võrrelda seda, kus me olime kakskümmend aastat tagasi, ja praegust olukorda, siis on muutused olnud rabavad.

Ma ei pea silmas ainult pädevusvaldkondi, vaid peamiselt otsustusprotsessi ülesehitust ja dünaamikat. Mul oli alates aastast 1987 võimalus osaleda nõukogu ja aastatel 1992–1995 Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumistel. Seetõttu võin tõendada, et erinevused on väga suured. Mõnel juhul on institutsioonide käitumiskultuur läbinud põhjalikud muutused. 68 1990ndate alguses oli tollase Euroopa Ühenduse tegevus koondunud veel nõukogu ümber. Tõsi, komisjonil oli algatusõigus, kuid suurem osa otsustusõigusest kuulus liikmesriikidele. Praeguseks on meie süsteem ja menetlused oluliselt muutunud.

See puudutab eelkõige Euroopa Parlamendi volituste suurenemist: enam ei ole tegemist nõuandva koguga, vaid asendamatu kaasseadusandjaga. Seda hoolimata sellest, et Euroopa Parlament kahtleb sageli veel ise, kas tema ülesandeks on olla arutelufoorumiks (rôle tribunitien) või teha otsuseid (rôle décisionnel). Kõik Euroopa Parlamendi osapooled ei ole veel täielikult üle saanud ahvatlusest esitada nõudmisi ilma nende teostatavust arvestamata ning seejuures alahinnatakse teatavate otsuste poliitilisi tingimusi. Oleme ka näinud, et mõned osapooled eelistavad pigem protesteerida või tegutsevad isegi üldise korra vastaselt, selle asemel et võtta roll, mis võimaldaks neil saavutada teiste institutsioonidega koostöös pragmaatilisi tulemusi. Olukord on arvatavasti selline ka seetõttu, et Euroopa Parlamendil puudub algatusõigus. Kuid me peame siiski tunnistama, et Euroopa Parlamendi panus on üldiselt olnud konstruktiivne. Euroopa Parlament on viimase kümne aasta jooksul mänginud kõrgete panustega, kuid tegelikult on järgitud reegleid: alates Euroopa Liidu eelarve heakskiitmisest kuni pangandusliidu loomiseni.

Samuti on väga erinevad liikmesriikide vahelised suhted, kuna liikmesriikide arv on kasvanud 28-le, võrreldes 12ga 1992. või 1994. aastal. Vastupidiselt Brüsseli müüdile ei ole siin niivõrd tegemist suuruse ja võimu küsimusega. Küsimus on visioonis ja eesmärkides. Ma võin võrrelda Euroopa Ülemkogu 1992. ja 1994. aasta kohtumisi, kui liikmeid oli 12 ja nendel kohtumistel osalesid välisministrid, ja praegu toimuvaid kohtumisi. Ma mäletan nendelt kohtumistelt hästi Helmut Kohli, François Mitterrandi ja Felipe Gonzálezt. Nii et mul on piisavalt materjali, et nende erinevust näidata.

On valitsusi, kes võtavad kaitsva hoiaku, on liikmesriike, kes tegelevad ainult ühe küsimusega, ning ka neid, kellel puuduvad konkreetsed huvid. Vaid mõned liidrid esitavad kõikehõlmavaid seisukohti ja terviklikke lähenemisviise. Nad tunnevad EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST

Euroopa ees vastutust. Kuid mitte kõik ei tunne samasugust vastutust, kuigi just vastutus on see, mis annab sellises poliitilises protsessis nagu EL eelise.

Sellest tulenevalt on oluliselt muutunud ka nõukogu raskuskese. Varasemalt nägi alusleping ette, et välisministritest koosnev üldasjade nõukogu on poliitiliselt nõukogu kõige olulisem organ. Siin on raskuskese liikunud täielikult Euroopa Ülemkogu õlgadele. Euroopast on saanud juhtide kompetentsi kuuluv küsimus (Chefsache). Riikide juhte ühendava kogu, st Euroopa Ülemkogu tähtsus hakkas kasvama juba enne seda, kui selle tegevus muudeti Lissaboni lepinguga alalise eesistuja ametikoha loomise abil toimivamaks ning stabiilsemaks. Tõsi, osa tema dünaamikast tuleneb majandus- ja finantskriisi spetsiifilisusest: vajadusest mobiliseerida kiiresti finantsvahendeid, mida suudavad juhtida ainult liikmesriigid. Selline olukord võib ajapikku muutuda. Riigi- ja valitsusjuhid peavad nägema oma rolli mitte ainult siseriiklikult, vaid ka üleeuroopalikult olulisena.

Raskuskeskme üleminekuga nõukogult Euroopa Ülemkogule on aga kaasnenud teatavad rakendamisraskused. Näiteks hakati iga uue arengu puhul pidevalt esitama 69 taotlusi kutsuda kokku Euroopa Ülemkogu või euroala tippkohtumine. See tõi kaasa tippkohtumiste jada, mille eeliseks oli see, et liidritele avaldati otsuste tegemiseks survet. Kuid see vähendas ka tippkohtumiste tähtsust ning süvendas arusaama, et otsused on alati ebapiisavad ja nende rakendamine jääb alati hiljaks. Seda seetõttu, et riigi- ja valitsusjuhtide otsuseid ei viidud nõukogu tasandil sageli ellu. Otsuste tegemisel eksisteeris liigne surve ja puudus täpsus.

Komisjon on kõige selle keskel asendamatu ja tugev keskpunkt. Tema algatusõigus säilis kogu kriisi vältel. Ja algatamise anne, kui lubate mul seda niiviisi sõnastada, mis algas Walter Hallsteiniga ja mida arendas edasi Jacques Delors, oli alati olemas ja just sellest said alguse olulised kontseptsioonid, alates EFSMi, EFSFi ja hiljem ESMi loomisest, mille aluseks olid kokkuvõttes komisjoni ettepanekud, kuni pangandusliiduni3 ning alates algatusest väljastada projektivõlakirju kuni komisjoni seadusandlike ettepanekuteni majandusjuhtimise reformi, sealhulgas uue stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti kohta. Komisjon on oma õiguste kaitsmisel järginud alati tõeliselt euroopalikku lähenemisviisi.

Huvitaval kombel illustreerib komisjoni rolli vältimatust kõige paremini valitsustevaheline majandus- ja rahaliidu stabiilsuse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise leping. Komisjon pakkus kõnealuse lepingu üle peetavatel läbirääkimistel asendamatuid ekspertteadmisi ja loovat õigusloometehnikat. Ning ka kõnealuses, valitsustevahelises kontekstis oli komisjon see, kes astus tõhusa rakendamise tagamisel juhtpositsioonile. Asjaolu, et komisjon on vahetevahel tulemuste saavutamiseks suuteline jätma osa kuulsusesärast ka teistele osapooltele, ei tuleks võtta nõrkuse tunnusena. Liidus ei ole ühtki teist jõudu, milles horisontaalne lähenemisviis – teadlikkus liikmesriikide olukorra mitmekesisusest – ühineks vertikaalse lähenemisviisiga – Euroopa strateegiate oskusteabega.

3 Komisjoni teatis „Stabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed”, 30. mai 2012. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Juba toimunu ja praeguse olukorra täielikuks mõistmiseks tuleks heita pilk ka arutelule meedias. See on muutunud sügavamaks, kiiremaks, ulatuslikumaks ja kriitilisemaks. Aukartus tippkohtumiste ja juhtide ees on kadunud. Edu mõõdetakse tulemustega ja väga sageli koheste tulemustega. Kui tulemused ei pea meedia analüüsile vastu, kaotavad need tähtsuse, nagu kriisi ajal paar korda juhtus. See seletab teataval määral ka kriisile reageerimise ebaühtlast iseloomu.

See on üheks põhjuseks, miks Euroopa Liidu arendamist on võrreldud ehitustellingutega. Tundub, et käimas on pidev ehitus- ja remondiprotsess ning tellingud varjavad selle taha jääva ehituse ilu.

Võiks lausa öelda, et Euroopa projekt on juba oma loomult pidevas muutumises. Need, kes tunnevad muret sidususe ja sümmeetria puuduse pärast, võiksid püüda kohaneda struktuuriga, kus uute funktsioonide tarbeks luuakse uusi vorme ja raamistikke. L’èsprit de système ELis tavaliselt väga hästi ei tööta.

70 Võime öelda, et integratsiooniprotsess on ajahambale ja kriisidele vastu pidanud, kuna alati on kehtinud kohustus saavutada tulemusi (obligation de résultat), mis on saanud edukalt täidetud. Oleme viinud valitsemisviisi sellise küpsuseni, mis võimaldab teha otsuseid laiaulatusliku konsensuse alusel. Mida me oleme juba näinud ja mis on peamine, on asjaolu, et õige juhtimine tähendab väga palju.

Sest ainult konsensusel põhinev juhtimine aitab vältida killustumist.

Seetõttu olen alati taganud, et minu juhtimisel töötanud komisjon võtab oma otsuste eest kollektiivse vastutuse. Komisjoni president on kollegiaalsuse tagaja, mis aitab vältida kapseldumist ja vaatevälja ahenemist. Arutelude alguses olime üldiselt asjades eri meelt ning pidasime tõelisi debatte. Kuid peaaegu kõik otsused nende kümne aasta jooksul tehti lõpuks konsensuse alusel. Poliitiliste otsuste täideviija ei ole parlamendi minivariant. Ning täideviiva organina peab komisjon võtma vastutuse algatuste eest, mida volinikud peavad ühiselt vajalikuks. See ongi põhjuseks, miks on otsustamine komisjonis aluslepingute kohaselt kollegiaalne, mitte individuaalne. Ka 28liikmeline kolleegium saab edukalt tööd teha. Eelkõige on tegemist tõelise ühenduse kultuuriga ning institutsiooni tõhusa juhtimisega.

Kuna minu esimese ametiaja algus komisjonis 2004. aastal kattus Euroopa Liidu suurima laienemisega, olin eriti teadlik vajadusest vältida killustumist ideoloogilise, geograafilise või mistahes muu eraldusjoone alusel. Olen kindlalt seisukohal, et kuigi komisjoni poliitilise külje tunnustamine on väga oluline, on samavõrd tähtis hoida ära komisjoni muutumine kildkondlikuks.

Komisjonil on lisaks poliitilistele ülesannetele ka haldus- ja nn kvaasiõiguslikud ülesanded. See eeldab suurt tarkust ja tasakaalukust otsustustasandil, et komisjoni usaldusväärsus tema erinevates rollides ei saaks kahjustada ning ohtu ei satuks institutsiooni sõltumatus ja professionaalsus. EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST

Euroopa Liit on viimase kahekümne aasta jooksul jõudnud palju suurema poliitilise ja institutsioonilise küpsuseni. Ning just see poliitiline raamistik on aidanud meid läbi kriisi. Selleks et meie praegune olukord jääks kestma, tuleb pingutada.

Täna peame arutlema selle üle, kuidas seda teha ja kuidas edasi liikuda. Kõnealune arutelu on eeltingimuseks meie eesmärkide saavutamisele: majanduskasv ja tööhõive siseturu ning ühisraha edasise kujundamise kaudu; kaubandus-, energia- ja kliima-, infrastruktuuri-, teadus- ja innovatsiooni- ning tööstus- ja digitaalmajanduspoliitika; vabadus ja julgeolek meie ühise välis- ja julgeolekupoliitika kaudu ning ühised õigus- ja siseküsimused; sotsiaalne heaolu ühiste jõupingutuste kaudu haridus-, kultuuri- ja noorsooküsimustes ning meie ühiste rahvastiku- ja sotsiaalkaitsesüsteemi probleemide lahendamine.

Austatud kuulajad

Raamistik otsuste tegemiseks on olemas, kuid samuti peame Euroopa poliitikas tunnistama mitme puuduse olemasolu, mis takistab meie suutlikkust kõnealust 71 raamistikku kasutada.

See on Euroopa demokraatia jaoks tõeline probleem.

Euroopa poliitikas on probleeme vastutuse võtmisega, mida ei ole võimalik vaid institutsiooniliste muudatustega lahendada.

Kui demokraatlikud otsustajad keelduvad oma ühiseid otsuseid teadvustamast, kaitsmast ja kinnitamast, jääb Euroopa legitiimsus alati kannatajaks.

Liiga sageli nähakse poliitilisi vastuolusid süsteemsete puudustena. Selle asemel, et keskenduda arutelus sisulistele küsimustele, nagu näiteks, kas lambipirni või oliiviõli probleemile on olemas parem lahendus, tõlgendatakse vastukäivaid lahendusi kui vigase „Brüsseli” süsteemi absurdset ja vältimatut tulemust. Seda vaatamata asjaolule, et nii arutelu kui ka tulemused oleksid ka siseriiklikul tasandil sarnased või isegi identsed. Tervishoiuküsimusi, tootestandardeid, töötajate õigusi, keskkonnanorme ja transpordiohutust käsitlevaid määruseid ei tooda mitte Brüsseli tsentralism, vaid ühiskondlikud arutelud ja kodanike palved võtta nende murede lahendamiseks meetmeid. Üldiselt ei sünni seadusandlikud algatused Brüsselis. Nad saavad alguse ühiskondlikest, ärilistest või töövõtjate huvidest, avalikest aruteludest või poliitilistest protsessidest. Näiteks lambipirnide ja oliiviõli pudelite reguleerimise idee pärines liikmesriikidelt. Lambipirnide ideega läksime kaasa, sest energiatõhusus on oluline. Seevastu oliiviõli pudelite reguleerimise algatus ei läinud käiku, sest meie arvates ei ole sellele vaja Euroopa lahendust.

Lisaks sellele valitseb sisepoliitilise dialektika ja üleeuroopalise poliitilise dialektika vahel asümmeetria. Siseriiklikul tasandil valitseb valitsuse ja opositsiooni vahel vastasseis, nii et igal küsimusel on nii vastaseid kui ka pooldajaid. Euroopas selline vastasseis puudub, seega puuduvad ka pooldajad, kes toetaksid kõiki Euroopa lahendusi. Aluslepingute alusel on Euroopa üldiste huvide kaitsjaks seatud peamiselt komisjon, kellelt oodatakse alati kollektiivselt tehtud otsustele kindlaks jäämist. Kuid EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

komisjon jääb liiga sageli ilma tõhusa toetuseta süsteemi tõttu, kus igal osalejal on võimalus olla korraga nii valitsuses kui ka opositsioonis.

See tähendab, et siseriiklike ja Euroopa tasandi poliitiliste protsesside vahel valitseb kognitiivne dissonants. Mis omakorda põhjustab peaaegu skisofreenilist poliitilist käitumist. Euroopa tasandil saavad kohaliku tasandi poliitikud nõuda palju rohkem kui koduriigis, ilma et nad vastutaksid nende nõudmiste heakskiitmise või täitmise eest. Ahvatlused ja võimalused vastutusest kõrvale hiilida on mitmekesised. Ja ma võin oma kogemustest rääkida, et on päris tavaline olukord, kus üks ja seesama erakond räägib ühte juttu oma riigis ja täiesti vastupidist juttu – just nimelt vastupidist, mitte ainult erinevat – Strasbourgis Euroopa Parlamendis.

Ning lõppude lõpuks on poliitilised tagajärjed seotud kõigi – nii siseriiklike kui ka Euroopa tasandi – osalejate jaoks siseriikliku tasandi valijaskonna otsustega. Veel ei eksisteeri üleeuroopalisi poliitilisi tagajärgi, mille puhul saavutused oleksid siseriiklikust tasandist sõltumata otsustavad. 72 Kokkuvõtlikult on probleem järgmine: kõik riigid soovivad näha Euroopat enda püüdluste suurendatud versioonina ning kui kõik osapooled ei tule nende ideedega kaasa, on need riigid valmis ütlema, et „Euroopal” on probleeme. Mitu liikmesriiki loodavad või kujutavad ette, et ühel heal päeval on kogu Euroopa selline nagu nemad, ainult et suurem, kuid seda ei juhtu kunagi.

Samamoodi meeldivad paljudele poliitikutele nende endi kehtestatud reeglistikud, samal ajal aga mõistavad nad teiste sarnase tegevuse põhjendamatu sekkumisena hukka. Miski ei kahjusta Euroopa Liitu rohkem kui ebaõnnestujad, kes püüavad veenda, et nende ebaõnnestumises olid süüdi Euroopa puudused, mitte nende endi suutmatus võita oma ideedele enamuse poolehoid. Ning see viib meid omakorda Euroopa tuleviku üle peetava arutelu keskmes asuva suure dilemmani: kui inimestele ei meeldi siseriiklikul tasandil tehtud otsus, hääletavad nad tavaliselt selle otsustaja vastu. Kui neile aga ei meeldi Euroopa tasandil tehtud otsus, siis kipuvad nad pöörduma kogu Euroopa idee vastu.

Kõigepealt tuleb leida lahendus poliitilisele küsimusele. Kui mult küsitakse, et mis siis on see tegelik probleem, tahaks ma vastata: „It’s the politics, stupid!”

Rahvusriigis on legitiimsuse küsimus põhimõtteliselt lahendatud. Strateegiatega seotud erimeelsused ei pöördu tavaliselt kogu valitsemiskorra, kogu poliitilise süsteemi vastu. Kuid Euroopa Liidus sõltub legitiimsus siiani konkreetsetest tulemustest. See seletab, miks olukorras, kus toetuse puudumine riiklikele institutsioonidele või erakondadele ei tähenda tavaliselt ohtu rahvuslikule ühtsusele, võib toetuse puudumine liidu institutsioonidele muutuda ohuks Euroopa integratsioonile. Mistahes poliitiline projekt vajab teatavat minimaalset järjepidevat toetust, avaldugu see siis otsesel või kaudsel kujul. Tavakodanikud võivad tunda globaliseerumise ajastul üldist ängistust (Angst) enamiku institutsioonide ja eliidi suhtes ning neis kahelda, kuid Euroopa Liidu ees viimasel ajal seisev konkreetne probleem on järgmine: euroskeptikute ja isegi eurofoobia üha kasvava propaganda tingimustes on mõningad peavoolu poliitilised jõud hakanud omaks võtma populistlikke loosungeid, mitte EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST neid ümber lükkama. Ütleksin, et poliitilised jõud ja otsustajad vasaktsentristidest paremtsentristideni peavad oma mugavustsoonist väljuma. Selle asemel, et anda arutelus võimalus äärmuslikele jõududele, peavad nad haarama initsiatiivi. Nad peavad tegema jõupingutusi positiivse Euroopa idee levitamiseks nii siseriiklikul kui ka liidu tasandil.

Euroopale vajalikku poliitilist tahet ei saa asendada aluslepingute muutmise või institutsiooniliste ümberkorraldustega. Mind rõõmustab, et see idee on juba juurdumas. Nii nagu on lausunud Friedrich Hölderlin: „Wo die Gefahr ist, wächst das Rettende auch”.

Kõigepealt tulebki tegelda poliitiliste vajakajäämistega, et suurendada nii Euroopa legitiimsust kui ka tõhusust.

Olukorra parandamiseks on vaja Euroopa Liidu projekti tõhusalt juhtida, selle nimel tegutseda ja selle eest vastutus võtta. Peetakse ju seda projekti osaks liidu liikmesriikide poliitilisest ja sotsiaalsest arhitektuurist. Me peame mõistma, et Euroopa poliitika 73 ei ole enam välispoliitika. Meie liikmesriikides on Euroopa poliitika tänapäeval sisepoliitika.

Meil tuleb liidu, tema institutsioonide ja liikmesriikide vahel töötada välja uut liiki koostöösuhe ehk Kooperationsverhältnis. Koostöösuhte all pean ma silmas põhimõtet, mille kohaselt institutsioonid ja liikmesriigid lähevad kaugemale aluslepingutes, eelkõige Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 4 juba sätestatud lojaalsest koostööst, ja teevad koostööd viisil, mis aitab maksimeerida eri tasanditel tehtud otsuste kokkusobivust.

Liiga kaua arvati, vähemalt Brüsseli mullis, et ELi institutsioonid üritavad alati teha rohkem, kui aluslepingud seda võimaldavad. Samal ajal eeldasid liikmesriigid, et nad suudavad institutsioonide rolli vähendada. Selline lapsik käitumine tuleb lõpetada.

Me vajame vastutustundlikumat lähenemisviisi, mille raames antakse liidu erinevatele osalejatele ja tasanditele selged volitused kohalikul, piirkondlikul, riiklikul ja Euroopa tasandil. Kõik osalejad peavad täielikult järgima nende volituste ulatust ja piiranguid.

Selleks et minna liidu institutsioonide ning liidu institutsioonide ja liikmesriikide vaheliselt konkureerivalt lähenemisviisilt üle koostööl põhinevale lähenemisviisile, tuleb liidu tasandil suurendada erakondade rolli, koondada ühte poliitilised huvid, korrastada poliitilised prioriteedid ja tagada kõikjal poliitiline sidusus.

Seepärast võib valimisdünaamika, mille on loonud komisjoni presidendi ametikohale üles seatud erakondade juhtivkandidaatide (Spitzenkandidaten) nimetamine, olla samm õiges suunas.

Ehkki sellel uuendusel on piiranguid, võib see minu arvates suurendada eelseisvate valimiste Euroopa mõõdet ja aidata aktiivsetel erakondadel tasapisi kujundada Euroopa avalikku ruumi. Kummaline on see (kas ikka on?), et needsamad poliitilised jõud, kes on alati kritiseerinud demokraatliku vastutuse puudumist Euroopas, seisavad nüüd uutele meetmetele vastu. Ometi püütakse nende abil suurendada sedasama EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

demokraatlikku vastutust. Riiklik demokraatia on Euroopa Liidu legitiimsuse seisukohalt hädavajalik, kuid oleks vale takistada demokraatia arengut liidu tasandil. See on küll alles kujunemisjärgus, aga selle takistamine tähendaks tagasilööke.

Uue valimisdünaamika juurde peaks kuuluma ka see, et pärast valimisi leitakse ühine konsensus mitte üksnes isikute, vaid ka poliitiliste prioriteetide osas. Ja seda nii igas institutsioonis kui ka institutsioonide vahel. Konkreetsemalt tähendab see seda, et parlament, nõukogu ja komisjon sõlmivad kokkuleppe, milles pannakse paika uue ametiaja nii positiivsed kui ka negatiivsed prioriteedid. Sellele võiks järgneda uus paremat õigusloomet käsitlev institutsioonidevaheline kokkulepe, millega vähendatakse ülemäärast halduskoormust.

Vastasel korral ei jõua me kunagi veenvale ja kaalukale kokkuleppele neis küsimustes, milles liidul tuleb tegutseda suurelt, ja neis, milles liit peaks jääma tagaplaanile.

Austatud kuulajad 74 Just sellelt aluselt saame teha rohkem kui liidu praeguse õigusraamistiku vältimatud kirurgilised kohandused.

Usu, et lähitulevikus ei ole Euroopas oodata põhiseaduse allakirjutamist, nagu toimus Ameerika Ühendriikides Philadelphias. Liidu tee on areneda pidevate reformide ja mitte pideva revolutsiooni kaudu.

Selleks, et pidev reformimine õnnestuks ja et iga samm oleks kooskõlas reformide aluseks oleva üldmõttega, tuleb minu arvates järgida teatud põhimõtteid.

Esiteks peaks liidu edasine areng tuginema olemasolevatele aluslepingutele ja ühenduse meetodile, kuna sellest raamistikust möödavaatamine toob kaasa killustatuse, struktuuride dubleerimise ning lõpptulemusena sidususe puudumise ja tegevuse ebatõhususe.

Teiseks tuleks enne mis tahes täiendusi kõrvaldada olemasolevad keerukused ja vastuolud aluslepingutes ja nende vahel ning aluslepingute ja muude vahendite vahel. See tähendab selliste valitsustevaheliste vahendite nagu Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanismi ning majandus- ja rahaliidu stabiilsuse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepingu võimalikult kiiret integreerimist aluslepingutesse.

Kolmandaks tuleks uusi valitsustevahelisi lahendusi kaaluda erandina ja üleminekulahendustena, mille eesmärk on vältida vastutuse ja sidususega seotud probleeme.

Neljandaks peaks liidu eesmärk olema tänapäeval liikuda võimaluse korral edasi tervikuna, st kõigi 28 liikmesriigiga. Olukordades, kus osutub vältimatuks muude koosseisude raames toimuv suurem integratsioon (näiteks ühisraha praeguste ja tulevaste liikmete vahel), peaks see olema avatud kõigile soovijatele. Kui rühm liikmesriike soovib tihedamat koostööd, toimub see aluslepingutes sätestatud tõhustatud koostöö kaudu. EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST

Viiendaks peaks liidu edasine areng põhinema selgetel etappidel ja järjekorral. Edasiste sammude puhul tuleks eelkõige kasutada kõiki võimalusi, mida praegused aluslepingud pakuvad, ilma neis sätestamata reservatsioonideta. Aluslepinguid tuleks muuta ainult juhul, kui teisesed õigusaktid ei ole aluslepingutega ette nähtud.

Kuuendaks ei saa edasiliikumise kiiruse dikteerijateks olla selle suhtes kõige vastalisemalt meelestatud liikmesriigid. Euroopa ei tohi kuuluda aeglaste hulka.

Seitsmendaks, kui peetakse vajalikuks järjekordselt aluslepinguid muuta, tuleb enne selle üle läbirääkimiste pidamist ja ratifitseerimiseks esitamist sellel teemal põhjalikult arutleda, sealhulgas avalikus ruumis.

Tuleb tõdeda, et meie ees seisab eriti keeruline probleem, kui kõne all on ühisraha, euroala ja ELi kui terviku suhted. Ma usun siiski, et selles küsimuses suunab meid aluslepingute loogika.

Aluslepingute kohaselt on ühisraha mõeldud kõikide liikmesriikide jaoks, vähemalt 75 teoreetiliselt. Sest ainult ühele liikmesriigile, Ühendkuningriigile, on antud võimalus selle kohaldamisest loobuda.

Isegi Taani staatus on pigem potentsiaalne osaleja kui alaline väljajääja. Kõik teised liikmesriigid on võtnud kohustuse euroga ühineda. Tõsi, see võtab aega ja nõuab varasemast rohkem ettevalmistusi.

Oleks viga arendada lähenemise loogikat erinevusi rõhutavates struktuurides, eriti kuna kriisile reageerimise praktiline kogemus on näidanud, et veelahe ei jookse mitte praeguste ja tulevaste euroala liikmete vahel. Laiendatud euroala paktist majandus- ja rahaliidu stabiilsuse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepinguni, ühtsest järelevalvemehhanismist ühtse kriisilahendusmehhanismi: mil iganes 17 või 18 liikmesriiki on algatanud mõne suurprojekti, on teised alati sellega kaasa tulnud. Ikka ja jälle on kesktõmbejõud osutunud tugevamaks kui kesktõukejõud.

Mõnedes ringkondades levinud soov luua liit uutel alustel, väiksemal piiratud euroalal kui 28 liikmesriiki, ei ole vastus nende riikide süsteemsetele puudujääkidele või potentsiaali puudumisele. See peegeldab nostalgiat „vanade heade aegade” järele, unistust pöörduda tagasi väikese, vähem keerulise ja järjepidevama süsteemi juurde, mida ekslikult peetakse mugavamaks. Kuid aeg on edasi liikunud. Mis tahes Tuumik- Euroopa ja perifeeria vastandamine nõrgestab mõlemat.

Praegu on ehk sobiv hetk öelda mõni sõna Euroopa Liidu ja Ühendkuningriigi suhete kohta. Usun kaljukindlalt, et Euroopa Liit on tugevam, kui Ühendkuningriik on selle liige, ja et Ühendkuningriik on tugevam Euroopa Liidu liikmena kui üksi. Aga ma tunnistan, et ajaloolistel, geopoliitilistel ja majanduslikel põhjustel võib Ühendkuningriiki pidada eriliseks. Just sellepärast oleks viga rakendada Ühendkuningriigile tehtavaid erandeid kõigi teiste suhtes. Me saame Ühendkuningriigi eripära arvesse võtta ja peaksime seda tegema eeldusel, et see ei ohusta liidu üldist sidusust. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Kuid selle eripäraga – isegi kui see puudutab mõnes küsimuses mitut riiki – arvestamisel tuleb silmas pidada liidu üldist olukorda.

Austatud kuulajad

Eespool esitatud põhimõtete valguses kerkivad esile mitu tegevusvaldkonda, mis eeldavad arutelu, meetmeid ja otsuseid konkreetsete institutsiooniliste muudatuste läbiviimiseks lähiaastatel. Need on 1) majandus- ja rahaliidu süvendamine vastavalt komisjoni tegevuskavale; 2) liidu tõhusam välisesindatus; 3) liidu väärtuste ja kodakondsuse tugevdamine; 4) parem regulatiivne tööjaotus; 5) vajadus täiustada meie poliitilist liitu.

Majandus- ja rahaliidu süvendamiseks on komisjon välja pakkunud tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava. Selles ühendatakse kaugeleulatuvad eesmärgid ja asjakohane ajakava. Esiteks tuleb täielikult rakendada majanduse juhtimise reform. Kui see on tehtud, tuleks kaaluda fiskaalsuutlikkuse järkjärgulist arendamist 76 euroala tasandil. Seda täiendaks maksupoliitika ja tööturgude koordineerimine. See areng eeldab aja jooksul aluslepingute muutmist ja peab olema proportsionaalses suhtes demokraatliku legitiimsuse ja vastutusega. Rõhuasetus fiskaal-föderaalsele lähenemisviisile ei puuduta ainult euroala praeguseid liikmeid. Euroala peab olema avatud kõigile tulevastele ja potentsiaalsetele liikmetele ning järgima ühtse turu ja kõigi liidu tegevusvaldkondade terviklikkuse põhimõtet.

Tõhusam välisesindatus eeldab liidu ja liikmesriikide ametnike koostööl põhinevat tööjaotust. Suunavaks mudeliks võib siinkohal pidada komisjoni presidendi ja Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja senist koostööd. Kõrget esindajat ja komisjoni asepresidenti peavad abistama nii komisjonist kui ka nõukogust pärit poliitilised assistendid. Täielikult tuleb ära kasutada Lissaboni lepingus sätestatud võimalused ühiseks välisesindatuseks. Välispoliitika ja sisepoliitika välisaspektide ühendamine suurendab liidu mõjuvõimu maailmas. Selle tulemusena jaguneb liidu ja tema liikmesriikide vaheline koormus tõhusamalt. Julgeoleku- ja kaitsepoliitika ühendamist tuleb jätkata. Lisaks sellele on väga oluline, et euroala oleks rahvusvahelistes finantsasutustes ühtsemalt esindatud.

Liidu väärtuste ja kodakondsuse tugevdamine nõuab õigusriigi põhimõtete ja liidu õiguste, tagatiste ja vabaduste täielikku austamist ja rakendamist. Tõhustada tuleb selliseid vahendeid nagu õigusaktide mõju hindamise alla kuuluv põhiõiguste kontroll ja õigusriigi kaitset käsitlev komisjoni raamistik. Liidu õiguste (eelkõige õigus vabalt liikuda) kuritarvitamisega seotud võitlust saab ja tuleb edendada teiseste õigusaktide kaudu, mitte seades neid õigusi kahtluse alla.

Regulatiivse tööjaotuse puhul tuleb võtta lähtekohaks tõdemus, et liidu liikmesriikides ei ole vähem õiguslikku regulatsiooni kui liidus endas. Ehkki institutsioonides, sealhulgas komisjonis, esineb vahel üliagarust, ei tohi unustada seda, et tegelikult on ELi õiguslikku regulatsiooni vaja selleks, et muuta 28 liikmesriigi üksikasjalikud õigusnormid üksteisega kokkusobivaks. Põhimõtet „suur suurtes asjades ja väike väiksemates asjades” ei tule käsitada positiivsete ja negatiivsete tegevusvaldkondade loetelu koostamise kaudu, vaid silmas tuleks pidada iga algatuse intensiivsust ja sekkumise taset. Selle saavutamiseks on parim vahend paremat õigusloomet käsitlev EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST uus institutsioonidevaheline kokkulepe, millega laiendatakse kogu õigusloome protsessile komisjoni poolt juba kasutusele võetud õiguslikku kvaliteedikontrolli, mõju hindamist ja bürokraatiat vähendavaid meetmeid. Lõppkokkuvõttes eeldab see poliitilisi prioriteete käsitleva poliitilise konsensuse korrapärast läbivaatamist, millele saab aidata kaasa aegumisklauslite või õigusliku järjepidevuse katkemise põhimõtte kehtestamisega Euroopa Parlamendi koosseisu vahetumise ajal.

Euroopa 3.0 projekti aluseks olev vajadus täiustada meie poliitilist liitu ja suurendada demokraatlikku legitiimsust peab põhinema ühenduse meetodil, mis on tänu institutsioonide ja liikmesriikide vahelise võimu kontrolli, tasakaalu ja võrdsuse süsteemile parimaks lähtekohaks riikideülese demokraatia süvendamisel. Sellist riikideülest demokraatiat ei tohi ehitada üles kui mitmetasandilist vetoõiguste kogumit, vaid süsteemina, kus vastutus tagatakse täidesaatvate otsuste tegemise tasandil. Kui need otsused teeb Euroopa tasandi täidesaatev võim, eelkõige komisjon, tagab demokraatliku legitiimsuse ja vastutuse seadusandliku võimu kandja Euroopa Parlament ja seadusandja ülesandeid täitev nõukogu. Liikmesriikide parlamentide ülesanne on aga tagada liikmesriikide tasandil tehtud otsuste, sealhulgas liikmesriikide 77 nõukogus võetavate meetmete legitiimsus ja asjakohane vastutus. Väga olulisel kohal peaksid koostöösuhetes (Kooperationsverhältnis) olema liikmesriikide parlamentide ja Euroopa Parlamendi suhted.

Selle loogika kohaselt peaks edasine areng hõlmama komisjoni kui liidu täidesaatva võimu kandja (sealhulgas liidu rahahalduse ülesannetes) reformimist. Komisjon vastutaks kahekojalise – Euroopa Parlament ja nõukogu – seadusandliku organi ees. Selleks, et tagada õige tasakaal poliitilise loovuse ja komisjoni tegevuseks vajaliku sõltumatuse vahel, tuleks komisjoni suhtes praegu kohaldatav negatiivne kriitika asendada konstruktiivse kriitikaga. Nii saadetaks Euroopa Komisjon laiali ainult juhul, kui Euroopa Parlament pakub absoluutse häälteenamusega Euroopa Komisjoni presidendi kohale teise kandidaadi.

Selleks et tagada täielik järjepidevus ja tõhusus liidu tasandi täitevvõimu erinevate rollide vahel, samuti nende demokraatlik legitiimsus ja vastutus, võib kaaluda mõningaid uuendusi. Keskpikas perspektiivis võiks liita Euroopa Komisjoni majandus- ja rahandusküsimuste ja euro eest vastutava asepresidendi ning eurorühma presidendi ametikohad. Radikaalsemad uuendused, näiteks Euroopa Komisjoni presidendi ja Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja ametikoha liitmine, on siiski kaugema tuleviku küsimus.

Kuid pidades silmas Euroopa integratsiooni võimalikku edasiarendamist, eelkõige euroalal, võiks selline ühitamine olla mõistlik, sest see suurendaks Euroopa Liidu poliitilise süsteemi sidusust ja nähtavust nii sisemiselt kui ka väliselt. Võimalikud on ka üleminekuetapid ja vahepealsed lahendused. Siinkohal on oluline märkida, et need institutsioonilised muudatused saavad õnnestuda vaid siis, kui kõigepealt tehakse hädavajalikke edusamme poliitiliste suundumuste ja strateegiate lähendamisel.

Veelkord: It’s the politics, stupid! EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Just poliitika on see, mis teeb asjad võimalikuks või mitte, ja alles sellele järgneb institutsionaalne areng, mitte vastupidi.

Austatud kuulajad

Euroopa integratsioon on ja jääb samm-sammult toimuvaks protsessiks. Me teadsime seda algusest peale: „L’Europe ne se fera pas d’un coup, ni dans une construction d’ensemble,” nagu on kirjas Schumani deklaratsioonis.

See pragmaatiline lähenemisviis ei ole aga kunagi olnud vastuolus teatava idee järgimisega. Meie ambitsioonidega, meie unistustega, mida Saksa filosoof Sloterdijk nimetas „säravaks unistuseks”.

Euroopa integratsioon on jätkuvalt lähiajaloo kõige tulevikkuvaatavam projekt. Sellel on hämmastav energia ja külgetõmbejõud. Selle kohanemisvõime on ennenägematu. Kuid seda kõike vaid teatud tingimustel. Nendeks on üheselt mõistetav juhtimine, 78 koostöö küpsus ja Euroopa poliitika jõulisus.

See kõik on kaalul tulevastel Euroopa Parlamendi valimistel. Valimised on parim aeg, et kaitsta tehtut ja saavutada konsensus tegemist vajava üle, tõdeda, milline Euroopa tegelikult on, ja seista selle idee eest, milline see võiks olla.

Need valimised on olulised.

Ma olen olnud Euroopa Komisjoni eesotsas kümme aastat ja püüdnud selle aja jooksul anda oma panuse pragmaatilise, sidusa ja tugeva Euroopa Liidu ehitamisse. Euroopa Liit ei ole oma tegemistes alati pruukinud saavutada esialgseid kõrgelennulisi eesmärke, kuid usun, et komisjoni roll on olnud oluline ja selliseks see ka jääb.

Oleme teinud tööd selle nimel, et säilitada Euroopa ühtsus ja avatus ning muuta ta tugevamaks. Tugevamaks, sest liikmesriikide majandus on muutumas konkurentsivõimelisemaks, et olla kogu maailmas esirinnas. Ja tugevamaks, sest Euroopa tasandil on majanduse ja rahanduse juhtimist silmapaistvalt tugevdatud.

Teha on siiski veel palju. Euroopa projekt on ainulaadne ja vajalik. See on projekt, mille üle võib uhke olla.

Mul on olnud au osaleda Euroopa Liidu ajaloo kõige ohtlikumate sündmuste lahendamises ja algatada reforme, mis põhinevad sellest kogemusest saadud õppetundidel. Kuid suurim au ei kuulu neile, kes on vajalike jõupingutustega alustanud, vaid neile, kes viivad need lõpule.

Seega jätkakem tööd.

Alustagem igapäevaseid reforme, la réforme de tous les jours.

Jätkakem tööd ja olgu meie saatjaks see, mida üks minu eelkäijatest, François-Xavier Ortoli nimetas argipäevajulguseks, le courage de chaque jour. EUROOPAST. ARUTLUS EUROOPA LIIDU OLEVIKUST JA TULEVIKUST

Ja need, kes on minu, ja ma loodan, et ka teie sarnased, kes jagavad seda kirge ja armastust Euroopa vastu – seadkem seda tehes eesmärgiks, et kõigil inimestel Euroopas oleksid väärikale ühiskonnale kohased elamistingimused. Sest lõppude lõpuks ei ole küsimus kontseptsioonides, arvudes ega majanduses, vaid väärtustes. Ja ma usun, et Euroopa seisab just nende peamiste väärtuste eest, milleks on rahu, vabadus ja solidaarsus.

Tänan tähelepanu eest.

79 EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

80

© UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Kõne ÜRO Peaassambleel: Lissaboni lepingu sõlmimise järel on ELi roll Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsioonis tugevam. ÜRO peasekretärid Ban Ki-Moon ja Kofi Annan: ELi väga head sõbrad Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsioonis. 81

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Veenmas George W. Bush astuma kriisile vastu üheskoos – koos Prantsusmaa presidendi Nicolas Sarkozyga 2008. aastal Camp Davidis. Koos mu abikaasa Margarida ja Obamadega 2010. aasta Pittsburghi G20 tippkohtumisel. Koos president Barack Obamaga 2010. aastal Lissabonis toimunud NATO tippkohtumisel ja 2012. aastal Camp Davidis G8 kohtumisel. Atlandi-ülese partnerluse käivitamine 2013. aastal Põhja- Iirimaal Lough Erne’is toimunud G8 kohtumisel. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

82

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Esile kerkiv suurriik, suhete tugevdamine: koos Hiina peaministri Wen Jiabao ja tema järeltulija Li Keqiangiga. Xi Jinping on esimene komisjoni külastanud Hiina president. 83

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Brasiilia strateegiline tähtsus tundus mulle loomulik – koos president Lula da Silva ja president Dilma Rousseffiga. Limas koos meie Ladina-Ameerika partneritega. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

84

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Abipalve, mida EL ei saa eirata: koos Ukraina presidendi Petro Porošenkoga. Euroopa energiajulgeolek: koos president Ilham Aliyeviga Bakuus pärast lõunapoolset gaasikoridori käsitleva vastastikuse mõistmise memorandumi allkirjastamist 2011. aastal. Koos Serbia presidendi Tomislav Nikolići ning Bosnia ja Hertsegoviina presidentuuri esimehe Bakir Izetbegovićiga: hoides liitu Balkani maadele avatuna. 85

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Elavdades suhteid Jaapaniga: koos Jaapani keisri Akihito ja peaministri Shinzō Abega. Ühised eesmärgid: koos Kanada peaministri Stephen Harperiga vabakaubanduslepingut heaks kiitmas. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

86

Suhted Venemaa Vladimir Putiniga olid sageli pingelised ...

… kuid mitte alati. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014 PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Kõned

Building a Partnership for Europe: Prosperity, Solidarity, Security

VOTE OF APPROVAL, EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 21 JULY 2004

Mr President, Honourable Members of the European Parliament 89

feel privileged to stand here before the first democratically elected Parliament of an enlarged European Union. You are the representatives of 450 million Europe- I ans. Your election brings an end to half a century of division. This assembly symbolises the renaissance of freedom and democracy – spreading to every corner of our continent from the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea.

We are united in our rich diversity - national, regional, cultural, linguistic and political.

Never before has there been an experiment like ours: to forge, democratically, a union out of the diverse nations of Europe.

Over fifty years we have designed a new and unique way of working together. We have pooled limited parts of our sovereignty to face common challenges. We have shown that our Nation-states are stronger when we act together in areas where Europe delivers the best results.

Let us never underestimate this great European achievement. We must be optimistic, visionary and courageous for the future.

Our vision of integration provides an example for other regions. As Jean Monnet has said:, « la Communauté n’est qu’une étape vers les formes d’organisation du monde de demain. »

The 1st of May was an event of historic proportions with the accession of ten new Member States. But now we have to work to ensure that the success of a reunited Europe, in order to guarantee prosperity, solidarity and security of our continent. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Mr President, Honourable Members,

I come from a small country which has known the transition from dictatorship to democracy; a country on the edge of our continent, but with its heart in the centre.

I stand for the basic values that underpin our Union:

• Freedom

• Respect for Human Rights

• The Rule of Law

• Equality of Opportunity

• Solidarity and social justice 90 I have seen the benefits of the Union in my country. But I have also seen that the accession of Portugal has enriched our Union.

My values and my experiences will allow me, if I receive your endorsement, to build bridges across the Union. This is why I believe I received the unanimous support of the European Council.

I am conscious that one of the main tasks of the President of the Commission is to manage the dynamic consensus that Europe needs. Our Union must more than ever have a strong and independent Commission. Only then can we create results that translate into concrete benefits for our citizens.

Mobilising Europe: Meeting expectations

Mr President, Honourable Members,

It is these beliefs, these convictions that lead me today to launch a challenge.

I would like us – together with Member States, the Social Partners, businesses and citizens across the Union - to build a Partnership for Europe. A Partnership for pros- perity, solidarity and security in our Continent.

We must build our Europe together. Words must be transformed into actions. We must argue every day the case for our Union. And the best argument is our results.

We must show to our citizens that Europe can deliver what it promises. Effectively, ef- ficiently, transparently. But we must also be aware of the level at which things are best done - European, national or regional, in full respect of the principle of subsidiarity. What we do we must do well. This means we must concentrate on questions that are most important to our citizens. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

Mr President, Honourable Members,

In building our Partnership for Europe, we must recognise that the biggest challenge we face is not the Euro-scepticism of the few, but the Euro-apathy of the many.

We must listen to those that voted in last month’s European elections.

But we must also hear the silence of those, who for whatever reason, chose not to vote.

Our goals are prosperity, solidarity and security. And for that we must show concrete results.

• The euro – delivering monetary stability and investment.

• A single market - fuelling growth, competition and jobs.

• A unique social model - protecting the weakest in our society and helping people 91 adapt to changing circumstances.

• Quality public services – offering affordable access for all.

• A sustainable approach to the environment.

• And – perhaps of greatest importance - peace and stability in our region and be- yond.

Last month, we put the final touches to our Constitutional Treaty. This is also Europe in practice – delivering a vision and adapting to change.

That Treaty consolidates and simplifies the Union. It strengthens our democratic base, by extending this Parliament’s powers, and by finding innovative ways to give a great- er voice to national Parliaments and to Europe’s citizens.

It will make us more effective in tackling areas where common action is needed.

The challenge now is ratification.

It will be a crucial moment and lead to a broad discussion on the kind of Europe that people want.

The new Commission, this Parliament and the Member States must be ready with answers. We must make the case for Europe and this will be a huge communication challenge. To win that debate we should not have a technocratic approach. We need instead political leadership and courage.

Mr President, Honourable Members

The partnership I propose must, therefore, respond to the concerns of our citizens. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Today is not the moment to unveil a detailed programme. If I receive your backing, I first want to discuss policy ideas within the College and then with you and with the Council.

The new Constitutional Treaty already foresees that we must set our objectives togeth- er. If confirmed, I would bring before you and the Council early in 2005 proposals for the overall strategic priorities to guide our work for the years ahead.

Such an agenda – an agenda of prosperity, solidarity and security - must deal with the most pressing challenges for our peoples today:

• Europe and the world are changing and we need to change too. Reforms are need- ed. If we want Europe to work, we must give people jobs. But employment will only be created if we get the right environment for enterprise. And, at the same time, we must invest more in skills and training.

92 • We must put growth centre stage. Our social ambition must be fuelled by economic success. Wealth creation is the key to our model of social solidarity and sustainabil- ity. This is at the core of the Lisbon agenda. Entrepreneurship and innovation must be harnessed to deliver a better quality of life.

• We must never forget the economy is there to serve the people, and not the oth- er way round. This is the spirit in which we must also interpret the stability and growth pact. This means ensuring the flexibility needed to keep us on the path to growth and employment, whilst preserving monetary stability.

• We must meet the challenges of globalisation. This means facing up to competition in open, global markets. It also means spreading prosperity and opportunity around the world.

• The Union needs to match its political ambition with its financial resources. You cannot have more Europe for less money, especially if we want a similar level of solidarity towards the new Member States as we have shown to the less developed regions in the past. However we must also be able to show to taxpayers that the money they entrust to Europe is prudently spent.

• We need to ensure that we foster stability and invest for growth. This means sound public finances but also twenty-first century networks and strong services of general interest to knit our economies and continent together.

• Health and social protection systems need to prepare for an ageing population. And together with education, these services must be more than just a safety net.

• Our future success will depend on our willingness to take risks, be ready for change and to introduce reforms. Our scientists, universities and companies should keep us at the cutting edge of technology. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

• We must ensure that understandable public fears about new science are properly and democratically addressed.

• We must deliver a better quality of life. This means taking decisions now to create the right incentives for cleaner energy and cleaner transport. We must live up to our international agreements in Kyoto and make sure that our partners do the same.

• We must balance decisions today against their impact on growth, jobs and the envi- ronment tomorrow if we are to offer coming generations a truly sustainable future.

• The construction of anarea of freedom, security and justice remains one of our most important strategic objectives. The Commission should remain a driving force, helping to create the conditions needed for the removal of internal borders, and the strengthening of the Union external borders.

• Taking forward policies on immigration, asylum and on the integration of immi- grants in our society are other key elements. In addition we must implement the 93 Counter-Terrorism Action Plan. Terrorism is the biggest threat today to freedom in Europe and in the World.

• On the world stage, we must spread peace and stability. This applies as much to our nearest neighbours as to the support that we give to the role of international institutions such as the United Nations. We must keep the spotlight on conflict prevention and on the eradication of poverty and disease, particularly in Africa.

These are some of the issues that will provide a policy backdrop for our action.

In all of these, our challenge is one of changing attitudes, not changing values.

What sort of Commission does Europe need?

Mr President, Honourable Members

The European Union represents a bold and unprecedented experiment. The Commis- sion is a unique institutional innovation in our European journey.

A strong Commission must be open. It must consult and listen through a permanent dialogue with civil society, the Social Partners and the regions.

To do all this, the Commission depends on the quality and independence of the Commissioners and on the ability and dedication of its officials.

I can assure you today that I am determined to lead a Commission that acts as a team and combines the very best of national traditions, diverse skills and talents; a Com- mission that must adhere to the highest standards of public life. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

I want the next Commission to have a higher proportion of women Commissioners than any previous Commission, but to achieve this I will need your help. We make this clear to the Council, which shares with me the responsibility for drawing up the list of nominees.

I will make full use of my powers under the Treaty in selecting nominee Commis- sioners, in allocating portfolios at the start and during our term, and in steering the work of the College.

Underpinning all this is the importance of collegiality within a College and of ensur- ing that a 25 Member College can act quickly, coherently and effectively.

But let me make one thing clear:

There will be no first and second class Commissioners in my Commission.

94 Partnership with the Parliament

We need a close positive relationship between the Commission and the Parliament, while respecting their respective roles and responsibilities.

I therefore give you a firm commitment to work closely and in a transparent manner with the Parliament and always to take your views into account, even if there will be times where we do not agree.

I would like to make three specific promises:

• First, if a Commissioner clearly underperforms or fails in his or her duties under the Treaty, I will not hesitate to ask them to resign.

• Second, I recognise the importance of the democratic oversight role of this Parlia- ment. I will work to provide full and timely information on matters needed for you to exercise that control. I also commit to provide the Parliament with information about documents sent to other institutions, as well as information concerning the consultative bodies which provide expertise to the Commission.

• Third, I will continue a regular dialogue with this Parliament. In addition to coming to the first Plenary Session each year to set out the State of the Union, I will meet at regular intervals with the Conference of the Presidents of the Political Groups.

Conclusion

Mr President, Honourable Members,

The Commission is most effective and Europe comes out on top whenever it has your active engagement and support. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

You are the voice of the peoples of Europe.

I need your strong endorsement.

My promise is to actively work to build a Europe that is much more than just a simple market place. I want a Europe with a social and cultural dimension; a Europe where everyone can find their place.

Let turn together a new page in European integration and send a strong signal of our joint will to work in the interest of Europe’s citizens.

We must not fear the future; the future is in our hands.

95

Messina, 50 years on: turning the crisis to our advantage

50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MESSINA CONFERENCE MESSINA, 4 JUNE 2005

Cari Messinesi, miei carissimi europei, Ladies and Gentlemen, 97

t is an honour for me to speak to you here today, just as I did ten years ago as the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs, to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the I Messina conference. This time, however, I come in rather unusual circumstances. The French have rejected a major European treaty with a resounding "non". The newspaper headlines declared Europe to be "in crisis". Politicians called for calm. But that was in 1955, on the eve of the Messina conference.

Mark Twain once said: "History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme". Well, for the 50th anniversary of this conference, history has composed rhymes even Dante would be proud of. Once again, some voices in the press are predicting catastrophe for Europe. This time, France was accompanied by the Netherlands in its rejection of the European Constitution.

How should we react to the French "non" and the Dutch "nee"? What can we learn in this difficult period from the Messina Conference, the anniversary of which we celebrate today?

First of all, I must admit that my first reaction to the rejection of the Constitution by two founding members of the European Union was one of sadness. A negative vote is the sign of a worrying lack of confidence among European citizens. It suggests that some of us fear the future, are resistant to change and no longer believe that the EU can provide solutions to the challenges which we all face today.

Of course, we must take heart from the fact that the concerns of citizens have been expressed by a democratic vote, following a very lively debate. This is positive in itself and we must respect the people's will. However, this debate has often been tied to national issues and, let's be clear, the arguments put forward in the two campaigns often had little to do with the European Constitution. Setting aside purely national considerations, the truth is that the Constitution has become the scapegoat for citi- EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

zens' fears. Fear of losing the social model. Fear of "relocations". Fear that Europe will go too fast and too far. Fear of the euro or fear of globalisation.

But the vote was not about these matters. It was not concerned with past or future enlargements. It was not about the single market and its four freedoms – the free movement of goods, services, persons and capital – which are as old as the Treaty which resulted from the Messina Conference fifty years ago. All too often during the campaign, this was not made sufficiently clear. One thing which was clearly con- firmed, however, was that it is difficult during a referendum campaign to avoid the issue at hand from being tainted by other matters, even when they are not directly linked to the consultation.

Let's take a look at the main issues during the referendum campaigns.

Some are concerned by the erosion of the European social model. And yet, the draft Constitution protects this model. An explicit "social clause" (Article III-117) requires 98 the Union to take into account, in defining its policies, social aspects such as the promotion of a high level of employment, the guarantee of adequate social protection and the fight against social exclusion. Do we really want to give up on these princi- ples?

Many express concern over a lack of democracy within the European institutions. And yet the draft Constitution makes a substantial contribution towards reducing the democratic deficit. It gives the European Parliament a much bigger role in the decision-making process, granting it the power to amend and approve almost all new legislation. The doors of the Council, in its role as legislator, will also be wide open to the public, allowing citizens and national parliaments to become more familiar with the positions of the governments. Indeed, participative democracy is gaining constitutional status, with an entire title of the Constitution (Title VI) dedicated to "The democratic life of the Union". Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Others fear that "Europe" is an elitist project, imposed on citizens despite their con- victions. And yet the draft Constitution brings Europe closer to both citizens and the national parliaments. It gives citizens the right to ask the Commission to present proposals on appropriate matters, if they manage to collect one million signatures in a significant number of Member States. And it gives the national parliaments significant new competences in order to put subsidiarity into practice. They will be informed of all new legislative proposals of the Commission and will be able to refer them back to the Commission for review. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Still others are worried by globalisation and by possible threats to the role of Europe. And yet the draft Constitution strengthens the European Union's influence in the world, and the visibility, coherence and efficiency of its actions. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Citizens generally fear that Europe is too distant and too complex, with its sometimes protracted procedures which can disconcert even the experts. And yet the draft Con- stitution would bring about considerable simplification. It makes one legible text out MESSINA, 50 YEARS ON: TURNING THE CRISIS TO OUR ADVANTAGE of a confusing collection of overlapping treaties. Almost 36 different types of legal instruments are replaced by only six. Do we really want to give up on such a move?

Have these aspects of the draft Constitution often been discussed? As the President of the European Parliament, the President of the Council and I myself said in our joint declaration last Sunday, following the French referendum:

"National and European policy-makers must do more to explain the true magnitude of what is at stake and the nature of the solutions which only Europe can provide … Each and every one of us must think about our role – national governments, Europe- an institutions, civil society – in helping to improve the understanding of this project, whose legitimacy depends on citizens' views being taken into account."

So what are we going to do now? Must we give up on Europe just fifty years after the courageous visionaries of Messina started it off on a new policy of stability and prosperity? Or should we fight to find a new political consensus and use this difficult time as a chance to revive Europe? 99

First of all, it should be made quite clear that the ratifications are above all a matter for the Member States. It is up to them to decide when and how to ratify and whether they wish to continue with the commitment they undertook, or change their posi- tion. Nevertheless, what I consider to be important today is for the Member States to react together and for us to avoid unilateral, disorganised action. That is why I asked them to wait for the European Council of 16 and 17 June to adopt their position. It is important for the Council to discuss ratification and to send a clear message to all Eu- ropeans. I am convinced that a message of consensus is possible and desirable. While it is true that we will have to consider the implications of the French and Dutch "no" in due time, we owe it to the Constitution and democracy to allow each Member State to express its opinion. All Member States have the same rights and they must all have the chance to set out their position. We must not forget that ten Member States, representing half of Europeans, have already said "yes" to the Constitution. And Italy is one of them. By ratifying the Constitution, the parliament of Italy, a founding country, sent a strong signal to Europe. Italy must continue to play its traditional role in encouraging the integration process.

At the same time, I have difficulty seeing how we could re-open negotiations with a view to revising the Constitution. Its text is a very delicate compromise which took several years to achieve. It is hard to imagine how a new compromise, noticeably dif- ferent from the current one, could be approved. And if we tried to take account of the fears of those who voted no, which "no" should we focus on? The Dutch and French who voted "no" had very different reasons for doing so. We must recognise that the "no" in these two countries clearly constitutes opposition to the proposal presented to them, but does not take the form of support for an alternative project.

It is in times like this that we can learn from the events which led to the Messina Con- ference. All too easily, we forget that, until1954, the French National Assembly voted "no" to the European Defence Community. The shock experienced by the European EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

leaders at the time was comparable to what we are feeling today, faced with the French and Dutch "no" votes.

Yet European leaders did not give up on their European ideals. On the contrary. There was a widespread belief that we need a strong, rapid response. Paul-Henri Spaak, who became Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, therefore suggested convening a con- ference to prepare a relaunch plan. The initiative was well received by Johan Willem Beyen, Dutch Minister for Foreign Affairs, who wanted to go even further, towards "general economic integration". The conference, following a proposal by the Italian Minister Gaetano Martino, took place in Messina and resulted, as we all know, in the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community.

In 1954, a crisis led to the relaunch and strengthening of Europe. Rather than bring- ing everything to a sudden halt, European leaders redoubled their efforts to offer a solution tailored to the concerns of their fellow citizens, namely peace and prosperity. It is interesting today to see that, faced with the institutional crisis at the time, the 100 chosen approach was to look for a solution by means of economic integration.

It is therefore our responsibility to keep moving forward. We must show our fellow citizens, who are sometimes a little sceptical, that the European Union is now more than ever able to offer an effective response to their concerns. This week's referendum results are a setback, yes, but Europe is more than ever firmly established; we have to remember that there is life beyond the constitutional debate.

The Commission is continuing, and will continue, to make important decisions which offer real advantages to all European citizens. We have a programme to put into action, a programme supported unanimously by the European Council and the European Parliament, a partnership which specifically responds to citizens' concerns by focusing on prosperity, solidarity and security. Indeed, all the European institu- tions must be united in their aim to forge ahead in implementing the programme and thus to solve the problems causing concern. We aim to create more and better jobs, foster economic growth and sustainable development, preserve and modernise the European social model and guarantee greater security for citizens. That is how we will restore their trust in Europe and in its institutions.

The first major test will perhaps be to reach an agreement on financial perspectives for the period 2007-2013. The European Union needs a new budgetary framework to finance the policies and activities of the Union, and there is no reason to postpone negotiations. On the contrary, everything prompts us now to show that Europe can act with determination. The Commission will do its utmost to achieve a result which conveys our desire to create a more competitive, solidarity-based Europe.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As the six Ministers for Foreign Affairs in Messina fifty years ago knew only too well, the construction of Europe is a complex exercise, exposed to occasional crises. How- MESSINA, 50 YEARS ON: TURNING THE CRISIS TO OUR ADVANTAGE ever, it was by demonstrating true leadership that they transformed the crisis into an opportunity, and allowed a stronger, improved Europe to emerge, a Europe ready to meet the new challenges and assume its responsibilities.

The fate of the Constitution is now in the hands of the Member States. The ball is in their court. In Rome, just over six months ago, the 25 governments of the Member States signed the constitutional treaty. Now it is crucial for the 25 to analyse the sit- uation together and agree on which path to take. The time has come, once again, to show the Messina spirit, and refuse to baulk at difficulties or abandon the values and principles underpinning our project.

It is vital for us to seize this opportunity to forge a new political consensus. As I see it, the Commission's role is to facilitate consensus and avoid a clash between the various models or perceptions of Europe. Without this new consensus, which is now vital, compromise and solutions will be more difficult.

At the same time, however, there are two dangerous traps which must be avoided. 101

The first would be to become entrenched in ideological divisions. Divisions based around the two political doctrines of the market and the State are not in Europe's best interests. Neither of the two will solve all the problems, and any attempt to im- pose one of the two in Europe is destined to fail. What we need now is an effective combination of market and State which can help Europe to win, rather than lose, in the face of globalisation.

The second trap would be to engage in the "blame game", i.e. in useless and danger- ous accusations, and in particular to transform the European institutions on the basis of the difficulties encountered either at national level or in the context of global chal- lenges. Admittedly, the European institutions are not perfect. Who is? It is because we acknowledged that certain problems exist that, since taking up office six months ago, my Commission decided to prepare initiatives for better communication and improved legislative quality (the "better regulation" initiative). Indeed, we know that we can do better in terms of trust, transparency and responsibility between citizens and the European institutions, and that they can do more to ensure respect for the principle of subsidiarity and for the simplification of its decisions, when it comes to relationships with citizens and businesses. But the temptation to attribute unpopular decisions to Brussels has caused serious harm in the past, and continues to do so. This is the case when we perceive meetings in Brussels as battles in which the winners and losers confront each other every day, rather than seeing them as opportunities to debate, achieve consensus and find compromises in difficult but shared problems.

If we attack "Brussels" six days a week, from Monday to Saturday, can we hope for a complete reversal of opinion the next day, and expect citizens to support Europe on Sunday?

If today's Heads of State and Government show the same sense of responsibility as the political leaders fifty years ago in Messina, and avoid these two traps, I think that the future looks promising and that we can turn this crisis to our advantage. That is EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

why, here in Messina, I wish to launch a call to rally around European values, the civilisation and soul of Europe, to strive to find the support which will allow us to achieve a dynamic consensus for a Europe capable of adapting to the new challenges of globalisation. Perhaps then, when the European leaders of tomorrow meet here to celebrate the centenary of the Conference of Messina, they will also remember the crisis in 2005 which was transformed into opportunity, and from which a stronger, better Europe emerged.

Thank you for your attention.

102 France and Europe: a shared destiny

FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PARIS, 24 JANUARY 2006

Mr President, Ministers, Honourable Members, 103

am particularly honoured to speak to you today, in this prestigious house, and to respond to the invitation from Mr Jean-Louis Debré, President of your Assembly, I whom I wish to warmly thank for this opportunity to engage in discussion with the French national representatives. I am here today to talk to you about the devel- opment of Europe of course, but also to look back at a situation which needs to be recalled with strength and conviction, just after the lively, passionate debates in your country. I want to talk about the unshakeable link which creates a far-reaching shared destiny between France and Europe.

I do not need to remind you, the elected representatives of the French people, of the eminent role played by France in the construction of Europe. Europe would not have been created or grown without France and its audacious policy, guided by a bold and generous vision underpinned by solidarity, and driven by men and women who so successfully embodied its spirit.

But France has also been able to count on Europe. Europe has been the melting pot for its economic and cultural influence over recent decades. The challenges which it must face today are common to all European countries, and no one country can meet them alone without the support of Europe. The main flagship projects on which our future competitiveness hinges would not be viable without European cooperation. Without our combined efforts, Galileo would not have come into being and Iter would be in Asia today, not in Cadarache, in the Marseilles region.

The year 2005, which has just ended, marked a turning point. We have of course experienced difficulties but we managed to overcome them together, as shown by the constructive review of the Hampton Court summit and the positive conclusion of the European Council of December, in which I see sound proof of Europe's vitality. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Does our shared history not show that, in times of tension, Europe has always man- aged to unite, to relaunch its project and reinvent itself, with the unfailing support of France, a founding country and the driving force behind Europe?

It is from the viewpoint of this extraordinary capacity to recover that I see the recent debate which took place in France on the occasion of the referendum. In the French decision, which was reached democratically, I do not see a rejection of Europe but rather the will of citizens to be heard and to shape their shared destiny.

The French debate raised real questions, which require us to provide real answers. Citizens have the feeling that they are not listened to or heard enough regarding the European project. They urge us all – national political leaders and European insti- tutions – to provide specific answers for their concerns, and urge us to shoulder our common responsibility in this respect.

That is why I am calling on politicians, men and women, the active population, 104 French intellectuals: engage in Europe, discuss Europe, explain Europe! We must stop allowing people to believe that Europe does not concern them, that it refers to Brussels. We are all Europe! We are all stakeholders in the construction of Europe!

Some of our citizens fear the future because they fear globalisation. Yet the history of France has always been one of openness to the world and not of withdrawal! The universal values of humanism which quite rightly have been the pride of your country would not have had such influence if France, the country of their birth, had remained closed to the rest of the world!

We have no reason to fear the future. I myself and the European Commission are entirely confident: Europe has the means to impact world developments thanks to our considerable assets.

In view of globalisation, the European dimension is the only one able to make the difference and allow us stay on top of this process. Think about the energy challenges, development aid particularly in Africa, or the fight against crime and terrorism. In all these fields, we need more input from Europe because not even the larger Member States are able today to deal with these issues on their own.

If we prepare to optimise the benefits of globalisation, the global opening of markets and the growth of new technologies – a source of business and therefore of employ- ment – can become a powerful and positive driving force for the economy, social well-being, security and culture.

Now it is time for results. To restore the confidence and support of citizens, we must endeavour to meet their three priority concerns, which we have made our own - pros- perity, solidarity and security.

By giving a new boost to growth through innovation, entrepreneurship and research, by supporting in particular small- and medium-sized businesses in order to create more and better quality jobs, we will be fostering the prosperity so essential to the FRANCE AND EUROPE: A SHARED DESTINY blossoming of our European project. And this campaign for competitiveness will also be waged in partnership with the regions of Europe. The Commission thus welcomes the adoption by the European Council of its regional policy proposals which will make it possible to support development in the regions of metropolitan France and the overseas departments.

By strengthening the social dimension of job-creation through the promotion of equal opportunities and the anticipation of problems linked to restructuring and the management of an ageing population, we will be giving substance to the principle of solidarity, which is at the very heart of the European project.

By improving health and food safety, consumer protection, access to justice, border control and the fight against terrorism, we will be ensuring the safety to which our citizens are entitled.

After the European Council of December cleared our budget horizon, we can now translate the "renewed Lisbon Strategy" into reality. To preserve and strengthen our 105 common values, we urgently need to modernise our policies and reform our econo- mies.

We are all the more determined since the informal summit at Hampton Court last October made it possible to achieve a very strong convergence of opinions on urgent dossiers, on the basis of the Commission proposals and spurred on by France – uni- versities and research, demography, energy, security. Beyond political divisions, we have been able to find consensus and a sense of direction in the common interest of Europe, because we have no time to lose and we want a successful Europe!

I am also convinced that public support for the modernisation of the institutions provided for in the draft constitutional treaty will come in time, when the conditions have been met and confidence restored.

Yes, we need to reform our institutions and equip ourselves with the necessary means to effectively meet the challenges of the 21st century.

But I am convinced that political impetus will give momentum to institutional change, rather than the other way round.

So let's create that political impetus. In 2006, let's stop talking and start achieving results, real results. I have no doubt that France will fully assume its role in the fulfil- ment of our shared ambitions.

As an avid reader of your national press, I see here and there that France apparently suffers from melancholy, or even malaise. I wonder whether the country of Molière is not falling into the mindset of the "Imaginary Invalid"...

I, on the other hand, think that France has every reason to be confident! EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

In Europe and throughout the world, France has a voice which is heeded, a voice which counts.

France, a major exporter, is also a leading industrial force and a global player in the services sector, the birthplace of outstanding success stories in the high-tech sector and a hub for international investment. How could we forget resounding world suc- cesses like Airbus and Ariane, which owe so much to French initiative?

The choice of being open to the world is therefore a winning choice for France and for Europe.

In order to progress, Europe needs France.

To progress, France must lean on Europe, a Europe determined to promote our com- mon values at global level.

106 In the joint effort to which we must all contribute, your Assembly, like all national parliaments, has a role and a special responsibility. It is also through you, and with you, that the legitimacy of Europe will be reinforced.

So let's join forces, for the sake of our citizens. Together, we will succeed!

Mr President, Honourable Members,

As Jean Monnet said so appositely: "the roots of the Community are strong now, and they are firmly planted in Europe. They have survived bad seasons, and can survive others. On the surface, appearances change and it is normal that the images of the past fade, that the balance of the world is renewed. Yet when we see the persistence of European sentiment in this evolving context, we cannot doubt the strength of this fundamental movement, which is so in keeping with the various periods in history".

In conclusion, it is a great honour for me to assure you today, in my own name and on behalf of the European Commission, of our attachment and loyalty to the princi- ples and values which were handed down to us by the "founding fathers", the most prominent of whom are your fellow countrymen Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman.

Peace, freedom, democracy and solidarity are more than ever at the heart of the Euro- pean project, a lucid dream which we wish to transform into reality.

Thank you for your attention. Seeing Through The Hallucinations

THIRD HUGO YOUNG MEMORIAL LECTURE, CHATHAM HOUSE LONDON, 16 OCTOBER 2006

Ladies and gentlemen, 107

et me start by saying what an honour it is to be the first non-Briton to be invit- ed to give the Hugo Young Lecture. The first non-Briton but not, I hope, the L first European. And Britain’s place in Europe is what I would like to explore today. I will argue that we must set aside what Hugo Young called ‘the hallucinations, both positive and negative, that have driven the British debate for so long’. The time has come to recast the whole framework of this debate to take account of the new realities of the 21st century.

////

Europe’s raison d’être was crystal clear from the beginning. It was not the common market. It was not the CAP. It was certainly not some plot ‘blessed’ or not, created by foreigners for the sole purpose of eroding the sovereignty of the United Kingdom, or indeed any other country.

No. Its fundamental raison d’être was a noble one, and Robert Schuman, in his decla- ration of 9 May 1950, made sure everyone knew it. It’s there in the very first sentence: ‘World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts propor- tionate to the dangers which threaten it.’

The words ‘peace’ and ‘peaceful’ appear no less than five times in this historic decla- ration of a mere few hundred words. This was not some vague aspiration, an empty declaration. This was a pragmatic, muscular, concrete peace. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Schuman said that pooling the production of coal and steel – the raw materials of war – under a supranational authority, ‘will make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible.’

Schuman, Jean Monnet and the other founding fathers were right, and their plan worked. Today, the success of this strategy is self-evident. Not only has war between France and Germany indeed become unimaginable, but thanks to successive enlarge- ments we have spread peace, stability and prosperity across the European continent.

Those enlargements reinforced another rationale for Europe – freedom. That is an argument for Europe which is easily forgotten, but very important to me personally. When I started university in Portugal, I could not buy the books I wanted, or listen to the music I liked. To buy a copy of “Je t´aime” was a prohibited act; not by the police of political correctness but by the government authorities.

Like many of my age, I rebelled against this dull authoritarianism. My generation 108 saw Europe as an inspiration, a destination for those who wanted freedom and de- mocracy. To my generation in Portugal, to those living in the dictatorships of central and southern Europe which the magnetic power of the European Union helped to overthrow, Europe meant, and still means, freedom.

But, for all its triumphs, the European Union has become the victim of its own suc- cess.

60 years of peace has meant that the image of Europe as a bastion against war is losing its resonance. 30 years of pluralist democracy in southern Europe is doing the same to the idea of Europe as a source of freedom.

Equally, the freedoms that Europe offers to its citizens – to travel, to study, to work and to live in any EU Member State are now taken for granted; which is understand- able, but perhaps unwise. What the member states of the European Union have creat- ed, they can easily destroy. To take fundamental freedoms for granted is to put them at risk. We only have to look at what is happening today to freedom of expression and thought to realise that those dangers are there.

So let me turn to the political landscape of today’s Europe. It is one characterised by a basic tension between those who fear the future, who fear the world, and want pro- tection from it, and those who reach out to it. In truth, that is a tension which exists inside each one of us. That tension is played out at a European level in the reactions to the extraordinary changes going on in the world. Should we close, or should we open, our doors to the people, the products, the ideas that come from outside?

My answer is clear. We must have an open Europe. A Europe which is open to each other and to the rest of the world. A Europe which is engaging with the rest of the world, promoting its interests, its ideas and its values beyond its borders. A Europe which is confident enough to promote change in order to sustain its values, its inter- ests, its ambitions. SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS

To achieve an open Europe, we must find a path through two extremes. On one side, ‘market fundamentalists’ reject any European political action as unnecessary med- dling in the business of the nation state or individuals. On the other, ‘statist funda- mentalists’ whip up fear of change and see a plot behind every economic action.

Both are wrong. As Hugo Young described in “This Blessed Plot” the European Un- ion was never just a political project or just an economic project. The two go hand- in-hand.

First, Europe needs a strong and open economy to underpin its political ambitions. That is why this Commission’s agenda of jobs and growth is an essential element of a strong Europe, not a distraction from it.

Second, Europe needs a strong political dimension to nurture and sustain its eco- nomic achievements. The economic dynamism which this Commission is fighting for will not happen on its own; it needs strong institutions to make it happen. To create, defend and extend the single market, you need the European Commission and the 109 European Court of Justice. You cannot do this without them. If you want an open Europe, you need a political Europe. You will not get one without the other.

But, as I have argued, the European Union needs new foundations. A new core pur- pose. One which looks forward, recognises new realities, that draws inspiration from but does not depend upon the achievements of the past. One in which, as I said in my first speech as Commission President elect, everyone can find themselves.

And as chance would have it, our purpose is staring us in the face.

In 1950, the challenge was securing a lasting peace. But look at the challenges facing Europe today. Climate change. Growing competition from China and India. Global pandemics. Mass migration. International terrorism. Demographic change. Energy security.

These challenges are shared by all Europeans, from London to Lisbon and Ljubljana. They are also challenges which no nation state can hope to tackle successfully alone. The smaller member states know that. The larger ones may not feel this as strongly. But I think it is true for all EU members, large and small. Size is relative. The United Kingdom looks big next to Ireland. It looks small next to China.

The fact is, the European Union is a uniquely effective instrument for helping the United Kingdom and other European countries to develop solutions to these new, cross-border challenges.

And surely this is the EU’s raison d’être for the 21st century: to help Europeans pros- per in a globalised world.

There are those who claim that in our interconnected age, it is grassroots politics that matters. That globalisation has liberated the local. There’s a lot in this. But there are those who then argue that the EU is rendered irrelevant in this globalised world. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

They are wrong. The opposite is true. Globalisation makes the case for the European Union.

Because size matters in the globalised world. The actors of globalisation; the United States, China, India, dwarf any single member of the EU in terms of population, and in some cases in terms of economic size and security strength. The EU has that size; 500 million people, the biggest single market in the world, the biggest exporter in the world, the biggest aid donor in the world.

Yes, countries like the UK will have special relationships with India or China, and it is to the EU’s benefit that they do. But one of the reasons that these countries want to keep good relations with the UK is precisely because it is an influential member of the EU. Lose that influence, and you lose some of that interest.

You also lose the leverage which size brings. Let me take a topical example. On Friday Tony Blair, myself and other EU leaders will sit with President Putin to discuss energy 110 policy. There are common energy challenges which all the EU’s members face, and which the Commission will address with a package of proposals in January. The UK’s influence in tackling those challenges is increased, literally tenfold, by being part of a united European bloc when sitting down with the president of Russia.

In other words, globalisation has reduced the ability of the nation state alone to pro- vide solutions, while failing to provide a realistic alternative at the global level. Europe – with its weight, wealth, shared values, diversity of expertise and unique range of instruments - fills that gap.

This is not to deny an important truth; the nation state is and will, I think, remain the principal source of political power, because it is to the nation state that most Eu- ropeans feel greatest allegiance. But in an era when the challenges facing nation states are global, governments can best deliver for their citizens by leveraging our common strength as Europe.

Let me look at what some of those challenges are.

• Tackling climate change and promoting energy security.

• Fighting global poverty, especially in Africa.

• Boosting Europe’s security.

• Increasing Europe’s ability to compete.

The European balance sheet in all these areas is encouraging.

Take climate change. The EU was the prime mover in the Kyoto Protocol negotia- tions. It was EU leadership which secured the final agreement on multilateral action to tackle climate change. SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS

Today, the EU Emissions Trading Scheme is a vital instrument to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in a cost effective way. The European Commission designed and pro- posed the EU Emissions Trading Scheme. We will develop it further. It is exactly the sort of market-based mechanism that British political leaders, across the spectrum, are calling for.

Take energy. The problems faced by the UK - high energy prices, ageing infrastruc- ture, increasing dependency on imported hydrocarbons - are European problems. Having 27 energy mini-markets will get us nowhere.

European problems require European solutions, and as the largest importer and sec- ond largest consumer of energy in the world, the EU is well placed to find them. European leaders recognised this at Hampton Court last year when they gave the go ahead to the Commission to develop a common approach to energy policy – a classic example of demand-driven integration.

So the Commission will drive forward consumer choice and competitiveness with 111 a new legislative package to strengthen the energy single market next year. We will build up co-operation with strategically important transit and supply countries. We will extend the principles of the internal energy market beyond the EU’s borders. We will adopt this week an ambitious plan to increase Europe’s energy efficiency. We will invest more in research in renewable and other forms of low carbon energy. Through all this we will encourage greater diversity - of energy sources, of country of origin, of country of transit. It is through energy diversity that we will get energy security.

Now, take Africa and the fight against poverty. Trade is essential to help the poor get out of poverty. It is at the heart of our development strategy. The European Union is the most open market in the world for the poorest countries, and their largest trading partner.

Those who like to complain about Europe’s agricultural policies might be surprised to learn that the European Union buys 85 per cent of all Africa’s agriculture exports. In fact, it imports more goods from Africa than all the other G8 countries combined (you can throw in Australia and New Zealand as well, if you like). By 2009, the 50 poorest countries in the world will be able to export all their goods, apart from arms, duty and quota free. No other major trading bloc can match this.

Collectively, the EU also accounts for 55 per cent of all official development aid spent worldwide – a figure projected to rise to 63 per cent by 2010. It has agreed to double aid by 2010, and to provide 80 per cent of the 50 billion dollars pledged to Africa at the G8 Summit in Gleneagles last year.

In all these areas, our aim is to accelerate Africa’s progress towards meeting the Mil- lennium Development Goals, and keep development at the centre of global concerns. Where it belongs.

There is a human element to this as well. I was in Darfur last week, on my way to co-chair the first ever meeting of the European Commission outside Europe, in Addis EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Ababa – the home of the Commission of the Africa Union. I am amazed at what I have seen in these young people that travel so far to help the people of Africa. I am proud of this Europe, I feel proud to feel European.

Let us look at security. There is a rising demand for a European role in external crises. And the EU is responding. It has doubled the number of peace and security missions in recent years. It is playing a central role in conflict prevention and resolution from Darfur to Palestine, from the Congo to Lebanon.

It is an effective actor because of the range of instruments at its disposal. In Darfur, for example, it is the biggest contributor to humanitarian aid, the main supporter of the African peacekeepers there, and playing a political role in pushing the Sudanese government to avoid another humanitarian catastrophe. The same is true in Congo, further from the eyes of the world’s media. So too in Palestine, or in Indonesia, Acheh or closer to home in Kosovo and Bosnia. This work is raising Europe’s credibility as a stabilizing force, and raising expectations for even greater commitment. It is happen- 112 ing without a great fanfare. But it is happening. It is a major development in Europe’s role. It is a responsibility we shouldn’t duck.

Finally, helping Europe compete. We must unleash the full potential of the single market to generate growth and jobs. That is why this European Commission will defend, extend and modernise the single market.

We have an ambitious agenda. Financial services, health services, postal services, cop- yright levies, and defence procurement are some of the areas that will come under the spotlight in the months to come.

This is important because a competitive single market is a vital ground for sharpening Europe’s industries; to enable them to compete not just in Europe but in the global marketplace. So this Commission will fight hard to ensure that Community law is respected, and that this important playing field remains an open, fair and level one, for all our companies.

Of course, some talk of economic nationalism and patriotism. But I ask you to look at the facts before listening to the comments. European markets are opening up. Energy cross border mergers notified to the Commission are up 75% since 2000. The Com- mission has already looked at ten cross-border energy mergers this year, three more than in the whole of 2005. The rhetoric about protectionism may point one way, but the reality points the other. And, in fact, this rhetoric is resistance. There is resistance because of movement.

So Europe’s agenda, this Commission’s agenda, is not some alien construction; it is one which responds to the challenges being addressed by the UK and by others in Europe.

Let me put it another way. If the United Kingdom wants to tackle climate change; if it wants to fight poverty in Africa; if it wants to deliver greater external security, if it SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS wants a more open, competitive environment, then the United Kingdom needs the European Union.

But, ladies and gentlemen, let us recognise another very important truth. That the EU needs the United Kingdom.

Because what is striking is that in all these policy areas, Britain is a lead player in Europe.

On climate change, for example, the UK’s support was vital for putting the emissions trading scheme in place as quickly as it was. And it will be equally important in its further development.

On energy, the UK is leading the drive for more open markets, more sustainability and greater security.

On security and defence, the UK was there from the beginning, thanks to the An- 113 glo-French St Malo Declaration. Last year you were the biggest contributor of troops to European Security and Defence Policy operations. The British play a significant role within the EU’s military structures. The next head of the EU’s military staff will be British.

On Africa, Prime Minister Blair has shown a clear commitment, making it a priority of the British Presidency of the EU and the G8. Moreover, Britons have taken a lead on Africa at the grassroots level, too. The Make Poverty History campaign was a driv- ing force behind global efforts by civil society to tackle poverty.

Finally, on open economies and competitiveness, the UK was a driving force for the creation of the single market and for the Lisbon agenda, and has been a leader in pushing for open trade; to the benefit of the EU and? I would suggest, the UK.

So the UK is playing a central role. That is good for the EU; and I think good for the UK. The world has changed. Europe has changed too. And the UK now finds itself at the centre of efforts to build a successful, open and global Europe.

Why? Not out of altruism, or because of a vague notion of “influence”, but because you judge that it is in your interest to do so. To pursue British objectives of an open, secure and just world, you need the European Union.

The UK’s role in developing Europe is a vital role and the UK can take pride in its contribution. And yet it sometimes seems reluctant to do so. This may be because of your native modesty. But it will never work as a means of convincing the British pub- lic of the need for Europe. You will never persuade people to support an organisation which sometimes you pretend does not exist.

The UK will always have influence in Europe. Its size, its economic power and its in- ternational networks will ensure that. So the question is: does the UK want to shape a positive agenda which reflects its own agenda, or be dragged along as a reluctant EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

partner? Does the United Kingdom want to continue to drive from the centre; or return to sulking from the periphery?

The choice is yours.

I spoke a few minutes ago about the role of the UK in the launch of the single market. It is an instructive example. It may seem strange to bring Margaret Thatcher into the Hugo Young lecture about Europe, although he wrote excellent books on both sub- jects. But she accepted, in the Single European Act, the need for effective institutions to drive an ambitious policy agenda. And what was true then remains true now. Eu- rope cannot fight climate change, poverty, threats to security, economic nationalism, without effective institutions. My experience shows that without strong institutions at the centre, even the internal market will be put into question. If you want these ends, then you must have the means to deliver them.

So talk of fulfilling Europe’s new core purpose will come to nothing unless the EU 114 is able to adapt to the new rules of the game. Becoming an effective, global Europe requires improving Europe’s capacity to act. That is why institutional reform is nec- essary.

The Constitution would have helped. But perhaps the grand finality of the word ‘constitution’ set it up as a hostage to fortune, both to intergovernmentalists who felt it went too far, and to federalists, who felt it did not go far enough. Let us be clear about the label which should be attached to further institutional reform. What Eu- rope needs is a Capacity to Act.

Of course, there is a lot we can do, and have been doing, on the basis of the existing treaties. I do not subscribe to the view that Europe is stuck. I hope the agenda I have just described to you is evidence of that. And I doubt that many will be convinced of the argument that Europe isn’t working, so we need more of it.

But the fact remains that the current set-up is less than optimal. In any event, the Nice Treaty legally obliges us to revise the composition of the Commission as soon as there are 27 Member States - and that day is less than three months away. And finally, the last European Summit set up a process to look at the institutional question in the coming year.

We need this reform. We need this institutional reform for three reasons:

First, we must improve the efficiency of decision-making. As the number of Member States rises, the time it takes to reach a decision increases. Agreement, and action, becomes more difficult to reach. This has to change. There is no point reaching the right policies on globalisation if they arrive 5 years too late.

Second, the distance is growing between Europe and its citizens. Again, that must change. Injecting greater accountability and transparency into Europe’s institutions will help to close that gap. That means letting fresh air into the smoke-filled rooms, SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS and developing a more political way of building Europe, rather than a diplomatic, bureaucratic or technocratic one.

I regard our better regulation agenda as central to that. I agree with those who say that the regulatory burden is too heavy. I am trying to reduce it. But don’t forget that sometimes this extra burden comes not from the Commission, but from the member states; both when they adopt the regulations and when they implement them.

Third, there can be no global Europe without greater external coherence. There is no single number for the United States to call. The EU is not a federal state. But a Euro- pean Foreign Minister, who is simultaneously responsible to the Member States and a Vice-President of the Commission, would go a long way to achieving that coherence. But we must go further than that. We need to join together the combined weight of the Community and inter-governmental forces on external policy. Europe must become more than the sum of its parts.

There is another reason I might add; we need reform to enable enlargement to contin- 115 ue. I do not believe we will be able to get popular support for enlargement, or be able to make the institutions of an enlarged Europe work, without reform. And I want enlargement to continue; that is another reason why we need reform.

But if we are to have further institutional reform, we must have a policy purpose behind it. I have put policies before institutions in this lecture for that very reason; institutions cannot exist in a vacuum – they must work for a purpose. In thinking through Europe’s capacity to act, we need to examine afresh which policy fields re- quire a further pooling of sovereignty, and also examine which require less.

A new institutional settlement for the EU should be seen within the same intellectual framework as the continued reform of existing EU policies. This Commission is al- ready analysing what reforms are needed to the Single Market, what kind of modern social policies Europe needs and how a budget designed for the political priorities of a previous generation can be reformed to serve the needs of the future.

Let me take a moment to talk about the budget. The budget for 2007 to 2013 points in a more forward-looking direction, thanks to the deal brokered under the British Presidency. It is a deal which reduces agricultural spending by 2013, especially on direct support to production. It is a deal which increases spending in areas that reflect Europe’s new agenda – like competitiveness, growth and jobs, innovation and secu- rity. And, crucially, it will shift money to where it is most needed; the new member states. They will get 50% of the regional and rural development funds, despite having only around 6% of the EU’s GDP. That is an important investment in Europe’s fu- ture; and one which will benefit all in Europe, just as the UK and others have benefit- ed from the economic development of Ireland, Spain and Portugal.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I have tried to show that Europe’s old raison d’être - consolidating peace – must be reinforced by a new sense of purpose. I have tried to show that Europe’s new vocation EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

is to be open, global and engaged, delivering 21st century solutions to 21st century concerns.

It is a vocation which I think the UK shares, and which gives it a central role to play. Europe is also an essential instrument for delivering UK policy objectives. The differ- ence is, this is no longer just a UK agenda. It’s a European agenda. And it requires a European response. With effective institutions. If there was ever a case to argue that the agendas of the UK and the EU were in conflict that is now, quite simply, absurd.

And let us also get off the old debates about sovereignty. There are those who accept that effective action requires something more than just cooperation, and those who think that cooperation without effective sovereignty sharing is enough. I like the an- swer which Harold Macmillan gave to that question in 1962. He said, “Accession... would not involve a one-sided surrender of sovereignty on our part but a pooling of sovereignty by all concerned...In renouncing some of our sovereignty we would re- ceive in return a share of the sovereignty renounced by other members”. 116 I am passionate about Europe; its values, its culture, its history, its truly extraordinary achievements in the last fifty years. No-one is forced to love Europe. What I ask is that the United Kingdom demands more from Europe, and keeps giving more in re- turn. It is no longer a question of whether people are for or against Europe. Those are the debates of the last century. The question is – do you want to make the European Union work?

I know that Hugo Young’s answer was “yes”. In the years to come, let that voice to be heard louder, not less, in Britain’s political arena.

Thank you. A stronger Europe for a successful globalisation

50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE TREATIES OF ROME BERLIN, 25 MARCH 2007

Mrs Merkel, Excellencies, 117

oday we are marking half a century of European union. We have every reason to celebrate, and we are doing so in Berlin, the capital of the united Germany. T Right from the start, Germany has been a reliable driving force in this united Europe. Today’s European Union - our enlarged Europe - would not have been possi- ble without Germany’s commitment and solidarity.

Berlin is thus a symbol of the new, united Europe. The fact that these 27 Member States are here celebrating in Berlin today is in itself symbolic of this free and united Europe. Just 20 years ago, this would still have been unthinkable.

As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, the past and the future meet. Let us first recognise 50 years of achievement. Peace, liberty and prosperity, beyond the dreams of even the most optimistic founding father of Europe. In 1957 15 of our 27 members were either under dictatorship or were not allowed to exist as independent countries. Now we all are prospering democracies.

The EU of today is around 50 times more prosperous and with 3 times the population of the EC of 1957.

This enlarged European Union gives us not just economic but also political and stra- tegic dimension. This dimension makes each member state stronger, amplifies each of our voices.

Size matters in today’s world. Together we can achieve results we could never dream of alone, tackling the challenges of the globalised world: climate change, energy security, terrorism and organized crime, mass migration, a more competitive economic envi- ronment and global poverty. The conflicts of the twentieth century made us small, European unity can give our greatness back. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Here, let me be clear. My vision of Europe is not one where only European institu- tions promote unity and Member States defend diversity. A real partnership is where European Institutions respect diversity and national governments promote unity. That’s why we need the community method and subsidiarity.

Our unity is based on deep ties: common roots and common values. It is those values that make us a Community and a Union, not just a market. The triumph of the last 50 years has been the triumph of those values in Europe, of freedom and solidarity, delivered through a Community of law. Our challenge for the next 50 years is to pro- pose, but not to impose, those values beyond Europe’s borders. This is the unfinished European adventure.

To complete our unfinished adventure requires not just scale and values. It requires something from each of us, as leaders. Political will. As Robert Schuman put it: “Il n’est plus question de vaines paroles, mais d’un acte, d’un acte hardi, d’un acte con- structif.” 118 First, “European Union” is not a “foreign power” invading our countries; it is our common project. Europe is not “them”, it is “us”. It is tempting, but it is not honest for national politicians to take all the credit and give “Brussels” all the blame. Let us resist that temptation. This is the ethic of European responsibility which we must all share.

Second, the political will to be open, not closed, to be brave, not frightened. To have the courage of our vision to shape globalisation with our values.

Third, the will to give Europe the capacity to act. A Europe of results demands effi- cient, democratic and coherent institutions. We must equip the European Union for globalisation.

This is the kind of historical test that a generation of political leaders faces once in their lifetime. So let me finish with an appeal. Let’s work together: European Com- mission, European Parliament, Member States and European citizens, to take the great legacy we received from our founding fathers into the 21st century. Together, I believe we can win: Europa gelingt gemeinsam.

Thank you. The Treaty of Lisbon: a treaty for 21st century Europe

SIGNATURE OF THE TREATY OF LISBON LISBON, 13 DECEMBER 2007

isbon, so often the meeting point between Europe and the world, is today the 119 place where Europeans meet among themselves, and the Treaty of Lisbon is the L result of this meeting. In this old continent, a new Europe is being born; a Eu- rope enlarged to 27 Member States, reunited in freedom and democracy. In resolving its institutional issues, Europe is preparing to tackle global problems.

A long time has passed since Europe was the centre of the world. Moreover, it is doubtful that the modern world even has a real centre. Yet, if we match the capacity to act which the Treaty of Lisbon confers on us with a political will to act, Europe will be better placed than any other country or group of countries to propose – rather than impose – global solutions which the world urgently needs.

By signing the Treaty of Lisbon, we are bringing to an end six years of negotiations on our institutions. I wish to applaud the commitment of all the governments and of the European Parliament during the Intergovernmental Conference. The Commission, true to its role of defender of the general European interest, is also proud of the im- petus it has lent to this process.

Allow me to highlight the exceptional contribution of the German Presidency of the Council which, following the Berlin Declaration, garnered the political will of the Member States in support of the Intergovernmental Conference's mandate, and the competence and determination of the Portuguese Presidency of the Council, which made this Treaty of Lisbon possible.

In order to achieve this result, all governments had to demonstrate political courage and I would invite you to show the same determination during the ratification period.

It is particularly important to draw attention to the added value of the Treaty and the efficiency gains it brings to our decision-making process, the increased democracy it affords our institutions and the potential for greater coherence it represents for our external action. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Now is the time to move forward. Europe must face many challenges, both external and internal, and our citizens want results. Globalisation is the common denominator for all these challenges.

If we are to ensure that Europeans enjoy prosperity and social justice, freedom and security, the European Union must be able to take decisive action on the world stage.

If we are to have an international order built on open and fair societies and econo- mies, collective security, good governance, human rights and sustainable development to guarantee our planet's future, in particular in face of the major challenge of climate change, the European Union must have adequate tools to shape globalisation.

If we are to have strategic relationships with our partners and the means to firmly defend our interests in our relations with other great powers, the European Union must be strong and united. As the great poet Fernando Pessoa said in 1917, “Europe is thirsting to be created and hungry for the future”. He added “Europe wants to de- 120 velop from a mere geographical designation into a civilised person”.

The Treaty of Lisbon will reinforce the Union’s capacity to act and the ability to achieve those goals in an effective way. As such, it will help the Union to deliver better results to European citizens.

The Treaty of Lisbon will also strengthen European democracy and the community method, by giving more competences to the European Parliament, but will also rein- force the respect for subsidiarity through an increased role of national parliaments in European matters.

The Treaty of Lisbon will give further legal protections to European citizens through the Charter of Fundamental Rights, thus reinforcing the principles and values which define us as a “community of law”.

The Treaty of Lisbon will also provide increased coherence in our external action. A good illustration of this is the fact that the High Representative will also be Vice-Pres- ident of the Commission.

But the Treaty of Lisbon also has a very special political significance. It is the Treaty of an enlarged Europe from the Mediterranean to the Baltic, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Black sea. A Europe that shares common values and common ambitions. For the first time, the countries that were once divided by a totalitarian curtain, are now united in support of a common Treaty that they had themselves negotiated.

The enlarged European Union gives us a new economic, political and strategic dimen- sion. This dimension makes each Member State stronger. And it makes Europe, unit- ed in its diversity, better equipped to promote its interests and values in the world.

But dimension is not enough. We need increased coherence, which can only be achieved if we are able to match the new capacity to act with a renewed political will. THE TREATY OF LISBON: A TREATY FOR 21ST CENTURY EUROPE

The Treaty of Lisbon gives the Union this capacity to act. But the determination to act requires political will and committed leadership.

Fifty years after the Treaty of Rome, we can be proud of what we have achieved in the past. Today, as we sign the Treaty of Lisbon, we can be confident about what we will achieve in the future.

Let us now work together – European institutions, Member States – to make free- dom, prosperity and solidarity a reality for the everyday life of European citizens.

121

Political guidelines for the Commission 2009 – 2014

A MESSAGE TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT BRUSSELS, 3 SEPTEMBER 2009

e live in extraordinary times. The crisis that we face is not just a financial 123 or an economic crisis. It is also a crisis for the values of our societies. At W the same time, it shows to what extent the world of the 21st century has become interdependent. It confirms what may become fundamental changes in the relations and the balances between world powers.

This is why we need a far-reaching reflection about the kind of society we want to live in.

For Europe, this is a moment of truth. Europe has to answer a decisive question. Do we want to lead, shaping globalisation on the basis of our values and our interests – or will we leave the initiative to others and accept an outcome shaped by them?

The alternatives are clear. A stark choice has to be made. Either Europeans accept to face this challenge together – or else we slide towards irrelevance.

I am convinced that Europe can, and should, together with our partners, provide glo- balisation with the leadership it needs. In order to play its proper role, Europe must take the acknowledgement of global interdependence as the starting point of its own “declaration of interdependence”. Combining the dimension of its internal market with the joint forces of the European institutions and of its 27 Member States, the European Union has the critical mass to project our values and to defend our inter- ests. And the European Union is particularly well-suited to take up this task because of our experience in establishing supranational rules and institutions. The European Union has had almost 60 years as a laboratory for cross border supranational cooper- ation, making it a natural champion of global governance.

The Lisbon Treaty, which I hope will soon be ratified, will give us the institutional capacity to act. But facing these challenges is also a question of political will. This is not the time for business as usual or for routine – what we need is a transformational agenda. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

More than ever, this requires a strong European Union. But let me be clear: this does not mean more centralisation of powers in Brussels. The Lisbon Treaty and the prin- ciples of subsidiarity and solidarity it enshrines determine the proper level for efficient delivery.

What needs to be recognized is that the European dimension, the European spirit, the European culture in decision-making at all levels, the Community method are decisive to use Europe’s assets to achieve the best results for citizens. To productively deploy our economic and commercial leverage. From the internal market and the Euro to the cohesion policy.

Europe has managed to develop a social market economy and a model of society that surpasses the destructive dichotomy of unregulated markets or over-powerful states. Our common history and experience show that the answers to today’s challenges do not lie in the market alone, or in the state alone. They must come from society so that they can respond to people’s needs. We must put human dignity at the heart of our 124 endeavours. A values based approach provides the right foundation for the pragmatic task of delivering solutions for our citizens. European policies must be policies aimed at results for the citizens. This is the way to close the gap between the reality of Euro- pean integration and people’s perceptions.

It is obvious that the short-term priority must be the successful exit from the crisis, sustaining demand and stemming the rise in unemployment. This means implement- ing the European Economic Recovery Programme with vigour, keeping interest rates low, returning banks to viability, and using our state aid rules to support governments in their efforts to revitalise the economy without adverse effects in other Member States – all of this as part of an overall coordinated European strategy. It is too early to withdraw the stimuli and support measures to the economy and the financial sector.

Under the present circumstances, employment is clearly the number one concern. It is essential to use all possible instruments to hold back further job losses and to help those who now find themselves unemployed. Given the uncertainties which people are facing at this moment, we need a new, much stronger focus on the social dimen- sion in Europe at all levels of decision making. At the same time, an effective and re- sponsible reform of financial markets must be implemented swiftly, so as to re-centre markets on the ethical basis essential for both success and legitimacy.

But to lay the foundations for a more sustainable future, we must already look beyond the short term. Setting the priorities for Europe in a ten year horizon will allow us to define better the work the Commission should do in the next five years. Such a framework will help us to make the right decisions for the longer term, guiding our decisions on how and where to invest now in the deep and innovative changes needed to sustain the European model of society and to succeed in an increasingly competi- tive world.

We already have several of the ingredients in the different strategies and instruments the EU has developed in recent years. What I propose is to bring the different strate- gies and instruments together, adapting them where necessary. In particular, we need POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 to revise the current Lisbon strategy to fit the post 2010 period, turning it into a strategy for an integrated vision of “EU 2020”.

This strategy for the “EU 2020” will comprise a more convergent and coordinated approach for the reform of Europe’s economies through investment in new sources of growth. This means boosting research, development and innovation. This means upgrading of skills as the basis for more employment. This means more competi- tiveness and less administrative burden to strengthen our industrial base, a modern service sector and a thriving rural economy. This means closing the “missing links” in the internal market to realize its full potential. This means action against climate change and for energy security to make our economies and societies sustainable. This means deploying the networks of the future, be it broadband or a new European su- pergrid for electricity and gas. And this means securing sound public finances. I want a strategy for concrete action – which this paper details further – to deliver the kind of inclusive and sustainable social market economy we want to live in.

The basis for the strategy is our commitment to open and sound markets. Internally, 125 it is based on a staunch defence of the internal market, and the competition and state aid rules, which provide a level playing field guaranteeing access and opportunity for all, irrespective of size or might – namely consumers and SMEs. Externally, it is based on the rejection of all forms of economic protectionism, whilst defending the Euro- pean interest firmly and without being naïve.

I have a passion for Europe. For me, the European project goes much further than its economic dimension. It is based on the values of peace, freedom, justice and sol- idarity, and it must mean advancing people’s Europe. The European Union offers its citizens rights, protection and opportunities in the marketplace and beyond. And it helps to bring people together, using Europe’s cultural diversity as a powerful channel to communicate. The principles of free movement and equal treatment for EU citi- zens must become a reality in people’s everyday lives.

Moving ahead in this way, Europe can promote its values and interests not only in her immediate neighbourhood. Europe can become a true partner in leadership on the global scale. At the multilateral level, in the UN context, with our partners in the G8 and the G20. By engaging with emerging economies and calling them to take on in- creased responsibility. And Europe can credibly champion the cause of human rights and of development, notably in the fight against poverty in Africa.

To accomplish this, we need a more political Europe. This requires a special part- nership of the two European institutions “par excellence” – the Commission and the European Parliament. We hold a joint responsibility for the common European good: it is when we work together, when we have a clear consensus on our vision for Europe, that we can best realise our ambitions for the transformational agenda that the Europe of tomorrow demands of us. I set out in broad terms my vision for Europe for the next five years in a letter to the Members of the European Council in June. In the days to come, I will meet with the different political groups ahead of the debate and vote in the plenary of the EP. This is why I have decided to expand on this vision EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

and to set out not only the policy objectives and ideas that I think should inspire our partnership for the next five years, but also my convictions and beliefs.

This document does not aim at being exhaustive. It is not a Commission work pro- gramme. That will have to wait for a new College. The initiatives put forward should be read not as a catalogue, but as illustrations of the political guidelines on which I would like to build a consensus among all pro-European forces. It aims to give all of you – those who have worked with me over the past five years, and those elected to the Parliament for the first time – a direct insight into my ambition for Europe. Should I be approved by the European Parliament on the basis of this vision, I would work with the incoming Commissioners to develop the guidelines set out in this text into the more detailed programme. My first mandate was about consolidating Europe at 27. The enlarged European Union now gives us a springboard to use our reach and strength to best effect. We are now in a position to move on with conviction and determination to a new phase of ambition. If I am reconfirmed by the European Parliament, I will redouble my efforts to do everything possible to make an ambitious 126 Europe happen. I will use the powers of the Commission to the full. I will take the special partnership with the European Parliament to a new level, to ensure that the two Institutions at the heart of the European project together pull their weight for a prosperous, secure and sustainable Europe – a Europe of freedom and solidarity.

J.M.B.

“Nos pays sont devenus trop petits pour le monde actuel à l’échelle des moyens techniques modernes, à la mesure de l’Amérique et de la Russie d’aujourd’hui, de la Chine et de l’Inde de demain.”4 (Jean Monnet, 1954)

“Et la Communauté elle-même n’est qu’une étape vers les formes d’organisation du monde de demain.”5 (Jean Monnet, “Mémoires”, 1976)

“The twentieth century — America’s Century — had seen Europe plunge into the abyss. The old continent’s recovery had been a slow and uncertain process. In some ways it would never be complete: America would have the biggest army and China would make more, and cheaper, goods. But neither

4 “Our countries have become too small for the present-day world, for the scale of modern technology and of America and Russia today, or China and India tomorrow.” 5 “The Community… is only a stage on the way to the organised world of tomorrow.” POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

America nor China had a serviceable model to propose for universal emulation. In spite of the horrors of their recent past — and in large measure because of them — it was Europeans who were now uniquely placed to offer the world some modest advice on how to avoid repeating their own mistakes. Few would have predicted it sixty years before, but the twenty-first century might yet belong to Europe.” (Tony Judt, “Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945”, 2007)

The Europe I believe in 127 The world is at a turning point. So is Europe. Our action now will determine the vi- tality of the European model of society for future generations. It will determine how much influence we have in shaping a new world order, how well we use our assets to assert Europe’s interests and values in the age of globalisation. The European Union now has 50 years of experience in how to successfully promote rights, prosperity and solidarity for Europeans. We have, sometimes painfully, learned how to manage interdependence in Europe – we now need to bring this experience in a united Eu- ropean response to the global level. These are no ordinary times. What Europe needs is a transformational agenda. Only by working together can Europe have the critical mass needed. We face a choice: either we collectively shape the new order, or Europe will become irrelevant.

This is of course not the first time Europe has had to reinvent itself: it started out as a peace project, aimed at healing a war-torn continent in the 1950s. With the 1960s and 1970s, it transformed into a project for economic prosperity, and became a free- dom project for those Europeans still outside. For my generation, Europe was a bea- con of freedom and democracy, the very embodiment of the political and social rights that people aspired to while still living under oppressive dictatorships. I experienced first-hand the capacity of the European project to surpass the aspirations and expec- tations of Europeans, and I know that this is an experience I share with many of you.

I know that these days it is fashionable to speculate about Europe’s decline. I take a radically different view. I am convinced that now is Europe’s moment, Europe’s opportunity. I want to rekindle a passion for Europe, a new pride and feeling of con- nection between the EU and its citizens, based on my conviction that the EU with its social market economy is the route to a better future for us, our children and for the wider world. I want to make my contribution to helping Europe to realise its full promise, and to shape a future where Europe exploits its full potential as the leading force for progress in a challenging world. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

… is a Europe of ambition, defending and promoting the European interest with vigour

The Europe I believe in is a Europe that:

• puts opportunity, responsibility and solidarity at the heart of a social market econ- omy. An open, competitive, and prosperous Europe which uses the full potential of our internal market and of the euro; which fosters an advanced and high-value add- ed industrial base, and nurtures excellence in our services sector; which promotes the development of our agricultural sector; and which helps create more and better jobs for our citizens;

• invests in its future: in modern infrastructure, in research and development, in innovation, in developing our skills base. A Europe committed to the radical trans- formation towards a knowledge-based society;

128 • leads our economies out of the current crisis, and paves the way for smarter, greener and more sustainable growth, promoting economic and social cohesion and ensur- ing long term fiscal sustainability;

• keeps world leadership in fighting climate change and promoting energy security, while helping European technology and European companies to pioneer the devel- opment of a low carbon economy;

• refuses all forms of economic protectionism but is clear in its determination to protect and promote the European interest worldwide;

• continues to lead the drive towards effective regulation and supervision of glob- al financial markets, shaping globalisation with our own values, respecting ethical principles and promoting higher social and environmental standards worldwide; which acts as a champion for the promotion of human rights and development and speaks loud and clear, with one voice, in the world scene.

In short, a Europe of responsibility and action, where citizens can exercise their rights in an environment of justice, freedom and security.

… is a Europe of values

I have a passion for Europe. It is far more than just a market – its achievements inspire pride, its potential rouses the imagination. It is a Community of values, founded on human dignity, freedom, equality, and solidarity. As the world around us changes, these values come under pressure – from changes in society as well as from scien- tific and technological development. I believe in a Europe that gives every man and woman the freedom and security to develop their potential to the full, free from dis- crimination. A Europe that celebrates diversity as a major asset and ensures that every human being is treated with the same dignity. A Europe that is proud of its cultural and linguistic heritage, that protects and promotes its diversity as the essence of our POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

identity, the foundation of the values we stand for and the basis on which we engage with the rest of the world.

Solidarity is a cornerstone for European society and its social market economy. When Portugal joined the EU in 1986, I saw at first hand that solidarity in action, helping my country to accelerate its social and economic development and use its potential to the full. We need to continue to give practical expression to solidarity in its different dimensions: political, as we did in the Russia/Ukraine gas crisis; economic, as we do through cohesion policy; and social, where I proposed both the Globalisation Adjust- ment Fund and the Food Facility, and fought for their passage into law.

Our interdependence, inside Europe and worldwide, has never been clearer. Tackling climate change, putting sustainable energy policies in place, helping our societies to face demographic change, rebuilding the world financial system, tackling the scourge of poverty: in today’s complex world, we will only make progress if we join forces. That means we all have the responsibility to play our part: EU Institutions, Member States, civil society – at home and abroad. 129

… and is a Europe that puts people at the heart of the agenda

Europe’s raison d’être is to empower Europeans, to protect their rights and to foster so- cial progress. In the age of globalisation, these tasks can no longer be fulfilled solely by national governments. The EU represents a real plus for Europeans as they try to build a better future, and allows them to shape the world we live in with confidence. In the past, I think the EU Institutions and the Member States have often failed to make clear what European action means concretely for citizens: how do Europeans benefit from the Single Market, from market opening and regulation in energy or telecoms, from competition policy or from structural funds? What exactly are the rights of Europeans as students, workers, businesspeople or consumers? In short, I want the European poli- cy agenda to be built much more clearly around the rights and the needs of Europeans.

Rights and obligations only become a reality when those concerned have easy access to them. I believe the Commission, the European Parliament and the Member States need to put aside time and attention to defining, communicating and enforcing these rights. The Lisbon Treaty, if ratified, will give new opportunities to make this objective a reality.

I have always preferred, and I will always prefer, solid achievements over empty rhet- oric. That is how Europe has been constructed – not on castles in the air but on the solid foundations of the basic values which are at the heart of the European Union.

Policy guidelines for the next Commission

The challenges Europe faces are enormous…

This is a time of transformation, a time for the EU to seize the opportunity to find fresh answers to new questions and to use its underlying strengths in new ways. We EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

must act jointly to build a sustainable recovery. People are worried about the future, for themselves and their families. Just continuing with the same policies will not suffice – we need a new approach to provide solutions that work – and last. Only an integrated EU-wide strategy can set Europe on course for a return to strong and sustainable economic growth and employment creation, to the benefit of its citizens.

I see five key challenges confronting Europe today:

1. Restarting economic growth today and ensuring long-term sustainability and competitiveness for the future. GDP is forecast to decrease in the EU by around 4% this year. It is clear that global growth will not return to pre-crisis levels for some time – if at all. Those growth rates – and the economic model behind them – were simply not sustainable. Recovery will require a different approach from the past.

2. Fighting unemployment and reinforcing our social cohesion. While 18 million jobs were created between 1997 and 2007, the crisis has brought job losses across 130 the EU, with the added risk of increased social problems such as rising poverty. Between 2007 and 2010, the number of unemployed people in the EU is likely to have increased by more than 8 million. These are exceptional times: we need a new, much stronger focus on the social dimension in Europe, at all levels of government. Immediate action will be required to fight unemployment today, but also to look ahead to those facing long-term structural barriers to employment, such as the young and low skilled. At the same time, we need to remember the needs of our ageing population and the most vulnerable in our society. This is the only way for us to ensure strong social cohesion as the hallmark of the European model of society.

3. Turning the challenge of a sustainable Europe to our competitive advantage. The EU has shown leadership in international environmental negotiations in areas such as climate change and biodiversity. We have set binding targets for reducing our greenhouse gas emissions by 2020. Now we need to show how fighting climate change can help to modernise our economies, how it offers the right platform to reap the benefits from technological leadership.

4. Ensuring the security of Europeans. The fight against terrorism, international crime and human trafficking is a battle we must win. The current crisis creates additional risks, increasing the danger of a rise in extremism, exploiting social and ethnic ten- sions. A secure Europe also means a Europe confident in its supply of energy, food and other raw materials, in the face of increasing international competition.

5. Reinforcing EU citizenship and participation. Revitalising the link between the peo- ples of Europe and the EU will make it both more legitimate and more effective. Empowering citizens to be involved in decisions affecting their lives, including by ensuring transparency on how they are taken, will help to achieve these aims. This means that the rights of European citizens must have real effect: citizens today should not find that they still face obstacles when they move across borders within the EU.

Europe must work together on these issues. They cannot be solved solely by Member States. But working together, we can succeed. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

… but so are the assets we can build on

I have every confidence in Europe’s ability to succeed by building on our strengths and remaining true to our values.

• We are a continent of stable democracies, with the largest transnational democratic system in the world.

• We are a community with the rule of law and strong institutions.

• We have a tried and tested social market economy. We have a wealth of human talent, underpinning world class manufacturing, agriculture and services.

• We have a sophisticated single market which has proved its resilience in the tough- est of circumstances and has consolidated its position as the key driver for European growth. 131 • We have a single currency which has proved an anchor of stability and can continue to grow in importance.

• We have well developed Community policies that allow us to share experience, exploit economies of scale and to accelerate economic and social cohesion across all our regions.

• We have made a success of enlargement which has made us stronger at home and abroad.

• We have strong standing in the world: partners from across the globe are looking to the EU for inspiration and leadership.

The current crisis, by showing that we have reached unprecedented levels of global interdependence, has highlighted a particular asset of the EU. No region of the world can match the EU’s experience of setting transnational standards and running trans- national institutions. This makes us a natural champion for the global governance the world now needs.. I am convinced that if we seize this moment of change, we can propose to the global community some solutions which will answer the challenge of interdependence in the 21st century.

Setting our priorities in a longer term perspective: a vision for EU 2020

The next months and years will determine how quickly and strongly we will recover from the crisis and how much influence we have in shaping a new world order. In order to set the right priorities for the next Commission, we need to take a longer per- spective. We have already fixed 2020 as the date for delivery of our ambitious climate change and energy targets. Setting the priorities for Europe in a ten year horizon will allow us to define better the work the Commission should do in the next five years. A longer term framework will help us to make the right decisions on how and where to EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

invest now in the deep and innovative changes needed to deliver a transformational agenda for tomorrow’s EU. With the right vision for the EU in 2020, we can harness Europe’s talents and assets, and reinvigorate the inclusive social market economy that is the hallmark of the European way of life.

We already have several of the ingredients in the different strategies and instruments the EU has developed in recent years – the Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs, the renewed social agenda, the Stability and Growth Pact, competition and state aid poli- cy, the Sustainable Development Strategy, our climate change and energy strategy, the European Research Area, the Hague and now the Stockholm programmes.

But each of these was developed separately: they do not offer a holistic view of the kind of society we want to build for the future. What I propose is to channel these different strategies and instruments, adapting them where necessary, to deliver the kind of inclusive and sustainable social market economy we all want to live in. We need to revise the current Lisbon strategy to fit the post 2010 period, turning it into a 132 strategy for convergence and co-ordination to deliver on this integrated vision of EU 2020. This will require both immediate and longerterm action:

• Making a successful exit from the crisis

• Leading on climate change

• Developing new sources of sustainable growth and social cohesion

• Advancing a people’s Europe

• Opening a new era for Global Europe

We need urgent action on all these now, so that results start to flow quickly, even if some will take longer than others to come to fruition.

Making a successful exit from the crisis

… requires a vigorous and coordinated EU wide economic strategy

European and national policies under the European Economic Recovery Plan have been crucial in restoring a measure of confidence more quickly than many expected. Confidence is starting to recover, lending is starting to flow. Interest rates are at his- torically low levels.

Europe has intervened on a massive scale. The huge budgetary effort of European governments will inject up to 6% of GDP into our economy in 2009- 2010. In line with Commission guidelines, guarantees and recapitalisation programmes are stabi- lising the banks, with the Commission having now approved some €3.6 trillion in state aid for the financial sector since October last year, almost a third of EU GDP. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

This has not been designed to bail out bankers, but to avoid economic meltdown, protect savings and prevent job losses. The Commission accelerated structural fund payments of €11 billion, and proposed a €5bn investment programme for innovative energy projects and broadband in rural areas. We also re-programmed the European Social Fund to keep people in work with training or retraining and widened access to the European Globalisation Fund. We doubled the ceiling for balance of payments support to Member States outside the euro zone to € 50 billion.

The EU’s core economic assets – the single market and the euro – have weathered the storm and protected Europeans from the worst. It was Europe that set the agenda for global action in the G20 to stabilise financial markets, giving more resources to the International Monetary Fund and revamping financial regulation.

The priority now is to continue to sustain demand and stem the rise in unemploy- ment. This means implementing the European Economic Recovery Programme with vigour, keeping interest rates low, and using our state aid rules to support govern- ments in their efforts to revitalise the economy without adverse effects in other Mem- 133 ber States. It is too early to withdraw these stimulus and support measures to the economy and the financial sector, but an exit strategy must be prepared. The room for further stimulus to demand in the EU is very limited, as a further, generalised fiscal expansion could meet with adverse reactions from the financial markets. At the same time, there must be no contradiction between the short-term measures taken today and the long-term sustainability and competitiveness of the European economy.

Most Member States in the EU will have an excessive deficit this year. This is due to cyclical reasons, discretionary action and, in some cases, both. Excessive deficits must be corrected, in a determined and intelligent way, in keeping with the revised Stability and Growth Pact. The Commission will analyse carefully the right timing for the deadline needed to correct each excessive deficit, with different deadlines for different Member States – for example, balance of payments assistance means some Member States need to act particularly quickly. Overall it will take time to bring the deficits below 3% of GDP.

This will require broader and deeper budgetary surveillance by the Commission, in- cluding the quality of public finances: a typical example of where it is in the interests of all to see economic policy coordination taken a step further. Under my leadership, the Commission will use the full range of possibilities in the Treaty to strengthen the convergence of objectives and the coherence of the effects of economic policy, par- ticularly in the euro area. Enhanced coordination will be central to a successful exit strategy. The wide range of existing Community policies can also be used to foster greater policy co-ordination. For example, the Commission has been reviewing its state aids policy to ensure that subsidies are well targeted on Community objectives such as the promotion of research and development, environmentally friendly tech- nologies and the development of new skills. It will continue to ensure that this is done in ways that provide a level playing field across the EU: the exit from the crisis will only be successful if we keep a strong single market at the heart of our strategy. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The timing of the exit strategy should also be coordinated at the global level. The full role now played by the Commission in the G20 as well as in the G8 gives it a springboard to help shape decisions at the global level. It will reassure markets that the recent increase in government debt will be reversed; while also ensuring that a premature exit does not put recovery at risk.

… stemming the rise in unemployment

Unemployment is a personal drama - it also affects the whole of our society. Com- munities, households and individuals across Europe are facing great hardship or un- certainty as unemployment rises. It is essential to use all possible instruments to hold back further job losses and to help those who now find themselves unemployed. Europe cannot afford the social and economic cost of failing to use our human talent, our prize asset; and it cannot fail to respond to the anxiety felt by so many of our fellow Europeans. The Commission has an important role to play – even if most of 134 the competences for employment policy lie with Member States. We can bring the leverage of the EU budget into play, as we have done in adapting the European Social Fund; we can help national actions to take the EU dimension fully into account; we can use our power to bring expertise together to promote good solutions and practices and find new ways of dealing with unemployment and creating new jobs. Good examples of the positive role the Commission can play here are our proposals to adapt EU funding rules to today’s pressing needs, for example by supporting short time working combined with retraining as a way of keeping people in work during the crisis and upgrading their skills so they are ready for the upturn. Our recent work on establishing Community principles on flexicurity to be implemented through na- tional pathways has provided a positive framework to build for the future.

So the EU must step up still further its help to give people the skills they need. But if these skills are to secure jobs for people into the future, with more high quality jobs, the training needs to be well targeted. We need to work already on a significantup - grading of skills and quality of education, including much wider take up of lifelong learning. Work gives dignity to people and vitality to communities. Education helps people realise their potential. We can meet and even go beyond our 70% employment target by giving people the skills they need to remain competitive, and by preparing them through high quality traineeships and apprenticeships. Millions of new jobs can be created, with big growth potential for “green jobs” and “white jobs” (in health care and social services for children and the elderly). We can start making this happen by mapping the skills needed for the future and using EU programmes to help Member States to equip people with the necessary education and skills.

… and a new generation of responsible financial regulation

Europe must exit from the current crisis confident that it has a more ethical, robust and responsible financial system. This requires permanent, coordinated action by the EU and its Member States. Of course, individual governments remain responsible for how they use their taxpayers’ money. But at the European level we can ensure POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

that banks are subject to transparent stress tests, based on common criteria, and that common Commission guidelines govern the work to deal with impaired assets. We need to secure the return of the banks to viability, in the context of an overall coor- dinated exit strategy. There is a clear role here for the European Commission. Na- tional rescue and recapitalisation plans must not distort the single market. The EU’s competition and state aid rules provide a guarantee of viable solutions that do not discriminate against healthy institutions or between Member States. Tough decisions might have to be taken as regards the size and business model of restructured banks. As the process of reshaping the banking system in Europe continues, the Commission will ensure that we have a level playing field not only between European banks, but also vis-à-vis external competitors which benefited from significant help from their domestic taxpayers.

We must also complete the new era in regulation of financial markets to prevent a repeat of the crisis. This means the full adoption and implementation of the Commis- sion proposals on regulation of capital requirements, hedge funds and private equity, rules on remuneration, rating agencies, and deposit guarantees. We must also improve 135 crisis management systems: . European Deposit Protection System that would insure deposits in cross-border Institutions would re-establish confidence. I also envisage the Commission coming forward with ambitious legislation to regulate derivatives in 2010.

An effective European system offinancial supervisionis essential to restore confi- dence. We need full and swift implementation of the legislation inspired by the report I commissioned from the de Larosière Group, to maintain the current momentum for reform and as a key signal to our international partners that Europe is determined to act. The next Commission will have to review the results to ensure that our ambitions are met.

Leading on climate change

The crisis struck just as Europe was taking historic decisions on climate change. The Commission’s ambitious 2008 proposals agreed by the European Parliament and the Member States were an acknowledgement that Europe had embraced the fight against climate change and is determined to ensure its future energy security. European soci- ety now accepts this as a central challenge for decades to come.

The economic and financial crisis and the scientific evidence of climate change have shown us that we need to invest more in sustainability. But this is not just about do- ing the right thing for the future of the planet – Europe stands to benefit enormously from investing in new low carbon technologies for future jobs and growth. Fighting climate change and the move towards a low carbon economy provide huge opportu- nities and will enhance our energy security.

This has given Europe the strength to lead on climate change: not just to agree bind- ing targets but to approach the climate change negotiations in Copenhagen this year with a clear vision of how the global community can address the problem it faces, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

and a clear commitment to climate finance for developing countries. Implementation of this vision and commitments both within Europe and worldwide will be a major challenge for the next Commission.

We have already begun to show that the EU can create new jobs and new industries through low carbon technologies. First-mover advantages can be gained by exploiting the potential of EU environmentally-friendly industries, services and technology through fostering their uptake by enterprises, especially SMEs, and designing the appropriate regulatory environment. An industrial base which is modernised to use and produce environmental-friendly technologies and which exploits the potential for energy efficiency is the key to sustainable growth in Europe.

We need to start working now on a radical pathway to reaching a far more sustainable Europe by 2020. We have the political will to do this, now we need to find the right mix of regulation, technological development and funding to make it happen. This means finding ways to transform our energy supply in a well regulated EU internal 136 market, to use our energy much more efficiently, to recognise the true cost of carbon emissions. Technology is critical to this, and we must do more to exploit the potential of research and development on a European scale. But we must do far more than this: we must work together to find ways to smooth the path of change for our societies, to stimulate businesses, public authorities and citizens to seize the chance and to take the leap to the sustainable future we need.

The next Commission needs to maintain the momentum towards a low emission economy, and in particular towards decarbonising our electricity supply and the transport sector – all transport, including maritime transport and aviation, as well as the development of clean and electric cars. Decarbonising electricity supply and transport will also bring additional benefits in terms of security of energy supply.

This work is not just about lessening our future impact on our climate. We also need to deal with the legacy of past emissions and the climate change that they will inevita- bly bring. Each and every Community policy will need to be assessed and if necessary adapted in the light of climate change, whether we are talking about water use in agriculture, how to deal with coastal erosion or the implications for fisheries policy. Therefore I intend to launch a major initiative to help the EU anticipate the changes that need to be made so that we can cope with the climate change that is already happening, at the same time as we reduce our emissions for the future. This work will involve marshalling all the necessary scientific and economic data that exists to help the EU to adapt its policies to the challenge of climate change. Here too the EU can lead the search for new solutions to the climate induced problems that we are already beginning to experience.

Boosting the new sources of growth and social cohesion

In the current crisis, part of our economic activity is coming from the stimulus to demand. But we cannot rely forever on short-term stimulus. New sources of growth will have to take up the baton – sources of growth that are sustainable. Sustainability POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 means keeping up the pace of reform, targeting our skills and technology on tomor- row’s competitiveness and tomorrow’s markets; modernising to keep up with social change; and ensuring that our economy can respect the need to protect the European environment, its countryside, its maritime zones, and its biodiversity. This in turn calls for a radical shift in policy making. We need to invest heavily in new skills for the jobs of tomorrow. We need to make technological change and innovation the central theme of how the European economy works. We need to invest in new infrastructure networks for tomorrow’s technologies.

This policy shift must be built on open markets and investment regimes at the service of European interests, with smart regulation for sound markets in the EU and at global level.

Every sector of Europe’s economy will benefit from such an approach – creating new opportunities, and new jobs.

137 … requires a strengthening of Europe’s industrial base

The EU needs a strong industrial base. Our manufacturing sector is driven by huge investments in technology and a highly skilled and creative workforce. Our industry is transformed in ways we could not have imagined ten years ago. We have built new industries on reusing scarce materials. We are producing high tech, low energy solu- tions to old problems like heating and cooling and helping our climate change goals in a win-win partnership with industry.

In order to ensure that the EU exploits this potential for change and remains an attractive industrial location in 2020, we need a fresh approach to industrial policy, supporting industry, putting the emphasis on sustainability, innovation and the hu- man skills needed to keep EU industry competitive in world markets. I am commit- ted to a policy that continues to remove unnecessary administrative burdens and pro- vide the legal certainty companies need to make the long term investments. The next Commission should seek new ways of giving new dynamism to small and medium size enterprises, by pursuing issues such as late payments, a private company statute and the implementation of public procurement rules inside the EU, and by support- ing the efforts of SMEs to internationalise in major growth markets round the world.

… a modern service sector

More than two thirds of Europeans now work in the service sector, providing a huge range of services both locally and across the globe. The reforms to the financial sector will already help Europe to keep its leading role in financial services. The EU’s dom- inance in other services underpinning the economy – such as tourism, logistics, and business services, as well as IT and environmental services – will also remain a core asset. The changes that are taking place in our society will also bring demand for new services and thus new jobs. For example, with the ageing of our population there will be a need for more health and care services. This implies a need to give a boost EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

to the overall development of the social and health services’ sector, for instance by establishing a quality framework for public and social services, thus recognising their importance in the European model of society.

… a thriving rural economy

Europe has a long and proud history as an agricultural producer. Thanks to the efforts of her farmers, a common policy and the investments made in technology, educa- tion, research and market development the EU is not only able to feed itself but has become an important agricultural exporter. Agriculture will continue to have an important place in Europe’s future development, not only in ensuring food security, preserving the environment and cherishing the countryside, but also in facing new challenges such as climate change while providing a fair standard of living for farm- ers. But it needs to adapt. Just as the common agricultural policy has proved able to transform itself in recent years, there is a need to decide on the future needs and role 138 of agriculture and rural development in the EU 2020 vision and to gear public invest- ment and innovation efforts to deliver a thriving rural economy.

… as well as the maritime sector

The current Commission has, for the first time, brought together the different policy strands in an integrated approach to the maritime sector. But more needs to be done to further extend our maritime policy. For example, I want to see Europe make the Motorways of the Sea a reality. Europe should develop maritime spatial planning; in- tegrate maritime surveillance across borders and across countries; and build a marine observation and data network.

This Commission has also launched an important review of the common fisheries policy. On the basis of the consultations which are now underway, the next Com- mission should set out how European fisheries policy can be placed on a sustainable footing.

… a research and innovation revolution for a knowledge society

Europeans have always been pioneers, pushing out the frontiers of knowledge and sci- ence, finding new solutions in every generation. We value education and training, rec- ognising that they equip us to achieve our potential and are essential ingredients for a sustainable society. We have already put in place beacons of excellence to help us be- come a knowledge-based society, like the European Research Council, and launched the European Institute of Innovation and Technology. We have significantly increased the share of the EU budget that is spent on research and innovation and are working with Member States to raise the share of national and private funding in these areas.

The next Commission must take EU Research policy to a new level and make it one of the motors of our sustainable development. The United States draws great benefit POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 from its continental scale in research, from a long tradition of close university-busi- ness co-operation and from the ease of movement enjoyed by researchers within and to the US. In contrast, despite its excellence, the European research effort remains fragmented. We need to stretch ourselves to achieve world excellence and to find new ways of combining our resources to make a reality of the European Research Area. I would envisage refocusing on key areas to secure:

• world excellence in basic research. Our future agenda for science driven frontier research, should be set by the scientific community, principally working through the European Research Council;

• more industry-driven applied R&D, in areas ranging from nanotechnologies to space, to bring new, leading edge products and clean technologies to markets and to boost the competitiveness of EU industry;

• new opportunities for researchers, extending exchange programmes like Marie Cu- rie, and attracting world class researchers to the EU; 139

• a bigger focus on spreading R&D capacities to the regions.

We will also need to put much greater emphasis on innovation as a cross cutting way of equipping all sectors of our economy to be more competitive so that they face the future with confidence. Innovation is not just about product development: it is about how our society changes and improves. Innovation is about the way we do business, the way we work, the options we choose as consumers and citizens. The next Com- mission will work to bring together the power of public procurement, a new strategy on intellectual property rights and Community funds and instruments to promote innovation. For example, it will continue to develop its “lead markets” concept, where public authorities facilitate industry-led innovation by creating the conditions for a successful market uptake of innovative products and services in a focused way in areas such as e-health, internal security, eco-innovation and eco-construction.

I also want Europe to develop a new entrepreneurial culture to match the knowl- edge and innovation society. Europe should aspire to increase by 50% the share of its population involved in entrepreneurial ventures, from less than the 10% today to 15% (US: 14%). To achieve this means not only tackling ‘hard’ factors like access to risk capital and credit, but also ‘soft’ factors, like mindsets, attitudes towards failure, education and providing role models. Entrepreneur support networks and other con- nections can make sure that good ideas are spread throughout the EU.

… and an employment agenda for a changing workplace

At the same time as we need to adapt skills in the workplace to guarantee decent work and quality jobs for the future, we also face profound changes in the way we work. Developments like teleworking, flexitime, longer active lives, and faster changing job profiles are felt in the daily lives of millions of Europeans. They raise new questions for an employment agenda which must add to workers’ rights: work-life balance (the EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

triangle of leave, childcare and flexible working), working conditions, but also active labour market policies, and flexicurity. We need to make sure that our values of inclu- sion, equity and social justice are carried forward into a new approach. We will not allow basic social rights, such as the right of association or the right to strike, to be undermined. They are fundamental to the European model of society. And if globali- sation puts pressure on our competitiveness, our response should never be to lower our standards. Rather we need to make the case to other partners to adopt similar standards, in the interest of their own wellbeing, and to continue to advocate decent work and other standards in all parts of the world.

Working closely with the social partners, we should be moving away from the con- flictual, old fashioned industrial relations model to a more inclusive approach in the workplace, based on employee engagement and quality of work. This needs to be set within a wider framework based on values and our belief in a fairer, more inclusive Europe. Gender equality and eliminating the gender pay gap, diversity, anti-discrimi- nation, equal opportunities, treatment of minorities – these are core values of the EU 140 and closely linked with the broader fundamental human rights agenda.

I want the next Commission to look at these issues in a more integrated manner, looking closely at where the EU’s competences allow it to offer a direct contribution to smoothing the path of change.

… where legal migrants are well integrated

Immigration already plays an important role in the growth of the EU population, helping to bridge gaps in the workforce. At the same time, the management of mi- gration flows will be one of the greatest challenges facing the EU in the coming years.

The next five years should see the development and consolidation of a truecommon immigration policy, set in a long-term vision that emphasises respect for fundamen- tal rights and human dignity.

The next Commission will work to implement solidarity in our responses to these challenges, recognising that this is a common problem that our Member States face:

• Economic migration should be better matched to the needs of the labour market. This will help to take more account of the skills of immigrants and facilitate their integration. To maximise the positive effects of legal immigration – for the coun- tries of origin and destination, host societies and immigrants - a uniform level of rights for legal immigrants across the EU must be ensured.

• We will step up our work on integration of migrants, safeguarding their rights but also underlining their own responsibilities to integrate in the societies they seek to join. Education and training are powerful means to integrate newcomers into Euro- pean societies, creating a winwin situation for migrants as well as for the European destination countries, and EU programmes should pioneer proactive schemes to promote integration. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

• Finally, preventing and fighting illegal immigration and related criminal activities as an essential counterpart to the development of a common policy on legal immi- gration.

… a Single Market fit for the 21st century

The recent crisis showed that there remains a strong short-term temptation to roll back the single market when times are hard. There were attempts to use the crisis as a pretext to attack the single market. The Commission will remain an implacable defender of the single market as a cornerstone of the Treaties, and will do everything in its power to defend it as the best guarantee of long-term prosperity. The experience of the past year has shown once again that the single market is the rock on which European growth is built. But it also needs to be updated to suit the demands of tomorrow's economy.

Setting 1992 as the target date for completion of the internal market was a powerful 141 way of generating new opportunities for growth and social progress in Europe. As we approach the twentieth anniversary of this symbolic date in 2012, we should not just celebrate all that has been achieved but also ask why the original dream has not yet been fully achieved. I intend to launch a major analysis of the "missing links" in the internal market, to find out why it has not delivered on its full potential and thereby to identify new sources of growth and social cohesion. I will seek a wide range of views, involving stakeholders, consumers and eminent persons in identifying problems and helping to find solutions. I want the next Commission to take a more systematic and integrated approach, for instance through its market monitoring ini- tiative. The aim will be toregain momentum in the internal market and to make it, once again, the powerhouse of the European economy.

We can do more to open up the market for financial services, including retail finance, e-commerce, environmental services and business services. In particular I want to focus on the retail dimension which is where most consumers experience the internal market. Europeans should not be held back from shopping across borders by con- cerns that their rights will not be protected properly: we need an active consumer policy to give people confidence to participate fully in the single market.

I believe the twentieth anniversary is the right time to bring forward a major package for tomorrow's single market, with proposals for specific actions, including legislative actions, to plug the gaps in today's single market and to ensure that the benefits of the internal market get through to the final consumer.

… based on smart regulation to make markets work for people

Markets do not exist in isolation. They exist to serve a purpose. And that purpose is prosperity for all. That is why the Commission has been unrelenting in its fight against those who abuse the market. That is why the current Commission has levied almost €10 billion in competition fines, on international multi-national corporations EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

and European companies alike. That is why we proposed legislation that delivers price cuts on mobile phone charges of up to 60%. That is why we need to continue building the framework of social, environmental and technical regulation that make markets work for people.

The world has learned the hard way about the cost of leaving markets and market players to determine the rules. The challenge for the next Commission will be to devise a smart regulatory approach in key policy areas. This will require rules to en- sure transparency, fair play and ethical behaviour of economic actors, taking due ac- count of the public interest. Smart regulation should protect the consumer, deliver effectively on public policy objectives without strangling economic operators such as SMEs or unduly restricting their ability to compete.

This Commission has instigated a revolution in the way policies are made at EU level, with public consultations and impact assessment now the norm for new legislative proposals and a major simplification of existing Community law now underway. By 142 2012 the next Commission will deliver on our commitment to reduce administrative burden by 25%. But I want to go further. We need to match this huge investment in ex ante assessment with an equivalent effort in ex post evaluation – to ensure that our proposals really do deliver what they promise and to enable us to revise and cor- rect them where they fail to work as expected. All of these initiatives are designed to focus EU action on the essentials, removing bureaucratic processes and unnecessary centralisation.

If ratified, the Lisbon Treaty will bring changes in the way the EU takes decisions including through comitology. As part of the smart regulation agenda, I will extend the impact assessment approach to certain key comitology proposals. I will also seek ways of helping the European Parliament to exercise its scrutiny rights over the full range of politically important decisions.

… including global markets

Openness is critical to Europe's future competitiveness. This is not just a question of political preference. It is in our self-interest as the world's leading exporter. Europe faces a particular risk from the damage the crisis has done to world trade, so Europe must now take the lead in combating protectionism in all its forms. Of course we can- not be naïve: others must also be open to our exports of goods, services and capital. But openness to trade and investment is an indispensable driver of growth.

Reaching a deal in the Doha round remains the priority. But FTAs and trade ar- rangements will also have to be pursued. Trade negotiations have to be at the service of EU interest. With tariffs getting much lower thanks to successive rounds of tariff reductions, in many cases non-tariff barriers are now the major obstacle for EU ex- ports. As we have seen with the Single Market, dismantling these and preventing the emergence of new barriers is far more complex than reducing tariffs: it depends not so much on technical expertise but more on the quality of the relationships between the countries concerned. We need to join up the different strands of our external POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

policy much better to use our "soft power" leverage to deliver solid results for EU businesses and for citizens. The European interest has to be promoted in a coherent and determined way.

Regulatory and standardisation cooperation is also an important tool to further our interests in global markets. Cross-cutting dialogues such as the Transatlantic Econom- ic Council (TEC) with the United States, our most important trade and investment partner, are an effective way of structuring relations with key trading partners. The EU has a wealth of experience on product regulation and standardisation. Sharing it with others is a way for the EU to shape globalisation.

… and linked up by the networks of the future

Yesterday's achievement was to provide every household with electricity and a tele- phone; today they need high speed broadband. This has the potential to spur huge business growth and create up to a million jobs; but it needs regulatory certainty and 143 active intervention to tackle the bottlenecks and combat barriers to market entry. The next Commission will develop aEuropean Digital Agenda (accompanied by a targeted legislative programme) to tackle the main obstacles to a genuine digital single market, promote investment in high-speed Internet and avert an unacceptable digital divide. Because of the increasing dependence of our economies and societies on the Internet, a major initiative to boost network security will also be proposed.

Secure energy supply and good interconnections will be crucial to power future growth. One of the next great European projects is to give Europe a new European supergrid for electricity and gas. This will help to meet our growing needs for energy in smarter ways, so that we have secure and stable supplies of energy which meet our climate change goals. We have already made progress with Baltic interconnectors, and we have launched the Nabucco pipeline project. This shows what can be done when Commission leadership combines with political will of Member States and we use an intelligent mix of regulation and money to deliver results. The next five years will not only need to see these projects come to fruition, but also new initiatives such as a Mediterranean interconnection plan, interconnections for gas, electricity and oil, as well as links between African suppliers and the EU.

Advancing people's Europe

Preserving and enhancing economic prosperity and social cohesion are at the heart of the EU's mission. This offers the foundation stone for tackling social exclusion and for the European contribution to combating poverty. But the European project goes further than that: the EU offers its citizens rights, protection and opportunities even beyond the marketplace. It also helps to bring people together, using Europe's cultur- al diversity as a powerful channel to communicate. The principles of free movement and equal treatment for EU citizens must become a reality in people's everyday lives. The empowerment and advancement of women is just one of the areas where the EU still has work to do. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

… means promoting rights and providing protection

Over the years the EU has given people many new rights – from equal pay, to free movement, to compensation if airlines fail to deliver for passengers. These have given citizens very concrete benefits from EU membership, though enforcement remains a challenge. We can do more to promote people's rights, and make their access to these rights easier. Promoting rights must go hand in hand with protecting people. We need an EU domestic security strategy to better protect the life and safety of EU citizens: we must make sure that open borders do not offer openings to be exploited for crime and terrorism. We must show solidarity as we use instruments like Frontex to ensure that the EU's borders act as an effective check on illegality.

The protection of EU citizens is of course completed by the EU's role incrisis and disaster prevention and reaction. From fighting forest fires to dealing with the effects of earthquakes or handling the threat of the flu pandemic: EU action can add val- ue to Member State action through practical solidarity. The further assessment and 144 corresponding implementation of EU added value in crisis management will be an immediate priority for the next Commission.

… removing obstacles for citizens

EU citizens still face numerous obstacles when they try to source goods and services across national borders. They should be able to make use of their rights as EU citizens in the same way as they use their rights as national citizens. The Commission will draw up a comprehensive report on these obstacles for citizens and propose how they can best be removed, together with the report on the obstacles still persisting in the internal market.

… means tackling the demographic challenge

A just society is also one that takes care of its vulnerable members. Ageing is a major future challenge. Longer life is a symbol of success – we need to have healthy, fulfilling longer life spans. But it also brings challenges for sustainability, and we need to do more to respond to change, exploiting new technology-based solutions to preserve to the extent possible the independence of the elderly. This also requires a thriving economy to supply sound public finances, so that we can pay for healthcare for the el- derly. Millions of Europeans are wholly dependent on pensions. The crisis has shown the importance of the European approach to pension systems. It has demonstrated the interdependence of the various pension pillars within each Member State and the importance of common EU approaches on solvency and social adequacy. It has also underlined that pension funds are an important part of the financial system. We need to ensure that pensions do the job intended of providing the maximum support to current and future pensioners, including for vulnerable groups. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

… supporting mobility for young people

Europe is a reality in everyday life also through exchange initiatives. At a time of economic and social crisis, I feel very strongly that it is of particular importance to further the access of the young generation to the European dimension. To this end, I propose to expand existing instruments like Erasmus into a new EU youth and mo- bility initiative, as part of the EU 2020 strategy. By 2020 all young people in Europe must have the possibility to spend a part of their educational pathway in other Mem- ber States. Such a "Youth on the Move" initiative would be a decisive contribution to the promotion of cultural diversity, intercultural dialogue and multilingual learning.

… and enhancing dialogue and information

Last but not least, the people's Europe is also about the accountability and openness of the EU institutions. Dialogue with the citizens and the different actors in civil society, a hallmark of the current Commission, will continue to be of critical impor- 145 tance People have a right to accessible information. The Commission will redouble its efforts to have a real Commission presence communicating on the ground in the Member States and in the regions, in partnership with the European Parliament, listening to citizens and dealing first hand with their questions and concerns. I will also examine ways and means to intensify the dialogue between the Commission and the media. But we should be under no illusions: the gap in awareness of the EU can only be closed in full partnership with national and regional authorities. We must break out of the negative trap where politicians are quick to take the credit for the positive achievements of Europe, and quick to blame "Brussels" or "Strasbourg" for everything they don't like. We need a more mature dialogue with our citizens on decisions that affect their daily lives.

Opening a new era for Global Europe

The world today offers Europe an unprecedented opportunity to shape events. The- es tablished patterns of power are shifting again. The factors of influence are becoming more complex, with the crisis showing that military power, population size and econom- ic weight are not the only ways in which to carry global authority. The crisis has shown yet again that the world needs values, it needs models of society to inspire new ideas for new circumstances. It has also shown how global interdependence is irreversible: with decades of experience in transnational cooperation, the EU is a natural test-bed for glo- balisation and an instinctive champion of global governance. So as the world's largest trading power, the biggest donor of development assistance, a powerhouse of humani- tarian aid, a beacon for human rights, and a champion of the global fight against climate change, we have every reason to be positive and confident in the international scene.

The Lisbon Treaty, if ratified, will give us the tools to open up a new era in the projec- tion of European interests worldwide. It directly addresses some of the shortcomings which have held us back. It will help to improve the consistency of our external ac- tion. It will allow diplomacy, crisis management and an emerging a European defence EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

capability to be used alongside more traditional tools like trade and development. It brings new powers and an increased role for the European Parliament.

But what will make the real difference is the political will to use these instruments to the full. I am committed to ensuring that the Commission, as the driver of so many key external policies, plays its full part in seizing the moment to give Europe the weight it deserves on the global stage. We must not see external relations today as a separate "box", but as part and parcel of how we achieve our internal policy goals.

The appointment of a new High Representative who is at the same time Vice Presi- dent of the Commission in charge of External Relations is a major innovation which carries an enormous potential. The same is true for the future European External Ac- tion Service which would bring together resources from the Commission, the Coun- cil Secretariat and Member States to help leverage the best results from our external action. This will be a break with the past and I am determined to make it work effectively. I look forward to a thorough discussion with the European Parliament on 146 implementing an ambitious agenda on external relations and improving institutional cooperation on these issues.

The importance of the EU's external dimension is reflected in the range of our rela- tions with third countries. Europe must remain a champion of multilateralism and work closely with the United Nations and other multilateral organisations. We should also seize the opportunity of a changing international environment to deepen strategic partnerships with our main bilateral partners such as the United States, and indeed in the G8 and the G20. It is here that the EU can best use the external dimension to further its own objectives in areas like prosperity, security, climate change, energy, and fighting poverty.

For a Europe built on values, the moral challenge of global poverty must remain one of our most compelling goals. We must not allow economic crisis in the developed world to dilute our mission to bring help to those facing the challenge of survival in so many parts of the world. I am determined to continue to make the case that Europe must build on our pioneering work, with Africa in particular, and act as a champion of the developing world. Our focus must remain on achieving the Millennium De- velopment Goals, and on making a real impact on the challenges of food and water security, health and education.

We need to actively promote human rights, never hesitating to condemn violations of these fundamental rights. We must use our potential to be a civilian power for peace, by linking security and development to help rescue and rehabilitate failed states. We can and must do more to play our role in conflict resolution and peace-keeping and peace-building. Nonproliferation will be a major challenge in the coming years – we must be ready to share our experience from the Euratom Treaty.

Europe has a particular responsibility to promote freedom, stability and prosperity in its neighbourhood. We have entered into commitments towards candidate countries that seek to join the EU. We need to honour these commitments – enlargement has been a huge source of strength for the Union, and for the promotion of peace and sta- POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

bility in our continent. At the same time, enlargement can only take place when both the EU itself and the candidate country are ready to take on the responsibilities that come with it. And enlargement is not an infinite process. For those neighbours that will not become members of the EU, we need to develop credible and attractive alternatives that satisfy the aspirations of these countries as well as the EU's. The next Commission will take forward the Union for the Mediterranean and the Eastern Partnership to de- velop a neighbourhood policy that meets the challenges we and our neighbours face.

The means to match our ambitions

One of the risks to exploiting the new sources of growth and social cohesion is a lack of investment. Public budgets will be under pressure for years to come as a result of the unprecedented fiscal effort to combat the crisis. We will therefore have to be crea- tive in mobilising the means to put our priorities into practice. We should work more closely and imaginatively with the European Investment Bank and the private sec- tor. Within the existing instruments, we must further improve the blending between 147 grants from the EU budget and EIB loans, in order to increase the overall leverage effect. The Risk Sharing Finance Facility we set up with the EIB in the area of research and development is an excellent example to build on, as is our recent co-operation on energy efficiency projects. I also want to look at other ways to increase the EIB’s role in financing essential projects in particular in the areas of green technology, in- frastructure and energy security. The Commission will also propose a new framework for public-private partnerships to help bring different sources of funding together to maximise investment in the coming years.

We will also have to re-shape the EU budget to respond to the new priorities. This will require a root and branch reform of the EU budget. The defining moment for this will be the preparation of the 2014+ Multiannual Financial Framework. I want to use the upcoming budget review as a stepping stone for this exercise. Designing the next financial framework will not be an easy exercise – while everyone agrees in the abstract on the need for reform, as soon as the debate moves to concrete measures, there seems to be a strong bias in favour of the status quo. So before entering into the specifics, such as whether to change the current seven year cycle, I want to get agreement with the European Parlia- ment and Council on three key principles to serve as ground rules for the debate:

• The EU budget must focus on activities which produce genuine European add- ed value. Beyond political considerations, efficiency criteria must help prioritise EU spending activities in terms of their added value (for instance on the basis of cross-border effects, economies of scale, or resolving market failures).

• We need to move away from a narrow focus on net balances and move towards an approach based on solidarity, burden-sharing and equity which is comprehensive and shared by all;

• The stability of the financial framework needs to be counterbalanced by a far greater degree of flexibility so as to enable the Union to respond effectively to new chal- lenges and needs. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

This reflection cannot shirk the issue ofown “ resources”, a system of EU financing that has evolved piecemeal into a confusing and opaque mix of contributions and rebates. We need to see how the EU can find a more efficient and transparent way of financing its policies, and to simplify delivery in order to maximise the impact of spending while safeguarding the principles of sound financial management.

How Europe should work

The European Commission as the engine of the European project…

The last five years at the head of the European Commission have reinforced my strong conviction that the European Commission is indispensable as the driving force for the European project. Only the Commission has the authority, the administrative capacity and the technical expertise to make proposals that take the interests of all 148 Member States and all citizens into account, and the long term view needed to tackle the big issues we face today. Only the Commission has the authority and the inde- pendence to ensure the equal treatment of all Member States in the enforcement of treaty obligations and legislation.

If you look at the policy priorities I have sketched out above, it is clear that regulation and lawmaking will remain a core task for any Commission. The task is to ensure that we effectively apply the concept of smart regulation to ensure that it is effective, pro- portionate, and comprehensive: effective because it must be grounded in the realities of life on the ground for economic operators and other stakeholders; proportionate because regulation must demonstrate a certain level of positive impact to justify leg- islation and must take all potential side-effects into account; comprehensive because we must make proposals fully conscious of the range of economic, social and environ- mental consequences they will have. We have also shown that the Commission can spearhead a change in Europe’s administrative culture, with the better regulation pro- gramme to bring €30 billion in savings for the EU economy. I would like to develop this still further, putting a particular emphasis on the needs of SMEs.

The authority of the President is of critical importance to guarantee collegiality, co- herence and the Commission’s special role in the European system. It is now rec- ognised that the current College, the first of the enlarged EU of 27, has been able to bring together different portfolio interests effectively, to tackle crosscutting, -in tegrated policies like migration, energy and climate change. The next Commission will need to continue to deal effectively with the policies set out in these guidelines, and it is my intention to reflect this in the organisation and work programmes of the College and the services.

The Commission can only be strong if it rests on high ethical standards and if it main- tains a high degree of professionalism. I am proud of the progress made over the last years, but I would like to see further steps, for instance in the area of financial man- agement: now that it is well established, OLAF should be given full independence outside the Commission. I would also intend to review the Commissioners’ Code POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 of Conduct, and hope that this Code will become a document of reference that will inspire other EU institutions.

… but it cannot power it alone: we need a “Partnership for progress”

These political guidelines set out how the European Commission can work to bring fundamental change for Europeans. But progress in the European Union comes when the different players involved share a common vision and a common direction. Work- ing in real partnership allows the EU’s democratic core, its different national interests, and the European interest, to come together and to make a real difference. That is the essence of the Community method: to ensure that the specific European interest is at the centre of policy-making, to ensure the transparency and democratic accountabil- ity of decisions taken and safeguard the equality of Member States.

To tackle the complex challenges we face, we need to mobilise all sectors of society: EU Institutions, national, regional and local authorities, business, trade unions and 149 civil society. Climate change is a typical example. It has needed political leadership from the European Commission, Parliament and the European Council; it will need the engagement of national, regional and local authorities to drive forward; and it needs the social partners and all parts of civil society to galvanise all sectors of society for change. It would be a disaster to see this challenge as a zero sum game where ac- tion by one level of government is to the detriment of others.

The same dynamic works at the international level. The past decade of discussions with our key global partners is littered with examples where when we speak together, we carry weight; and when we are discordant, we fall short of our objectives. That is one reason why we need the benefit of the Lisbon Treaty to give Europe the weight it deserves.

… making subsidiarity work for Europe

We must kill off the idea that the Member States and the EU level are rivals. Everyone should be working to the same goal – to secure the best results for citizens. Too often, mistrust has been the cause of failings in our system: it contributed to the shortcom- ings in our system of financial regulation exposed so brutally last year. The question is how best to improve this. That means an effective application of the principle of subsidiarity.

For me, subsidiarity is the translation of a democratic principle, part of a very prac- tical doctrine, aimed at making public policy work to best effect in a Union built on solidarity, and at the most appropriate level.

The EU works best when it focuses on its core business. I want to concentrate our limited resources on where we can have most effect, and where we can bring most added value. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

At the same time, the continental scale of Europe and the scale of our ambitions points inevitably towards taking the wide view, looking at the bigger picture. This does not mean that the EU always has to make new laws – the Treaties mean we can make laws where this is needed, but they also inspire us to spark debate and spread ideas across the whole vision set out by our founding fathers. I want to be rigorous about where we need to have common rules and where we need only a common framework. We have not always got the balance right, and we have not always thought through the consequences of diversity in an EU of 27. In an area like GMOs, for example, it should be possible to combine a Community authorisation system, based on science, with freedom for Mem- ber States to decide whether or not they wish to cultivate GM crops on their territory.

The Lisbon Treaty puts in place new procedures to allow national parliaments to intervene if they have concerns about subsidiarity. But more importantly, we should develop a much clearer doctrine of how we decide when action needs to be taken at EU level, where the balance should lie between EU-level tools and national level tools, and what expectations should be placed on Member States implementing EU 150 policy in their own countries.

…and with a special partnership between the European Commission and the European Parliament

The key to Europe’s success is defining and implementing the distinct European in- terest. That is why it is so important for the European Parliament and the European Commission to continue to work hand in hand. These are the two institutions with a specific role to identify, articulate and give reality to the European interest, and these must be the two institutions with a particular responsibility to ensure that the EU is more than the sum of its parts.

This process of shaping the European interest cannot take place in a political vacuum – it has to be the result of political debate in a true European public space. I want to work together with the European Parliament as the decisive locus for European deliberative democracy.

That is why I would like to take our special partnership to a new level, by reinforcing and complementing the mechanisms of co-operation we have in place. I propose the following:

• Inviting the Conference of Presidents to meet the whole College every year, before the approval of the Commission Legislative and Work Programme.

• More regular meetings with the Conference of Presidents to ensure close coordina- tion and exchange of information on topical issues, on the basis of the process we started during the financial crisis.

• Regular participation in a Question Hour in the European Parliament plenary, on predefined themes of particular EU relevance so as to allow for a serious, well pre- pared and in depth discussion. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

• A review of all pending proposals at the beginning of the new Commission’s man- date, in order to politically confirm or withdraw them, taking into account the views expressed by the Parliament.

• Provide all necessary information on external action, in full respect of the Council’s prerogatives, including on the negotiation of international agreements, making it available to the European Parliament in good time, so that it can play the enhanced role which it will have if the Lisbon Treaty is ratified.

These are concrete proposals to upgrade the special partnership that we need between the European Parliament and the European Commission, so that the institutions at the heart of the European project can drive Europe forward most effectively.

My first mandate was about consolidating Europe at 27. The enlarged EU now gives us a springboard to use our reach and strength to best effect. We are now in a posi- tion to move on with conviction and determination to a new phase of ambition. If I am reconfirmed, I will continue to do everything possible to make an ambitious 151 Europe happen. I will use the powers of the Commission to the full. I will continue to work with in partnership with our Member States. I will put the case very clearly when EU action is essential to address the critical issues Member States face. I will challenge them to follow up on the commitment they made in nominating me, just as I challenge the European Parliament to match my ambition. I will take the special partnership with the European Parliament to a new level, to ensure that the two Community Institutions par excellence together pull their weight for a prosperous, socially advanced, secure and sustainable European Union, a Europe based on the values of freedom and solidarity.

The creation of a Euro area instrument for coordinated assistance to Greece

STATEMENT BRUSSELS, 19 MARCH 2010

he Commission is ready to propose an instrument for coordinated assistance to 153 Greece. Such an instrument would be constituted by a system of coordinated T bilateral loans and would be compatible with the no bail-out clause and with strict conditionality. The creation of this instrument does not imply its immediate activation. Our objective is an instrument designed within the euro area, with con- ditions and management established by the euro area and its institutions. We cannot prolong any further the current situation. I do not want to speculate if there will be a financial contribution from the IMF. What is important is to agree on a Euro area instrument. I urge the EU’s leaders to agree on this instrument as soon as possible.

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the Euro Area

STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT BRUSSELS, 5 MAY 2010

Honourable Members, 155

was asked to make a statement to this house ahead of Friday’s meeting of the I Heads of State and Government of the Euro area. But let me first have a word of condolences for the families of the victims of the violence in Athens today. Disagree and protest is a right of citizens in our democratic societies, but nothing can justify the recourse to violence.

Let me first address the financial support package for Greece endorsed last Sunday. Then I will give you some my views on what needs to be done to prevent a repetition of a crisis of this type.

As regards Greece, a multi-annual programme of fiscal consolidation and structural reform has been agreed by the Greek authorities. This was jointly prepared with the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

The Greek government has put forward a solid and credible package that will steer its economy on a sustainable path and restore confidence. It is important that we acknowledge the courage that Prime Minister Papandreou and his Government have shown.

Greece will undertake painful efforts. But we all know that there is no alternative to these such efforts.

In return, following the recommendation of the Commission and of the Europe- an Central Bank, the coordinated European mechanism for assistance to Greece has been activated. This is an unprecedented act of solidarity, unmatched anywhere in the world. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

This assistance will be decisive in helping Greece to get its economy back on track, and will preserve the financial stability of the euro area as a whole.

Allow me to stress that the Commission has made sure that the mechanism, whilst being based on bilateral loans, is an European one. The Commission was instrumen- tal in setting it up, and will play an important role in its management and implemen- tation.

The Commission is and will remain central in assessing Greece’s compliance with the package’s conditionality. The Commission will also manage the bilateral loans from the Member States.

By the end of the week we will already have a critical mass of Member States that have already completed the process to provide those bilateral loans to Greece.

It is my firm conviction that the unprecedented financial support given to Greece - 156 110 billion Euros! - and the adjustment programme are an adequate response to the Greek crisis. We have no reason to doubt that it will be firmly implemented both by Greece and by the Euro area Member States.

This view is shared by others that matter. I notice for instance the supportive state- ment of the past, current and future chairs of the G20 Finance Ministers just now issued.

Regrettably, not all market players seem already convinced. We have to say loud and clear that the doubters are wrong. I will come back to this in a moment.

Honourable members,

At the meeting of the Euro area Heads of State and Government on Friday, we will look beyond this deal into what we need to do to draw the right lessons from this situation.

The debate will of course be a starting point, because decisions need to be debated further and ultimately taken with all the 27 Member States - Euro area Member States and all the other Member States And let me say very clearly: discussing and taking decisions at 27 is a source of strength.

Whilst we have to speed up our processes, the fact is that the joint action of the 27 – unparalleled anywhere in the world – provides the best possible fundament for our joint future in an ever more interlinked world.

I see two main strands for reflection and action: first, a reassessment of the rules for economic governance, including the Stability and Growth Pact, and second, financial markets reform.

The Commission has been working intensively on economic governance and is ready to present its proposals on how to improve it next Wednesday. STATEMENT AHEAD OF THE MEETING OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE EURO AREA

There are three main building blocks to be considered:

• First, responsibility: we need to reinforce the Stability and Growth Pact – and above all Member States’ compliance. The case for reinforcement of both the preventive and the corrective arm of the pact is obvious. I am pleased that most of those who have previously questioned - or even suggested the weakening of the pact now accept the need for stronger rules and – most importantly – for their strict imple- mentation.

• Second, interdependence: we are all in this together. I think the crisis has clearly shown that we need to address the imbalances between our Member States, in par- ticular within the Euro area. This includes divergences in their competitiveness, as this is one crucial element that causes other types of imbalances. This can of course not mean that some become less competitive so that others look relatively more competitive. We are competing, all of us on world markets. What we need is to enhance our overall competitiveness in a balanced, mutually reinforcing way. I also believe we need to look at the other causes of imbalances. To make progress, we will 157 propose increased surveillance and increased economic policy coordination. I am happy we see more openness from Member States when discussing it.

• Third, coherence: we have to ask ourselves whether our system of fiscal rules is com- plete. I see merit in creating a permanent mechanism for dealing with disruptive situations. After all, it is better to be safe than sorry.

I hope that we can seize the moment - and I count on you to help us deliver these reforms. I believe from a political point of view that in terms of European integration we are in one of those moments that if we don’t make more Europe we will become behind. It is a very special moment, the moment we are living today, where our soli- darity, our responsibility is being tested every day. I hope that leaders of our members States will be able to rise to the occasion not just to help the others, but to show their responsibility to the common European project.

These reforms will be introduced against the background of unprecedented efforts already under way. It is undisputed that deficit and debt levels in some Member States need to be corrected with determination and faster than targeted before the crisis.

But it must also be said that one cannot ignore that the budgetary deterioration in 2009 was largely due to the working of the automatic stabilizers in the face of an un- precedented decline in economic activity caused by a financial crisis not originated in Europe. In other words, the overall situation in the Euro area was largely the result of anti-recession policies advocated all over the world.

It was always clear that the situation would subsequently be corrected. And most Euro area members have already taken bold reforms, for example of their pensions systems.

The responsibility shown by the governments needs to be matched by financial mar- ket players. This is why it is no less urgent to continue delivering a sustainable and responsible financial sector, at the service of the economy and its citizens. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

One must bear in mind that financial market players are key actors in driving market sentiment. Psychology also matters in financial markets The financial crisis was born out of short-termism, pro-cyclicality and a lack of responsibility.

That is what we urgently must correct.

We need strong and stable European financial services markets to deliver the invest- ments needed for future growth in line with the Europe 2020 vision. We need respon- sible behaviour from all our market players.

We have already been doing a lot as regards financial markets reform. I count on this House to make this clear to all!

European institutions are acting, and must be seen as acting together. Parliament , Council and Commission

158 We have prioritised work on responsible risk management, safer derivatives markets, better financial supervision, and ensuring that banks hold adequate capital to cover their real risks. This work must be speeded up.

In the coming weeks we will need to complete the reforms already underway. As I said to this House only two weeks ago, I hope to see a breakthrough soon on our proposal for hedge funds and private equity.

I would also like early agreement on effective new European supervisory arrange- ments. The European Systemic Risk Board and the three Supervisory Authorities should start working at the beginning of 2011.

But they must not be mere paper tigers: we have a shared responsibility to ensure they have the tools they need to do their jobs. This includes binding decision-making powers to deal with genuine emergencies, to enforce European rules, and I insist European rues, not only national rules, and settle any disputes within colleges of national supervisors.

It is high time to deliver these decisions and make sure they are ambitious.

More proposals are on their way this year to improve depositor and investor protec- tion, to strengthen measures against market abuse, to further improve the quality and quantity of bank capital and discourage excessive leverage.

Over the past three months, and paradoxically still this week, the situation on the sovereign debt markets has brought new concerns to light.

The Commission is already working on a fundamental overhaul of derivatives markets to increase transparency and safety in these markets. STATEMENT AHEAD OF THE MEETING OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE EURO AREA

In a first stage, we will present legislation to standardise eligible derivatives contracts, putting them through central counterparty clearing that is properly regulated and supervised.

We are also now considering whether further specific measures are needed for sover- eign derivatives markets.

The crisis has also once again brought the role of credit rating agencies to the fore. These agencies play a pivotal role in the functioning of financial markets.

But ratings appear to be too cyclical, too reliant on the general market mood rather than on fundamentals - regardless of whether market mood is too optimistic or too pessimistic.

Because credit rating agencies have such a key role and influence over the markets, they also have a special responsibility to ensure their assessments are both sound and comprehensive. 159

That is why in 2008 the Commission quickly put forward new legislation for these agencies, which will come into force in the next few months.

These rules will ensure that credit rating agencies act more transparently, publish their methodologies, and avoid conflicts of interest.

But we need to go further. To strengthen the supervision of these actors of Eu- rope-wide dimension, the Commission believes they should be put under the direct supervision of the future European Securities Markets Authority (ESMA).

And that is exactly what we will propose.

We have also launched a reflection on whether further measures may be needed to ensure the appropriate rating of sovereign debt in particular.

We must get our house in order while pushing others to do the same.

The Commission will do whatever necessary to ensure that financial markets are not a playground for speculation. Free markets constitute the basis for the functioning of successful economies. But free markets need rules and compliance, and rules and compliance need to be tightened if irresponsible behaviour puts at risk what cannot and should not be at risk.

Market behaviour must rest on sound and objective analysis. And financial services must realize that they are exactly that: a service, not an end in itself - they must not become detached from their economic and societal function.

In fact, financial market players are still in business because regulatory authorities and democratic institutions – ultimately the taxpayers – stabilized the markets in the financial crisis. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

We acted swiftly then, and precisely for that reason, we will also act swiftly in the future.

So the message from this Friday’s meeting of Eurogroup Heads of State and Govern- ment should be clear. And it will be clear.

We are doing what is needed. On all fronts.

Thank you for your attention.

160 Peoples of yesterday, peoples of tomorrow: 35 years of EU/China relations

TSINGHUA UNIVERSITY GLOBAL VISION LECTURES SERIES BEIJING, 30T APRIL 2010

President Gu Binglin, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and gentlemen, 161

t’s a great pleasure for me to be at Tsinghua University and have a chance to speak I to all of you. Tsinghua symbolises China’s rich past and its bright future: it was here on the site of a former imperial garden that this campus was founded 99 years ago. Today it retains the graceful beauty of a Chinese garden even as it is dotted by shiny, high-tech buildings.

As you gear up to celebrate your 100th anniversary, you can take pride in being at the cutting edge of China’s scientific and educational progress, leading the country in areas such as nanotechnology and renewable energy.

The European Union is happy to be associated with Tsinghua University through the EU-China Clean Energy Centre, which I inaugurated this morning.

My visit to China, the first during my second term as President of the European Commission, comes at an important moment in the history of EU-China relations, for two reasons:

First, because this very night President Hu Jintao, a Tsinghua alumnus, will inaugu- rate the 2010 World Expo in Shanghai - the first-ever Expo to feature a European Union pavilion outside the EU’s own territory. I consider this a visual symbol of the importance the EU attaches to relations with China.

Chinese people are rightly proud of hosting this event because it symbolises inter-cul- tural understanding, which I think will be a defining feature of the 21st century. So it is only natural that we should participate with you in this global event, to showcase the achievements of European integration. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The second reason why this visit is a timely one is because 2010 marks the 35th an- niversary of the establishment of relations between the European Union and China.

The European Union has undergone remarkable changes since then. At that time, in 1975, the European Economic Community was made up of nine countries. Since then 18 more countries have joined the club and we have become a far more deeply integrated Union, with a single market and a common currency, the euro.

China too, has transformed beyond recognition, raising living standards and pulling hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and becoming a global economic play- er, following the reform and opening up policy launched by Deng Xiaoping.

During the last 35 years, the European Union has been a reliable partner. Our trade and economic cooperation has been an important contribution to China’s develop- ment. We have also welcomed China’s increased role on the world stage, through bodies like the World Trade Organisation, and more recently the G20. 162 China too, has consistently supported European integration, even before we estab- lished official relations. At the People’s Congress of 13 January 1975 Premier Zhou Enlai declared that China was “helping the countries of Western Europe in their efforts to achieve unity”.

So our partnership has been a stimulus for progress and a source of economic op- portunities. These benefits are a result of good relations between leaders of course, and channelled through institutional mechanisms like our annual Summits and other dialogues.

I hope that, in the next 35 years, Europe and China will continue to support each other. To that end, I believe the moment is right to expand our cooperation in other areas.

A fundamental task is precisely to broaden and deepen cultural understanding by fostering people-to-people exchanges. For the success of our engagement depends on understanding - on holding an open dialogue, and learning about each other and from each another.

Transparency is essential for communication and mutual understanding.. We in Eu- rope believe that freedom of expression and open internet access, for example, can go a long way in fostering such mutual understanding. After all, the internet is the most effective tool for disseminating ideas and information, and China is home to the world’s largest population of internet users and the largest pool of human capital.

Aside from mutual understanding and respect, another key principle of our relation- ship should be complimentarily. What do I mean by this?

Our economies complement each other. Europe’s consumers benefit from low-priced, quality Chinese exports. China, as a whole, profits from advanced European technol- ogies and services, as well as management practices. PEOPLES OF YESTERDAY, PEOPLES OF TOMORROW: 35 YEARS OF EU/CHINA RELATIONS

More generally, our overall strategic economic objectives overlap: our Europe 2020 strategy and your 12th Five Year Plan focus overwhelmingly on green growth and social justice.

I was pleased to hear that Premier Wen will increase efforts to attract foreign invest- ment in China. I have no doubt that China stands to benefit from greater partici- pation in the Chinese market by European companies, which are world leaders in developing the low carbon economy.

But China also recognises that achieving economic prosperity must be accompanied by efforts to promote social equity and justice.

Europeans also believe that equity and justice form the basis of social stability. That is why we developed welfare systems, which shelter citizens’ lives from market risks.

We are happy to share our experience and expertise in this field with China; the in- struments for doing so are already in place. 163

This sort of mutual support is the essence of reciprocity, a fundamental tenet in Euro- pean and Chinese ethics alike, which should be the third key principle of EU/China relations, alongside mutual understanding and complementarity.

Beyond our bilateral cooperation, the European Union and China must work togeth- er in a globalized world.

Events over the last year have shown the urgent need for both sides to improve un- derstanding and cooperation on critical global issues. A world that faces many threats and challenges needs both Europe and China to be globally engaged.

Europe, for its part, has not stood still in the face of recent challenges.

As the worst crisis since the Great Depression hit our economies in 2008, the EU has stood by its G20 pledge to keep its markets open. The EU remains an open economy. We are the world’s largest importer and exporter, as well as the largest source and destination of foreign investment.

But the crisis has given rise to wider protectionist pressures in the global economy. As two of the world’s largest economies, the European Union and China have an interest and a duty not only to resist protectionism, but to continue to open our markets further.

In addition, we have a shared interest in tackling the twin challenges of energy secu- rity and climate change.

Both Europe and China take these challenges very seriously.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change tells us that we must do something about emissions of greenhouse gases. If we continue with business as usual, they say, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

we will face a rise in global temperatures that could have a disastrous impact on our planet, beyond that we are already facing.

To avoid that, we must move our economies away from their reliance on fossil fuels. That shift is not only good for the environment, but is also sensible from an economic point of view, and will help us to improve the long-term security of our energy sup- plies.

It is clear to me that we can regulate greenhouse gas emissions without slowing down our economies.

Our experience in Europe shows that adopting market-based solutions to deal with the threat of climate change can achieve effective results at affordable costs.

Apart from pioneering the low carbon economy at home, Europe is also supporting other countries worldwide as they increase their energy efficiency and exploit renewa- 164 ble energy sources. China in particular is Europe’s biggest single recipient of financial and technical assistance in the field of energy and climate change.

China is making significant efforts to decouple growth from energy consumption. And this investment is already paying off in economic terms. China is leading in some renewable technologies such as solar panels. This kind of success is part of the reason why Europe believes that an international treaty to tackle climate change can be a win-win solution for all.

Finally Europe and China must cooperate to address the global security challenges of our time. For this, we need comprehensive strategies, strong international organisa- tions and the rule of law, both within countries and between them.

We are each other’s strategic partners. As China’s policy paper on the EU states, “no fundamental conflict of interest exists between us and neither side poses a threat to the other”.

We have examples of good cooperation in new areas like maritime surveillance. And we can expand our cooperation even further, by looking at the broader relationship. We can make a particular contribution, for instance, by addressing regional nuclear proliferation crises.

The demand for Europe to engage globally is huge. The Lisbon Treaty gives the Euro- pean Union the chance to do this.

We have much to gain in increasing our cooperation on global security issues. Ulti- mately, I am confident in China’s positive response to these challenges because, in the end, international stability and prosperity is in China’s own interests. In a globalized world, those interests cannot be defined as narrow national objectives.

No doubt China has a difficult path to navigate between its needs for internal de- velopment and the demands that are being made on it to show greater international PEOPLES OF YESTERDAY, PEOPLES OF TOMORROW: 35 YEARS OF EU/CHINA RELATIONS leadership. But the very scale of China’s economy, and its geostrategic importance, means that what China does will affect the rest of the world. And what China does not do will also affect the rest of the world and ultimately also China. That is why China’s partners, including the EU, will continue to invite it to play its full role in the new systems of global governance, to share its strategic thinking openly with partners, and to promote this openness also in terms of access to global information.

In all of this Europe stands ready to work in partnership with you.

In closing, let me quote from a speech Sir Christopher Soames, a former Commission Vice-President, gave to the European Parliament on the outcome of his visit to China back in 1975, when our relationship officially began:

“There is one point, and a particularly important one, over which I found myself in complete agreement with my Chinese hosts. This was over the future of the Com- munity. They consider it in the interests of everyone that Western Europe should be strong and united. They…see it as having a vital role to play in the world. 165

The Commission’s view… is that China and the European Community have much to gain from the closer and more confident relationship which now opens before us: both of us a people of yesterday, a people of tomorrow”.

Let’s make sure that we continue to gain from a closer and more confident relation- ship for another 35 years!

Thank you.

State of the Union Address 2010

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 7 SEPTEMBER 2010

President, Honourable Members, 167

t is a great privilege to deliver the first State of the Union address before this House. I From now on the State of the Union address will be the occasion when we will chart our work for the next 12 months. Many of the decisions we will take this year will have long-term implications. They will define the kind of Europe we want. They will define a Europe of opportunity where those that aspire are elevated and those in need are not neglected. A Europe that is open to the world and open to its people. A Europe that delivers economic, social and territorial cohesion.

Over the last year, the economic and financial crisis has put our Union before one of its greatest challenge ever. Our interdependence was highlighted and our solidarity was tested like never before.

As I look back at how we have reacted, I believe that we have withstood the test. We have provided many of the answers needed – on financial assistance to Member States facing exceptional circumstances, on economic governance, on financial regulation, on growth and jobs. And we have been able to build a base camp from which to modernise our economies. Europe has shown it will stand up and be counted. Those who predicted the demise of the European Union were proved wrong. The European institutions and the Member States have demonstrated leadership. My message to each and every European is that you can trust the European Union to do what it takes to secure your future.

The economic outlook in the European Union today is better than one year ago, not least as a result of our determined action. The recovery is gathering pace, albeit unevenly within the Union. Growth this year will be higher than initially forecast. The unemployment rate, whilst still much too high, has stopped increasing. Clearly, uncertainties and risks remain, not least outside the European Union. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

We should be under no illusions. Our work is far from finished. There is no room for complacency. Budgetary expansion played its role to counter the decline in economic activity. But it is now time to exit. Without structural reforms, we will not create sustainable growth. We must use the next 12 months to accelerate our reform agen- da. Now is the time to modernise our social market economy so that it can compete globally and respond to the challenge of demography. Now is the time to make the right investments for our future.

This is Europe’s moment of truth. Europe must show it is more than 27 different national solutions. We either swim together, or sink separately. We will only succeed if, whether acting nationally, regionally or locally we think European.

Today, I will set out what I see as the priorities for our work together over the coming year. I cannot now cover every issue of European policy or initiative we will take. I am sending you through President Buzek a more complete programme document.

168 Essentially, I see five major challenges for the Union over the next year:

• dealing with the economic crisis and governance;

• restoring growth for jobs by accelerating the Europe 2020 reform agenda;

• building an area of freedom, justice and security;

• launching negotiations for a modern EU budget, and

• pulling our weight on the global stage.

Let me start with the economic crisis and governance. Earlier this year, we acted deci- sively when euro area members and the euro itself needed our help.

We have learned hard lessons. Now we are making important progress on economic governance. The Commission has put its ideas on the table in May and in June. They have been well received, in this Parliament, and in the Task Force chaired by Presi- dent of the European Council. They are the basis around which a consensus is being developed. We will present the most urgent legislative proposals on 29 September, so as not to lose the momentum.

Unsustainable budgets make us vulnerable. Debt and deficit lead to boom and bust. And they unravel the social safety net. Money that's spent on servicing debt is money that cannot be spent on the social good. Nor to prepare ourselves for the costs of an ageing population. A debt generation makes an unsustainable nation. Our proposals will strengthen the Stability and Growth Pact through increased surveillance and en- forcement.

And we need to tackle severe macro-economic imbalances, especially in the Euro area. That is why we have made proposals early on to detect asset bubbles, lack of compet- itiveness and other sources of imbalances. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

I now see a willingness of governments to accept stronger monitoring, backed up by incentives for compliance and earlier sanctions. The Commission will strengthen its role as independent referee and enforcer of the new rules.

We will match monetary union with true economic union.

If implemented as we propose, these reforms will also guarantee the long-term stabil- ity of the euro. It is key to our economic success.

For the economy to grow, we also need a strong and sound financial sector. A sector that serves the real economy. A sector that prides itself on proper regulation and proper supervision.

We took action to increase bank transparency. Today we are better than one year ago. With the publication of the stress test results, banks should now be able to lend to each other, so that credit can flow to Europe's citizens and companies. 169 We have proposed to protect people's savings up to €100,000. We will propose to ban abusive naked short selling. We will tackle credit default swaps. The days of betting on someone else’s house burning down are over. We continue to insist that banks, not taxpayers, must pay up front to cover the costs of their own risks of failure. We are legislating to outlaw bonuses for quick-wins today that become big losses tomorrow. As part of this approach, I am also defending taxes on financial activities and we will come with proposals this autumn.

The political deal on the financial supervision package just concluded is very good news. The Commission proposals based on the de Larosière report will give us an effective European supervision system. I want to thank the Parliament for the con- structive role it has played and I hope it will give its final agreement this month.

We will also go further on regulation. Initiatives on derivatives, further measures on credit rating agencies and a framework for bank resolution and crisis management will soon be before you. Our goal is to have a reformed financial sector in place by the end of 2011.

Sound government finances and responsible financial markets give us the confidence and economic strength for sustainable growth. We need to move beyond the debate between fiscal consolidation and growth. We can have both.

Honourable Members,

Sound public finances are a means to an end: growth for jobs. Our goal is growth, sustainable growth, inclusive growth. This is our overarching priority. This is where we need to invest.

Europe 2020 starts now. We must frontload and accelerate the most growth-promot- ing reforms of our agenda. This could raise growth levels by over a third by 2020. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

This means concentrating on three priorities: getting more people in jobs, boosting our companies' competitiveness and deepening the single market.

Let me start with people and jobs.

Over 6.3 million people have lost their jobs since 2008. Each one of them should have the chance to get back into employment. Europe's employment rates are at 69% on average for those aged between 20 and 64. We have agreed these should rise to 75% by 2020, bringing in particular more women and older workers into the work force.

Most of the competences for employment policy remain with Member States. But we won't stand on the sidelines. I want a European Union that helps its people to seize new opportunities; and I want a Union that is social and inclusive. This is the Europe we will build if Member States, the European institutions and the social partners move ahead on our common reform agenda. 170 It should be centred on skills and jobs and investment in life-long learning.

And it should focus on unlocking the growth potential of the single market, to build a stronger single market for jobs.

The opportunities exist. We have very high levels of unemployment but Europe has now 4 million job vacancies. The Commission will propose later this year a "Euro- pean Vacancy Monitor". It will show people where the jobs are in Europe and which skills are needed. We will also come forward with plans for a European skills passport.

We must also tackle problems of poverty and exclusion. We must make sure that the most vulnerable are not left behind. This is the focus of our "Platform Against Pov- erty". It will bring together European action for vulnerable groups such as children and old people.

As more and more people travel, study or work abroad, we will also strengthen cit- izens' rights as they move across borders. The Commission will address persisting obstacles as early as this autumn.

Honourable Members,

Growth must be based on our companies' competitiveness.

We should continue to make life easier for our Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises. They provide two out of every three private sector jobs. Among their main concerns are innovation and red tape. We are working on both.

Just before the summer, the Commission has announced the biggest ever package from the Seventh Research Framework Programme, worth €6.4 billion. This money will go to SMEs as well as to scientists. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

Investing in innovation also means promoting world class universities in Europe. I want to see them attracting the brightest and the best, from Europe and the rest of the world. We will take an initiative on the modernisation of European universities. I want to see a Europe that is strong in science, education and culture.

We need to improve Europe's innovation performance not only in universities. Along the whole chain, from research to retail, notably through innovation partnerships. We need an Innovation Union. Next month, the Commission will set out how to achieve this.

Another key test will be whether Member States are ready to make a breakthrough on a patent valid across the whole European Union. Our innovators are often paying ten times the price faced by their competitors in the United States or in Japan. Our pro- posal is on the table. It would reduce the cost fundamentally and double the coverage. After decades of discussion, it is time to decide.

We will also act further on red tape. SMEs are being strangled in regulatory knots. 171 71% of CEOs say that the biggest barrier to their success is bureaucracy. The Com- mission has put proposals on the table to generate annual savings of €38 billion for European companies.

Stimulating innovation, cutting red tape and developing a highly-skilled workforce: these are ways to ensure that European manufacturing continues to be world class. A thriving industrial base in Europe is of paramount importance for our future. Next month, the Commission will present a new industrial policy for the globalisation era.

We have the people, we have the companies. What they both need is an open and modern single market.

The internal market is Europe's greatest asset, and we are not using it enough. We need to deepen it urgently.

Only 8% of Europe's 20 million SMEs engage in cross-border trade, still fewer in cross-border investment. And even with the internet, over a third of consumers lack the confidence to make cross-border purchases.

At my request, Mario Monti presented an expert report and has identified 150 miss- ing links and bottlenecks in the internal market.

Next month we will set out how to deepen the Single Market in a comprehensive and ambitious Single Market Act.

Energy is a key driver for growth and a central priority for action: we need to com- plete the internal market of energy, build and interconnect energy grids, and ensure energy security and solidarity. We need to do for energy what we have done for mo- bile phones: real choice for consumers in one European marketplace.

This will give us a real energy community in Europe. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

We need to make frontiers irrelevant for pipelines or power cables.

To have the infrastructure for solar and wind energy.

To ensure that across the whole of Europe, we have a common standard so that charg- ing electric car batteries becomes as natural as filling up the tank.

Over the next year, we will bring forward an energy action plan, an infrastructure package and an energy efficiency action plan to put this vision in place. I myself will travel to the Caspian region later this year to promote the Southern Corridor as a means of enhancing our security of supply.

To build a resource-efficient Europe, we need to look beyond energy. In the 20th cen- tury the world enjoyed phenomenal resource-intensive growth. We saw in the 20th century globally a four-fold growth in population accompanied by a 40-fold growth in economic output. But in the same period we also increased our use of fossil fuels 16 172 times, our fishing catches 35 times, our water use 9 times. And our carbon emissions increased 17 times.

That means we have to deliver on our climate and energy package, as a core driver for change. This means integrating the different strands of policy on climate change, energy, transport and environment into a coherent approach on resource efficiency and a low carbon future.

A forward-looking agricultural sector will play a major role in European measures to address some of the biggest challenges ahead, such as global food security, biodiversity loss and the sustainable management of natural resources. So will our maritime policy.

All of this will not only strengthen our economy tomorrow: it will provide new open- ings today. Jobs in the eco-industry have been increasing by 7% a year since 2000. I want to see 3 million "green jobs" by 2020, 3 million green collar workers that com- plement our blue and white collar workers.

We need sustainable growth, and we need smart growth. Half of European produc- tivity growth over the last 15 years was driven by information and communication technologies. This trend is set to intensify. Our European Digital Agenda will deliver a single digital market worth 4% of EU GDP by 2020.

Honourable Members,

Everything we do is for the citizens of Europe. A fundamental dimension of our Eu- ropean project is precisely building an area of freedom, security and justice.

We are working hard to implement the Stockholm action plan. We will make a real push on asylum and migration.

Legal migrants will find in Europe a place where human values are respected and enforced. At the same time, we will crack down on the exploitation of illegal immi- STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010 grants within Europe and at our borders. The Commission will make new proposals on policing our external borders.

And we will bring forward an internal security strategy to tackle threats of organised crime and terrorism.

Europeans will find that their fundamental rights and obligations exist wherever they go. Everyone in Europe must respect the law, and the governments must respect hu- man rights, including those of minorities. Racism and xenophobia have no place in Europe. On such sensitive issues, when a problem arises, we must all act with respon- sibility. I make a strong appeal not to re-awaken the ghosts of Europe's past.

An area of freedom, liberty and security, will create a place where Europeans can prosper.

Honourable Members, 173 Another challenge is sorting out the future budget of the European Union.

Next month, we will come forward with the Commission's first ideas for the budget review. It shall launch an open debate without taboos to prepare our legislative pro- posals that will be presented in the second quarter of next year.

We need to spend our money where we get most value for it. And we should invest it where it leverages growth and delivers on our European agenda. The quality of spend- ing should be the yardstick for us all.

So it is not only important to discuss the quantity, but also the quality of spending and investment.

I believe Europe offers real added value. That is why I will be pushing for an ambitious post-2013 budget for Europe.

I believe we should pool our means to back our policy priorities.

The issue is not about spending more or less, but spending more intelligently, by look- ing at European and national budgets together. The EU budget is not for Brussels – it is for the people that you represent: for the unemployed workers being retrained by the Social Fund; for the students that participate in the Erasmus programme; for the regions that benefit from the Cohesion Fund.

Energy interconnections, research, and development aid are obvious examples where a Euro spent at European level gets you more than a Euro spent at national level. Some Member States are seeing this logic even in areas of core national competence, like defence. They recognize that huge savings could be made if they pool some of their means and activities. Pooling money at the European level allows Member States to cut their costs, avoid overlaps and get a better return on their investment. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

That's why we should also explore new sources of financing for major European infra- structure projects. For instance, I will propose the establishment of EU project bonds, together with the European Investment Bank. We will also further develop Public Private Partnerships.

As this Parliament has made clear, we must also address the issue of own resources. The present system is stretched to its limits – propped up by a byzantine set of correc- tions. Our citizens deserve a fairer and more efficient and transparent system. Some will not agree with all the ideas we will raise; I find it extraordinary that some are already rejecting them, even before knowing what they will be.

I know that one issue of interest to this Parliament is the duration of the next budget. Various options exist. I would like to look at a 10-year framework, with a mid-term review of the financial dimension after five years – a "five plus five" option. This will give us longer term planning and a clearer link with the mandates of both our insti- tutions. 174 Of course, part of a credible European budget is the rigorous pursuit of savings. I am looking at the administrative costs within the Commission and other Community bodies like Agencies. We need to eliminate all pockets of inefficiency. We will build on recommendations from the Court of Auditors to improve financial management.

Honourable Members,

The final challenge I want to address today is how we pull our weight on the global stage.

When we deal with our every day problems, we sometimes lose perspective and forget our achievements. A peaceful and successful transition to a European Union that has doubled in size and is negotiating further accessions. A sound currency, the euro, that is a major currency of the world. A strong partnership with our neighbourhood that strengthens us all. If we act decisively, then we have nothing to fear from the 21st century.

As the strategic partnerships of the 21st century emerge, Europe should seize the chance to define its future. I am impatient to see the Union play the role in global affairs that matches its economic weight. Our partners are watching and are expecting us to engage as Europe, not just as 27 individual countries. If we don't act together, Europe will not be a force in the world, and they will move on without us: without the European Union but also without its Member States. This is why, in my political guidelines, I called for Europe to be a global player, a global leader – a key task and test for our generation.

Together with High Representative and Vice-President Ashton, I will present our vi- sion of how we can maximise Europe's role in the world. With the European External Action Service, we have the means to match our aspirations. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

In our globalized world, the relationships we build with strategic partners determine our prosperity. To be effective on the international stage, we need the weight of the European Union. Size matters, now more than ever.

A good example is the fight against climate change. Copenhagen showed that, while others did not match our ambition, we did not help ourselves by not speaking with one voice. Negotiations may have stalled but climate change has not. I want us to intensify our engagement with international partners to turn their press releases into credible commitments to cut emissions and push forward with fast-start funding.

The next two months will see crucial Summits with strategic partners. The more we are able to establish a common agenda with a clearly defined European interest, the more we will achieve. For example, I see huge potential in developing a transatlantic agenda for growth and jobs.

Where we are already punching our weight is the G20, the forum where the key economic global players address common challenges. When President Van Rompuy 175 and I go to Seoul in November and represent the European Union, we want to see concrete results:

• Further progress in global economic coordination.

• More stable and responsible financial markets and agreement on reform of interna- tional financial institutions.

• More effective global financial safety nets.

• More progress on a G20 development agenda.

We will continue to show leadership in this forum and work closely with the French G8/G20 Presidency next year.

We also want to see support for the Doha Round. Trade boosts growth and prosperity. We will also pursue bilateral and regional Free Trade Agreements. In October, the Commission will present a renewed trade policy to drive new benefits for Europe.

Being open to the world also means standing side by side with developing countries, especially with Africa. When I go to the Millennium Development Goals High-Level Event in New York in 2 weeks' time, I intend to commit, with your support and on behalf of the European Union, an extra €1 billion to the Millennium Development Goals.

Being a global player also means standing up for our values. Human rights are not negotiable. I am shocked about how the rights of women are being infringed in many countries. I am appalled when I hear that Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani is sentenced to death by stoning. This is barbaric beyond words. In Europe we condemn such acts which have no justification under any moral or religious code. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Our values also mean that we must come to the aid of those facing a crisis situation, anywhere around the world.

Our humanitarian aid to Pakistan is the latest example of Europe's solidarity in ac- tion. It is a striking example of the need to present the different contributions of the Commission and the Member States as a truly European aid package. The Member States have the helicopters; they have the civil protection teams. We now need to pool them to create a real European crisis response capacity. This is what the Commission will propose in October. And I urge the Member States to show they are serious about the Union punching its weight in this area.

We are making progress on a common foreign policy. But let's be under no illusions: we will not have the weight we need in the world without a common defence policy. I believe now is the moment to address this challenge.

Honourable Members, 176 We are still bedding down the new institutional set-up of Europe created by the Lis- bon Treaty.

What really matters is what the institutions deliver to the people. What matters is the difference Europe makes in their daily lives.

The secret of Europe’s success is its unique Community model. More than ever, the Commission must drive the political agenda with its vision and proposals.

I have called for a special relationship between the Commission and Parliament, the two Community institutions par excellence. I am intensifying my political coopera- tion with you.

Europe is not only Brussels or Strasbourg. It is our regions. It is the cities, towns and villages you come from. When you walk round your constituencies, you can point to the European projects that are so important for their prosperity.

At the end of the day, we are all in the same boat, the European institutions, the Member states, the regions. The Union will not achieve its objectives in Europe with- out the Member States. And the Member States will not achieve their objectives in the world without the European Union.

Honourable Members,

The citizens of Europe expect us to take the action needed to get out of this crisis.

We must show them that the common efforts we are making today will lead to new jobs, new investments, and a Europe fit for the future.

I am confident that Europe has what it takes. We will get the results we are reaching for. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

One thing is certain, it is not with pessimism that we will win this battle. It is with confidence, with a strong common will.

Today, I have outlined how I see the European Union doing that.

I have committed to deliver the proposals to build our economic union.

I have made the case to fast-track our reform agenda.

I have set out how to modernise our social market economy to deliver growth and jobs in a smart, sustainable and inclusive economy through our Europe 2020 flagship initiatives.

I have set out how to achieve a common energy policy in Europe.

I have defended the need for an area of freedom, security and justice, where Euro- peans will find that their fundamental rights and obligations exist wherever they go. 177

I have made clear that the Commission will strive for an ambitious budget.

I have proposed to develop EU project bonds to finance major European projects.

I have announced our reinforced commitment to the Millennium Development Goals.

I have made the case clear of why we need a common crisis response capacity and a also a common foreign and a common defence policy.

And I have urged European leaders to act together if they want Europe to be a global player and defend the European interest.

It is indeed a transformational, an ambitious and challenging agenda.

For Europe to succeed, the Commission needs your support for a stronger, a fairer Europe for the benefits of our citizens

Thank you.

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State or Government of the Euro area

PRESS STATEMENT BRUSSELS, 20 JULY 2011

Good afternoon Ladies and Gentlemen, 179 omorrow, 24 hours from now precisely, the Heads of State and Government of the Euro area will meet in Brussels to address the present challenges in the T Euro area. Nobody should be under any illusion: The situation is very serious. It requires a response. Otherwise the negative consequences will be felt in all corners of Europe and beyond.

The situation requires full engagement by everyone at the summit, and I believe we will have it.

The elements for a solution are known. Last week’s Eurogroup conclusions provide the starting point. The Commission has pushed, and will continue to push, for an ambitious and comprehensive approach.

This being said, the minimum we must do tomorrow is to provide clarity on the fol- lowing:

• Measures to ensure the sustainability of Greek public finances;

• Feasibility and limits of Private Sector Involvement;

• Scope for more flexible action through the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF);

• Repair of the banking sector still needed;

• Measures to ensure the provision of liquidity to our banking system.

There should also be a clear and unequivocal signal that the Council will conclude the economic governance package with the European Parliament.

Most of the decisions to be taken tomorrow belong to the competence of the Member States. They have reserved the instruments to themselves. And they have said they will EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

do what it takes to ensure the stability of the Euro area. Well, now is the time to make good on that promise. There is of course also the responsibility of the European Central Bank. A solution will require that all actors exercise their responsibility to the full.

Leaders need to come to the table saying what they can do and what they want to do and what they will do. Not what they can’t do and won’t do. This is what I ask from them. I urge all the leaders to show the ethics of European responsibility.

Throughout this whole process, I have been making the case that it is in the self-interest of every Member State to commit. It is true for those who have to reduce deficit and debt, and it is also true for those who are asked for support and solidarity.

The truth is: we are inter-dependent. This is not an option. It is a reality. In a globalised world, our partners count on Europe, but without Europe and the European Union, Europeans will not count. In a globalized world, either we act as Europe, or we are not actors at all. 180 The Euro is one of our greatest assets. Its benefits far outweigh the effort that is required by the Member States on the different sides of the negotiation. We cannot be light about this, or else history will judge this generation of leaders harshly.

The Commission is fulfilling its part. Over the last couple of weeks, I have intensified my contacts with Heads of State and Government. Commissioner Rehn and the services of the Commission have made proposals and suggested options. We are doing everything to bring the different sides together, both through our political contacts and our tech- nical expertise.

In that respect, let me also mention two decisions that the Commission has taken today:

First of all, on Greece. Part of what we need to do is bringing growth back to Greece. The last European Council welcomed my proposal to mobilize technical expertise from the Commission and Member States to the reform process in Greece. I am pleased to an- nounce that, today, the Commission has created the “Task Force for Greece” to deliver on what we have decided. Work on the ground will start immediately.

Secondly, on financial regulation. The Commission has just adopted the proposal for the transposition of the Basel III agreement on bank capital requirements. Once again, with this, Europe will be the first mover.

All of this is part of the wide-ranging exercise of reform and renewal that Europe is undertaking and that Europe has to deepen. But all of our efforts are based on a strong single market and a strong Euro. That is what is at stake.

That is why we must provide a solution tomorrow.

I believe now is the time to decide.

With goodwill on all sides, we can have a solution tomorrow.

Thank you for your attention. State of the Union Address 2011 – European renewal

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 28 SEPTEMBER 2011

Mr President, Honourable Members, Minister, 181

e must be honest and clear in our analysis of the state of the Union. W We are facing the biggest challenge in the history of our Union. This crisis is financial, economic and social. But it is also a crisis of confi- dence. A crisis of confidence in our leaders, in Europe itself, and in our capacity to find solutions.

The roots of the crisis are well-known. Europe has not met the challenges of com- petitiveness. Some of our Member States have lived beyond their means. Some be- haviours in the financial markets have been irresponsible and inadmissible. We have allowed imbalances between our Member States to grow, particularly in the euro area.

Tectonic shifts in the world order and the pressures of globalisation, have made mat- ters even worse.

The result is clear: concern in our societies. Fear among our citizens for the future. A growing danger of a retreat into national, not to say nationalist, feeling.

Populist responses are calling into question the major successes of the European Un- ion: the euro, the single market, even the free movement of persons.

Today we can say that the sovereign debt crisis today is, above all, a crisis of political confidence. And our citizens, but also people in the outside world, are observing us and wondering – are we really a Union? Do we really have the will to sustain the single currency?

Are the most vulnerable Member States really determined to carry out essential re- forms? EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Are the most prosperous Member States really ready to show solidarity?

Is Europe really capable of achieving growth and creating jobs?

I assert here today:

Yes, the situation is serious. But there are solutions to the crisis.

Europe has a future, if we restore confidence.

And to restore confidence we need stability and growth. But also political will, polit- ical leadership.

Together we must propose to our citizens a European renewal.

We must translate into deeds what was stated in the Berlin Declaration, signed by 182 the Commission, by Parliament and by the European Council on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the signature of the Rome Treaties. It was said then: ‘Wir leben heute miteinander, wie es nie zuvor möglich war. Wir Bürgerinnen und Bürger der Europäischen Union sind zu unserem Glück vereint.’ - ‘Today we live together as was never possible before. We, the citizens of the European Union, have united for the better.’ It is a declaration. And words count. This expression of will must be translated into everyday courage.

Working with our institutions, and not working against them, we can succeed.

For some, the main consideration is the need for stability. For others, it is growth.

I say we need both.

Some preach discipline. Others, solidarity.

We need both.

The time for piecemeal solutions is over. We need to set our minds on global solu- tions. A greater ambition for Europe.

Today we are at a turning point in our history. A moments when, if we do not inte- grate further, we risk fragmentation.

It is therefore a question of political will, a test for our whole generation.

And I say to you, yes, it is possible to emerge from this crisis. It is not only possible, but it is necessary. And political leadership is about making possible that which is necessary.

Honourable members, STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 – EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Let me start with Greece. Greece is, and will remain, a member of the euro area. Greece must implement its commitments in full and on time. In turn, the other euro area members have pledged to support Greece and each other. As stated at the euro area Summit on 21 July: „We are determined to continue to provide support to countries under programmes until they have regained market access, provided they successfully implement those programmes.“

That is why I created the Task Force for Greece.

We have just launched an action plan based on two major pillars:

• Around 100 viable and high-quality projects, investing in all Greek regions, to make the best use of Greece’s remaining allocation of the structural funds.

• And a major drive to reduce bureaucratic procedures for European co-funded pro- jects. 183 € 15 billion remain to be spent in Greece from the structural funds. This will support the Greek economy with an urgent programme of technical assistance to the Greek administration.

A programme of € 500 million Euros to guarantee European Investment Bank loans to Greek SMEs is already under way. The Commission is also considering a wider guarantee mechanism to help banks lend again to the real economy.

All of this represents a huge support to Greece’s fight back and Greece will have to deliver concrete results. It must break with counterproductive practices and resist vested interests.

But we have to be clear about this. This is not a sprint, but a marathon.

The task of building a Union of stability and responsibility is not only about Greece.

The economic outlook that we face is very difficult. We are confronted with the nega- tive effects of an ongoing global re-assessment of risks. It is therefore our responsibili- ty to rebuild confidence and trust in the euro and our Union as a whole.

And we can do this by showing that we are able to take all the decisions needed to run a common currency and an integrated economy in a competitive, inclusive and resource-efficient way. For this we need to act in the short, in the medium and the long term.

The first step is to quickly fix the way we respond to the sovereign debt crisis.

This will require stronger mechanisms for crisis resolution. We need credible firepow- er and effective firewalls for the euro.

We have to build on the EFSF and the upcoming European Stability Mechanism. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The EFSF must immediately be made both stronger and more flexible. This is what the Commission proposed already in January. This is what Heads of State and Gov- ernment of the euro area agreed upon on 21 July. Only then, when you ratify this, will the EFSF be able to:

• deploy precautionary intervention;

• intervene to support the recapitalisation of banks,

• intervene in the secondary markets to help avoid contagion

Once the EFSF is ratified, we should make the most efficient use of its financial -enve lope. The Commission is working on options to this end.

Moreover we should do everything possible to accelerate the entry into force of the ESM. 184 And naturally we trust that the European Central Bank – in full respect of the Treaty – will do whatever is necessary to ensure the integrity of the euro area and to ensure its financial stability.

But we cannot stop there. We must deepen economic coordination and integration, particularly in the euro area.

This is at least as big a political task as an economic one.

Today, you will vote on the so-called "six-pack" proposals that we put in front of you and the Council one year ago. This "six-pack" reforms the Stability and Growth Pact and widens surveillance to macro-economic imbalances. We are now back very close to what the Commission originally put on the table. You have played a decisive role in keeping the level of ambition of these proposals, and I really want to thank you and congratulate you for that.

This legislation will give us much stronger enforcement mechanisms. We can now discuss Member States' budgetary plans before national decisions are taken. This mix of discipline and integration holds the key to the future of the euro area. Only with more integration and discipline we can have a really credible euro area.

Honourable members,

These are indeed important steps forward, but we must go further. We need to com- plete our monetary union with an economic union. We need to achieve the tasks of Maastricht.

It was an illusion to think that we could have a common currency and a single mar- ket with national approaches to economic and budgetary policy. Let's avoid another illusion that we can have a common currency and a single market with an intergov- ernmental approach. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 – EUROPEAN RENEWAL

For the euro area to be credible – and this not only the message of the federalists, this is the message of the markets – we need a truly Community approach. We need to really integrate the euro area, we need to complete the monetary union with real eco- nomic union. And this truly Community approach can be built how? In the coming weeks, the Commission will build on the six-pack and present a proposal for a single, coherent framework to deepen economic coordination and integration, particularly in the euro area. This will be done in a way that ensures the compatibility between the euro area and the Union as a whole. We do not want the euro area to break of course the great acquis of the single market and all our four freedoms.

At the same time, we can pool decision making to enhance our competitiveness. This could be done by integrating the Euro Plus Pact into this framework, in full respect of the national implementation competences.

For all of this to work, we need more than ever the independent authority of the Commission, to propose and assess the actions that the Member States should take. Governments, let's be frank, cannot do this by themselves. Nor can this be done by 185 negotiations between governments.

Indeed, within the Community competences, the Commission is the economic gov- ernment of the Union, we certainly do not need more institutions for this.

For a reason the Treaties have created supra-national institutions. For a reason the European Commission, the European Central Bank, the European Court of Justice were created. The Commission is the guarantor of fairness. Moreover, the Commis- sion, which naturally works in partnership with the Member States, is voted by and accountable to this House. The directly elected Parliament both of the euro area and of the European Union as a whole.

Honourable members,

It is also time to have unified external representation of the euro area. In accordance with the Treaty the Commission will make proposals for this purpose.

A Union of stability and responsibility built on this basis and with common approach will also allow the Member States to seize fully the advantages of a bigger market for the issuance of sovereign debt.

Once the euro area is fully equipped with the instruments necessary to ensure both integration and discipline, the issuance of joint debt will be seen as a natural and ad- vantageous step for all. On condition that such Eurobonds will be "Stability Bonds": bonds that are designed in a way that rewards those who play by the rules, and deters those who don't. As I already announced to this house, the Commission will present options for such "Stability Bonds" in the coming weeks.

Some of these options can be implemented within the current Treaty, whereas fully fledged 'Eurobonds' would require Treaty change. And this is important because, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Honourable Members, we can do a lot within the existing Treaty of Lisbon. And there is no excuse for not doing it, and for not doing it now.

But it may be necessary to consider further changes to the Treaty.

I am also thinking particularly of the constraint of unanimity. The pace of our joint endeavour cannot be dictated by the slowest. And today we have a Union where it is the slowest member that dictates the speed of all the other Member States. This is not credible also from the markets' point of view, this is why we need to solve this problem of decision making. A Member State has of course the right not to accept decisions. That is a question, as they say, of national sovereignty. But a Member State does not have the right to block the moves of others, the others also have their nation- al sovereignty and if they want to go further, they should go further.

Our willingness to envisage Treaty change should not be a way or an excuse to delay the reforms that are necessary today but I believe that this longer term perspective will 186 reinforce the credibility of our decisions now.

A Union of stability and responsibility means swiftly completing the work on a new system of regulation for the financial sector. We need well-capitalised, responsible banks lending to the real economy.

Much has been said about the alleged vulnerability of some of our banks. European banks have substantially strengthened their capital positions over the past year. They are now raising capital to fill the remaining gaps identified by the stress tests in sum- mer. This is necessary to limit the damage to financial market turbulence on the real economy and on jobs.

Over the last three years, we have designed a new system of financial regulation.

Let's remember, we have already tabled 29 pieces of legislation. You have already adopted several of them, including the creation of independent supervising author- ities, which are already working. Now it is important to approve our proposals for new rules on:

• derivatives;

• naked short selling and credit default swaps;

• fair remuneration for bankers.

These propositions are there, they should be adopted by the Council and by the Par- liament. The Commission will deliver the remaining proposals by the end of this year, namely rules on:

• credit rating agencies;

• bank resolution; STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 – EUROPEAN RENEWAL

• personal responsibility of financial operatives.

So we will be the first constituency in the G20 to have delivered on our commitment to global efforts for financial regulation.

Honourable members,

In the last three years, Member States - I should say taxpayers - have granted aid and provided guarantees of € 4.6 trillion to the financial sector. It is time for the financial sector to make a contribution back to society. That is why I am very proud to say that today, the Commission adopted a proposal for the Financial Transaction Tax. Today I am putting before you a very important text that if implemented may generate a revenue of about € 55 billion per year. Some people will ask "Why?". Why? It is a question of fairness. If our farmers, if our workers, if all the sectors of the economy from industry to agriculture to services, if they all pay a contribution to the society also the banking sector should make a contribution to the society. 187 And if we need – because we need – fiscal consolidation, if we need more revenues the question is where these revenues are coming from. Are we going to tax labour more? Are we going to tax consumption more? I think it is fair to tax financial activities that in some of our Member States do not pay the proportionate contribution to the society.

It is not only financial institutions who should pay a fair share. We cannot afford to turn a blind eye to tax evasion. So it is time to adopt our proposals on savings tax within the European Union. And I call on the Member States to finally give the Commission the mandate we have asked for to negotiate tax agreements for the whole European Union with third countries.

Honourable members,

Stability and responsibility are not enough on their own. We need stability but we also need growth. We need responsibility but we also need solidarity.

The economy can only remain strong if it delivers growth and jobs. That's why we must unleash the energy of our economy, especially the real economy.

The forecasts today point to a strong slowdown.

But significant growth in Europe is not an impossible dream. It will not come magi- cally tomorrow. But we can create the conditions for growth to resume. We have done it before. We must and we can do it again.

It is true that we do not have much room for a new fiscal stimulus.

But that does not mean that we cannot do more to promote growth.

First, those who have fiscal space available must explore it – but in a sustainable way. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Second, all member states need to promote structural reforms so that we can increase our competitiveness in the world and promote growth.

Together, we can and must tap the potential of the Single Market, exploit all the ben- efits of trade and mobilise investment at the Union level.

Let me start with the Single Market.

Full implementation of the Services Directive alone could, according to our estimates, deliver up to € 140 billion in economic gains.

But today, two years after the deadline for implementation, several Member States have still not adopted the necessary laws.

So we are not benefiting from all the possible gains from having a true services liber- alisation in Europe. 188 But we can also do more.

We must adopt what is on the table. We have adopted the Single Market Act in the European Commission. A number of key initiatives are ready.

We are close to having a European patent which would cut the cost of protection to 20% of current costs. I expect this is to be concluded by the end of this year.

Moreover, for the Single Market Act, we should consider a fast track legislative pro- cedure. By the way, in many areas we should take a fast track legislative procedure because we are living in real emergency times. This will allow us to respond to these extraordinary circumstances.

And growth in the future will depend more and more on harnessing information technology. We need a digital single market, which will benefit each and every Euro- pean by around €1500 per year – by using the possibilities of e-commerce to ending, for instance, mobile roaming charges.

An extra 10 % in broadband penetration would bring us between 1 and 1.5 % of extra annual growth.

In a competitive world we must be also well-educated with skills to face these new challenges. We must innovate. And we must act in a sustainable way.

We have already presented detailed proposals on innovation, resource-efficiency and how we can strengthen our industrial base.

Modern industrial policy is about investing in research and innovation.

We need to accelerate the adoption of our efforts to boost the use of venture capital to fund young, innovative companies across Europe. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 – EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Sustainable jobs will come if we focus on innovation and new technologies, including green technologies. We must see that "green" and growth go together.

For example, the renewables sector has already created 300,000 jobs in past 5 years in the European Union. The global green technology market will triple over the next decade.

We must focus our action on where it makes a real impact. Growth of the future means we must actively pursue also our smart regulation agenda, which will give a saving of € 38 billion for European companies, particularly for SMEs. But Member States must also do their part in reducing the administrative burden.

But we also need investment. These reforms are important but we also need some kind of investment at European level.

A Union of growth and solidarity needs modern, interconnected infrastructures. 189 We have proposed for the next Multi-Annual Financial Framework (MFF) to create a facility to connect Europe – in energy, in transport, in digital.

This innovative part of our MFF proposal has to be seen together with another very important innovative idea: the project bond.

In the coming weeks the Commission will publish its proposals for EU project bonds. We are also proposing pilot projects, so that we can fund that growth. We can do it even before the MFF is adopted. In this way we can frontload some of the major in- frastructure investments Europe needs.

The Union and its Member States should urgently consider how to allow our own policy-driven bank, the European Investment Bank to do more – and possibly much more – to finance long-term investment.

To do so, we need to explore ways to reinforce the EIB's resources and capital base so that it can lend to the real economy.

In the year 2000, there was € 22 billion of venture capital in Europe. In 2010 there was only € 3 billion. If we want to promote entrepreneurship we must reverse this decline and we need that support namely for SMEs.

We can also get more growth out of the Structural Funds, by increasing absorption capacity, using the Structural Funds to support macroeconomic performance. They are essential for innovation, for training and employment, and for SMEs.

I would also like to urge this House to adopt by the end of the year the proposals we made in August to increase cofinancing rates to those countries with assistance programmes. This will inject essential funding into these economies, while reducing pressure on national budgets. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Honourable members,

Reforms to our labour markets, public finances and pension systems require a major effort from all parts of society.

We all know these changes are necessary, so that we can reform our social market economy and keep our social model. But it is imperative that we hold on to our values – values of fairness, of inclusiveness and of solidarity.

Right now we need to give concrete hope to the 1 in 5 of our young people who cannot find work. In some countries, the situation of our young people is simply dramatic. I want to call on companies to make a special effort to provide internships and apprenticeships for young people. These can be supported by the European Social Fund.

By getting businesses, the social partners, national authorities and the Union level 190 working in a "Young Opportunities Initiative", we can make a difference. This I -be lieve is the most urgent social matter to respond to the anxiety of our young people that cannot find a job and it is much better to have an apprenticeship, a traineeship, than to be with that anxiety in the streets expressing that lack of confidence in the Union as a whole.

We must accelerate the most urgent parts of our Growth and Jobs Plan, Europe 2020. The Commission will focus on the situation of young people in each and every Mem- ber State in its Country-specific recommendations for next year.

I believe we must give our future a real chance.

Right now we also need to act to help the 80 million Europeans at risk of poverty. This means that the Council must finally approve our proposal to safeguard the pro- gramme for the supply of food for the most deprived persons. I would like to thank this Parliament for the political support it has given to our proposed solution.

Honourable Members,

Fifty years ago, 12 countries in Europe came together to sign the Social Charter. It was exactly in October 50 years ago. Today, that Charter has 47 signatories, including all our Member States.

To guarantee these fundamental values in Europe, I believe we need to boost the qual- ity of social dialogue at European level. The renewal of Europe can only succeed with the input and the ownership of all the social partners – of trade unions, of workers, of businesses, civil society in general.

We should remember that our Europe is a Europe of citizens. As citizens, we all gain through Europe. We gain a European identity and citizenship apart from our national citizenship. European citizenship adds a set of rights and opportunities. The opportu- nity to freely cross borders, to study and work abroad. Here again, we must all stand STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 – EUROPEAN RENEWAL up and preserve and develop these rights and opportunities. Just as the Commission is doing now with our proposals on Schengen. We will not tolerate a rolling back of our citizens' rights. We will defend the freedom of circulation and all the freedoms in our Union.

Honourable Members,

The Commission’s activities, as you well know, cover many other fields. I cannot discuss them all here, but they are mentioned in the letter which I sent to the Parlia- ment’s President and which you have all received.

Before I conclude, however, let me speak about the European Union’s external re- sponsibilities. I want to see an open Europe, a Europe engaging with the world.

European action in the world is not only the best guarantee for our citizens and for the defence of our interests and our values: it is also indispensable to the world. Today it is fashionable to talk of a G2. I believe the world does not want a G2. It is not in 191 the interests of the Two themselves. We know the tension that bipolarity created dur- ing the Cold War. If we want to have a just world and an open world, I believe that Europe is more necessary than ever.

The rapidly-changing world needs a Europe that assumes its responsibilities. An influ- ential Europe, a Europe of 27 - with the accession of Croatia soon to be 28. A Europe that continues to show the way, whether in matters of trade or of climate change. At a time when major events await us, from Durban to Rio +20, Europe must retain its position of leadership on these questions.

Let us also turn our attention to our southern neighbours. The Arab Spring is a pro- found transformation which will have lasting consequences not only for those peoples but also for Europe. Europe should be proud. We were the first to stand alongside those Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans who wanted democracy and freedom. Europe is supporting these legitimate aspirations, namely through our Partnership for De- mocracy and Shared Prosperity.

The Arab Spring should give hope for peace throughout the region. Europe wishes to see a Palestinian State living in peace alongside the State of Israel.

Let us also turn our attention to our eastern neighbours. On Friday I shall take part in the Eastern Partnership Summit in Warsaw. I shall go there with the ambition to forge a closer political relationship and tighter economic integration between us and our partners in the region. The EU has extraordinary transformational power. It is an inspiration for many people in the world, and if those countries embark on a thor- ough process of reform we can help them. We can further political and economic ties.

Finally, let us not forget the most deprived of all and let us live up to our commit- ments in attaining the Millennium Development Goals. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

We must also be realistic and recognise that, if Europe is to exert its influence fully, if Europe really wants to be a power, we must strengthen the Common Foreign and Se- curity Policy. It must be credible. It must be based on a common security and defence dimension if we are really to count in the world.

Long gone is the time when people could oppose the idea of European defence for fear that it might harm the Transatlantic relationship. As you have noticed, today it is the Americans themselves who are asking us to do more as Europeans. The world has changed, the world is still changing fundamentally. Do we really want to count in the world?

Hence, at a time when defence budgets are under pressure, we must do more together with the means at our disposal.

The Commission is assuming playing its part: we are working towards a single defence market. We are using our under the Treaty with a view to developing a European 192 defence industrial base.

Honourable Members,

Let us not be naive: the world is changing and if Europe is to count in the world and defend its citizens’ interests we need the political dimension and the defence dimen- sion to give us weight and a say in the world’s future.

Honourable Members,

I conclude.

At the end of our mandate, in 2014, it will be exactly a century since the Great War broke out on our continent. A dark period which was followed by the Second World War, one of the most dramatic pages in the history of Europe and the world. Today such horrors are unimaginable in Europe, largely because we have the European Un- ion. Thanks to the European vision, we have built a guarantee of peace in our con- tinent through economic and political integration. That is why we cannot allow this great work to be placed in jeopardy. It was a gift from previous generations. It will not be our generation that calls it into question. And let us be clear: if we start to break up Europe, if we start to backtrack on Europe’s major achievements, we will doubtless have to face the risk of fragmentation.

As I said, the root of the crisis we are now facing is a political problem. It is a test of our willingness to live together. That is why we have built common institutions. That is why we must safeguard the European interest.

The reality today is that intergovernmental cooperation is not enough to pull Europe out of this crisis, to give Europe a future. On the contrary, certain forms of intergov- ernmentalism could lead to renationalisation and fragmentation. Certain forms of intergovernmentalism could be the death of the united Europe we wish for. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 – EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Let us not forget that the decisions we take now, or fail to take, are going to shape our future. I feel hurt when I hear people in other parts of the world, with a certain condescension, telling us Europeans what we should do. I think, frankly, we have problems, very serious problems, but I also think we do not have to apologise for our democracies. We do not have to apologise for our social market economy. We should ask our institutions, but also our Member States, Paris, Berlin, Athens, Lisbon and Dublin, to show a burst of pride in being European, a burst of dignity, and say to our partners: ‘Thanks for the advice, but we can overcome this crisis together’. I feel that pride in being European.

And pride in being European is not just about our great culture, our great civilisation, everything to which we have given birth. It is not pride only in the past, it is pride in our future. That is the confidence that we have to re-create among ourselves. It is possible.

Some say it is very difficult, it is impossible. I would remind them of the words of a great man, a great African, Nelson Mandela: ‘It always seems impossible until it 193 is done’. Let’s do it. We can do it with confidence. We can do it, we can renew our Europe.

Thank you for your attention.

The State of Europe

DIE EUROPA REDE BERLIN, 9 NOVEMBER 2011

Mr Lammert, Mr Pöttering, Mr Berg, Mr Hassemer, Ladies and Gentlemen, 195

would like to thank the creators of the Berliner Europa-Rede, the Konrad-Ade- nauer Stiftung, the Robert-Bosch-Stiftung and the Stiftung Zukunft Berlin, for I this invitation to speak to you today. I thank you, but I also congratulate you for choosing this date, 9th November. With the establishment of the Berliner Eu- ropa-Rede, you have not only created a new European public space. By placing it every year on this day, a German and a European “Schicksalstag”, you express the strong link between the destiny of Germany and the destiny of Europe.

This date reminds us of both painful and joyful moments of the recent history of your country, and with it of our continent.

It is the day when the German Kaiserreich came to an end. Two days later, the First World War armistice brought insufferable carnage to an end but failed to pave the way for enduring peace. It is the day of the Nazi’s burning of the synagogues in 1938, one of the events that announced horrors yet to come. But then, it is the day of the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, when freedom prevailed over totalitarian rule. This date symbolises the fact that our actions have consequences. That political decisions are not indifferent. That history is shaped not by fatality, but by what we do. That by taking the right deci- sions, we can build hope, humanity, and freedom.

I remember clearly the 9th November 1989. At that time I was Deputy Foreign Minister of my country. I was following with attention the developments here in Germany from the South-Western tip of our continent. Yet things felt so close, and emotions were so strong.

It reminded me very much of the celebrations in the streets when Portugal won its democracy in 1974. When you are 18 years of age and you see a regime, a dictatorship fall in one day, you never forget what democracy means. I instinctively believed that something extraordinary was happening - that the opening of the Berlin wall meant the reunification not only of Germany but also of Europe. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

That is why I am really so honoured to be here today, in this country, in this city, just a few metres from where the destiny of Europe changed – to talk to you about the challenges Europe faces today. And once again my apologies for arriving late. Usually, as Hans-Gert Pöttering knows it, I am very punctual, but I could not control the fog in Berlin that delayed all the planes that came from the other parts of Europe.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe is indeed very different today to how it was in 1989, not only with the European Union growing from 12 Member States we were then to 27 Member States, having a today a truly continental dimension and a global outreach.

But we are also different in the world because the forces of globalisation, combined with information technology, have resulted in a new dimension of interdependence that affects every European country and every European citizen.

196 In 1989, the Internet was not yet part of our reality. Markets were not in a position to trigger within seconds chain-reactions to events that spilled all around the globe.

This is our reality today. This is the reality that informs our policy and shapes our polit- ical challenge.

This reality sits alongside the emergence, the rapid development, of many economies and nations whose influence on world affairs was much more limited than it is today. The bi-polar system of the world before 1989 has been replaced by a multi-polar, more unstable and more unpredictable world.

If Europe wants to play its role in this new world, our Member States must realise that they do not have the power or influence to do so alone.

Already in 1954 Jean Monnet predicted that: “Our countries have become too small for today’s world, when compared to the potential of modern technical means and in relation to the dimension of America and Russia today, China and India tomorrow”. Jean Monnet, 1954.

Over half a century later, Europe’s challenges are even greater. And so our ambition must be stronger, not weaker.

More or less at the same time, Konrad Adenauer defined the task of the generations to come in four simple words: “Europa muss geschaffen werden.” So I think we can say that the generations that have preceded us have done their part – now is the time for us to do ours.

Only a united Europe has the leverage and strength to defend our values and promote our interests in the world.

And let’s be clear – those values and interests must be promoted. THE STATE OF EUROPE

I know that in the current tendency towards negativism – something I often call the ‘intellectual glamour of pessimism’, people tend to underline Europe’s problems. Every commentator wants to show that he is more intelligent than the others by being more pessimistic. Yes, it is clear that we are facing difficulties and serious difficulties. But we must not diminish the fact that since the Second World War, and in large part thanks to the development of European integration, we have established in this continent, here in our Europe, the most decent societies known to mankind.

In no other place on earth has it been possible to put together this combination of civic, political and economic freedoms. Equality of rights between men and women. Respect for the environment. The ambition for higher levels of social cohesion and social pro- tection. The solidarity with other parts of the world less fortunate than ourselves. In other words, also what was created here in Germany, and it is now part of our model in Europe, and it is in the Lisbon Treaty – the social market economy we have consolidated through the process of integration.

A model that is based on values with a transformational and inspirational power. A 197 model that is indeed an inspiration for many other parts of the world.

We can be proud of our model. It deserves to be defended and developed. But to do so, we must ensure Europe’s continued prosperity. And for that, we must make ourselves more competitive. We need a greater degree of economic discipline and convergence, and we need to match our monetary union with an economic union.

In other words, in the globalisation age, the unification of Europe is more essential than ever if we want to preserve our way of life, to protect our values, to promote prosperity of our citizens.

By acting together we can gather strength through numbers.

We can create a European dimension. This is not detrimental to the Member States, as it is sometimes said in some debates. Putting the European Union in opposition to the interest of our democratic countries. Rather it is in their interests. Germany counts more in the world today not only because of its economic power, the force of its industry, of its exports, of its technology, the greatest democracy ever established here, your culture, Germany counts more in the world because it is a force in Europe. And this is why we can at the same time reinforce what is so important for us – the European dimension and also our national interest inside this European dimension.

So Europe is our destiny. Strength through unity is our fate. That is why we must stand together and forge a stable union, a deeper union, a stronger union.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The case for Europe, I believe, is a dynamic one. Europe is not a concept that can be fin- ished once and for all. It is a concept that must be, and that can be, adapted to changing circumstances – politically and economically. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Talk of emerging powers has become now commonplace. Let me say this: provided there is the political will the greatest emerging power in the world will be the European Union. In reality, if you compare the European Union today, and I am not now speaking about the power of Europe in the past, the power of the different political empires that Europe had created, or the power of different nations in the world. But if you compare the European Union today with its continental size, the European Union counts more today than the European Union of the six, of the nine, of the twelve. So indeed, as a Union we are now an emerging power. The important and relevant question is to see if we have the political will to deepen this union. Because the unique nature of the Europe- an Union makes it a power of transformation through cooperation not imposition. We have been painfully aware in recent months that it carries imperfections that we must address. But I can tell you this: our partners in the world urge us to strengthen this pro- ject – they emphatically do not encourage us to abandon or even weaken it. The world needs a stronger Europe. More Europe, not less.

Yet there are some in Europe who claim that their country does not need the rest of 198 Europe. Populism and sometimes even nationalism raises its head across our continent, claiming that too much Europe is the cause of our current difficulties. Claiming that less Europe or even non-Europe would bring solutions.

This is ignoring the global realities as well as our common history that teaches us that this continent is simply too small and too inter-dependent for us to stand apart. To turn our backs to each other. There cannot be peace and prosperity in the North or in the West of Europe if there is no peace and prosperity in the South or in the East.

But the argument for going it alone also defies economic rationality. Just an example, in 2010, Germany exported more goods and services to the Netherlands (around 15 million inhabitants) than to China, to France than to the US, to Poland than to Russia, to Spain than to Brazil, to Hungary than to India. In the same year, Germany export- ed almost five times as many goods to the rest of the European Union than it did to the BRICs countries altogether (China, India, Russia, Brazil, all of them). Its imports from the BRICs countries stood at just 20% of those from its EU neighbours. I could continue with many other examples that show how deep is our integration and our interdependence.

Were the Euro area or the European Union to break apart, the costs have been estimated at up to 50% of GDP in an initial phase. It is estimated that Germany’s GDP would contract by 3% and it would lose one million jobs if the Euro area were to shrink to a few core member countries. This study was made by a very important financial insti- tution here in Germany. What is more, it would jeopardise the future prosperity of the next generation. That is the threat that hangs over us, and it is that threat that guides our commitment to resolving the situations in Greece and elsewhere, provided that those countries play their part as well.

That is why all responsible leaders must now make the case for Europe. Make the case for strength through unity. We must engage our citizens in an honest and frank debate about Europe. About its assets, but also about its shortcomings. About its potential THE STATE OF EUROPE and its future. We must show our citizens what is at stake. We must choose the path of strength over weakness. Unity over fragmentation. The hard choice over the easy one.

To do otherwise will be to consign ourselves towards what Paddy Ashdown stated re- cently “a collection of perfectly sovereign corks bobbing along in the wake of other people’s ocean liners”.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The European Union does not promise paradise. But it is indeed our best chance for prosperity. It is institutionally and politically in international relations the single greatest achievement of our time, probably also of human history. When you think what was the past of war and conflict not only in Europe but in so many parts of the world. Our best means to use the crisis as an opportunity for creativity out of destruction. This is the Eu- ropean Union. The European Union was created precisely for moments such as we have now. It is in moments of difficulty that we can see those who are really ready to defend the European Union as a project. What we need are Europeans for all seasons, not only 199 when seasons are easy. It is precisely in moments of difficulty that we have to show our commitment to Europe. Of course I hope that we will stand collectively behind it and give it the tools it needs to make Europe stronger.

Let me be clear - that is not about power grabbing. Very often our discussions are domi- nated by this paradigm. Of course, as the President of the European Commission people would expect me to argue for a European approach.

But as I say very often to my interlocutors, I am not here as a trade union for the Euro- pean Commission. After more than 30 years in politics in my Parliament in my country, but also in the government 12 years in the government, including as Foreign Minister and Prime Minister, and now after seven years in the Commission, I want to tell you I have never seen politically anything so clearly as the need for a stronger Europe. We are witnessing fundamental changes to the economic and geopolitical order that have convinced me that Europe needs to advance now together or risk fragmentation. We are in one of those moments when we cannot stand still. There are some moments when we can keep business as usual, but now the dynamic of globalisation in financial and economic terms, but also in geopolitical terms, put Europeans in front of a choice – do they really want to live together and to share a common destiny and count in the world, or do they really want to face the prospects of fragmentation and decline. So Europe must either transform itself or it will decline. We are in a defining moment where we either unite or face irrelevance. If I may use a Latin expression, we are in those moments where “Non progredi est regredi”.

Ladies and gentlemen, Europe is indeed at a crossroads.

That is why it is so vitally important now to ensure that we get it right. That we build the kind of Europe we want and we need for the future. To give it the tools to make it strong. To use the current crisis as an opportunity to modernise and dynamise Europe and how it is run. Our goal must not be to restore the status quo ante, but to move on to something new and better. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

For that to happen, we need a stability union, but also a solidarity union. To get the growth that Europe so badly needs for any of this to survive, we need more discipline but also more convergence.

We need a union of responsibility but also of solidarity. If we agree that we share a com- mon destiny, these all belong together.

Reinforced governance of the Euro area must be a central pillar of this and is the focus of my intervention today. But this should not detract from the importance of strengthen- ing European integration in other areas, namely Common Foreign and Security Policy and Defence. Europe can only count in the world if it is strong and united around an active promotion of its values and interests. And let’s not be naïve, without a political dimension, without a diplomatic dimension and without also the capacity to project power, we will not be up to the challenges of today’s and future world.

But today let us focus on strengthening our method for economic governance. It is clear 200 that the markets make decisions that can affect us all within seconds. In response, we cannot continue to take decisions as we have been doing until now.

The speed of the European Union, and a fortiori of the Euro area, cannot be the speed of its slowest member or its most reluctant member. There are and must be – indeed there are! – safeguards for those who do not want to go along. But it is one thing not to go along, and another thing entirely to hinder others to move forward.

Neither should Europe veer backwards to the kind of developments that would run it through intergovernmental cooperation alone.

That would take us back to the 19th century, not even to the 20th century, but to the 19th century, where peace and prosperity were supposed to be guaranteed through a precarious balance between a limited number of powers – great powers, medium pow- ers, small powers in Europe. We know very well that this kind of balance of powers did not work then.

That is why, after the Second World War we created common, supranational institutions and methods.

Jean Monnet once wrote that: “nothing is possible without men, and nothing is lasting without institutions.” Legitimate institutions, created and upheld by the Member States, must have a strong role in the governance of the Union system. They are the only entities mandated and instructed to act in the interest of all Member States and they are the guardians of transparency, of fairness and of democracy in the Union.

In the European Union we have institutions where the Member States are represented, namely the European Council and the Council.

But we also have institutions of an innovative, supranational nature: the democratically elected European Parliament; the European Commission; the European Court of Jus- tice; the European Central Bank; the Court of Auditors. THE STATE OF EUROPE

It is precisely these supranational institutions that are the best guarantee for the respect of the agreed principles and rules in a union of sovereign states. Because the sovereign states entrust the institutions with certain powers but also with the mandate to uphold the best interests of all its members. Bigger – or smaller.

It is precisely these supranational institutions that have the independence and objectivity to ensure that all Member States – those in the Euro area and those outside – are treated equally before the Treaties.

It is precisely these institutions that are entrusted to take some decisions outside the realm of political bargaining. Thus ensuring that financial stability cannot be held hos- tage to politics.

This is the meaning of the role of the Commission as economic government of the Eu- ropean Union in the fields of the Union competencies. This is the reason why we have decided to create and independent European Central Bank. 201 At a time when Europe is completing its monetary union with an economic union, and at a time when convergence and discipline are increasing, the independent and objective role of the institutions is more necessary than ever.

It is in this perspective that in the upcoming discussions regarding the deepening of European integration, including through possible changes to the European Union Trea- ties, the Commission will steadfastly uphold its role as guarantor of the interests of the European common good, the general interest of Europe, including of course the interest of all our Member States. And we will defend the integrity of the single market and the integrity of the single currency. The EU as a whole and the Euro area belong together and should not be divided.

The Commission welcomes - and urges, in fact we have been asking for a long time - a deeper integration of policies and governance within the Euro area. Such integration and convergence is the only way to enhance discipline and stability and to secure the fu- ture sustainability of the Euro. In other words we have to finish the unfinished business of Maastricht – to complete the monetary union with a truly economic union.

But stability and discipline must also go together with growth. And the single market is our greatest asset to foster growth.

Let me be clear - a split union will not work. This is true for a union with different parts engaged in contradictory objectives; a union with an integrated core but a disengaged periphery; a union dominated by an unhealthy balance of power or indeed any kind of directorium. All these are unsustainable and will not work in the long term because they will put in question a fundamental, I would say a sacred, principle – the principle of justice, the principle of the respect of the quality, the principle of the respect of the rule of law. And we are a Union based on the respect of the rule of law and not on any power or forces. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

It would be absurd if the very core of our project – and economic and monetary union as embodied in the Euro area is the core of our project – so I say it would be absurd that this core were treated as a kind of “opt out” from the European Union as a whole. No, the euro area is not an “opt out” from the European Union. In fact all the European Union should have the euro as its currency. So the challenge is how to further deepen Euro area integration without creating divisions with those that are not yet in it.

Let us recall that whilst two Member States – only two Member States – negotiated an “opt out” from the monetary union, the Treaties foresee accession to the Euro area both as an obligation and as a right for all others. Provided that the conditions are met, of course.

That requires strict verification. Stricter than in the past. But to create the idea now that we have two unions in Europe means disunion, means, in fact, a separation of the mem- bers of the euro area from those who are not yet members of the euro area. Let’s take a country like Poland. They have already stated very clearly that they want to join the euro 202 as soon as all the criteria are met. So why should we now put more conditions for the countries that want to be in the core of the European project feel that they are left some time behind. I don’t think it is fair for those countries.

So let us be clear: the Treaties don’t define the Euro area as something that is distinct from the European Union. The Treaties define the Euro area as the core of the European Union.

Belonging to the Euro area or striving into the Euro area should constitute European Union normality – not belonging to it is the derogation from the rule.

It would be absurd if the part of our integration that is deepest on the substance would be lightest on the form.

The difficulties we face today have not been caused by the respect of the Community method, but rather by the lack of respect for it. The truth is that economic and monetary union is ultimately incompatible with the logic of pure inter-governmentalism: because economic and monetary union requires commitments, rules and respect of commit- ments and rules going beyond mere peer pressure or mere cooperation among govern- ments. And those rules cannot be subject to the unstable logic of political influence or manoeuvring, of diplomatic negotiation or of backroom bargaining.

And this means that the deepening of the Euro area integration including by Treaty change must preserve the EU’s political, legal and institutional coherence. This means that the deepening of the Euro area integration must be done through the Community method, preserving and developing the role of the Community institutions.

But already in the terms of the current Treaty the European Union can go further in this direction and this direction is indeed necessary.

Before the end of this month, the Commission will come forward with a package of further measures to deepen European Union and Euro area economic governance. THE STATE OF EUROPE

This will include the following five elements:

First, a co-decision regulation linking EFSF and ESM assistance with country surveil- lance, on the basis of article 136 of the Treaty. By placing the governance of the Euro area within the overall Treaty framework, and thereby in the Community method, this would ensure the legal and institutional coherence and the compatibility between the Euro area and the EU as a whole. This regulation will, on the one hand, provide an in- terface between financial assistance under the EFSF and the future ESM - the nature of which as you know is intergovernmental - and also Treaty-based surveillance on the oth- er. It will step up surveillance for euro Member States receiving precautionary assistance and assistance under an adjustment programme, and will also ensure post-programme surveillance.

Second, we are going to present a further co-decision regulation on deeper fiscal sur- veillance, also on the basis of article 136 of the Treaty. For euro area Member States in excessive deficit procedure, it will set out graduated steps and conditions for monitoring national budgetary policies. It should enable the Commission and the Council to exam- 203 ine national draft budgets ex-ante and to adopt an opinion on them before adoption by the national parliaments, requesting a second reading in serious cases. In addition, the Commission will monitor budget execution and, if necessary, suggest amendments in the course of the year.

Thirdly, we will present a communication on the external representation of the euro on the basis of article 138 of the Treaty. The crisis continues to show that the euro area needs to speak with one voice in international institutions and fora. We otherwise risk diluting our messages and our credibility. The more we improve our internal Euro area economic governance the more pressing is also the need for a strong and efficient -ex ternal representation of the Euro area. Does anyone know that the Euro area Member States taken together are the biggest contributor to the IMF? Most people don’t know that precisely because we do not appear as the euro, we appear as different Member States in different constituencies. That is why the Commission will make proposals -to wards a more consolidated European voice and representation in international fora and institutions such as the IMF.

Fourthly, we will present (I know this is controversial) a green paper on euro stability bonds. As I said in my State of the Union speech in the Parliament on 28 September, once the euro area is fully equipped with the instruments necessary to ensure both inte- gration and discipline, the issuance of joint debt will be seen as a natural and advanta- geous step for all. On condition that such Eurobonds will be “Stability Bonds”: bonds that are designed in a way that rewards those who play by the rules, and deters those who don’t. Our Green Paper on euro stability bonds will present the options for the joint issuance of bonds in the euro area, together with further steps of reinforced economic governance options that would need to be developed depending precisely on the differ- ent options. Some of them can be implemented within the current Treaty, whereas fully fledged ‘Eurobonds’ would of course require Treaty change.

The fifth and last element of our economic governance package will be the 2012 Annual Growth Survey. Against the backdrop of a waning economic recovery in Europe, the EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Annual Growth Survey will set out the priorities for policies towards more growth and jobs in the European Union.

It is also the starting point for the second European Semester which is our framework for monitoring and coordinating fiscal and economic policies at European level. The Annu- al Growth Survey will assess progress in the implementation of national commitments during this year in the framework of country-specific recommendations and under the Euro Plus Pact, and help with the preparation of next year’s economic policies.

In addition to these upcoming initiatives (I am sorry they are rather technical, but they are extremely important if we really want to have convergence and discipline in the Euro area) I announced some days ago that I had decided to entrust Commissioner Olli Rehn with a reinforced status as Commission Vice-President for economic and monetary af- fairs and the Euro.

Having a Commissioner especially dedicated to the Euro shows our determination to 204 have Euro governance take place inside the community institutions and in respect with the community method. The political and symbolic importance of this measure could not be clearer and is furthermore underpinned by internal Commission arrangements which will reinforce the structural guarantees of fully independent and objective deci- sion-making.

Let me tell you very frankly, ladies and gentlemen, after seven years now in Brussels in the Commission, that one thing we don’t need in Europe is more institutions and more agencies and more entities to manage the euro. We don’t need more. One of the prob- lems we have sometimes, also in terms of communication, is the very complex and not only complex but complicated system. If we are not happy with the way this institution or that institution works, we have to correct it. We have means to do it, using precisely the institutional framework - we have the European Parliament that is directly elected. But the idea that we solve problems creating every time a new institution, is an idea that will make things more opaque, more time consuming, less coherent and less readable for the common citizens, and precisely we want to make our Europe better understood also from our citizens and from the rest of the world.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Deepening convergence and integration of the European Union must also involve deep- er democracy. And I know the debate that is taking place here in Germany. I am afraid I could not listen to all the comments by President Lammert, but I am sure that I would have agreed with everything he said, because we share the same values for democracy and for Europe. I think democracy must be deepened at national level but also at European level and this is indeed an extremely challenging task.

Let me tell you that: to have a democracy at European level, it is indeed very complex, but I am sure that all of you and also you, President Lammert, will agree that even at national level consolidating democracy is sometimes not without difficulties. THE STATE OF EUROPE

I believe that European democracy must be furthered by enhancing the relationship be- tween national democratic processes and the European democratic process. This will be the best way to involve our citizens in the decisions we take. The Community approach will continue to be essential in this by ensuring the principle of subsidiarity. That is a democratic principle.

Our Union is – and will remain for the time to come – a creation “sui generis”. Its con- stitution and its action cannot be measured by the criteria of the nation state. And it cannot be measured by the criteria of an international organisation.

The European Union is a new creation for a new reality. This means that we cannot – as it is sometimes done – oppose the national democratic processes to the European dem- ocratic process. We cannot substitute national democracies with the European demo- cratic process. Nor can we replace the European democratic process with the national ones. We need both for the Union to work in a way that is seen as a legitimate way by our citizens. 205 This is the essence of the Community method, of the “Gemeinschaftsmethode”. In the domain of the judiciary, your “Bundesverfassungsgericht” has found a good term to describe the co-existence of the national judiciary with the European judiciary: they call it a cooperative relation, a “Kooperationsverhältnis”.

I think that it is well worth reflecting on the transposition – mutatis mutandis, of course – of this idea to the relationship between the national and the European legislatives. Both have their spheres in which they are irreplaceable. I repeat: irreplaceable. Neither can substitute the other. Both the national democracy and the European democracy have to respect each other.

It is well worth investing into such a “Kooperationsverhältnis”, rather than postulating a competitive relation, a “Konkurrenzverhältnis”.

I emphatically disagree with the assertion that democracy is only possible within the limits of a nation state. I know that some people think like that. They are completely wrong. They have not yet understood that they are living in the 21st century – a world of globalisation. Globalisation and the crisis we are going through shows us the limits of democracy if it is confined to the nation state. Of course our first political community of reference is our country. This is normal. But to think that we can only solve the difficult issues we have at stake in our countries and not to accept the principles of democracy for the wider Europe, it will be a mistake, because it will mean that we will not use the tools of democracy to solve questions at our European dimension.

If we want to preserve democracy also for the global order, we need to complement the democracy of the nation state with the democracy of the European Union. Otherwise, we will hand over material sovereignty, the real sovereignty, to markets; it will no longer be the sovereignty of our Member States, it will be the sovereignty of the markets, the sovereignty of financial speculators, the sovereignty of global operators not subject to any kind of democratic scrutiny. That is why we need strong European democracy. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Ladies and gentlemen,

Over the last months, Germany has been called to demonstrate this drive for Europe more than ever before and perhaps more than any other country in the European Union. In the face of tremendous pressure – and sometimes criticism - Germany must take its responsibilities seriously.

Yet, such responsibility can be a heavy weight. It can divide opinion.

Especially when Germany must also bear this weight for a long period of time.

The path towards a more prosperous and sustainable Europe, let’s be honest, is far from over. I have been using (it was a coincidence) a Greek expression: “This is not a sprint, it is a marathon”. It is a marathon. We have to be prepared for a marathon to test our resilience, our commitment. There will be no miracles.

206 So, just as the founding fathers of Europe had a vision after the two devastating world wars, we must also now act with resilience and with vision towards a Europe that is strong but open. That is prosperous and sustainable. And that continues to offer our citizens peace, prosperity and opportunities for generations to come.

Now is Germany’s time to show that it is fighting the cause of a strong, integrated, com- petitive, united Europe.

Now is Germany’s time to uphold the principles that underpin the European Union and most especially the democratic legitimacy and transparency that come from the Community approach.

Over the last 18 months, the European Union, and in particular the economic and monetary union has started to undergo a process of wholesale renovation. We have made mistakes, but we are not staying where we were.

Germany is making a very important contribution in terms of the financial guarantees that it is giving. I would like to extend my warmest thanks to Germany and the German people for their strong commitment to our Europe.

Along the European integration history, Germany has been the biggest contributor in financial terms towards our project. That is why I never miss an opportunity to say thank you.

Yet, let’s be completely frank, there is a paradox. The perception of the outside world is not always in tune with this. And this is something I think very often, because when I see the debate here in Germany, and I compare the debate in Germany with other countries, I see that the perceptions sometimes are almost opposite. Perceptions and misperceptions. So we should ask why this happens. Why Germany, that has been giving the biggest financial contribution to the response to this crisis, is not always perceived as doing precisely that. THE STATE OF EUROPE

If I may offer a thought on this, it is the following.

In politics, the issue is sometimes not what we do but how we do it. It is about explain- ing and communicating what we truly believe to be in the best interest of our citizens.

This is why the agenda for Europe must be a positive one. It must be about aiming for a higher goal. The agenda for Europe must not be a reluctant intervention to avoid the worst, but an enthusiastic plan to create the best. It must be an agenda based on the idea of the common good.

Four years ago, the Heads of State and Government of the European Union, the Presi- dent of the European Parliament – who was then my dear friend Hans-Gert Pöttering who is hosting us tonight, Chancellor Merkel as the President of the European Council, and myself as the President of the European Commission, we have signed right here the Berlin precisely the Berlin declaration on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome. Following the negative vote on the constitutional Treaty, I proposed this Declaration as a way of creating a new consensus for a way forward among Member 207 States. You remember that, at that time, some Member States were saying that they did not want a new Treaty. They were opposed to any kind of revision of the Treaties and it was possible to have a new start, a new consensus.

The Berlin Declaration stated a simple yet fantastic truth:

We have united for the better.

For the better. It is true. On a day such as 9 November this is immediately clear to us. But it is true not only on 9 November. It must be our inspiration for each day, for our everyday lives.

We have united for the better.

This is a precious gift, one that we must cherish and preserve, and that requires more than just duty and skill. It requires reason and passion. It requires commitment and – yes – enthusiasm.

As we move forward, as Europe continues to chart its way out of the crisis, my appeal to Germany is this: to show leadership in partnership; to show leadership in the Commu- nity spirit. I know that some of the choices we ask our citizens to make are not easy at all. But if we want the Euro to survive and if we want Europe to thrive, they are necessary. And leadership is about making possible what is necessary. To do so in the knowledge and certainty that the actions we take today to transform Europe are the guarantees of peace and prosperity for future generations. Because none of what we have achieved is irrevocable. Everything can be taken away much more rapidly than it was built.

The crisis is far from over. But we have the resources; we have the means, if only we have the spirit and the will. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

So let us not look at the challenge before us with a faint heart, but with commitment and conviction. Conviction for a Europe that is prosperous, that is open, that is strong and that shapes global governance in line with European values, and I underline the word values. Values of responsibility, of solidarity, of democracy. If we want Europe to go on being a beacon of hope to people in other parts of the world, we must not let its candle go out. We must be inspired by the soul of Europe. We must breathe life into it again. A breath of hope and of confidence, as it is so exemplarily embodied in our European anthem, Friedrich Schiller‘s „Ode an die Freude“.

Let me tell you that in the recent debate about the euro sometimes I feel very uncom- fortable. Some days ago I was together with others in the G20 in Cannes where the dis- cussion about global economy was more a discussion about problems of the Euro area. Once I said to myself (when I was listening to all the leaders from the rest of the world telling Europe what to do) that it is much easier to solve the problems of the others than our own problems. Of course, one thing we have learned in Europe, form its history, and we are a very old continent, a very old civilisation, is that arrogance is the worst form 208 of stupidity. And that is why we listen amply to all the advice. But at the same time we listen to all the advice and most of the advice was very good, I have to say. I was saying to myself the following: yes, we must listen to the advice of the others, but there are some things we don‘t want to change in Europe. We don‘t want to apologise because we are democracies, we prefer it to be a democracy, we prefer to take more time for our decisions than to be a dictatorship that would impose decisions on its citizens and we don‘t have to apologise because we are a social market economy; because we believe that if someone is poor, it is not necessarily because it is his fault; because we believe we should help those who are left behind. So, yes, we have to correct what is not going well in Europe and there are many things that are not going well, but at the same tie I hope that all of us in Europe are able to show the dignity of being Europeans – some pride to be Europeans, not arrogance, but pride to defend our model, to say this the Europe we want and we are ready to defend it. And while we accept lessons of the others, we are able also to propose advice to the rest of the world.

So my final message, ladies and gentlemen, is the following: let us remain loyal to the vision of the founding fathers. Speaking here at the invitation of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, let us not betray the legacy of Konrad Adenauer. Let us live up to their am- bition by taking a federative leap forward for a deeper, stronger, united Europe.

Let us welcome this challenge so that the next generation of Germans and Europeans can say: we have united for the better.

Thank you. Speech at the opening session of the Rio+20 conference

EARTH SUMMIT – RIO+20 RIO DE JANEIRO, 20 JUNE 2012

Ladies and Gentlemen, 209

Allow me to begin with a word of sincere thanks to Brazil, the host country of this summit, not only for receiving us in the wonderful city of Rio de Janeiro but also for the country's commitment to sustainable development.

I should also like to thank the United Nations, and particularly the Secretary-Gener- al, for all of the efforts they have put into ensuring the success of Rio+20.

As many others in this room, I remember vividly that twenty years ago, the then 12-year-old Severn Suzuki addressed the plenary session at the Earth Summit here in Rio.

Twenty years ago this 12-year-old girl coming from Canada and speaking on behalf of the Environmental Children’s Organisation (ECO) and “for all generations to come”, as she put it, “silenced the world for 6 minutes”.

She concluded her speech by telling delegates: “I challenge you please make your actions reflect your words.”

Twenty years later progress towards sustainable development has been achieved in a number of areas and in many regions.

But still considerable challenges remain in eradicating poverty and in fully integrating the economic social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development.

Many environmental challenges have become even more acute. Increasing demand for resources has led to growing resource depletion while climate change, biodiversity loss and deforestation continue at an alarming rate.

At the same time, despite all the progress made, several of the Millennium Develop- ment Goals are off-track, notably hunger eradication. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

One sixth of the world’s population is undernourished. And Sub-Saharan Africa with more than one in four of its 856 million people undernourished remains the most food-insecure region.

Twenty years ago I was here in Rio as Portuguese State Secretary for Foreign Affairs. At that time, Severn Suzuki said “I’m only a child yet I know we are all in this together and should act as one single world towards one single goal.”

Twenty years later I am here again, this time as President of the European Commis- sion to express Europe’s unwavering commitment to sustainable development, to the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals, and to deliver with all of you a clear message on a common vision and an agenda for change.

We must indeed work together to address these problems and move towards sustain- able development.

210 In a world where the population is expected to rise up to nine billion by 2050, sus- tainability is also about intergenerational solidarity and responsibility.

It is about changing the way we consume and produce today to adapt our economies to the boundaries of our planet and allow future generations to meet their own needs tomorrow.

For the European Union, this is what green economy is all about.

We believe that promoting the right kind of growth, that is inclusive and environ- mentally friendly, is the most effective pathway to achieve sustainable development.

For this reason, I warmly welcome that the Conference has acknowledged that the Green Economy will enhance our ability to manage natural resources sustainably and with lower environmental impacts and increased resource efficiency. This is an impor- tant first step in the right direction.

Obviously this will be done differently in each country. We may all have different capacities and focus areas. But we share a common objective, a common vision to progress towards more sustainable development.

This means to promote an economy that respects the boundaries of our planet, creates decent work and green jobs, fosters social cohesion, tackles poverty and enhances food security.

An economy based on an efficient management of resources and natural capital and which taps into the full ecological and social innovation potential.

This includes, among others, the sustainable management of water, arable land, healthy and productive oceans and seas, biodiversity, as well as the provision of sus- tainable energy for all, improved resource efficiency and in particular, management of waste. SPEECH AT THE OPENING SESSION OF THE RIO+20 CONFERENCE

These areas underpin millions of livelihoods and can help alleviate poverty. They could become areas for future economic growth and global markets.

That is why the European Union focussed on developing clear and concrete global commitments on five priority areas: sustainable energy, water, sustainable land man- agement and ecosystems, oceans, and resource efficiency, in particular waste.

Experience shows that we get better results when we agree on specific and quantifiable goals. And I am happy that the EU’s efforts to make the outcome document more action-oriented has attracted increased support and is now better reflected in the outcome document.

We believe that the five priority areas I just mentioned are also key themes for the Sustainable Development Goals. All of them have a prominent place in the outcome document. We therefore very much welcome that the conference has agreed that we will be guided by this document when defining the future SDGs. 211 We consider that Sustainable Development Goals should be in full complementarity with the Millennium Development Goals, and strengthen the global commitment to- wards their achievement. The European Union wants a post-2015 overarching frame- work with specific goals that address the three dimensions of sustainable development -environmental, economic and social- in a holistic and coherent manner.

But to have a common objective is not enough. We also have to decide on the best ways to get there. And in this regard, Rio+20 is the occasion to better mobilise and focus the resources – national and international; public and private – necessary to meet our priorities.

And allow me to stress here three aspects on which we should focus our efforts to deliver concrete results.

First and foremost, each and every country must take the necessary measures to put in place an enabling environment of domestic policies that is designed to be self-sus- taining.

As regards developing countries, Official Development Assistance (ODA) will con- tinue to represent a significant resource for sustainable development. The European Union and its members will remain the world’s largest donor, with a significant share of our aid around the globe already going to “Rio-priorities”.

We remain staunchly committed to reaching our collective objective of 0.7% of Gross National Income (GNI) on aid by 2015, and we will mainstream sustainability con- siderations into our cooperation programs and all other EU policies even more in the future.

For 2012-2013 alone, our EU aid to all three dimensions of sustainable development already amounts to almost 8 billion Euro – more than 10 billion US Dollars. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

And on the front of sustainable energy, I will propose to mobilise 400 million Euro over the next two years to support concrete new investments in this key area. In this regard, we very much welcome the Secretary General’s initiative to ensure Sustainable Energy for All.

Secondly, progress towards sustainable development entails providing the right fi- nancing instruments. ODA alone is not the answer. Public and private funding and business expertise should go hand in hand in establishing appropriate financing strat- egies. Innovative sources of financing should be encouraged. And emerging econo- mies should take a stronger role, proportionate to their evolving international status.

Thirdly, to move towards more sustainable development also depends on skills, know- how and technology diffusion. And in this regard the European Union is proud that its research framework programmes are open to all countries, including support to researchers in developing countries.

212 We are convinced that democracy, human rights, rule of law, good governance, and gender equality and empowerment of women are indispensable for achieving sustain- able development. We therefore welcome that these values are firmly anchored in the outcome document of this conference.

We recognize the fundamental role of civil society and other stakeholders in the real- ization of sustainable development and we will work to increase their participation in decision making processes.

Finally, as no time can be lost to move towards a greener and more sustainable econ- omy and to eradicate poverty, better and more efficient global governance is strongly needed.

I am therefore happy with our agreement to strengthen sustainable development governance within the UN. We are satisfied that the new High Level Forum for Sustainable Development will build on the inclusive participation modalities of the Commission on Sustainable Development. We are confident that the new forum will secure the regular participation of Heads of State in reviewing progress of all our commitments.

And I also welcome the agreement to reinforce the international environmental gov- ernance by strengthening and upgrading UNEP. It will now have universal member- ship and must become our common home to set the global environmental agenda. With this in mind, we will continue to work, together with our partners,

for the creation a full fledged United Nations Environment Organization. We believe that the people of the world need it.

Mister/Madam President, Excellencies,

We share the same planet. We face the same challenges. We share a common respon- sibility towards the future generations. SPEECH AT THE OPENING SESSION OF THE RIO+20 CONFERENCE

None of us has achieved in full what was wanted initially. But we have all worked together to develop common ground. Let me reassure you that the EU will continue to strive for more ambitious actions that our planet and its people require.

We need now to press ahead with the implementation of what has been achieved with a greater sense of urgency because the planet and the poorest in the world cannot afford delays.

Today Severn Suzuki is not a child anymore. She is a young mother of 32 years old, worried as all mothers with the future of their children. This is what sustainable devel- opment is about: to make sure that our actions not only do not thwart our children’s dreams, but rather enable future generations to live a better life.

We have shown in the past that we have the will to change the course of our destiny for the better. Time has come now to close the gap between this ambition and resolute action to make it happen. 213 I thank you for your attention.

State of the Union Address 2012

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 12 SEPTEMBER 2012

Mr President, Honourable Members, 215

1. Analysis of the situation

t is an honour to stand before you today to deliver this third State of the Union I address. At a time when the European Union continues to be in crisis. A financial and economic crisis. A social crisis. But also a political crisis, a crisis of confidence.

At its root, the crisis results from:

• Irresponsible practices in the financial sector;

• Unsustainable public debt, and also;

• A lack of competitiveness in some Member States.

On top of that, the Euro faces structural problems of its own. Its architecture has not been up to the job. Imbalances have built up.

This is now being corrected. But it is a painful, difficult, effort. Citizens are frustrated. They are anxious. They feel their way of life is at risk.

The sense of fairness and equity between Member States is being eroded. And without equity between Member States, how can there be equity between European citizens?

Over the last four years, we have made many bold decisions to tackle this systemic cri- sis. But despite all these efforts, our responses have not yet convinced citizens, markets or our international partners. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Why? Because time and again, we have allowed doubts to spread. Doubts over wheth- er some countries are really ready to reform and regain competitiveness. Doubts over whether other countries are really willing to stand by each other so that the Euro and the European project are irreversible.

On too many occasions, we have seen a vicious spiral. First, very important decisions for our future are taken at European summits. But then, the next day, we see some of those very same people who took those decisions undermining them. Saying that either they go too far, or that they don’t go far enough. And then we get a problem of credibility. A problem of confidence.

It is not acceptable to present these European meetings as if they were boxing events, claiming a knockout victory over a rival. We cannot belong to the same Union and behave as if we don’t. We cannot put at risk nine good decisions with one action or statement that raises doubts about all we have achieved.

216 This, Honourable Members, reveals the essence of Europe’s political crisis of confi- dence. If Europe’s political actors do not abide by the rules and the decisions they have set themselves, how can they possibly convince others that they are determined to solve this crisis together?

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

2. The challenge – a new thinking for Europe

A crisis of confidence is a political crisis. And, the good thing is that, in a democracy, there is no political problem for which we cannot find a political solution.

That is why, here today, I want to debate with you the fundamental political questions - where we are now and how we must move forward. I want to focus on the political direction and the vision that shall inspire our policy decisions.

I will of course not list all these individual decisions. You are receiving the letter I addressed to the President of the European Parliament, and that sets out the Com- mission’s immediate priorities. We will discuss them with you before adopting the Commission Work Programme later in the autumn.

My message to you today is this: Europe needs a new direction. And, that direction can not be based on old ideas. Europe needs a new thinking.

When we speak about the crisis, and we all speak about the crisis, have we really drawn all the consequences for our action? When we speak about globalisation, and we all speak a lot about globalisation, have we really considered its impact on the role of each of our Member States? STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

The starting point for a new thinking for Europe is to really draw all the consequences of the challenges that we are facing and that are fundamentally changing our world.

The starting point is to stop trying to answer the questions of the future with the tools of the past.

Since the start of the crisis, we have seen time and again that interconnected global markets are quicker and therefore more powerful than fragmented national political systems. This undermines the trust of citizens in political decision making. And it is fuelling populism and extremism in Europe and elsewhere.

The reality is that in an interconnected world, Europe’s Member States on their own are no longer able to effectively steer the course of events. But at the same time, they have not yet equipped their Union - our Union —with the instruments needed to cope with this new reality. We are now in a transition, in a defining moment. This moment requires decisions and leadership. 217 Yes, globalisation demands more European unity.

More unity demands more integration.

More integration demands more democracy, European democracy.

In Europe, this means first and foremost accepting that we are all in the same boat.

It means recognising the commonality of our European interests.

It means embracing the interdependence of our destinies.

And it means demanding a true sense of common responsibility and solidarity.

Because when you are on a boat in the middle of the storm, absolute loyalty is the minimum you demand from your fellow crew members.

This is the only way we will keep up with the pace of change. It is the only way we will get the scale and efficiency we need to be a global player. It is the only way to safeguard our values, because it is also a matter of values, in a changing world.

In the 20th century, a country of just 10 or 15 million people could be a global power. In the 21st-century, even the biggest European countries run the risk of irrelevance in between the global giants like the US or China.

History is accelerating. It took 155 years for Britain to double its GDP per capita, 50 years for the US, and just 15 years for China. But if you look at some of our new Member States, the economic transformation going on is no less impressive.

Europe has all the assets it takes. In fact much more so than previous generations faced with similar or even greater challenges. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

But we need to act accordingly and mobilize all these resources together.

It is time to match ambitions, decisions, and actions.

It is time to put a stop to piecemeal responses and muddling through.

It is time to learn the lessons from history and write a better future for our Europe.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

3. Response to the situation – the ‘decisive deal for Europe’

What I demand and what I present to you today is a Decisive Deal for Europe. 218 A decisive deal to project our values, our freedom and our prosperity into the fu- ture of a globalized world. A deal that combines the need to keep our social market economies on one hand and the need to reform them on the other. A deal that will stabilise the EMU, boost sustainable growth, and restore competitiveness. A deal that will establish a contract of confidence between our countries, between Member States and the European institutions, between social partners, and between the citizens and the European Union.

The Decisive Deal for Europe means that:

We must leave no doubt about the integrity of the Union or the irreversibility of the Euro. The more vulnerable countries must leave no doubts about their willingness to reform. About their sense of responsibility. But the stronger countries must leave no doubts about their willingness to stick together. About their sense of solidarity. We must all leave no doubts that we are determined to reform. To REFORM TOGETHER.

The idea that we can grow without reform, or that we can prosper alone is simply false. We must recognise that we are in this together and must resolve it together.

This decisive deal requires the completion of a deep and genuine economic union, based on a political union.

3.1. Economic union:

Let me start with Europe’s economy.

Firstly, we need growth. Sustainable growth STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Growth is the lifeblood of our European social market model: it creates jobs and supports our standard of living. But we can only maintain growth if we are more competitive.

At the national level it means undertaking structural reforms that have been post- poned for decades. Modernising public administration. Reducing wasteful expendi- ture. Tackling vested interests and privileges. Reforming the labour market to balance security with flexibility. And ensuring the sustainability of social systems.

At the European level, we need to be more decisive about breaking down barriers, whether physical, economic or digital.

We need to complete the single market.

We need to reduce our energy dependence and tap the renewable energy potential.

Promoting competitiveness in sectors such as energy, transport or telecoms could 219 open up fresh competition, promote innovation and drive down prices for consumers and businesses.

The Commission will shortly present a Single Market Act II. To enable the single market to prosper, the Commission will continue to be firm and intransigent in the defence of its competition and trade rules. Let me tell you frankly, If it was left to the Member States, I can tell you they will not resist pressure from big corporations or large external powers.

We need to create a European labour market, and make it as easy for people to work in another country as it is as home.

We need to explore green growth and be much more efficient in our use of resources.

We have to be much more ambitious about education, research, innovation and sci- ence.

Europe is a world leader in key sectors such as aeronautics, automotives, pharmaceuti- cals and engineering, with global market shares above a third. Industrial productivity increased by 35% over the last decade despite the economic slowdown. And today, some 74 million jobs depend on manufacturing. Every year start-up firms in the EU create over 4 million jobs. We need to build on this by investing in our new industrial policy and creating a business environment that encourages entrepreneurship and supports small businesses.

This means making the taxation environment simpler for businesses and more attrac- tive for investors. Better tax coordination would benefit all Member States.

We also need a pro-active trade policy by opening up new markets. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

This is the potential of Europe’s economy. This is the goldmine that is yet to be fully explored. Fully implementing the Growth Compact agreed at the June European Council can take us a long way.

And we could go further, with a realistic but yet ambitious European Union budget dedicated to investment, growth and reform. Let’s be clear. The European budget is the instrument for investment in Europe and growth in Europe. The Commission and this Parliament, indeed all pro-European forces, because most member States support our proposal, must now stand together in support of the right multi-annual financial framework that will take us to 2020. It will place little burden on Member States, especially with our proposed new own resources system. But it would give a great boost to their economies, their regions, their researchers, their students, their young people who seek employment, or their SMEs.

It is a budget for growth, for economic, social and territorial cohesion between Mem- ber States and within Member States. 220 It is a budget that will help complete the single market by bridging gaps in our energy, transport and telecoms infrastructure through the Connecting Europe Facility.

It is a budget for a modern, growth-oriented agriculture capable of combining food security with sustainable rural development.

It is a budget that will promote a research intensive and innovative Europe through Horizon 2020. Because we need this European scale for research

This will be a real test of credibility for many of our some Member States. I want to see if the same member States who are all the time talking about investment and growth will now support a budget for growth at the European level.

The budget is also the tool to support investment in our growth agenda, Europe 2020, which we need now more than ever before.

Europe 2020 is the way to modernise and preserve the European social market econ- omy.

Honourable Members,

Our agenda of structural reform requires a major adjustment effort. It will only work if it is fair and equitable. Because inequality is not sustainable.

In some parts of Europe we are seeing a real social emergency.

Rising poverty and massive levels of unemployment, especially among our young people.

That is why we must strengthen social cohesion. It is a feature that distinguishes Eu- ropean society from alternative models. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Some say that, because of the crisis, the European Social model is dead. I do not agree.

Yes, we need to reform our economies and modernise our social protection systems. But an effective social protection system that helps those in need is not an obstacle to prosperity. It is indeed an indispensable element of it. Indeed, it is precisely those Eu- ropean countries with the most effective social protection systems and with the most developed social partnerships, that are among the most successful and competitive economies in the world.

Fairness and equity means giving a chance to our young people. We are already doing a lot. And before the end of the year, the Commission will launch a Youth Package that will establish a youth guarantee scheme and a quality framework to facilitate vocational training.

Fairness and equity also means creating better and fairer taxation systems.

Stopping tax fraud and tax evasion could put extra billions into the public purse 221 across Europe.

This is why the Commission will fight for an agreement on the revised savings tax directive, and on mandates to negotiate stronger savings tax agreements with third countries. Their completion would be a major source of legitimate tax revenues.

And the Commission will continue to fight for a fair and ambitious Financial Trans- actions Tax that would ensure that taxpayers benefit from the financial sector, not just that the financial sector benefits from taxpayers. Now that it is clear that agreement on this can only happen through enhanced cooperation, the Commission will do all it can to move this forward rapidly and effectively with those Member States that are willing. Because this is about fairness. And fairness is an essential condition to make the necessary economic reforms socially and politically acceptable. And above all fair- ness is a question of justice, social justice.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

In the face of the crisis, important decisions have been taken. Across the European Union, reform and consolidation measures are being implemented. Joint financial backstops are being put in place, and the European institutions have consistently shown that they stands by the Euro.

The Commission is very aware that in the Member States implementing the most intense reforms, there is hardship and there are – sometimes very painful – difficult adjustments. But it is only through these reforms that we can come to a better future. They were long overdue. Going back to the status quo ante is simply impossible. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The Commission will continue to do all it can to support these Member States and to help them boost growth and employment, for instance through the re-programming of structural funds.

Allow me to say a word on Greece. I truly believe that we have a chance this autumn to come to the turning point. If Greece banishes all doubts about its commitment to reform. But also if all other countries banish all doubts about their determination to keep Greece in the Euro area, we can do it.

I believe that if Greece stands by its commitments it should stay in the Euro area, as a member of the European family.

Securing the stability of the Euro area is our most urgent challenge. This is the joint responsibility of the Member States and the Community Institutions. The ECB can- not and will not finance governments. But when monetary policy channels are not working properly, the Commission believes that it is within the mandate of the ECB 222 to take the necessary actions, for instance in the secondary markets of sovereign debt. Indeed, the ECB has not only the right but also the duty to restore the integrity of monetary policy. It is of course for the ECB, as an independent institution, to deter- mine what actions to carry out and under what conditions. But all actors, and I really mean all actors, should respect the ECB’s independence.

Honourable Members,

I have spoken about the economic measures that we must implement as a matter of urgency. This is indispensable. But it is not sufficient. We must go further.

We must complete the economic and monetary union. We must create a banking un- ion and a fiscal union and the corresponding institutional and political mechanisms.

Today, the Commission is presenting legislative proposals for a single European su- pervisory mechanism. This is the stepping stone to a banking union.

The crisis has shown that while banks became transnational, rules and oversight re- mained national. And when things went wrong, it was the taxpayers who had to pick up the bill.

Over the past four years the EU has overhauled the rulebook for banks, leading the world in implementing the G20 commitments. But mere coordination is no longer adequate – we need to move to common supervisory decisions, namely within the Euro area.

The single supervisory mechanism proposed today will create a reinforced architec- ture, with a core role for the European Central Bank, and appropriate articulation with the European Banking Authority, which will restore confidence in the supervi- sion of the banks in the Euro area. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

It will be a supervision for all Euro area banks. Supervision must be able to look everywhere because systemic risks can be anywhere, not just in so-called systemically relevant banks. Of course, this in a system that fully engages the national supervisors.

The package comprises two legal texts, one on the ECB and the other on the EBA, which go together. It is clear that this parliament will have a crucial role to play in the adoption of the new mechanism, and after that in its democratic oversight.

This is a crucial first step towards the banking union I proposed before this House in June. Getting the European supervisor in place is the top priority for now, because it is the precondition for the better management of banking crises, from banking reso- lution to deposit insurance.

In parallel the Commission will continue to work on the reform of the banking sec- tor, to make sure it plays its role in the responsible financing of the real economy. That means improving long term financing for SMEs and other companies. It means rules on reference indices, so we do not again see the manipulation of bank interest 223 rates affecting companies and mortgage holders alike. It means legislation to ensure that banks give a fair deal to consumers and another look at the structure of banking activities to eliminate inherent risks.

In all of this, the role of this Parliament is essential. The Commission endeavours to work in close partnership with you.

But there is a second element of a deeper economic union it is the move towards a fiscal union.

The case for it is clear: the economic decisions of one Member State impact the others. So we need stronger economic policy co-ordination.

We need a stronger and more binding framework for the national decision making for key economic policies, as the only way to prevent imbalances. While much has been done here, for instance through the six-pack and the Country-Specific Recommenda- tions, further steps are crucial to combine specific conditions with specific incentives and to really make the economic and monetary union sustainable.

To deliver lasting results, we need to develop a fully equipped Community economic governance together with a genuine, credible Community fiscal capacity.

We do not need to separate institutions or to create new institutions for that. Quite the contrary: for this to be effective and quick, the best way is to work with and through the existing institutions: The European Commission as the independent European authority, and overseen by the European Parliament as the parliamentary representation at the European level.

And it is in such a framework that over time, steps for genuine mutualisation of debt redemption and debt issuance can take their place. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

So economic reform coupled with a genuine economic and monetary union: these are the engines to get our boat moving forward.

The Commission will publish a blueprint for deepening the economic and monetary union still this autumn.

This blueprint will be presented to this House. Because these questions must be dis- cussed with and by the representatives of the people

At the same time, it will inform the debate at the December European Council that will be prepared by the report that the President of the European Council, myself and the Presidents of the European Central Bank and the Eurogroup have been asked to present.

Our blueprint will identify the tools and instruments, and present options for legal drafting that would give effect to them, from policy coordination to fiscal capacity 224 to debt redemption. And, where necessary – as in the case of jointly and severally guaranteed public debt – it would identify the treaty changes necessary, because some of these changes require modifications to the Treaty. It will present a blue-print for what we need to accomplish not only in the next few weeks and months, but in the next years.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

3.2. Political union:

Ultimately, the credibility and sustainability of the Economic and Monetary Union depends on the institutions and the political construct behind it.

This is why the Economic and Monetary Union raises the question of a political un- ion and the European democracy that must underpin it.

If we want economic and monetary union to succeed, we need to combine ambition and proper sequencing. We need to take concrete steps now, with a political union as a horizon.

I would like to see the development of a European public space, where European issues are discussed and debated from a European standpoint. We cannot continue trying to solve European problems just with national solutions.

This debate has to take place in our societies and among our citizens. But, today, I would like to make an appeal also to European thinkers. To men and women of cul- ture, to join this debate on the future of Europe. And I make this appeal to you. This is the house of European democracy. We must strengthen the role of the European Parliament at the European level. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

And we need to promote a genuine complementarity and cooperation between the European and national parliaments.

This also cannot be done without strengthening European political parties. Indeed, we have very often a real disconnect between political parties in the capitals and the European political parties here in Strasbourg. This is why we have to recognise the political debate is cast all too often as if it were just between national parties. Even in the European elections we do not see the name of the European political parties on the ballot box, we see a national debate between national political parties. This is why we need a reinforced statute for European political parties. I am proud to announce that the Commission has adopted a proposal for this today.

An important means to deepen the pan-European political debate would be the pres- entation by European political parties of their candidate for the post of Commission President at the European Parliament elections already in 2014. This can be done without Treaty change. This would be a decisive step to make the possibility of a Eu- ropean choice offered by these elections even clearer. I call on the political parties to 225 commit to this step and thus to further Europeanise these European elections.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

A true political European Union means we must concentrate European action on the real issues that matter and must be dealt with at the European level. Let’s be frank about this not everything can be at the same time a priority. Here, some self-criticism can probably be applied

Proper integration is about taking a fresh look at where is the most appropriate level of action. Subsidiarity is an essential democratic concept and should be practiced.

A political union also means that we must strengthen the foundations on which our Union is built: the respect for our fundamental values, for the rule of law and democ- racy.

In recent months we have seen threats to the legal and democratic fabric in some of our European states. The European Parliament and the Commission were the first to raise the alarm and played the decisive role in seeing these worrying developments brought into check.

But these situations also revealed limits of our institutional arrangements. We need a better developed set of instruments– not just the alternative between the “soft power” of political persuasion and the “nuclear option” of article 7 of the Treaty.

Our commitment to upholding the rule of law is also behind our intention to estab- lish a European Public Prosecutor’s Office, as foreseen by the Treaties. We will come with a proposal soon. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

A political union also means doing more to fulfil our global role. Sharing sovereignty in Europe means being more sovereign in a global world.

In today’s world, size matters.

And values make the difference.

That is why Europe’s message must be one of freedom, democracy, of rule of law and of solidarity. In short, our values European values.

More than ever our citizens and the new world order need an active and influential Europe. This is not just for us, for the rest of the world it is important that we suc- 226 ceed. A Europe that stands by its values. And a Europe that stands up for its belief that human rights are not a luxury for the developed world, they should be seen as universal values

The appalling situation in Syria reminds us that we can not afford to be by-standers. A new and democratic Syria must emerge. We have a joint responsibility to make this happen. And to work with those in the global order who need to give also their co-operation to this goal

The world needs an EU that keeps its leadership at the forefront of development and humanitarian assistance. That stands by open economies and fights protectionism. That leads the fight against climate change.

The world needs a Europe that is capable of deploying military missions to help stabilize the situation in crisis areas. We need to launch a comprehensive review of European capabilities and begin truly collective defence planning. Yes, we need to reinforce our Common Foreign and Security Policy and a common approach to de- fence matters because together we have the power, and the scale to shape the world into a fairer, rules based and human rights’ abiding place.

Mr President,

Honourable Members

4. Treaty change, 17/27 dimension and expanding public debate

4.1. Federation of nation states - Treaty change

A deep and genuine economic and monetary union, a political union, with a coherent foreign and defence policy, means ultimately that the present European Union must evolve. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Let’s not be afraid of the words: we will need to move towards a federation of nation states. This is what we need. This is our political horizon.

This is what must guide our work in the years to come.

Today, I call for a federation of nation states. Not a superstate. A democratic feder- ation of nation states that can tackle our common problems, through the sharing of sovereignty in a way that each country and each citizen are better equipped to control their own destiny. This is about the Union with the Member States, not against the Member States. In the age of globalisation pooled sovereignty means more power, not less.

And, I said it on purpose a federation of nation states because in these turbulent times these times of anxiety, we should not leave the defence of the nation just to the na- tionalists and populists. I believe in a Europe where people are proud of their nations but also proud to be European and proud of our European values. 227 Creating this federation of nation states will ultimately require a new Treaty.

I do not say this lightly. We are all aware how difficult treaty change has become.

It has to be well prepared.

Discussions on treaty change must not distract or delay us from doing what can and must be done already today.

A deep and genuine economic and monetary union can be started under the current Treaties, but can only be completed with changes in the treaties So let’s start it now but let’s have the horizon for the future present in our decisions of today.

We must not begin with treaty change. We must identify the policies we need and the instruments to implement them. Only then can we decide on the tools that we lack and the ways to remedy this.

And then there must be a broad debate all over Europe. A debate that must take place before a convention and an IGC is called. A debate of a truly European dimension.

The times of European integration by implicit consent of citizens are over. Europe can not be technocratic, bureaucratic or even diplomatic. Europe has to be ever more democratic. The role of the European parliament is essential. This is why the Europe- an elections of 2014 can be so decisive.

Before the next European Parliament elections in 2014, the Commission will present its outline for the shape of the future European Union. And we will put forward ex- plicit ideas for Treaty change in time for a debate.

We will set out the objectives to be pursued, the way the institutions that can make the European Union more open and democratic, the powers and instruments to make EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

it more effective, and the model to make it a union for the peoples of Europe. I be- lieve we need a real debate and in a democracy the best way to debate is precisely in elections at the European level on our future and our goals;

4.2. 17/27 dimension

Mr President, Honourable Members,

This is not just a debate for the Euro area in its present membership.

While deeper integration is indispensable for the Euro area and its members, this project should remain open to all Member States.

Let me be very clear: in Europe, we need no more walls dividing us! Because the Eu- ropean Union is stronger as a whole in keeping the integrity of its single market, its 228 membership and in its institutions.

No one will be forced to come along. And no one will be forced to stay out. The speed will not be dictated by the slowest or the most reluctant

This is why our proposals will be based on the existing Union and its institutions, On the Community method. Let’s be clear – there is only one European Union. One Commission. One European Parliament. More democracy, more transparency, more accountability, is not created by a proliferation of institutions that would render the EU more complicated, more difficult to read less coherent and less capable to act.

4.3. Expanding public debate:

This is honourable members the magnitude of the decisions that we will need to make over time.

That’s why I believe we need a serious discussion between the citizens of Europe about the way forward.

About the possible consequences of fragmentation. Because what can happen some times is to have, through unintended consequences, to have fragmentation when we do not want it.

About what we could achieve if leaders avoid national provincialism what we can achieve together.

We must use the 2014 election to mobilise all pro-European forces. We must not al- low the populists and the nationalists to set a negative agenda. I expect all those who call themselves Europeans to stand up and to take the initiative in the debate. Because even more dangerous than the scepticism of the anti-Europeans, is the indifference or the pessimism of the pro-Europeans. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Mr President, Honourable Members,

5. Conclusion: is this realistic?

To sum up, what we need is a decisive deal to complete the EMU, based on a political commitment to a stronger European Union.

The sequence I put before you today is clear.

We should start by doing all we can to stabilise the euro area and accelerate growth in the EU as a whole. The Commission will present all the necessary proposals and we have started today with the single supervisor to create a banking union, in line with the current Treaty provisions.

Secondly, we will present our blueprint on a deep and genuine economic and mone- tary union, including the political instruments, and this will be done still this autumn 229

We will present here again all proposals in line with the current Treaty provisions.

And thirdly, where we cannot move forward under the existing treaties, we will pres- ent explicit proposals for the necessary Treaty changes ahead of the next European Parliamentary election in 2014, including elements for reinforced democracy and accountability

This is our project. A project which is step by step but with a big ambition for the future with a Federation as our horizon for Europe.

Many will say that this is too ambitious, that it is not realistic.

But let me ask you - is it realistic to go on like we have been doing? Is it realistic to see what we are seeing today in many European countries? Is it realistic to see taxpayers paying banks and afterwards being forced to give banks back the houses they have paid for because they can not pay their mortgages? Is it realistic to see more than 50% of our young people without jobs in some of our Member States? Is it realistic to go on trying to muddle through and just to accumulate mistakes with unconvincing responses? Is it realistic to think that we can win the confidence of the markets when we show so little confidence in each other?

To me, it is this reality that is not realistic. This reality cannot go on.

The realistic way forward is the way that makes us stronger and more united. Realism is to put our ambition at the level of our challenges. We can do it! Let’s send our young people a message of hope. If there is a bias, let it be a bias for hope. We should be proud to be Europeans. Proud of our rich and diverse culture. In spite of our cur- rent problems, our societies are among the most human and free in the world. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

We do not have to apologise for our democracy our social market economy and for our values. With high levels of social cohesion. Respect for human rights and human dignity. Equality between men and women and respect for our environment. These European societies, with all its problems, are among the most decent societies in human history and I think we should be proud of that. In our countries two or three girls do not go to prison because they sing and criticise the ruler of their country. In our countries people are free and are proud of that freedom and people understand what it means to have that freedom. In many of our countries, namely the most recent Member States, there is a recent memory of what was dictatorship and totali- tarianism.

So Previous generations have overcome bigger challenges. Now it is for this genera- tion to show they are up to the task.

Now is the moment for all pro-Europeans to leave business as usual behind and to embrace the business of the future. The European Union was built to guarantee peace. 230 Today, this means making our Union fit to meet the challenges of globalization.

That is why we need a new thinking for Europe, a decisive deal for Europe. That is why we need to guide ourselves by the values that are at the heart of the European Union. Europe I believe has a soul. This soul can give us the strength and the deter- mination to do what we must do.

You can count on the European Commission. I count on you, the European Par- liament. Together, as Community institutions we will build a better, stronger and a more united Europe, a citizens’ Union for the future of Europe but also the future of the world.

Thank you for your attention. Speech to the European Union Heads of Delegation

ANNUAL CONFERENCE OF EU HEADS OF DELEGATION, EUSR AND CHARGÉS D’AFFAIRES BRUSSELS, 4 SEPTEMBER 2012

Dear Ambassadors, Heads of Delegation, Colleagues, 231

very much welcome the opportunity to address you here today. I It is over 600 years since the Italian statesman Francesco Guicciardini, first stated that: “Diplomats are the eyes and ears of the state.”

This is still true. But the days are long gone when an ambassador could consider him- self well equipped if he was a good host and a ready listener.

Today, you are much more than that, particularly as Ambassadors of an organisation and a project as sui generis and as inspiring as the European Union.

It cannot be overstated that you are pioneers in a new and unprecedented project in mankind’s history, that of representing not a nation and not an empire but a group of free willing nations that have decided that by pooling their sovereignty and acting together they would be more effective in defending their interests and promoting their values.

I wished to recall this at the start of my intervention, because it is important to always keep in mind our starting point, which models and shapes all our actions, including diplomatic action. This is also something that is important to recall, at a point where Europe is faced with very important challenges and very important choices that have a clear impact on our external action and on our capacity to shape the 21st century world.

The financial and economic crisis which struck the EU as well know was ignited by excessive debt, by the irresponsible behaviour by some in the financial sector and also by the failure in national supervision systems. However its root causes are the tectonic changes that have been taking place in the world and the deep seated imbalances that have been building particularly over recent decades. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

History is accelerating and we cannot afford to become bystanders. Some figures illustrate these changes: in the 20th century we witnessed a 4 fold growth in global population and a 40 fold increase in economic output. It took thousands of years - from prehistory to 1960 - for mankind to reach 3 billion people. But then it took only 39 years - until 1999 - to add the next 3 billion. And now it has taken just 12 more years to move from 6 to 7 billion. It took 155 years for Britain to double its GDP per capita, 50 years to the US and only 15 years for China.

These are the real developments that have shaken the structures of our societies and that force us to rethink whether the way we operate is fit for the purpose of promoting our interests and our values. It is fair to conclude that our model has revealed inef- ficiencies that need to be corrected. However, it is important not to draw the wrong conclusions.

Some pretend that the crisis has proven that the EU is no longer necessary, that su- pranational cooperation does not work and that the nation states are the only entity 232 that can address the challenges with which our societies are confronted. This is wrong. It suffices to say that if current trends were kept no European country would feature in the world’s top ten economies after 2050. In a world where production chains are global, where capital knows no borders, where ideas and communication flow at the speed of a mouse click, to pretend that self-sufficiency is the solution is indeed self-de- feating. We need the scale of Europe.

We need the continental scale of the EU also for our member states to count in the world. Not against our member states, this is extremely important to understand. It will certainly be a mistake particularly in times of anxiety like the ones we are living, in these times of turbulence, to try to build the EU against the nation states. The nation is seen by many of our citizens as the refuge, especially in times of uncertainty. So it would be a mistake for the pro-Europeans to give that argument for the ultra-na- tionalists or the populists. But at the same time we have to make it clear that for our nations to count in the world, and for Europe as such to count in the world, we need this scale of shared sovereignty.

That is why the European Commission and if I may say also I personally have been pushing for action, for collective action. This is the only way to overcome the current problems: determined action by individual countries but also by the Union as a whole, including in the field of foreign policy and external relations that you represent.

Dear Ambassadors, dear friends,

There is no magic wand, no silver bullet that will in an instant lead the European economy to recovery. For Europe to regain its economic strength we have at least four challenges to address, excessive sovereign debt, the indebtedness of the private sector - both companies and individuals - a lack of international competitiveness of some of our Member States and also a transformation of our governance system namely in the Euro area. SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION

We are doing this. We have taken our economic and political future in hand, we are delivering and we will continue to deliver. But this takes time. At the same time it needs determination.

The June European Council was a decisive meeting; a meeting which has opened up the prospect of a more united, more integrated, European Union and Euro area. But our work is not complete and, until it is, our system will lack stability. We have a monetary union, but the crisis has demonstrated that there is a cumulative logic to the integration process: monetary union cannot function without a banking union, and without further fiscal and economic union.

The last European Council broadly endorsed a paper prepared by the President of the European Council, by myself, the President of the European Central Bank and the President of the Euro group, examining how best to move along this path. And that is exactly what we are doing and preparing now for the next steps.

Of course the logic of integration cannot be purely economic. Banking union requires 233 a single European supervisor, further economic union too requires supervision of the member states economic policies, joint supervision. Not supervision made by them in Brussels over our economies but our joint supervision over our economies because it is clear that in a currency, in a monetary union one country should not have the right to do harm to others as it is happening today.

It is therefore logical, but also right and just, that there is further political or institu- tional integration as well. This is needed to ensure democratic oversight of the process and to reassure the citizens of Europe that they are a part of the process. More integra- tion, more democracy, more accountability. We should not be afraid of the words. We should move forward in our project to consolidate a truly political union.

The European Commission will shortly, in fact it will be on the 12th of this month, table proposals to create a European banking union, namely a single supervisor for our banks, but we must be under no illusions that deepening economic integration and especially political integration are long term projects. Yes, they provide a vision which is needed to generate confidence in the long term future of Europe, but Europe also needs action now.

So the key here is to combine ambition with a proper sequencing. It would be a complete mistake to suggest that to get out of this crisis Europe can do it only by Treaty change. We know that Treaty change takes time so we need to have short term responses to financial instability we are now feeling in the Euro area. But short term is not enough because the so called markets know very well that in the longer term the stability of the currency depends also on the political construct and on the solid- ity of the institutions that are behind it. That is why as the same time we are giving short term answers to the instability we need to have a horizon for the medium and long term. So these issues – short, medium and longer term – should not be seen as incompatible and we have to act on the several areas. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

That is why Europe to overcome its present crisis needs further fiscal consolidation, deep structural reform and smart targeted investment so that we can return to long term growth and create the jobs our citizens need. The last European Council com- mitted to work in all these areas and the European Commission is leading or co-lead- ing this work.

I know that you are increasingly asked by our partners to explain all these steps and the latest measures taken by the European Union, so I will make sure that the EEAS and our delegations get more regular economic briefings, in particular after important decisions are taken. And this is important because I would like you to be equipped with all the elements, the objective elements to make the case for Europe.

There are some things you can say even without further documents that sometimes our partners underestimate. The point is the following: if you look since the crisis there was no move until now to get back, to undo the economic integration. If you see the debate now in Europe is how far and how fast are we going for the next steps 234 but no one really at least in the governments that are on Europe is proposing to undo the European integration. And if you look at the decisions, the decisions have all been for reinforcement of the economic and monetary union and further integration of the institutional apparatus and even more supranational powers. Ok we can always say that probably it is not fast enough or we can say in some cases it was the intergovern- mental route not the community method route but it was always for more and not less integration.

Another point some of pour partners underestimate is level of integration among Europe. They have the typical let’s say state centred approach what in the Europe we sometimes call the sovereignist approach and so they see and believe they are in- telligent because they see it in realistic terms, sometimes expressing lots of cynicism about the capacity of the Europeans to go forward. I think this is the result of lack of understanding of the way Europe integrates.

I want to give you my personal testimony after eight years in this position, and the last three years in the crisis mode day and night with this Euro crisis, that I am fully confident about the willingness of our member states and their leadership to integrate further. It is a negotiation, extremely complex, where you of course there are different teachers and different perceptions and different cultures, but at the end I have no doubts about the interest of all member states to go forward in terms of sharing more sovereignty for the economic and monetary union, at least for the countries of the EMU and with the support of those who are not yet, or they do not intend to be in the Euro.

Another issue is the lack of understanding of the role of the institutions, namely of the European Central Bank. Of course the ECB will do whatever is necessary to sustain the Euro. By definition. The first mandate of the ECB is the very existence of Euro, it is not only price stability. So when there are threats to the integrity of the monetary union the ECB has of course the right to intervene and reintervene. But of course rightly the ECB does not want to give the message that the member states can go on with, let’s put it frankly, irresponsible fiscal policies, unsustainable levels of debt and SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION lack of supervision as we have seen recently when we have discovered that the reality of the financial sectors was not exactly the one that they were pretending to be.

So this is the game. That is why I am confident, not underestimating the difficulties that we know very well where they are, but I am confident and I want to convey to you my perception that we are going to overcome these difficulties. Of course there are risks and serious risks because we have seen in the past and in history that some- times even when there is not the intention to create a problem it may happen that interrelation of independent consequences can provoke the problem. Yes, this risk exists.

Of course there is a very important problem is that at the time when we are required to take further steps in terms of integration it is exactly the time when there is less support in the public opinion for this integration. This is why we need also to act politically for the member states and the European institutions to act together to keep the population of Europe broadly supporting the European integration which may be at a risk in the current circumstances when we see the economic situation deteriorat- 235 ing and when we see the very high levels of unemployment.

So I am not at all pretending that the result exists, but I want, after careful considera- tion of the risks, to convene to you my perception that we are going to overcome the current difficulties. But it will take time, there is no magic solution, there is no pan- acea, it is not this or that solution by miracle to result the problems. It requires con- stant, persistent, coherent determination along a path of a comprehensive response that has to address different and sometimes complex elements.

I wonder if I could also speak about foreign policy! You probably want me to give you more elements about the current situations so in the period of questions and comments I will be available if you wish to put me any question that I could try to respond, but nevertheless I thought about making one or two points about external relations because the foreign policy and the external dimension is also a very impor- tant element of this response. And precisely one of the consequences - one of the neg- ative responses that I am sure you feel every day of the current crisis at the European union since you are in the spotlight because of the Euro crisis - is in some extent be seen losing credibility and authority for the good things we can do and we are doing for the global community.

This is why we have to acknowledge that Europe’s role in the world is also a function of its economic success. But this should never mean that we are now turning inwards, on the contrary, foreign policy is part and parcel of the response to the crisis.

We need to keep Europe open and engaged in the world. If our internal market is one driver of growth, then our external market, the rest of the world, should be another. The European Union is indeed the world’s largest trader but we can still benefit from access to third country markets and we are working hard to achieve precisely this. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

But this is not simply because this openness brings economic benefits which are vital to our future growth. It is also because in the future to defend and promote our com- mon values Europe will have to play an ever more active international role.

In order to be able to shape global decisions we will only count if we act together, the Commission, the External Service, under the leadership of the High Representative/ Vice-President, and the Member States; there is just one EU and we will be judged as EU and not as separate institutions. The citizens, not only the citizens of the world, citizens of Europe, will not make a distinction, most of them, between Commission, External Service, Council, European Council – it is the EU. And this is very im- portant to understand. That is why we need to unite the geographical outreach and presence of the European External Action Service to the thematic knowledge and expertise of the Commission.

Let me turn to the importance of this for our two primary foreign policy priorities: our neighbourhood and our relations with strategic partners. 236 Concerning our Neighbourhood, in response to the events of the Arab Spring we adopted last year a joint communication from the High Representative/Vice Presi- dent and the Commission. This reaction to the mass movements for democracy in the Mediterranean have demonstrated, one major advantage of the Lisbon Treaty: the strengthened ability to seamlessly combine all of the instruments at the disposal of the European Union to roll out a package of support measures centred on the so-called three Ms; money, market access and mobility.

We know that the end will always be uncertain and that these countries’ journey is just beginning but we need to “make a bet on democracy”. But we also need to remain vigilant to make sure that those who oppose democracy do not hijack these transitions.

Next week I intend to receive here the new President of Egypt, in fact he comes to the EU very soon after his election. It is an important occasion to speak with him about what his intentions are regarding what is happening in Egypt and in the wider region.

Free elections were held not only in Egypt but also in Tunisia and Libya and the will of the people needs to be respected. The European Union will deal with any govern- ment legitimised by free and fair elections, provided that they remain faithful and loyal to the principles of democracy, human rights and human dignity. I was last year in Tunis and in Cairo, and I will meet in the next weeks as I said Egyptian President but also the Tunisian Prime Minister. I also intend to travel to Jordan and Morocco to explore our support to reforms.

History has shown us that those who make peaceful evolution impossible render violent revolutions inevitable. This is what is happening in Syria. The world cannot turn a blind eye to the carnage in the country. Security Council members need to as- sume their responsibilities. Inability to act will only discredit the United Nations and make actions outside its framework more likely. We need to put an immediate end to SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION the killings of innocents, the human rights abuses, and to agree on a path towards a political transition.

This commitment to reform expends across the countries of the neighbourhood pol- icy, not just to the south but to the east as well. Here too, we are supporting those who wish to consolidate democracy and open economies through a joined up ap- proach EEAS/Commission. We have started negotiations on Association Agreements, including Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, with 4 out of our 6 Eastern partners.

We have concluded negotiations with Ukraine but the signing of the Agreement will depend on Kiev’s commitment to the European values. I hope that by the 3rd Eastern Partnership Summit, which will take place next year, more of these Agreements will be concluded, notably with Moldova.

These countries need an active and influential Europe and the rest of the world also needs an outward looking Europe that is able to play its full role in the neighbour- 237 hood and in the global affairs.

As I said, the neighbourhood is one of our priorities; the other is strengthening rela- tions with our strategic partners. Here too, the combination of Commission instru- ments, EEAS action and Member States cooperation can make a real difference.

With the United States, we are partners in the world’s single most important rela- tionship. Last year we have initiated with President Obama a High Level Group to discuss our future Trade ties, with the aim to launch a transatlantic free trade area. This should be a beacon and a catalyser of 21st century agreements. This would also dovetail with the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement that we hope to conclude soon with Canada.

I am sure that these initiatives will reinforce what is already a powerful bond between the two sides of the Atlantic, a bond underpinned by a community of shared values.

With China, which is already our second economic partner, and growing faster than any other, we are building a solid partnership based not only on this economic in- terdependence but also on a growing conscience of the need to tackle common chal- lenges together.

An example, just one example is the Urbanisation Partnership that I have launched with Chinese Vice-Premier Li Keqiang, where China, which is experiencing an in- creasing level of urbanisation, will be able to draw on the experience of the EU and the Member States to master this process.

We should forge with China a long-term vision of our relations based on mutual re- spect and balanced benefits, enabling us also to settle our differences – and there are differences - in a constructive manner. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

But in Asia we have other important and strategic partners that are central to our external relations.

India, an economic giant with great untapped potential with whom we are nego- tiating a free trade agreement that would be the biggest in the world - benefiting 1.7 billion people – and which could become a driver for the economic reforms the country needs to pursue.

Japan, a longstanding like-minded partner with which the Commission has just ta- bled negotiating directives for a Framework Agreement and an FTA that I hope the Council can swiftly agree.

Korea, which has been affirming itself as a global player. And Southeast Asian States, whose integration process, through ASEAN, can become a reference for regional co- operation and peaceful settlement of disputes. This will all be part of my message to the next ASEM meeting in Vientiane: the EU is a committed partner of Asia. I will 238 also travel, at least I intend to go, to Myanmar, Thailand and Indonesia to reiterate this message and our engagement in the region. As you know many of our partners in Asia are asking precisely for that, and I remember in our seminar last year precisely some of you mentioned this. In the available time I will do my best to give some contribution.

With Russia we have achieved an important common objective, which was the coun- try’s accession to the WTO. This will allow for Russia’s economic diversification and better integration in the world economy.

We should now make progress on the negotiation of a New Agreement that fully reflects the rich and substantive nature of our relations, from trade to energy, from political cooperation to people to people contacts. We will also continue our Partner- ship for Modernisation, which involves 25 out of 27 Member States, aiming at mod- ernising both economic and social structures; economic and societal modernisation.

Brazil has managed in the last decade to grow and also to reduce its internal inequal- ities, which were a brake to the country’s progress. The strategic partnership that we have launched in 2007 has allowed us to make progress on our bilateral relations, but has not yet realised its full potential as regards cooperation on global matters.

We still intend to close an agreement with Mercosur; however, it is fair to recognise that the recent protectionist stance by some of the block’s members does not bode well. The next EU-LAC Summit in Chile in January 2013 should send a strong mes- sage against protectionism and also some forms of populism.

With Mexico with whom we also have regular bilateral Summits I have recently pro- posed to update and upgrade our Economic Partnership, Political Cooperation and Cooperation Agreement.

Last but not least, Africa, the continent with the fastest growth rate in the world, the youngest population, and the biggest changes. The figures are there to confirm it: over SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION the past decade six of the world’s ten fastest-growing countries were African; in eight of the past ten years, Africa has grown faster than Asia.

But it is not just the economy, also the societies are changing. This year, 23 multiparty elections should take place in the continent, not perfect elections, but some form of pluralism is gaining strength in Africa. Democracy is spreading. And we should be proud of our contribution to this progress through our political support to institu- tions such as the African Union, which has been taking the lead in upholding democ- racy and rule of law in the continent.

However, poverty is not receding at the pace of economic growth and some countries will not reach their MDGs objectives. This is why we have to keep our leadership of the global community on development assistance and to make efforts to turn it more effective. It is therefore crucial to step up our engagement with Africa, both bilaterally and through the joint partnership EU-Africa. We must remain supportive of dem- ocratic change and accountable governments, of development efforts and together seize existing economic opportunities. In this regard it is paramount to conclude the 239 negotiations on the Economic Partnership Agreements.

This year I was already twice in Sub-Saharan Africa, Central and East, and I intend to visit West Africa next October, provided there is no more turbulence in the euro zone.

Dear colleagues,

I have just outlined to you how I see our geographical priorities. The substance that will fill them is provided by our horizontal priorities, the promotion of democracy, rule of law and human rights; a rules based multilateral system; cooperative and inter- dependent economic systems; free trade and open economies that abide by common rules; free and open societies; and cooperative action on the common goods, from climate protection to natural resources management.

All this can only be effectively pursued through a good articulation between the Com- mission services and the EEAS, working closely together with our Member States. Po- litical relations without a substantive agenda are empty rhetoric; substantive priorities without a political framework and a diplomatic network are abstractions. It is pre- cisely the combining of these two that gives us our strength and our capacity to act.

The challenges of this century are unprecedented in their scale and scope. We will be able to make progress only through common action both bilaterally and in multilat- eral fora; first and foremost the United Nations for peace and security issues, but also others such as the G20 and the OECD for economic and financial matters.

But I also sincerely believe that the effectiveness of our foreign policy also depends on a credible defence capability. Our capacity to act as a global security provider cannot become collateral damage of current economic hardship. Our Member States have to embrace more forcefully the pooling and sharing initiative launched by the High Representative/Vice-President. We need to make progress on a common defence pol- EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

icy. Also here the Commission can and is playing a role by deepening the internal market on defence and Europe’s industrial base.

Ambassadors, colleagues

Let me conclude with a quote by Jean Monnet, a great inspiration for our work: “People only accept change when they are faced with necessity, and only recognize necessity when a crisis is upon them.” This is a very timely quote.

That time is now: the European Union is engaged in a process of profound, neces- sary change in order to face up to the current crisis and to the challenges of the 21st century.

In order to maintain our European model and to retain our influence in our neigh- bourhood and at the global level we must increasingly work together and combine all our policies in a comprehensive and coherent manner. 240 The EEAS is an important element in this approach and is one of the best creations of the Lisbon Treaty. Myself, the European Commission, of which the High Repre- sentative is Vice-President, are fully committed to making the Service a success and to ensuring that we develop an external presence which is greater than the sum of its parts, a service which is underpinned by the weight of a unified European Union in so many policy areas. Precisely during those missions I have just mentioned, I was in contact with some of you and I could appreciate the kind of work that you are doing and I really want to congratulate you. I also saw the very good level of cooperation with our Member States and I think this is important and should be recognised. You are the builders or the founders of a new very important construction that is the Ex- ternal Action Service. We cannot expect from the beginning everything to be perfect, because we know that when we change habits it takes some time to see the results, but my personal assessment when I visited some of you in the delegations was that there was in fact very good progress in terms of the capacity of the European Union to be present in those areas.

We are all a part of that process of change and we all also have a role to play in ex- plaining the process to our citizens and to the world at large. This is a joint endeavour.

Our founding fathers did not simply look inwards, they saw a united Europe as a force for good in the world, even in this time of crisis we must not lose sight of this vision.

Let me therefore thank you for your support, your work at the “sharp end”, and for your dedication, which is allowing the most inspiring political project of all, the Euro- pean Union, to increasingly play its role as a pivotal global actor and a force for good.

I thank you for your attention. From war to peace: a European tale

ADDRESS BY HERMAN VAN ROMPUY, PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL & JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO, PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION

ACCEPTANCE OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE AWARD TO THE EUROPEAN UNION OSLO, 10 DECEMBER 2012

[President Van Rompuy takes the floor] 241

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Heads of State and Government, Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

t is with humility and gratitude that we stand here together, to receive this award I on behalf of the European Union. At a time of uncertainty, this day reminds people across Europe and the world of the Union’s fundamental purpose: to further the fraternity between European na- tions, now and in the future.

It is our work today.

It has been the work of generations before us.

And it will be the work of generations after us.

Here in Oslo, I want to pay homage to all the Europeans who dreamt of a continent at peace with itself, and to all those who day by day make this dream a reality.

This award belongs to them.

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War is as old as Europe. Our continent bears the scars of spears and swords, canons and guns, trenches and tanks, and more.

The tragedy of it all resonates in the words of Herodotus, 25 centuries ago: “In Peace, Sons bury their Fathers. In War, Fathers bury their Sons.” EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Yet, … after two terrible wars engulfed the continent and the world with it, … finally lasting peace came to Europe.

In those grey days, its cities were in ruins, the hearts of many still simmering with mourning and resentment. How difficult it then seemed, as Winston Churchill said, “to regain the simple joys and hopes that make life worth living”.

As a child born in Belgium just after the war, I heard the stories first-hand.

My grandmother spoke about the Great War.

In 1940, my father, then seventeen, had to dig his own grave. He got away; otherwise I would not be here today.

So what a bold bet it was, for Europe’s Founders, to say, yes, we can break this endless cycle of violence, we can stop the logic of vengeance, we can build a brighter future, 242 together. What power of the imagination.

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Of course, peace might have come to Europe without the Union. Maybe. We will never know. But it would never have been of the same quality. A lasting peace, not a frosty cease-fire.

To me, what makes it so special, is reconciliation.

In politics as in life, reconciliation is the most difficult thing. It goes beyond forgiving and forgetting, or simply turning the page.

To think of what France and Germany had gone through…, and then take this step… Signing a Treaty of Friendship… Each time I hear these words – Freundschaft, Amitié –, I am moved. They are private words, not for treaties between nations. But the will to not let history repeat itself, to do something radically new, was so strong that new words had to be found.

For people Europe was a promise, Europe equalled hope.

When Konrad Adenauer came to Paris to conclude the Coal and Steel Treaty, in 1951, one evening he found a gift waiting at his hotel. It was a war medal, une Croix de Guerre, that had belonged to a French soldier. His daughter, a young student, had left it with a little note for the Chancellor, as a gesture of reconciliation and hope.

I can see many other stirring images before me.

Leaders of six States assembled to open a new future, in Rome, città eterna… FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

Willy Brandt kneeling down in Warsaw.

The dockers of Gdansk, at the gates of their shipyard.

Mitterrand and Kohl hand in hand.

Two million people linking Tallinn to Riga to Vilnius in a human chain, in 1989.

These moments healed Europe. But symbolic gestures alone cannot cement peace.

This is where the European Union‘s „secret weapon“ comes into play: an unrivalled way of binding our interests so tightly that war becomes materially impossible. Through constant negotiations, on ever more topics, between ever more countries. It‘s the golden rule of Jean Monnet: „Mieux vaut se disputer autour d‘une table que sur un champ de bataille.“ („Better fight around a table than on a battle-field.“)

If I had to explain it to Alfred Nobel, I would say: not just a peace congress, a perpet- 243 ual peace congress!

Admittedly, some aspects can be puzzling, and not only to outsiders.

Ministers from landlocked countries passionately discussing fish-quota.

Europarlementarians from Scandinavia debating the price of olive oil.

The Union has perfected the art of compromise. No drama of victory or defeat, but ensuring all countries emerge victorious from talks. For this, boring politics is only a small price to pay…

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Ladies and Gentlemen,

It worked.

Peace is now self-evident.

War has become inconceivable.

Yet ‚inconceivable‘ does not mean ‚impossible‘.

And that is why we are gathered here today.

Europe must keep its promise of peace.

I believe this is still our Union‘s ultimate purpose. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

But Europe can no longer rely on this promise alone to inspire citizens. In a way, it‘s a good thing; war-time memories are fading.

Even if not yet everywhere.

Soviet rule over Eastern Europe ended just two decades ago.

Horrendous massacres took place in the Balkans shortly after. The children born at the time of Srebrenica will only turn eighteen next year.

But they already have little brothers and sisters born after that war: the first real post- war generation of Europe. This must remain so.

Presidents, Prime Ministers, Excellencies,

So, where there was war, there is now peace. But another historic task now lies ahead 244 of us: keeping peace where there is peace. After all, history is not a novel, a book we can close after a Happy Ending: we remain fully responsible for what is yet to come.

This couldn‘t be more clear than it is today, when we are hit by the worst economic crisis in two generations, causing great hardship among our people, and putting the political bonds of our Union to the test.

Parents struggling to make ends meet, workers recently laid off, students who fear that, however hard they try, they won‘t get that first job: when they think about Eu- rope, peace is not the first thing that comes to mind…

When prosperity and employment, the bedrock of our societies, appear threatened, it is natural to see a hardening of hearts, the narrowing of interests, even the return of long-forgotten fault-lines and stereotypes. For some, not only joint decisions, but the very fact of deciding jointly, may come into doubt.

And while we must keep a sense of proportion – even such tensions don‘t take us back to the darkness of the past –, the test Europe is currently facing is real.

If I can borrow the words of Abraham Lincoln at the time of another continental test, what is being assessed today is „whether that Union, or any Union so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure“.

We answer with our deeds, confident we will succeed. We are working very hard to overcome the difficulties, to restore growth and jobs.

There is of course sheer necessity. But there is more that guides us: the will to remain masters of our own destiny, a sense of togetherness, and in a way… speaking to us from the centuries … the idea of Europa itself. FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

The presence of so many European leaders here today underlines our common con- viction: that we will come out of this together, and stronger. Strong enough in the world to defend our interests and promote our values.

We all work to leave a better Europe for the children of today and those of tomor- row. So that, later, others might turn and judge: that generation, ours, preserved the promise of Europe.

Today‘s youth is already living in a new world. For them Europe is a daily reality. Not the constraint of being in the same boat. No, the richness of being able to freely share, travel and exchange. To share and shape a continent, experiences, a future.

Excellencies, Ladies & Gentlemen,

Our continent, risen from the ashes after 1945 and united in 1989, has a great ca- pacity to reinvent itself. It is to the next generations to take this common adventure further. I hope they will seize this responsibility with pride. And that they will be able 245 to say, as we here today: Ich bin ein Europäer. Je suis fier d‘être européen. I am proud to be European.

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[President Barroso takes the floor]

Your Majesties, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

“Peace is not mere absence of war, it is a virtue”, wrote Spinoza: “Pax enim non belli privatio, sed virtus est”. And he added it is “a state of mind, a disposition for benev- olence, confidence, justice”.

Indeed, there can only be true peace if people are confident. At peace with their po- litical system. Reassured that their basic rights are respected.

The European Union is not only about peace among nations. It incarnates, as a polit- ical project, that particular state of mind that Spinoza was referring to. It embodies, as a community of values, this vision of freedom and justice.

I remember vividly in 1974 being in the mass of people, descending the streets in my native Lisbon, in Portugal, celebrating the democratic revolution and freedom. This same feeling of joy was experienced by the same generation in Spain and Greece. It was felt later in Central and Eastern Europe and in the Baltic States when they re- gained their independence. Several generations of Europeans have shown again and again that their choice for Europe was also a choice for freedom.

I will never forget Rostropovich playing Bach at the fallen Wall in Berlin. This image reminds the world that it was the quest for freedom and democracy that tore down EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

the old divisions and made possible the reunification of the continent. Joining the European Union was essential for the consolidation of democracy in our countries.

Because it places the person and respect of human dignity at its heart. Because it gives a voice to differences while creating unity. And so, after reunification, Europe was able to breathe with both its lungs, as said by Karol Wojtyła. The European Union has become our common house. The “homeland of our homelands” as described by Vaclav Havel.

Our Union is more than an association of states. It is a new legal order, which is not based on the balance of power between nations but on the free consent of states to share sovereignty.

From pooling coal and steel, to abolishing internal borders, from six countries to soon twenty-eight with Croatia joining the family this has been a remarkable European journey which is leading us to an “ever closer Union”. And today one of the most 246 visible symbols of our unity is in everyone’s hands. It is the Euro, the currency of our European Union. We will stand by it.

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Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Peace cannot rest only on the good will of man. It needs to be grounded on a body of laws, on common interests and on a deeper sense of a community of destiny.

The genius of the founding fathers was precisely in understanding that to guarantee peace in the 20th century nations needed to think beyond the nation-state. As Wal- ter Hallstein, the first President of the European Commission said: „Das System der Nationalstaaten hat den wichtigsten Test des 20. Jahrhunderts nicht bestanden („The system of sovereign nation-states has failed the most important test of the 20th cen- tury“). And he added „ through two world wars it has proved itself unable to preserve peace.“

The uniqueness of the European project is to have combined the legitimacy of dem- ocratic States with the legitimacy of supranational institutions: the European Com- mission, the European Court of Justice. Supranational institutions that protect the general European interest, defend the European common good and embody the community of destiny. And alongside the European Council, where the governments are represented, we have over the years developed a unique transnational democracy symbolised by the directly elected European Parliament.

Our quest for European unity is not a perfect work of art; it is work in progress that demands constant and diligent tending. It is not an end in itself, but a means to high- er ends. In many ways, it attests to the quest for a cosmopolitan order, in which one FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE person‘s gain does not need to be another person‘s pain; in which abiding by common norms serves universal values.

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That is why despite its imperfections, the European Union can be, and indeed is, a powerful inspiration for many around the world. Because the challenges faced from one region to the other may differ in scale but they do not differ in nature.

We all share the same planet. Poverty, organised crime, terrorism, climate change: these are problems that do not respect national borders. We share the same aspirations and universal values: these are progressively taking root in a growing number of coun- tries all over the world. We share „l‘irréductible humain“, the irreducible uniqueness of the human being. Beyond our nation, beyond our continent, we are all part of one mankind. 247

Jean Monnet, ends his Memoirs with these words: „Les nations souveraines du passé ne sont plus le cadre où peuvent se résoudre les problèmes du présent. Et la com- munauté elle-même n‘est qu‘une étape vers les formes d‘organisation du monde de demain.“ („The sovereign nations of the past can no longer solve the problems of the present. And the [European] Community itself is only a stage on the way to the organised world of the future.“)

This federalist and cosmopolitan vision is one of the most important contributions that the European Union can bring to a global order in the making.

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

The concrete engagement of the European Union in the world is deeply marked by our continent‘s tragic experience of extreme nationalism, wars and the absolute evil of the Shoah. It is inspired by our desire to avoid the same mistakes being made again.

That is the foundation of our multilateral approach for a globalisation based on the twin principles of global solidarity and global responsibility;

That is what inspires our engagement with our neighbouring countries and interna- tional partners, from the Middle East to Asia, from Africa to the Americas;

It defines our stance against the death penalty and our support for international jus- tice embodied by the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court;

It drives our leadership in the fight against climate change and for food and energy security;

It underpins our policies on disarmament and against nuclear proliferation; EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

As a continent that went from devastation to become one of the world‘s strongest economies, with the most progressive social systems, being the world‘s largest aid donor, we have a special responsibility to millions of people in need.

In the 21st century it is simply unacceptable to see parents powerless as their baby is dying of lack of basic medical care, mothers compelled to walk all day in the hope of getting food or clean water and boys and girls deprived of their childhood because they are forced to become adults ahead of time.

As a community of nations that has overcome war and fought totalitarianism, we will always stand by those who are in pursuit of peace and human dignity.

And let me say it from here today: the current situation in Syria is a stain on the world‘s conscience and the international community has a moral duty to address it.

And as today marks the international human rights day, more than any other day our 248 thoughts go to the human rights‘ defenders all over the world who put their lives at risk to defend the values that we cherish. And no prison wall can silence their voice. We hear them in this room today.

And we also remember that last year on this very podium three women were hon- oured for their non-violent struggle for the safety of women and for women’s rights. As a Union built on the founding value of equality between women and men, en- shrined in the Treaty of Rome in 1957, we are committed to protecting women‘s rights all over the world and supporting women‘s empowerment. And we cherish the fundamental rights of those who are the most vulnerable, and hold the future in their hands: the children of this world.

As a successful example of peaceful reconciliation based on economic integration, we contribute to developing new forms of cooperation built on exchange of ideas, innovation and research. Science and culture are at the very core of the European openness: they enrich us as individuals and they create bonds beyond borders.

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Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Heads of State and Government, Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Humbled, and grateful for the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, there is no better place to share this vision than here in Norway, a country which has been giving so much to the cause of global peace.

The „pacification of Europe“ was at the heart of Alfred Nobel‘s concerns. In an early version of his will, he even equated it to international peace. FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

This echoes the very first words of the Schuman Declaration, the founding document of the European Union. „La paix mondiale“. „World Peace,“ it says, „cannot be safe- guarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it.“

My message today is: you can count on our efforts to fight for lasting peace, freedom and justice in Europe and in the world.

Over the past sixty years, the European project has shown that it is possible for peo- ples and nations to come together across borders. That it is possible to overcome the differences between „them“ and „us“.

Here today, our hope, our commitment, is that, with all women and men of good will, the European Union will help the world come together.

Thank you. 249

Europe as Solution: Facts and Myths

AMBASSADORS' SEMINAR LISBON, 3 JANUARY 2013

Minister for Foreign Affairs, State Secretaries, Secretary-General, President of the Cham- 251 palimaud Foundation, Ambassadors, Heads of Mission, Dear friends,

t is a great pleasure for me to be associated with this initiative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs where, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs has said, I too spent a I part of my life which I consider an important part of my political and public ca- reer, where I still have many friends and where I had the privilege to witness the great quality, professionalism and patriotism of Portuguese diplomatic officials.

I am also especially pleased to participate in the Diplomatic Seminar, an event which, as Minister for Foreign Affairs, I launched exactly 20 years ago, in 1993. I therefore wish to thank the Minister for the invitation which enables me to mark this occasion with you.

Twenty years is a considerable period in our lifetimes but barely a fraction of a second in the history of the world or of a nation as ancient as Portugal.

These two decades were not just any 20 years, however. In that time we saw the turn of a century and profound transformations in Europe and in the world.

Twenty years ago Portugal had just successfully taken on its first Presidency of the Coun- cil of the European Community. The country was growing economically and socially (4.6% a year in the first five months after joining the EEC) thanks to the opening up of the Portuguese economy, but also thanks to the First Community Support Framework. In Europe, the Single European Market was born and the Maastricht Treaty came into force, creating the European Union. In the world, George Bush and Boris Yeltsin signed the second Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START II) and Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat concluded the Oslo Peace Accords.

How remote these events now seem! One might say, ‘The past is a foreign country’ (L.P. Hartley). EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Nowadays, history no longer moves at the leisurely rate of the days when news from the world came by diplomatic telegram and the CIFRA operator set the pace.

History has sped up, and that acceleration has brought profound changes to the world.

In the twentieth century, economic output multiplied 40-fold and the world’s popu- lation quadrupled. It took many thousands of years, from prehistory to 1960, for hu- manity to number 3 billion. But the 39 years up to 1999 were enough to add the next 3 billion. And then, in only 12 years, our numbers increased from 6 to 7 billion people. The United Kingdom took 155 years to double its per capita GDP; but 50 years were enough for the United States to do the same; China did it in 15.

These examples are a good illustration of the scale and the speed of the changes we are facing and which oblige us to rethink our models and our policies.

The current crisis is just one result of these structural changes in global geo-politics 252 and geo-economics. That is why the responses also need to be structural, and in many cases that implies a paradigm shift. Where the countries of Europe are concerned, such responses also need to be articulated over a broader area than the traditional borders of the nation-state.

That is why I sincerely believe that, in spite of the difficult economic situation we are experiencing, we Europeans and we Portuguese have the means to confidently rise to the challenges of globalisation, because, among other reasons, we have an instrument that is essential to that end in the process of regional integration which is currently coming to fruition in the European Union.

And that is what I want to talk to you about today: the European Union as a solution to the problems which our continent and our country are going through. The need to make this case is all the more pressing at times like the present, when many are seizing on this crisis to call the European project into question and some are even predicting its end.

That is why it is worthwhile beginning by giving the lie to some of the myths in circu- lation that portray Europe as a problem, and then setting out some facts on Europe as a solution.

Let us look at the myths first:

Myth number 1: Europe and the European Union caused this crisis. Not so. The crisis was born on the far side of the Atlantic, caused by practices in the financial sector that were irresponsible – in some cases even criminal – which in a second stage spread to Europe by virtue of the global nature of the banking and financial system. And what started as a problem of the high-risk subprime sector degenerated into a crisis for the real economy that then exposed the various weaknesses of the banking system and of some European countries’ economies and in particular the intolerable excessive indebtedness and their lack of competitiveness. EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

Myth number 2: Europe is the ‘sick man’ of the global economy. Not so. If we look at the debt-to-GDP ratio, the European average (of 82.5% in spite of all this crisis) is de- cidedly better than the United States’ (almost 103%) or Japan’s (almost 230% of GDP).

Something which fewer may know is that, for the first decade of the twenty-first century, in spite of the redistribution of power and the emergence of extremely competitive new economies, Europe’s share of the world market remained stable at 20%, while the USA’s and Japan’s recorded significant falls, to 13% and 9.5% respectively.

Myth number 3: The euro caused the crisis. Not so. Our currency did not cause the cri- sis. I remind you, moreover, that the European country in which the financial crisis took on the greatest proportions from the outset was Iceland, which is not even a member of the European Union (although it is currently a candidate for membership). The euro has remained strong and stable and is still a reference currency globally.

The so-called euro crisis should not be confused with what is in fact certain Member States’ sovereign debt crisis. The euro is, I repeat, a stable, strong, credible currency. 253

Myth number 4: The European institutions did not act in time. Not so. There should be no confusion regarding the role of the European Institutions, which is to propose solutions, with the role of the Member States with which the final decision on these very matters lies. So one of the problems that this crisis revealed and which we are now seeking to correct was precisely the lack of powers at European level to correct the im- balances which began to emerge.

Let us remember that banking supervision was conducted at national level and that there were no powers at European level. Let us remember that the mechanisms for ap- plying the Stability and Growth Pact were weak, particularly the preventive part. And, should we wish for a more specific example, let us recall that the Member States did not approve a Commission proposal, made at the very start of my first term of office, to give Eurostat additional powers to investigate and collect data directly, without going through the national statistical bodies, which would for example have permitted us to identify serious irregularities in the Greek accounts.

Myth number 5: Europe has not shown solidarity with the countries in crisis or, in an- other common variant, ‘We need a new Marshall Plan’. Not so. If we take the example of Greece, even excluding the new plan recently approved for the country, the total Eu- ropean and international assistance (including loans, private debt write-offs and funds from the Community budget) amounts to 380 billion euros. That is the equivalent of 177% of Greek GDP, or around 34 000 euros per Greek citizen. The Marshall Plan cor- responded to some 2.1% of the GDP of the countries it supported, and was therefore on an entirely different scale to the 177% of Greek GDP.

Myth number 6: The European Union – or membership of the euro – is imposing aus- terity on the Member States and their citizens. Not so. Policies to reduce public deficits are inevitable and have to be pursued regardless of whether countries are in the euro zone or not, although their rhythm will obviously depend on each country’s economic and financial health. Even the countries which do not belong to the euro and are not bound EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

to balance their budgets by the recent Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the MEU are following similar policies. This is yet further proof that the problem is not specific to the euro. Take the example of the United Kingdom, which recently ap- proved one of the most rigorous budgets in its history. That is what would normally be called a real austerity budget. And, let me say it again, it has nothing to do with either the financial assistance programme or belonging to the euro.

And I could go on. These explanations are needed because it seems to me that there is very often a lack of awareness and poor information: in some cases one might even say that there is a degree of intellectual dishonesty in many of the comments and analyses - more comments than analyses - being made concerning the current situation.

This does not mean that developments at European level have not also revealed short- comings in the management of the crisis; they most certainly have revealed shortcom- ings, some of which are serious. On top of the structural imbalances that persisted for far too long – particularly where the deficit is concerned – the financial crisis has laid bare 254 the inadequacies in the design of the economic and monetary union.

It became clear that it was an imperfect construction; that while we had a shared curren- cy, we did not have any truly coordinated economic policies; and that we did not have the necessary tools to deal with situations of financial instability. In other words, we had a ship that was fit for calm waters, but proved far too fragile when the storm came. Fun- damentally speaking we had - and still have - a system where the Member States are no longer able to take autonomous action to resolve their problems on their own and where Europe as a whole is still not fully equipped to address the same problems effectively.

This is the state of flux in which we currently find ourselves and which explains many of today’s anxieties.

The response currently being given at European level is intended to make good these shortcomings: we are building a ship with greater capacity and power in the middle of the storm. And I think we can all agree that it is no easy task to build a ship in the middle of a storm.

Therefore, if we wish to return to sustainable growth, I would reiterate what I have stated many times: the solution lies in growth itself. If we wish to return to sustainable growth it is essential that we take action on no fewer than three distinct fronts: in the Member States, by making structural reforms that will enable them to balance their public accounts and increase the competitiveness of their economies; in the eurozone, by taking specific measures that will make it possible to improve the governance, action and effectiveness of the budgetary policies of the various countries; and in the 27/28 Member States, by reinforcing the accountability and solidarity mechanisms, which will include a deepening of the Economic and Monetary Union as well as progress towards a political union, with heightened scrutiny and democratic control of the new functions attributed at European level.

Even though the pace of the decisions is slower and their ambitions lower than the Com- mission would like – and I would note here that I am the first person in the European EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

Council to point out the urgency of taking action and the need for a greater commu- nity spirit, greater ambition and greater solidarity, we must also note that democracies operate at an entirely different rhythm from the markets. Take the recent example of the protracted debates about the fiscal cliff in the USA. It was demonstrated once again that discussions of expenditure and revenue, redistribution and restraint are never easy, even within a single country. This has also become clear from the debates ongoing in some European countries concerning intra-regional solidarity and transfers from and to central governments. It is interesting to note that, in some cases, the ones who call for more solidarity from Brussels are not prepared to practise this same solidarity within their own countries.

Here, as on European level, greater consistency in discussions of specific forms of soli- darity would certainly be most beneficial.

But despite a slow start — as it was necessary to consolidate the idea that the solution would only be possible with responsibility and solidarity policies — European deter- mination is beginning to produce results. It is thus important not to devalue what has 255 already been done and the significant steps that have been taken. Financial assistance programmes were approved for three countries: Greece, Ireland and Portugal. And a specific programme was approved for the banking sector in Spain.

An Assistance Fund was created in the shape of the European Stability Mechanism. The financial capability of this fund for intervention in the eurozone is no less than the IMF’s total financial capacity for the entire world (approximately one trillion dollars if we include the funds coming through the EFSF). Significant legislation was adopted to reinforce the powers of the European instances — and of the Commission in particular — when it comes to budgetary control at national level. And the new Treaty reinforcing budgetary discipline came into force two days ago. The foundations are being laid for the essential banking union which — for some time now — both I personally and the Commission have been calling for. The adoption of the Commission’s proposal for a common supervisor of the eurozone financial system was, in fact, of great importance here. This essential agreement not only enabled us to resolve one of the issues that the “markets” considered most important, but also set a pattern for future decisions with a view to taking concrete action reflecting the need to deepen the integration of the euro- zone while maintaining the integrity of a European Union with 27 or 28 Member States.

The European Central Bank announced its programme – Outright Monetary Trans- actions – providing for unlimited intervention in the secondary sovereign debt mar- ket, wherever necessary, under specific conditions. And we are taking steps to deepen the Economic and Monetary Union in line with what is known as the “report of the four Presidents” (the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission, the President of the Eurogroup and the President of the European Central Bank), an exercise to which the European Commission contributed its own ideas and proposals in greater detail in the “blueprint” adopted in November last year.

And the more vulnerable States are also continuing to roll out their adjustment pro- grammes with some encouraging results, although a few cases still give cause for con- cern. Greece is now taking decisive action to implement its reforms, and funding for the EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

second programme has now been released. I would emphasise this point because, as you are no doubt aware, the vast majority of analysts and commentators were predicting that Greece would not only default but would leave the euro during 2012. They were wrong, and should at least concede that they were wrong.

In Ireland, long and short-term interest rates are now lower than those of countries that did not require assistance programmes. The Irish economy will show positive growth this year. The unemployment rate remains high, but the country now has a current account surplus.

In Portugal’s case, short- and long-term interest rates on debt have fallen significantly. For instance, long-term interest rates on debt fell from around 20% to below 7%. The current account is gradually becoming balanced (according to figures from the Banco de Portugal and from the INE the country has, for the first time in many years, achieved trade balance). And the reforms and these positive results have been recognised by the outside world, contributing to the country’s credibility at European and global level. For 256 example, in the latest World Bank Doing Business Report, Portugal has risen from 48th to 30th position.

However, it is true that, both in Portugal and in other countries, these results and ef- forts do not immediately translate into improvements to the daily lives of the man and woman on the street. This year, Europe’s GDP is expected to contract by 0.3%, and for [next] year the European Commission forecasts that it will rise slightly, by 0.4%. As you are aware, it is difficult to make correct predictions during times of great financial instability, but they have been made nonetheless.

Levels of unemployment will, unfortunately, remain high. It was inevitable that con- solidation measures would result in the economy contracting. Adjustment programmes have a recessionary effect in the short term but create the conditions for more solid, sustainable growth in the medium and long term. Not artificial growth, like that we experienced for a long time, stimulated by the issue of public debt and easy credit, but growth rooted in a solid foundation. Growth in the framework of a more competitive economy. And regaining confidence is truly essential. Without it, there can be no pos- sibility of investment, and without investment growth will be no more than a mirage.

It is true that this situation manifests very differently from one Member State to another. And in some, such as Portugal, we must call it as we see it: there is a genuine social emer- gency. It is therefore vital that we manage the costs of the economic downturn, in par- ticular its impact on people, in a sociably responsible manner. Because this, as well as the social imperatives, is also important for the success and acceptability of any adjustment programme. We must invest selectively in a range of sectors of the economy, shoulder the burden equally, and adopt a policy to combat the scourge of unemployment — all of which are also European priorities. The European Commission is of course willing to analyse the completion of programmes and to make the adjustments and fine-tuning necessary to minimise social costs. I would recall here that the country has already been given an additional year to achieve its deficit-reduction objectives, thereby slowing the pace of adjustment for 2012 and 2013. EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

There is also an additional key political issue. For adjustment programmes to be suc- cessful, they require sustainable political and social conditions and, in turn, prudence is needed in political decision-making and in the way that those decisions are communi- cated. Such prudence can and must go hand in hand with determination.

Where necessary, compromises must be made and consensus must be sought at all times – either between the main institutions and the politicians or among the social partners. I repeat, the key conditions for ultimate success are political and social conditions.

Such an approach is of paramount importance if the programmes are to be successful, along with speedy implementation. The ‘front loading’ of adjustment offers a greater chance of success than delayed implementation.

Let us take Greece, for example, which is heading into its sixth year of recession. The problems were caused by the programme’s implementation, which was tentative, piece- meal or, sometimes, non-existent. For example, in terms of structural reforms and priva- tisation there was no implementation at the start of the programme, the Greek authori- 257 ties focused solely on the budgetary side. In addition we were faced with a long-standing political crisis, the threat of a referendum on the euro, two general elections and highly unstable coalitions. It is only with the current government, in place since the summer, that Greece is starting to regain the partners’ trust.

On a broader European level, our objective is to reform the social market economy in order more effectively to protect it and to meet the demands of a new, far more compet- itive, world. There are those who say that the European social model is dead. This is not our opinion. This is not my opinion.

I feel we must do all we can to maintain our social market economy whilst acknowl- edging that, in a much more competitive context, reforms are required if we want to maintain the ‘social State’, a vital component, especially at a time of great social tension. I also feel that the reforms and the shouldering of responsibility that we have seen at national level must be mirrored by greater solidarity at European level. Responsibility and solidarity are two sides of the same coin. This is what I have been fighting for at European level: for a project of reform and solidarity. This is the European Commission’s policy, a policy of solidarity.

This solidarity must be reflected in aid programmes for countries in difficulty; it must also, in a financial framework, foster greater investment in the areas of the future such as science, education and research (at this point, I would make special mention of the fact that this is my first time in this magnificent auditorium of the Champalimaud Foundation, a Portuguese science and research institute that has garnered well-deserved European and worldwide recognition in a short space of time) and investment in social and territorial cohesion as one of the cornerstones of our Union. It must be solidarity that underpins the programmes launched by the Commission such as the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund (which I had the honour of launching), which helps workers who have been made redundant find new jobs, the Food Aid Programme for the most disadvantaged, which has been a major source of support for national food banks – unfortunately under threat from some governments – and the ‘Youth Guaran- EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

tee’, which will seek to ensure that all young people up to the age of 25 are offered jobs, or the opportunity for further study, apprenticeships or work placements within four months of completing their education or becoming unemployed, partly financed by the European Social Fund.

It is true that there are times when I do not see such a commitment on the part of Euro- pean governments, a vital commitment to this dimension of solidarity and to supporting investment for growth. This was demonstrated in the recent discussion on the future EU multiannual financial framework. We cannot argue in favour of growth and at the same time hinder the chances of such growth with an unambitious budget that actually limits public development. In terms of the powers that have been conferred on the Commu- nity, there is in reality an imbalance between control and discipline mechanisms and cohesion and solidarity instruments. These must also be strengthened at European level if Europe itself is to maintain vital support. European leaders cannot be surprised to see a decline in support for the European project if all they are seen to be doing is imposing discipline and inflicting punishment, or if they continue to project the idea that any 258 successes are national and any failures European. Europe – as I have said on countless occasions – means all of us, not just Brussels or Strasbourg.

Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends,

Despite the criticism and despite its shortfalls, Europe has been an anchor of stability and cohesion. And the task of building a closer Europe needs to continue. I say this not just out of a sense of duty or because of my personal beliefs; I am saying it because I am convinced that the European project is the solution to many of the problems facing our societies and countries today. I say this on the basis of analysis of the facts, and ob- servation of trends and realities. Let us move on to the facts and realities of Europe as a solution.

Fact number 1: Interdependence between European Union Member States is very strong. The internal market is one of the biggest assets of each country of the European Union. To give some examples: before the crisis Spain exported to Portugal more than double of what it sold to all Latin American countries together. The United Kingdom exports more to Ireland than to all the BRIC countries. I mention this because some- times journalists, particularly from outside of Europe, tend to underestimate the level of interdependence in the European Union. This may be the reason for the errors of analysis made by some.

Fact number 2: In a world of giants, size matters. The European Union as a whole has the biggest economy in the world with 26% of global GDP, followed by the US with 23% and China with 9% (although the Chinese economy is growing rapidly). However, if considered separately, Germany as the largest European economy merely comes in fourth place. And in 2050, judging by the growth rates in recent years, no single indi- vidual European economy will be among the top ten world economies. It seems obvious to me that we must work together as one.

Fact number 3: As power is dispersed between States and regions of the world, it is more necessary than ever to have a European pole in the multipolar international system of EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS the future. This necessity becomes clear when we talk to our partners in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are asking for more, not less, Europe.

Fact number 4: Power is currently shifting not only between States, but also over and above those States. The internationalisation of the financial sector, for example, shows that only supra-national regulation (which for Europe would be through the EU) can restore real decision-making power to European citizens. The key is to exchange formal sovereignty for real influence. Those who believe that democracy can only work at na- tional level have not grasped that we are now in the 21st century. Nor do they realise that national democracies alone do not possess the necessary tools to regulate the inter- national financial system, for example.

Fact number 5: As I mentioned, many of the great challenges of the 21st century are not confined to national level. Climate change, energy security, scarcity of natural resources – all these issues can be tackled more effectively at continental or global level. On the other hand, only the critical mass that the European Union gives each of its Member States can make the difference in multilateral negotiations, whether it be on financial 259 regulation issues in the G20, trade issues in the WTO, or environmental and climate change concerns in the context of UN conferences.

Fact number 6: Other continents are seeking to develop regional integration projects, although without the depth and breadth of the European project. From CELAC and UNASUR in the Americas to ASEAN in South-East Asia, from regional economic Af- rican communities to the African Union, the other regions of the world too are forming regional and even continent-wide projects in order to overcome many national limita- tions.

I could continue to list individual arguments, but it is more important not to lose sight of the fact that the European Union is a project of peace, freedom and democracy. Which makes it an irreplaceable project. This is what the Nobel Committee noted on awarding the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize to the European Union. The 60 years of peace, reunification of the continent and promotion of values such as freedom and democracy which continue to reverberate throughout our southern and eastern neighbourhoods. Despite all of the difficulties, the European Union is still a beacon of freedom and pros- perity, whose light shines far beyond our borders.

I would therefore like to take this opportunity to thank Portugal and the Portuguese diplomatic corps for their steadfast commitment to the project of European integration and to the concept of an open Europe of solidarity and responsibility.

Portugal has contributed greatly to Europe and I would like to acknowledge this here publicly in my capacity as President of the European Commission. It is not just with regard to the European project as such, to its essential values; Portugal has also given the EU a greater strategic dimension and depth through its special relationships with Africa and Latin America.

This depth, which is largely due to Portugal’s Atlantic dimension, has been institution- alised with support from the European Commission and now also from the European EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

External Action Service in the framework of a strategic partnership with Brazil, a special partnership with Cape Verde and privileged relationships with Angola and Mozam- bique. I am proud to have contributed personally in this regard and feel that it is im- portant to highlight the major role that the European Commission has played in these actions. The fact that Portuguese citizens are the heads of delegation in some of the main strategic partnerships, for example with the United States, Brazil and India, is testament not only to the high standard of Portuguese officials and diplomats, but also to the role that the country is able to play in building a stronger, more cohesive and ambitious European foreign policy.

I am convinced that the Atlantic corridor – North and South – must maintain a central strategic position in the global power structures of the future and Portugal will certainly have a say in this regard.

Portugal’s universal vocation has been reinforced and consolidated with the European project. The European Union, as an open and cosmopolitan project, has specifically 260 broadened its universal nature as attested by Portugal’s election to the UN Security Council and the work carried out therein over the last two years.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I would like to conclude by saying that 2012 ended on a positive note for the euro area and, consequently, for the European Union as a whole. I believe it is fair to say that there is no longer a perception of the risk that the euro area will fall apart. Once and for all, and not before time, investors have realised that when European leaders say that they will do everything possible to safeguard the integrity of the euro they mean it. Does this mean that the problems have been overcome and that we can rest on our laurels? No! Far from it. Reforms and adjustment must be pursued with determination, without overlooking the important aspect of social justice.

We must rebalance policies of responsibility with mechanisms and measures of solidar- ity. It is necessary to have balanced public accounts and to consolidate reforms in order to ensure competitiveness. But in order to attain sustainable economic growth it is also necessary to invest in the sectors that will allow us to rise to the challenge of globalisa- tion.

History belongs to those who advance it with the conviction of the decisions made in the present day and not to those who nostalgically hold on to it, often idealising the past and almost always giving up on the future. I would therefore like to finish by saying that I am counting on Portugal, on its government and on its diplomatic corps to continue to advance European history, the best chapters of which, I am convinced, are yet to be written. The European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean: Global Partners for the 21st Century

EDITORIAL BY JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO AND HERMAN VAN ROMPUY EU-BRAZIL SUMMIT 2013, 24 JANUARY 2013

he Santiago summit, to be held on 26-27 January, between the European Un- 261 ion and the new Community of Latin American and Caribbean States will T bring together leaders from 60 countries in the two regions. The summit comes at a pivotal moment for the global economy and both regions can play a key role in restoring strong and sustainable growth worldwide.

We are now turning a corner in the financial crisis that has seriously affected the European Union’s economy. Our response to the crisis has been decisive and compet- itiveness and confidence are being slowly restored in Europe. We are taking the tough but necessary decisions to prevent similar problems from occurring in the future. Countries are undertaking unprecedented structural reforms and we are overhauling our economic governance at EU level. Despite this crisis the European Union remains the largest economy in the world and an indispensable partner for the international community in promoting peace, democracy and the respect of human rights, as well as development, eradication of poverty and the fight against climate change.

Latin America and the Caribbean are also living through profound changes, albeit of a different nature. Governments and citizens are facing choices that will shape their countries' future development path for decades to come. For much of the region, the last few years have brought robust economic growth. Nearly 50 million people have been lifted out of poverty. Democracy has been further consolidated and the region's voice in international affairs has also been strengthened. Yet there are still huge chal- lenges in terms of poverty, inequality, security or environmental issues. Abundant natural resources have proved an asset for some countries, but only a more diversified economic model will sustain growth in the longer term.

Against this backdrop, the Santiago summit comes at a time when the relationship is more important than ever. Its central theme is both a challenge and a call – an 'alliance for sustainable development: promoting investments of social and environ- mental quality' – and focuses attention on a crucial pillar of the relationship. The European Union accounts for no less than 43% of the total stocks of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Latin America and the Caribbean. In 2011, annual FDI flows EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

from the European Union to the region reached record levels. How many people re- alise that European FDI in Latin America and the Caribbean is in fact higher than in Russia, China and India combined?

But it is not just about quantity. It is also about quality. For Latin American and Car- ibbean countries pursuing a more sustainable and inclusive growth model, European investment is decisive, contributing to more competitiveness and social development. European companies are at the origin of almost two-thirds of all R&D investment projects in the region, with a particular commitment to protecting the environment and observing labour standards.

But the summit in Santiago will also cover other issues beyond investment. Our part- nership has always embodied a genuine community of values – in terms of human rights, democracy and social cohesion. Gender equality will be discussed and become a new pillar of the common action plan that guides our cooperation between our biennial summits. We will seek ways to work more closely together on security chal- 262 lenges – for instance, how best to support the regional strategy developed by Central American countries. And we will also try to work together more closely and more ef- fectively in multilateral organisations, for instance on climate change and sustainable development.

The Mexican poet Octavio Paz famously once said that (Latin) America is 'not so much a tradition to be continued, more a future to be made into reality'. This saying neatly captures the purpose and spirit of our partnership between the European Un- ion and the new Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. A common future, which we want to build together. The logic of interdependence and its consequences

BUILDING BRIDGES CONFERENCE BRUSSELS, 7 MARCH 2013

Mr President, Ladies and gentlemen, 263

t is a great honour and pleasure to welcome to Brussels President Shimon Peres. I am glad he has accepted the invitation I addressed him to visit Brussels when we I both met last July in Jerusalem. During the talks we held back then, we immediately agreed that besides the tradi- tional bilateral meeting which we had this morning, we should also have a public conversation on wider issues, on the challenges that the world faces today and the best ways to address them.

One of the biggest problems political leaders have today is the lack of time to com- municate policies, decisions and their vision of the world, which in the end is what guides our everyday choices.

And some of the biggest problems with which our societies are confronted are I be- lieve the fragmentation of knowledge, the lack of memory and the lack of time to think.

It is therefore a privilege to reflect on these matters together with a man of such merit, a Nobel Peace prize laureate who is proof of the strength of personality in politics, of the power of ideas. Someone who has shown that finding and creating the middle ground is the hard but honourable task of political leaders.

In today’s world, we need the power of ideas more than ever. We need new thinking, a new narrative to tackle the new challenges facing us all.

President Peres will certainly forgive me if I share with you that back in July he told me candidly ‘he remembered to have met one of my predecessors… his name was Jean Monnet’. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

And it is inspired by Jean Monnet that I would like to speak to you today about the undisputable logic of interdependence, and how we can manage this interdepend- ence, namely through education, science and technology, to build bridges and secure peace.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe was born from an idea.

The very idea of European unification was there long before the political mind-set and reality were.

When Victor Hugo, the great French poet and novelist, chaired the International Peace Congress of Paris in 1849, he already spoke of European unity as both a pre- diction and an aspiration.

264 ‘A day will come,’ he said, ‘when war will seem as absurd and impossible between Paris and London, … between Vienna and Turin, as it would be impossible and absurd today between Rouen and Amiens, between Boston and Philadelphia. A day will come when you France, … you Italy, you England, you Germany, you all, nations of the continent, without losing your distinct qualities and your glorious individuality, will be merged closely within a superior unit and you will form the European broth- erhood… A day will come when the only fields of battle will be markets opening up to trade and minds opening up to ideas.’

He was right - but he was also much ahead of his time. Sad to say, it took another century for minds to open up; for the nation-states of the continent to agree slowly but surely to create one European community, the European Union. This only came about after the blackest page in the history of mankind, after a century of absurd and impossible wars; of crimes against the brotherhood of humanity; of which the Shoa was the most horrendous.

European integration only followed once the old nations of Europe started to realise that the degree of interdependence had surpassed and eroded their national sovereign- ty and that nation-states needed mechanisms and structures that made cooperation inevitable and war impossible.

The man who first came up with the idea to pool Europe’s industrial resources, there- by making the linkage of states a political reality, was precisely Jean Monnet. At a time when many politicians – the kind of great statesmen for whom countries erected statues – were still celebrated as fathers of independence, Monnet became what one of his biographers called ‘the first statesman of interdependence’.

That is the main idea behind European unification. And it is probably the greatest contribution that post-war Europe has given to the world.

A shared future is built by international cooperation, regional integration and com- mon structures where differences can be overcome. THE LOGIC OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

This logic is as relevant today as it was 60 years ago; relevant for Europe, now 27 member states, very soon 28, instead of the original 6; and relevant for the world, so long dominated by 2 blocs succeeded by 1 hyperpower, and now so much changed that even the idea of a ‘G20-world’ doesn’t adequately reflect its multipolarity.

That, for me, is the main lesson to draw from the crisis since 2008. Our economic interdependence was never as obvious as it was in the middle of the financial crisis.

In a world of global supply chains, global financial streams, global companies, global competition for raw materials and so on… there is no country, large or small, that can ignore the international context in which it operates.

And this economic interconnectedness is just one example of the issues we must con- front together: climate change is by its very nature blind to political borders; terrorism cuts across national frontiers as never before; underdevelopment is a threat to devel- oped economies; and internal instability in one country can unbalance neighbouring countries as well. 265

Limited environmental resources, as President Peres well knows, may pose a threat to peace and security in the whole region. If we try to tackle collective problems individually, we end up failing - or indeed, even making them worse. But if we work together, delivering concrete results for everyday problems, we make political institu- tions and minds rise above local, regional or national limitations.

That is why we, as European Commission, are supporting exchanges in the field of science and technology, of trade and investment across our Southern Neighbourhood and the Middle East region.

I hope that one day shared water, food and industrial goods will do for the Middle East what coal and steel have done for Western Europe many years ago: promoting cooper- ation, preventing conflicts, turning the logic of interdependence into a force for good.

I hope to see one day Israel and Palestine living side by side in secure and recognised borders, sharing Jerusalem as their capital. I hope that one day walls and checkpoints will be replaced by bridges. I hope that one day parents will be able to send their chil- dren to school in the morning with the certainty that they will embrace them again in the evening.

This is possible with strong political leadership and by working from the bottom up, because we need to gain our public opinions and popular support for this endeavour.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The world has become more globalised than ever before. We need to welcome such evolutions and make the most of them.

The narrow-mindedness and the Westfallian vision of sovereignty that some still have in official chancelleries is being challenged by business leaders, scientists, researchers, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

artists and creator, intellectuals, but also by common citizens, especially young peo- ple.

There is today already a global community that moves beyond the official and politi- cal interactions between States.

Technology makes it easier now for young people to follow trends and friends around the world, and for citizens of any country or any regime to voice their concerns and claim their rights.

Collaborative science and international cooperation is also fundamental to address tomorrow’s challenges. This is a deep belief that I share with President Peres (and I re- member the very good exchanges we had in the past about this), the role of science in shaping a better world. That is why the European Union has developed international scientific cooperation (INCO) as one of its key priorities in its research framework programmes. And international cooperation in research and innovation will remain a 266 cross-cutting priority of our new programme Horizon 2020.

Some of the problems we are facing in the world stem precisely from the resistance of a few to modernisation and science, opposition to industrial revolution in the past and to scientific progress in the present, opposition to other revolutions like demo- cratic revolution.

So we must find ways to adapt our political institutions and policies - and most of all our mindset - to this new reality, for it will never work the other way around.

We are all in this together – and the people we represent realise this very well.

We need to join forces, political leaders, but go beyond political leaders - business- men, researchers, artists, youth and work together to promote common public goods at world level, with peace certainly being the first of these common public goods.

19th century nation-states are powerless against 21st century challenges.

20th century thinking will not save us from 21st century problems.

Ladies and gentlemen,

While Europe has brought about peace between nations we need to remain vigilant as ever to our inner peace. The current situation in Europe is fertile ground for populism and nationalism. But the strength of Europe is not only based on peace among its members, but also on making the diversity of our societies an asset for all.

Anti-Semitism or xenophobia have no place in European society. We are a Union that treasures diversity and protects the rights of the individual to lead the life they wish to lead – as long it is in line with our European values of democracy, freedom and human rights. THE LOGIC OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

As President of the European Commission, let me reassure you that, together with the other European institutions and the governments of the member states, we will stand up against all forms of Anti-Semitism, Racism and Xenophobia.

That too is part of the mindset needed to overcome the divisions of the past and tackle the issues of the future.

Ladies and Gentleman,

The process towards European unification was never meant to be an end in itself, or even the final stage of the integration process. As Jean Monnet wrote in his Memoirs, a sentence that I also recalled when on behalf of the European Union I was speaking at the ceremony of the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, Jean Monnet said: ‘The Community itself is just another step towards the forms of organisation of tomorrow’s world.’

European political integration was always considered to be a stepping stone towards 267 more forceful multilateral cooperation, the start of multipolar global governance: one region in the world that was joined together more closely, in order to work more ef- fectively with other countries and regions in the world. It was an exercise in building bridges, starting from our part of the world and hoping to meet others halfway. And I believe this is still the meaning of European integration.

In that sense the EU has played and is playing the role of a kind of laboratory of glo- balisation, and we can share this experience with others – not to give lessons, but to share experiences and propose partnerships that can build a conscious and managed interdependence.

One example is how our trade policy and the web of trade agreements we are develop- ing around the world can bring not only economic and social development, but also play a role in securing world peace. This is not something new - already 300 years ago Montesquieu wrote his famous sentence that ‘Peace is the natural effect of trade’. But today, in this globalisation time more than ever, trade is part of the solution to foster peace in the world.

By linking Europe’s economy with our partners’ economies we are promoting in- tegration, fostering human contacts, creating a common set of rules and building interdependencies.

For instance, there can be no peace across the Southern Mediterranean as long as prosperity seems beyond reach. And neither peace nor prosperity can be achieved as long as countries look inwards. Regional cooperation can bring people, businesses, researchers and intellectuals closer together. Regional trade and investment across the Mediterranean can release the creative and constructive forces that were so long repressed by the old regimes. This is why I would like to call on business leaders. I believe business leaders have for this a better understanding that many politicians. I believe that that ideal of the global community can, to a large extent, be driven by the civil society. If we are waiting only for political leaders, we may be waiting for too EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

long. It is extremely important that also in the Mediterranean region and in other parts of the world we are able to understand what is going on in terms of the shaping of the global community.

And Europe, which is the biggest trading partner for Mediterranean countries, in- cluding Israel, can play a key role in bringing this about.

Interdependence should not be a side effect of globalisation but a conscious policy choice of today’s leaders. It is the way to seal our future, to seal a cooperation that can create unbreakable bonds, to tie our destinies together. It is the way to make cooperation inevitable and war impossible. Finally, it is the way to consolidate the idea of a ‘global citizenship’, a single mankind. And let me tell you how much we owe to the classic secular Jewish thinkers for this, from Isaiah Berlin to George Steiner, how many great secular Jewish thinkers brought to this idea of a global citizenship of mankind and how important this idea was also as a source of European integration as well. It is present also in the DNA of European integration. 268 President Peres,

Dear friends and guests,

When Victor Hugo made his appeal for European unity, people were not yet ready to accept it and put it in practice. They could imagine peace between nation-states, but anything that transcended national boundaries was beyond people’s imagination.

And yet, Victor Hugo was right. And he also knew that ‘an invasion of armies can be resisted, but not an idea whose time has come’. Eventually, the time for the European idea came through.

Similarly, today, the undeniable logic of interdependence is only starting to really reach people’s minds. I believe we can do something for that to happen. I believe that we can, namely through education, science, technology to create more conditions for this idea of interdependence and peace to flourish.

We need to convince our citizens – with the strength and conviction that matches President Peres’ engagement throughout his life – that we must not hesitate to adapt our mindsets, our behaviour and our political attitudes to the unquestionable power of an idea whose time has come.

I thank you for your attention. Moving into a Partnership of Choice

RUSSIA-EUROPEAN UNION – POTENTIAL FOR PARTNERSHIP CONFERENCE MOSCOW, 21 MARCH 2013

Prime Minister Medvedev, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, 269

irst of all I want to thank and congratulate the Russian International Affairs Council and Igor Ivanov for organizing this conference at such a timely mo- F ment. It is a pleasure and an honour to be here with such a distinguished audience. I rec- ognise many friends, I cannot mention all of them, but some of them with whom I have been working very closely from Javier Solana to Wolfgang Schüssel to François Fillon, to Paavo Lipponen, to Franco Frattini, and some others I see in the audience. Some of you that have done so much over the years for the process of partnership and friendship between the European Union and Russia.

The world is indeed changing fast. I believe we should not take old partnerships for granted and we need to nurture all our partnerships.

For the strategic partnership between Europe and Russia this is a double challenge, because our relationship is simultaneously centuries old and very recent, with a fresh restart just a couple of decades ago. And some of the protagonists are here today. This relationship cannot be taken for granted and needs constant nurturing. It is a relation that needs to be thought, understood, recreated and I can think of no better place to think, understand and recreate this very important partnership than here in the Russian International Affairs Council in your company and of course in the company of Prime Minister Medvedev.

Let me start with a simple premise: there is no doubt that Russia and the European Union are deeply intertwined. We share a continent, a history, a rich and diverse cul- tural heritage forged throughout the centuries.

European and Russian intellectual and creative life from science to philosophy, from arts to music and literature have been enriching and influencing each other to the point of being one and the same. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Chekhov are part of the European collective memory. Mayak- ovsky and Malevich were influenced by and have influenced the European avant-gar- de movement. I also remember for instance the extraordinary correspondence be- tween Rainer Maria Rilke, Boris Pasternak, Marina Tsvetaeva, which is now common part of our shared literary history.

And on this very day we celebrate the birth of Modest Mussorgsky, 174 years ago. It is impossible to forget his strong influence on Debussy, Berg, Poulenc. His major work, Boris Godunov is an illustration of “our” cultural melting pot, with a skilful balance between Russian music identity and classical Western conventions, giving a new life to a story written by Pushkin and with inspiration of Shakespeare and Karamzin.

Even more importantly, these ties are not just history or culture; they are strongly entrenched in today’s life. They are alive in strong human bonds, in the hearts and minds of our people, in the warmth of many family unions, in the enthusiasm of young students, workers or tourists discovering each other’s countries and ways of life; 270 exchanging experiences, opening up to new perspectives.

And even in the years when the difference of political regimes and an iron curtain drove us apart, the voices of Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov, the poetry of Anna Akhma- tova, the music of Shostakovich and Stravinsky, the dance of Rudolf Nureyev, the cinema of Tarkovsky reminded us that what unites us is much, much deeper than what separated us.

In short, European history and civilization would be incomplete without Russia. Yes, Russia is a European country and Russian history and civilization cannot be dissoci- ated from Europe and the cross fertilization that happened over the centuries.

But our close relationship is not just based on our long and solid bonds of history, culture and kinship, crucial though they are. Over the years and in particular after the developments in Russia in the 90s, there is a hard and sustained effort to build a wide-ranging partnership for the sake of greater prosperity, predictability and security for the European Union and Russia, and for the world and also for the region at large.

Economic bonds are often regarded, and rightly so, as one of the most important fac- tors to bring people and nations together, to lay sound foundations for broader and strengthened relations and improve stability over-time. The European Union in itself is indeed a case in point!

And here, the European Union and Russia have a particularly impressive story to tell. Trade is really part of the heartbeat of our relationship. The European Union is by far Russia’s biggest overall trade partner. And Russia is the European Union’s third largest trade partner. In 2012 alone the total volume of trade between the European Union and Russia reached 336 billion euro and around 75 % of foreign direct investment in Russia is of European origin. In 2010 the European Union stock of foreign direct investment in Russia amounted to 120 billion euros. More than China and India combined! MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

And we should not forget either that the European Union is the first customer of the main Russian export: energy. 80% of all Russian oil exports; 70% of all Russian gas exports; 50% of all Russian coal exports go to the European Union.

This shows that history and kinship have been underpinned by a solid and structured relation that has a direct bearing in our people’s prosperity and well-being.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The case for European Union-Russia engagement is overwhelming. Clearly we have a strong interest in building upon our economic interdependence and working ev- er-closer together in so many areas from trade and investment to energy and mobility, to good governance, human rights, humanitarian and world security issues.

The core question is whether we are doing as much as we can to ensure that our part- nership delivers on its full promise. I think the honest answer is: not yet. The fact is that we should work closer together not only because we have to, but also because we 271 want to. Not just because we are condemned to be neighbours but because we have chosen to be partners.

In other words to realize the full potential of our relationship, we should add to our partnership of necessity a Partnership of Choice.

We already share a vision for such a Partnership, the long-term vision, and I think it is important, even when we take concrete decisions be it in daily life, in politics or business, to have a long-term vision. The long term vision is a common economic and human space from Lisbon to Vladivostok with free travel of people, free exchange of goods and services, very close overall cooperation. This is our long-term vision.

But I think all of us agree that this genuine common objective will remain somehow conceptual unless we define together how we get there. Certainly not in one go. The gap is too broad between short-term issues and long-term consensus. So to help bridge this gap, we ought to adjust our political ambition and focus on the midterm with a set of credible and realistic objectives that we can achieve in the years to come. And indeed the meeting that I am going to have later today, with President Putin and Prime Minister Medvedev, and tomorrow, between the Commission and the Russian government, are part of this process.

A key first step in this mid-term agenda should be to agree on a proper institutional framework. A new EU-Russia Agreement is intended to fulfil that task. It would be highly symbolic if we could conclude the negotiations on it by next year when we will celebrate the 20th anniversary of our Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1994. The PCA has served us well and has given a solid legal basis to our relations, being fur- ther elaborated in 2003 with the Four Common Spaces and the respective roadmaps.

But now the time has come for a modernized and upgraded agreement fit for a 21st century relationship and commensurate with our strategic partnership and having in mind this long-term vision. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

An ambitious and comprehensive New Agreement, which includes a developed reg- ulatory framework with common standards and norms, trade and energy provisions would help to create wider cooperative approaches with clear win-win situations.

It would also underpin our common objective of bringing our peoples even closer together in a visa-free travel regime.

Secondly, if we are serious about the deepening of our strategic partnership and estab- lishing a partnership of choice, the sine qua non is certainly mutual trust. This entails that mutual commitments, be they bilateral or multilateral, have to be respected. A strategic relationship needs to be underpinned with strategic trust.

Both of us, Russia and the European Union, share global responsibilities as members of the G8, the G20 and the World Trade Organization. As you know the European Union, and the Commission directly, has fully supported Russia’s accession to the WTO. We see it as a truly historic step. 272 We obviously understand that an important process of adaptation of internal rules is necessary for Russia to fully comply with WTO’s commitments. But this should be about moving forward and not backward. This should be about applying the letter and the spirit of the commitments made and not about breaching them. This should be about a genuine and mutually beneficial level playing field. And in this regard the G20, currently under Russia’s chairmanship, must certainly continue its fight against all forms of protectionism and in defence of open markets.

Both of us also have binding commitments as members of the United Nations, the Council of Europe and the OSCE: commitments to respect democracy and human rights, rule of law and freedom of expression and of assembly. The respect of these values is key for a solid and trusting relationship.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Winston Churchill, in a very quoted sentence once said that Russia is “a riddle, wrapped inside a mystery, inside an enigma”. But what people know less is what he said following that sentence and he said that “there is a key to understand it and that key is Russian national interest”. The Russian national interest is certainly for Russia to decide.

But if we look back in history we can see that the greatest moments of this great country and the great Russian history were when it opened up to the world, when it embraced Europe, when it successfully modernised.

Let’s think of Peter the Great advised by the great German mathematician and phi- losopher Leibniz on the founding of an academy of science in Russia or Catherine the Great who corresponded with so many leading Western European intellectuals from Diderot to the English economist Arthur Young or the Swiss mathematician and physicist Leonhard Euler. Great moments of civilisation were the moments of interaction between Russia and Western Europe. MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

Modernisation still is a strategic objective of today’s Russia. And the European Un- ion still is the first partner of choice in this process. I am therefore particularly glad to have launched, together with Dmitry Medvedev, in our 24th EU-Russia Summit some time ago, an important Partnership for Modernization, which was formalized the following year, 2010, at the Rostov Summit.

Since then we have made progress. Our regulatory frameworks are being approximat- ed; Russian participation in EU research and development programmes has increased. 475 Russian research organisations are involved in more than 300 projects, receiving an EU contribution of 60 Million euros.

And the European Investment Bank has given a 200 million euro loan for the inter- nationalisation of SME’s, to give just a few examples, I could add several more. With more trade and more investment also come new ideas and more innovation, leading to products and services that create jobs and economic growth. This means more op- portunities for all of us to prosper together. We are indeed set to benefit significantly from a greater integration of trade, investment and technology exchange. 273

Today’s world is driven by knowledge, innovation and technology. This is why we have declared 2014 as the EU-Russia Year of Science, Technology and Innovation and we have proposed to establish a European Union-Russia Strategic Partnership in Research and Innovation. This will be a very important step forward in the deepening of our relationship because research and innovation is much more than product de- velopment. It is about how our societies change and improve. It is about our capacity to adjust together to new economic and social realities and to create the future we aspire to.

It is about confronting together new challenges. And energy, a crucial field for both of us, is clearly one of these challenges.

At the core of the European Union’s energy policy are consumer choice, fairer prices, cleaner energy and security of supply. It is on this sound basis that we are developing our internal energy market. And we have moved a long way towards this aim over the last years.

This is an area where there is sometimes tension in our relationship. And I still feel that our objectives were probably not sufficiently explained or not fully understood by our Russian partners.

The reality is that within an open, interconnected and competitive EU energy mar- ket, Russian supplies will remain a very important component. A fully liberalized EU market will also mean more opportunities for more Russian suppliers. We have a common interest in keeping energy supplies and markets stable and in helping to promote competition and prevent monopolies. This is also part of the modernisation agenda that we are both engaged in.

But an effective economic modernisation process can only rely on talented, innova- tive and dedicated people. A thriving, sustainable economy goes hand in hand with a EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

thriving society. This requires respect of the rule of law and ensuring citizens’ rights, fighting corruption and developing a level playing field for companies. Moreover, sustainable economic prosperity and lasting social stability depend on the full imple- mentation of such commitments. This is a question of well understood self-interest.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Russia is a continent disguised as a country, Russia is a civilization veiled as a nation. However, in today’s world even the biggest and the mightiest are not capable of ad- dressing current challenges all alone. This is the biggest lesson to draw from the recent economic and financial crisis. And in Europe we are overcoming this crisis through a deepening of our regional integration project, through completing our Economic and Monetary Union and filling in the missing links of our internal market.

Russia has recently embarked on a regional integration project which is leading to the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union. As a regional integration project itself 274 the European Union can only support regional integration elsewhere.

It is however important that these integration projects are constructed in a man- ner that enhances our bilateral relations instead of hampering them. That they serve the purpose of further opening up our countries to the rest of the world, instead of self-retrenchment. And that they are based on open regionalism instead of regional protectionism.

That is why it is crucial that we start working to make our respective projects compat- ible and convergent, in terms of principles, values and regulations. We have a wealth of expertise in this area that we can share with Russia and the Eurasian Commission, if we can be reassured on these principles.

In fact, our vision for the European continent is one of openness to all partners and to the world, cooperation based on common values and principles, free and integrated economies, and respect of the free will of the people.

It is on this vision that we have built our enlargement policy and our Eastern partner- ship. It is on this vision that we want to deepen our strategic partnership with Russia and other counties in the region. We have much to gain from it and our common neighbourhood can only benefit if there is collaboration between our approaches rather than competition.

We also need to continue aligning our positions on the most critical international matters. The constructiveness that guides already our joint work in the framework of the Iran talks, or in the Middle East Peace Process, should also allow us to converge our positions on Syria. I have said many times that the situation in Syria is a stain on the world’s conscience. The international community has a moral duty to address it.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen, MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

Just a word on a matter that I know is of your interest: the Cyprus issue. I’m very con- cerned with the latest developments in Cyprus, namely because of the consequences for the citizens of Cyprus. Consequences that are the result of an unsustainable fi- nancial system that is basically eight times bigger than the GDP of that country - a system that certainly has to adapt. And as you know, there was not the possibility to implement the agreement reached unanimously in the Eurogroup between Cyprus and the other countries in the eurozone. The European Commission stands ready to assist finding an agreement, and in fact, as you know, consultations are going on between Cyprus and the other members of the Eurogroup to find a solution. We have in the past solved bigger problems; I hope that this time a solution can also be found.

I am also aware of the interests of Russia in this issue. And in fact we as European Commission have been in consultation with Russia for some time. I spoke about this issue with President Putin after the European Union-Russia Summit on 21 Decem- ber in Brussels. The Commissioner responsible, Vice-President Rehn, in the Saint Petersburg G20, met the Finance Minister of Russia, and just on the 7 March there was a phone call conversation between the Commissioner and the Finance Minister 275 of Russia.

Regarding the conclusions of the last Eurogroup, Russia was not informed because the governments of Europe were not informed - let’s be completely open and honest about that issue. There was not a pre-decision before the Eurogroup meeting. The Eurogroup meeting concluded, I think, in the very early hours of Saturday and the decision was the result of a compromise between the countries in the Eurogroup. But of course here in Russia, today, I will be, of course, as always, open to listen to the concerns of our Russian partners.

Ladies and gentlemen,

My vision of world politics is not one of a zero sum game, but rather of a win-win ap- proach. This should also apply to our relationship. I have tried to develop today very briefly the pillars and principles for what I think should be a partnership of choice between the European Union and Russia, founded on strategic trust.

This is certainly a long-term process. But Leo Tolstoy reminded us in his great work War and Peace, that “the two most important warriors are patience and time”.

And in this same spirit I invite all our Russian partners in the government, in business and in civil society to dedicate their time to this outstanding great project of making the European Union-Russia relations a Partnership of Choice, a great partnership based also on the principles of friendship between the peoples of the European Union and the people of Russia.

I thank you for your attention.

A new era of good feelings

BLOOMBERG & EUROPEAN AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE CONVERSATION NEW YORK, 12 APRIL 2013

Ambassadors, Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear friends, 277

t is indeed a great pleasure for me to be here in the European-American Chamber I of Commerce in New York in this event organised by Bloomberg. There is a period in American history, around two hundred years ago, that is known as ‘The Era of Good Feelings’.

It was a time when political parties put aside the deeply-felt differences between them, when politicians in Washington buried the hatchet and shared with their ever more vocal citizens a sense of national purpose; a time of peace, of reconciliation and pros- perity.

This Era of Good Feelings started in Europe, with an agreement signed in a place not far from Brussels, the Treaty of Ghent of 1814, that ended the war between Britain and the United States.

At a time when we are about to negotiate an unprecedented trade agreement between the EU and the US, it’s good to remember that the reason why the British finally accepted the terms of peace was not merely military, moral or diplomatic but largely economic. Britain came to realise it needed American markets more than anything, and that peace, rather than an obstacle, was a key enabler of trade and joint prosperity. In fact it was one of the founding stones of modern free trade.

Let us make sure that the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, two hun- dred years later, will be a trade agreement of the new generation, inaugurating an era of 21st century free trade deals.

Let us hope that, once again, it is the start of a new era of prosperity, purpose and, above all, of good feelings.

Ladies and gentlemen, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

There are certainly good feelings between the United States and Europe.

Our partnership, which has such a long and rich tradition, has developed into the most prosperous and dynamic economic bond in the world ever, and it still is, ac- counting for nearly half of global GDP and almost one third of world trade. A phe- nomenal 2.7 billion dollars’ worth of trade flows between the two of us on a daily basis. Over 3.7 trillion dollars is invested across the Atlantic, creating powerful links between companies and researchers, creating business and employment opportunities on a scale that remains incomparable.

For decades, this bond between the two most developed economic blocs in the world has been the driver for growth and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.

It has set the example for economic openness and entrepreneurship elsewhere. And it will continue to do exactly that in the future.

278 That is the logic behind the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership on which negotiations should begin before the summer.

The agenda for these negotiations is clear, the ambition is certain. We have made thorough preparations that have mapped out the way ahead.

Conventional barriers to trade in goods, such as tariffs and tariff-rate quotas, are ob- viously on top of the list. Even if these are already fairly low at the moment - transat- lantic tariffs are between 3.5% and 5% - because of the massive trade flows involved, even the slightest reduction has considerable impact, and we want to get as close as possible to the removal of all duties, with a special treatment for the most sensitive products.

Non-tariff barriers, regulatory issues or ‘behind-the-border’ measures are even more important, because these are even more costly to businesses and consumers alike. Indeed, such barriers are estimated to be the equivalent of a tariff of between 10 and 20% on traded products.

Currently, producers often have to comply with two sets of rules and go through two procedures on either side of the Atlantic, both aimed at the same result - for instance raising safety standards and limiting the environmental impact of cars, or increasing health and hygiene standards for food.

We want to cut such unnecessary costs and shorten delays for businesses. But rest as- sured: unnecessary costs and procedures only. We, on both sides, will not compromise on our high levels of health and safety standards, on consumer and environmental protection. Our citizens and our societies would not allow that to happen.

That is what makes these issues so complex, so we need to be realistic. We will not be able to eliminate all regulatory divergences in one round. For that reason, we aim to negotiate what you could call a ‘living agreement’ - one that not only removes the main trading obstacles of the past, but that looks just as much towards the future: A NEW ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS working on the prevention of regulatory barriers; establishing mechanisms that ena- ble a further deepening of economic integration over time; enhancing cooperation for the development of rules and principles on global issues of common concern.

We will work towards new, global standards for business. And we should set the benchmarks of an open, modern trade policy as well.

If the agenda and the ambition are undeniable, so are the potential benefits of such a deal. If we manage to come to a comprehensive agreement, the overall gains could add up to a 0.5% increase in GDP for both sides.

We need that growth more than ever. Our businesses need more opportunities, and our citizens need those jobs more than ever. Therefore, the political push for a trans- atlantic free trade zone has never been this powerful. Let us seize this opportunity.

Ladies and gentlemen, 279 Let me briefly mention the multilateral impact of this trade deal as well.

All too often, we hear that this type of agreement is another nail in the coffin of the WTO, that bilateralism on this scale means the end of multilateralism. That should not be the case. That will not be the case.

In fact, regional agreements have paved the way for multilateralism in the 1990s, when the signature of the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement and the integration of the European Single Market set a new standard and gave a new impetus for trade liberalisation. Regional efforts made multilateral discussions more manageable. And once that train was underway, everyone was anxious to be on it, leading to a multi- lateral breakthrough in the Uruguay Round. Free trade needs leadership, and it was the transatlantic partnership that delivered it - then as now. The European Union, for one, will continue to be the most forceful and vocal supporter of any balanced and ambitious deal that can be reached within the WTO. The European Union has resumed its bilateral FTA negotiations in 2006, when it was clear that unfortunately a deal on Doha would not be forthcoming. And the trade agreements that we have initiated and concluded should be seen as a stepping-stone for future liberalisation, not as a stumbling-block. Agreements that are ‘Doha-plus’, that tackle issues which are not ready for a multilateral settlement and that go much beyond multilateral commitments.

The already highly developed and integrated transatlantic trade and investment rela- tionship, by its very nature, is part of that sphere – and therefore not in competition with multilateral discussions.

Indeed, we are expressly committed to using these negotiations to go beyond bilateral issues, taking advantage of our combined weight to strengthen the multilateral trad- ing system. For instance, we will cooperate to strengthen the protection of Intellectual Property Rights; we will together assess possibilities to deal with social and environ- mental aspects of trade and sustainable development; and together, we will tackle EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

trade-related aspects of customs and trade facilitation, competition and state-owned enterprises, raw materials and energy and so on.

Trade liberalisation needs global political engagement, and with this effort both the European Union and the United States have given a clear and constructive signal: we believe free trade has a future, and we are willing to invest in it.

Ladies and gentlemen,

We take this step at a time of economic crisis, as a way to get through the crisis, and I want to take this opportunity to say a few words about Europe’s evolution as a result of the financial crisis – which is often misunderstood and usually underestimated, our effort.

Our economy was hit particularly hard by the global economic downturn. And yet, as an economic bloc, we will emerge from it stronger, more united and more com- 280 petitive than we were before. The crisis has forced us, more than ever, to reassess our economic policies, to fundamentally revise our public finances and to deepen our economic and monetary union in a way that we were unable – in some cases unwill- ing - to do before the crisis.

Our economic fundamentals remain strong. Europe is still the largest economy in the world. With over 500 million consumers, it represents a €12.6 trillion economy. Only the United States is in the same league, worth €11.3 trillion, while even China remains considerably smaller, at €4.6 trillion.

We have managed to hold our own in the face of strong competition from emerging economies. Europe has a manufacturing trade surplus of almost 300 billion euro, five times as large as it was in 2000. Sometimes people tend to forget this, that even in the crisis, Europe is in fact increasing its surplus. Our services surplus has expanded to over 100 billion euro. And our agricultural trade has shifted from a deficit to a surplus.

Europe remains the world’s largest importer of both manufactured goods and ser- vices. And not only do we still have the largest stocks of foreign direct investment abroad, we are also the largest host of foreign direct investment in the world.

If you compare our overall public finances to those of the US and Japan, you come to a surprising conclusion: in terms of the debt-to-GDP ratio, the European average of 82.5%, even if it is too high, is decidedly better than the United States’, which is almost 103%, or Japan’s, whose debt is close to 230% of its GDP. I don’t underes- timate the current difficulties; and as I’ve been saying very often, we should not be complacent with them. And there are still many challenges ahead . But we are making progress, in spite of all the difficulties. WE have seen the recent developments in -Cy prus. And let me tell you, I’m very happy with the results of today’s Eurogroup meet- ing where the programme for Cyprus was confirmed and approved for all members of the euro area. I was also noting with satisfaction the agreement on the extensions A NEW ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS of maturities for Ireland and Portugal, which will help those countries in their so far successful steps to re-enter the markets.

There are in fact some difficulties; there were always responses. And I really believe we are now better equipped to face any kind of accidents. We had to build the life boat in the middle of the storm and, while not entirely finished yet, I believe this lifeboat is sufficiently strong to face the headwinds.

And if we go further on the road to real economic and monetary unification, as we are doing, if we further strengthen the credibility of our reform efforts, we will be building the most solid of boats based on our common interdependence and our combined strengths.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I believe that the EU-US trade negotiations are a game changer and can be the start of a new era. 281

They will further intensify the economic relationship between the United States and European Union, two economic giants eager to be as successful in the future as they were in the past.

They will add to the international push for trade liberalization, hammering out a new framework for open, transparent and balanced trade that fits the realities of the global economy.

But most of all, they will reaffirm the global role and responsibility of both partners, which goes much beyond economics. Together, we share a world view based on de- mocracy, human rights and the rule of law. We share an engagement and the ambition to cooperate across borders, to think and act multilaterally, to look for global solu- tions to global problems.

We can only support and advance that world view if we are consistent and bold in applying it, even in times of crisis. Especially in times of crisis.

That, for me, is what is at stake.

Margaret Thatcher, who passed away last week, once said that EU and the US are dif- ferent because Europe is a product of history and America is a product of philosophy.

Our common aim should be to write the next chapter of what is in fact now a com- mon history, forged by a sense of sharing the same principles and values.

I thank you very much for your attention.

The State of the EU in 2013: Heading towards Federalism or Fragmentation?

BRUSSELS THINK TANK DIALOGUE BRUSSELS, 22 APRIL 2013

Chairman, Ladies and gentlemen, Distinguished guests, Dear friends, 283

et me first thank you for the invitation to open what is indeed a very important debate. And let me congratulate you, some of the most important think tanks L that work on European affairs all over Europe for having taken this initiative. I agree that, at times when Europe often seems to shift between integration and frag- mentation, we need to come clear about our political plans, options and intentions. Today’s programme shows that this is much more than a semantic discussion: it is a fundamental choice we have to make if we want the European idea and the European values to succeed both within and beyond our borders.

I for one have not been afraid to use the forbidden word: federalism.

In last year’s State of the Union speech in the European Parliament, I have clearly described the need to move towards a federation of nation states. I felt I had to put forward this idea at this point in time because that should be our political horizon, that is what we need to tackle the challenges of the future, and we should not be afraid to use that particular expression. Indeed, one of my distinguished predecessors, Jacques Delors, has used the term as well, and I believe with the same rationale behind it. So we can say that at least the European Commission has a consolidated doctrine on the matter.

A half-hearted attitude towards the project of European integration only serves to strengthen its opponents; to concede the political momentum to those on the side of nationalism and populism. Only by calling it by its name do we get a chance to debate the real issues, to make clear what is behind the word federalism.

To begin with, it has precisely the opposite meaning of what a lot of people suspect or fear. As I said in the State of the Union, what is meant by such a federation is ‘not a superstate (but) a democratic federation of nation states that can tackle our common problems, through the sharing of sovereignty in a way that each country and each EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

citizen are better equipped to control their own destiny.’ So what I said is clear, even if I know that federalism sometimes is ambiguously read in different languages. It implies an explicit acknowledgement - about which I feel very strongly, coming from a country with a long and living history - that we cannot unite Europe against the member states, so we need to build it with the Member States. As I said in my speech at the time: ‘I believe in a Europe where people are proud of their nations but also proud to be European and proud of our European values.’

Speaking of Europe’s federalism is all about clarifying the way ahead for Europe with- out denying the past and the present; about openly, realistically and democratically discussing the medium and long term.

Ladies and gentlemen,

One of the reasons why the term federalism is so sensitive is of course the idea or the suspicion that countries would be overshadowed by a unified, centralised federal state. 284 For European countries, most of which have fought long and hard to become united and/or independent, the thought of being a mere sub-federal entity is unbearable. This aversion to centralisation is both understandable and unsurprising. One of the classic 19th century Irish nationalist songs goes: ‘and Ireland, long a province, be a nation once again’. It is only natural that such a nation does not want to go back to being, even if only symbolically, ‘a province once again’, and the same feeling lives just as strongly in many, if not in all Member States.

Whether or not we agree or appreciate that sentiment, is not the point. The point is: we cannot deny it. We could not cast off the weight of history, even if we wanted to.

That should not be news for us. In 1900, the French École Libre des Sciences Poli- tiques devoted a whole conference to a debate about ‘Les États-Unis d’Europe’ - one of the first systematic approaches to the issue, exactly with this expression, ‘Unites States of Europe’ - and already then explicitly recognised and explained the funda- mental difference between the not-yet-united states of Europe at the time and the federal union on the other side of the Atlantic:

‘Pour qui veut réfléchir à tous les traits physiques, politiques, historiques qui dif- férencient les deux continents,’ its final declaration read, ‘en Europe, à l’opposé des anciennes provinces coloniales dont sont issus les Etats-Unis d’Amérique, il existe des peuples multiples et divers, des nations différentes ayant chacune une individualité nationale ancienne et vivace, illustrée par une passé glorieux, possédant le plus sou- vent une langue de haute culture et une littérature originale.

Entre ces nations diverses, à charactère si tranché, on ne conçoit pas une fusion poli- tique qui absorberait les glorieuses nationalités de l’Europe dans une unité nationale nouvelle, et de tous ces peuples, si justement épris de leur personnalité historique, ne ferait plus qu’un seul et même peuple.’ THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION?

So the problem is not the political integration, the problem is to have an integrated single national unity at European level. This was said 113 years ago, when the Amer- ican civil war was still fresh in people’s memories and the most turbulent part of the different, antagonistic histories of the European states was yet to come.

Already then it was clear that Europe’s unity would be formed along a different, spe- cifically European model.

Any federal system is to a large degree original, sui generis, different from all the oth- ers and developed from within.

A standard definition of federalism simply reads: ‘A system of government in which power is divided between a central authority and constituent political units; an en- compassing political or societal entity formed by uniting smaller or more localized entities.’ When I was in Geneva in the early 80s, working with a great European federalist, Denis de Rougemont, in his Dictionnaire Internationale de Federalism, that was posthumously published, this was the current definition of federalism. So 285 federalism is in itself a concept with two faces: searching for unity whilst recognising, respecting and reconciling genuine autonomy. At its very core is the idea of unity in diversity. Now, what can be more European than that?

The European Union as we know it today already has a number of undeniably federa- tive elements: a supranational European Commission with a mandate to promote the general European interest, a directly elected European Parliament, an independent European Central Bank and a European Court of Justice based on a system of law, the primacy of which is recognised over national law. All of these institutions have supranational powers which increased over time.

This division of power between the central level and the component states is never set in stone and will always be disputable and disputed. Even in established federal states, from the US to Germany, there is an ongoing debate about subsidiarity, about what the federal government can and must do, and about where its power ends, and should end.

This too is an integral part of federal democracy.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The financial crisis has underlined the weaknesses and inconsistencies in our insti- tutional design and since then, step by step, we have come a long way to addressing these problems. In terms of economic governance - with the legislation known as the ‘six pack’, the ‘two pack’ and the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance – in all these legislations, the balance of power has shifted further towards the European level, with new competences and a much stronger role for the European Commission. Institutionally, we are now more integrated than we were before.

The progress we have made over the last few years, since the crisis, in these institu- tional political issues, is not always acknowledged. We have taken major steps towards EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

more and better integration, towards a real economic and monetary union. Despite the crisis or rather: because of the crisis, against the odds and contrary to the thinking in some circles, we have countered the risks of fragmentation precisely by uniting against common challenges, applying what amounts to a federal approach. And while there is some tension between the intergovernmental and the community method, it is interesting to notice that the European Commission is even given a role in inter- governmental instruments as foreseen in the Fiscal Treaty.

This goes beyond economic governance even. For instance, the European Commis- sion’s authority is now relied on not just to review the compatibility of national law with European community law but even to check the compatibility of the constitu- tional order of Member States with the values of the European Union.

When needs, expectations and demands are federalised, so to speak, institutions are bound to follow. That is so far one lesson of the crisis.

286 Ladies and gentlemen,

Federalism is also a dynamic concept. The idea of a federation as a process, an evolv- ing and incremental political and institutional reality, an ever closer union, has always been part of the European idea.

I personally see no contradiction between a functionalist approach and federalist aspi- rations. The two are perfectly compatible. They very often go together.

Indeed, Jean Monnet’s method has also been called ‘functional federalism’. He re- alised better than anyone that Europe, precisely because of its problematic history, its colourful national identities and plural public opinions, would never be built ‘all at once, or according to a single plan,’ as it was described in the Schuman declara- tion. Nevertheless he, and the other “founding fathers” of the European Community, like Schuman himself, or Konrad Adenauer, and others, found a way to break down the concrete walls of impenetrable national sovereignty and change the logic of the relationships between states, replacing international power politics by a law-based order; turning the fata morgana of strict national independence into a wake-up call for Europe’s interdependence; opening the way to European unity ‘through concrete achievements which create a de facto solidarity’.

This dynamic was present at every step of the European integration process, because the logic behind it has proved to be correct: from the European Coal and Steel Com- munity to the European Economic Community; from the Single Market to the Eco- nomic and Monetary Union; from the incomplete Economic and Monetary Union to the further integration efforts we have seen since the crisis and we will develop further in the years to come...

Time and again practical cooperation has reinforced the trend to political integration; shared problems have led to shared solutions; small steps for Member States could indeed be giant leaps for Europe as a whole. THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION?

The process towards an ever closer union continues. With the Blueprint for a Deep and Genuine EMU, the Commission has put forward its ideas on how this dynamic should be dealt with. It raises the hard questions on how to strengthen cooperation and integration in the financial, fiscal, economic and also in the institutional political field. It positively addresses the challenge to combine the indispensable deepening of the EMU with the integrity of the single market and of the European Union as a whole. And it provides some of the answers and aspirations as we see them - some concrete and short-term; others ambitious and long-term. Some depend on political will only now; others require treaty change later. All of them demand a profound political commitment to better cooperation and more integration.

Beyond the Blueprint, the Commission intends to present the broad contours of its outline for the shape of the future European Union in good time to allow the issue to be debated by European citizens and other stakeholders ahead of the next European Parliament elections in 2014. As I have said earlier, and it is also in the Blueprint presented by the Commission, for further steps to achieve the goals, yes, we will need later a treaty revision. 287

All this is what functional federalism means in practice: we take one step at a time, yet we can only do that successfully if we have the larger context and a long-term vision in mind.

The question is always: how do we apply the general, holistic federalist method to specific, current issues and how do we keep the institutional dynamic going forward in order to deal with them effectively.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In a sense, federalism is also an attitude: a political commitment to see things through together, to find common solutions to common challenges, no matter how serious they are.

This political unification of Europe has also taken another giant leap forward as a result of the crisis. That is why successive statements of the Euro area Heads of State and Government (let me just quote this example from March 2012) where they af- firm their ‘determination to do whatever is needed to ensure the financial stability of the euro as a whole and their readiness to act accordingly’. These are representing a breakthrough. Every one of these statements is an undeniable and unmistakable Declaration of Interdependence. Those who thought that Europe was a fair-weather friendship only, thought wrong.

And yet, on the political front, we must admit we still have a long way to go. In reality, there is also resistance, delays, hesitation; contradictions between decisions taken at the highest level and their implementation; and sometimes contradictions between the principles professed and the policies followed. But there is resistance, because there is movement. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Public opinion is still fragmented along national borders; political debate is still too much guided by national interests and national perceptions only; the political mind- set is often behind on the institutional realities.

This too is a historical constant. Despite its success the incremental, realistic, ‘neo-functional’ approach towards European unity has always been met with criticism for lacking in heart and soul. Even from those who strongly supported it.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the illustrious founder of the Pan-European Movement in the 1920s and one of the fathers of the idea of European unity, voiced this critique already in 1953:

‘Europe is uniting without the majority of the Europeans being ready for it,’ he said, ‘Europe becomes one on the level of parliamentarians and state chancelleries but not within the hearts of the Europeans.’

288 The same lament was heard throughout the European Union’s history. Democratic in- tegration was slower than administrative integration, and we have reached the limits of this imbalance long ago. The Lisbon Treaty was a huge step forward in correcting this, in promoting a more democratic Europe.

Now it is up to us, as engaged Europeans, to breathe life into this European political sphere. I believe the European Parliament elections are a unique opportunity to do so.

That is why I feel strongly about European political parties taking a bigger, more pro-active and coherent role. If we have a genuine and open debate about Europe, citizens will feel their voices and opinions are heard and reflected in Brussels and Strasbourg. Instead of having 27, now 28 national campaigns, as usually happens when there is a European election that in fact is an addition to national elections, we should have a truly European debate. If we have a broader debate on the challenges for Europe, we are one step further towards the unity we need to tackle those chal- lenges. If we make a closer link between the outcome of the elections and the running of the EU, voters will understand their choice really counts. The political accounta- bility will be reinforced.

Ladies and gentlemen,

European integration has at times been driven forward by engaged citizens, by com- mitted trade unions, by business communities who knew where their interests lay and by citizens who spoke their minds. Today, facing the economic and social crisis, we need them more than ever. We need to fully engage them in the European process.

Of course I know that this is not without risk. Most likely, in the next European elections, the eurosceptic and europhobic forces will have their share of the vote, also exploiting the current difficult context Europe is facing. But the times of implicit consent are over, and it’s better to have a real European democratic debate where mainstream pro-European forces leave their comfort zone than to try to manage Eu- THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION? ropean challenges only in bureaucratic or even diplomatic terms trying to avoid the hard questions.

Last but not least a federation, as I see it, is also a meeting of minds.

Europe would never have succeeded and will never succeed if there is not a commu- nity of ideas to back up these initiatives.

The academic, cultural and intellectual narrative about European unity has played a key role in its history, from its inception. If the political breakthrough after the Second World War initially seemed much too distant to some, the intellectual push for genuine European integration was widespread and well-founded even at the time.

Europe was already an aspiration and a cause with popular appeal before the first political steps were possible. Numerous intellectuals - philosophers, scientists, artists and writers - formed an ideological avant-garde of creative thinking about Europe and, as their voices grew louder, their influence increased both on political leaders 289 and on public opinion.

Then, as now, intellectuals realised that Europe needed to form a closer bloc to play its role internationally, to defend not just its interests but its values, the very ideas and ideals on which Europe’s societies and cultures are built.

For the next decades, I believe the European Union will be more forward looking and more outward looking.

It will be a powerful instrument for European citizens and Member States to unite their efforts in shaping globalisation and in defending our common values. The world is changing very fast and, together, European Member States can play a fundamental role. Only united and with stronger common institutions, will we be able to tack- le the challenges of economic and financial crises, of resource scarcity and climate change, of the situation in the world about poverty and underdevelopment. And, together, we will also create better conditions to protect our shared values and to keep, while reforming, our social model, our social market economy and the most important features of the European way of life.

The case for more European unity is clear:

More European integration is simply indispensable for our economy, to shield us from international rough weather, to face strong competition and to maintain the trust of markets and investors. Politicians who still doubt the arguments support- ing the push for more European unity, towards a deep and genuine Economic and Monetary Union, should ask financial markets, should ask international institutions, should ask our major economic partners what they think of it.

Globalisation itself is a key driver for European unification. As the programme of this conference underlines, issues like energy supply and climate action, our global role in a changing world and our trade interests in a global economy... these issues demand a EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

more coherent approach and a stronger voice than any Member State alone can offer. They demand a strong European Union.

Our citizens also realise that many of the problems, the risks and the threats to their welfare and well-being go beyond the level of the nation state, and so the solutions must do so as well. European integration can support national policies and strengthen European citizens’ freedoms. Only Europe can provide a guarantee that the mistakes of the past will not happen again and the challenges of the future will be better dealt with.

The real risk of fragmentation comes from not hearing citizens’ concerns. The real stress test today is the polarisation that is threatening to be the end result of the crisis. So there is a real risk of polarisation in Europe. I am deeply concerned about the divi- sions that we see emerging: political extremes and populism tearing apart the political support and the social fabric that we need to deal with the crisis; disunion emerging between the centre and the periphery of Europe; a renewed demarcation line being 290 drawn between the North and the South of Europe; prejudices re-emerging and again dividing our citizens, sometimes national prejudices that are simply unacceptable also from an ethical point of view.

One of the effects of the crisis and the shock waves it has sent from one Member State to another, is that the finer points of the jurisprudence of the Bundesverfassungs- gericht are now discussed in Greek coffee houses, while popular German TV shows debate the state of the Cypriot banks’ balance sheets. This debate can be divisive, but it can also be instructive. It can be a step towards a European public sphere. And it can certainly not be ignored. The worst thing for the EU is the political indifference of moderate forces that leaves the initiative to all kinds of populism and narrow na- tionalism.

And here comes the role of democratic debate and political vision. It will take lead- ership to counter these troubling trends. It will take a broad and open discussion on what Europe really means, on where its potential and its pitfalls lie. A debate beyond swear words and taboos, in which the general European interest is defended and mobilised as clearly and forcefully as possible, where a positive and forward-looking vision is voiced as strongly and enthusiastically as ever before.

We need a reflection, indeed, on the real state of the European Union today – in the beginning of a century that promises to be as transformative for Europe as the last one was.

Let me conclude by saying that, knowing all the difficulties and challenges, I am con- fident that the European Union will once again rise to the occasion. But that will not happen automatically, just because of some “spill-over” effects or historic fatalism. As Denis de Rougemont said speaking about Europe “L’avenir c’est notre affaire,” and yes, the Europe of tomorrow, depends on the choices we will be able to make today.

I thank you for your attention. Statement on the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

WITH U.S. PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL HERMAN VAN ROMPUY AND UK PRIME MINISTER DAVID CAMERON, G8 SUMMIT PRESS CONFERENCE LOUGH ERNE, 17 JUNE 2013

oday is a special day for the relationship between the European Union and the 291 T United States. Today, we announce that we will start the negotiations of a comprehensive Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement.

Very frankly, three years ago very few would have bet that today we will be in the position to launch negotiations on an ambitious European Union-United States free trade agreement.

And when the teams of the European Commission and the United States will meet for the first round of negotiations next month, it will be the start of a joint undertak- ing of real strategic importance.

Our joint endeavour is part of our overall agenda for growth and jobs to both sides of the Atlantic by boosting trade and investment.

It is also a powerful demonstration of our determination to shape an open and rules- based world.

We intend to move forward fast. We can say that neither of us will give up content for the sake of speed, but we intend to make rapid progress.

I do not underestimate the core challenge: moving our regulatory regimes closer and addressing the harmful effect of behind-the-border trade barriers. Huge economic benefits are expected from reducing red tape and avoiding divergent regulations for the future. I would rather have our companies invest in new innovative products and services and job creation than in double testing and multiple inspections or even separate manufacturing lines.

Our regulators need to build bridges faster and more systematically. The current eco- nomic climate requires us to join forces and to do more with less. More importantly, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

in doing so, we will remain strong global players who set the standards for the 21st century.

Therefore, I call on our legislators on the European side, especially the European Parliament, our regulators, our civil society to play a constructive and engaged part in these negotiations.

The business communities on both sides of the Atlantic, in particular, have been a strong advocate of free trade and investment between Europe and the United States.

And this is also good for the rest of the world. Given the integrated supply chains in today’s global markets, everyone can benefit from this agreement.

Integrating two of the most developed, most sophisticated and certainly the largest economies in the world can never be an easy task.

292 But we will find convincing answers to legitimate concerns,

we will find solutions to thorny issues,

we will keep our eyes on the prize, and we will succeed.

So even if these negotiations may not always be easy, I am sure they will be worth it.

For the sake of the jobs it creates, and because of the strategic dimension of what we are doing: to write the next chapter of what is our common history, forged by the sense that we share the same principles and values, the principles and values of open economies and open societies. A united, strong and open Europe

ADDRESS TO EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION BRUSSELS, 3 SEPTEMBER 2013

Ladies and gentlemen, 293

t is a great pleasure to once again address the Seminar of the Heads of Delegation I of the European External Action Service. I know that I am not addressing just everyone here in this room but also more than five thousand five hundred Commission and EEAS staff in our delegations around the world. And through you I am reaching out to heads of state and govern- ment, politicians, leaders of faith, civil society activists, businesspeople, the media and ordinary citizens from the very oldest to school children in the countries in which we operate and you are accredited.

Today is, therefore, an opportunity to say a big “thank you” for your hard work and to express my personal appreciation for your efforts. I am a firm believer in the virtues of diplomacy. In fact one of the criticisms that I often hear is that I would be “too diplomatic”. Well to me that it is not a criticism, it is actually a compliment.

Of course, diplomacy is essentially about getting things done in a complex global environment. And in life you have two basically ways of getting things done: against the others, or with the others. Only things which are done with people, communi- cated properly and transparently, and ultimately accepted by others stand a chance of passing the test of time and making real change.

This is precisely what diplomacy is all about. And not only I have been preaching the virtues of diplomacy, I have also been practicing them. As many of you know, whenever my heavy internal responsibilities allow it – and the last years were not easy in this regard, I have been engaging with partner countries, travelling to different continents, meeting both political leaders and civil society, visiting our projects that are making a difference on the ground, and also meeting our excellent teams in our delegations to show my appreciation for their hard work. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

At this crucial moment, we need to demonstrate more than ever that our diplomacy plays an essential role in shaping the future of Europe, and that it delivers to our citizens: from underpinning our economic recovery, to facing up to global challenges such as climate change, from promoting and defending the values on which our Un- ion is based to securing regional and global peace: Our Europe will only succeed if it remains united, strong and open on the international stage.

Dear colleagues,

I remember telling you last year that the effectiveness of our foreign policy is a func- tion of our internal well-being and of the success of our integration project. Hence the solution to the economic difficulties, the pace and quality of future growth and the demographic prospects of the Union are among the key factors that will affect our international profile and capacity to influence world affairs. It is, therefore, useful to highlight where we are now as compared to when the crisis started.

294 Throughout these last 4 years we have taken very tough measures to deal with what has become a crisis of confidence in the European model, as the financial crisis of 2008 mutated into first an economic and then a social and political crisis.

Of course, there can be no overnight success. How could there be when the structur- al weaknesses which the crisis exposed and exacerbated; excessive public borrowing, corporate and individual indebtedness and erosion of the EU’s [or certainly of many Member States’] global competitiveness have been building up over decades?

But our efforts to ensure stability, through fiscal consolidation combined with deep structural reform and targeted investment to lay the foundations for smart sustainable inclusive growth, are beginning to bear fruit.

The results of the last quarter show a modest, but encouraging growth of 0.3%, break- ing with two years of recession. The rebalancing of the euro area is underway: the improvement in the net export performance of the countries hardest hit by the crisis is driven not only by a fall in domestic demand but also by an increase in their com- petitiveness.

The challenging reform programmes being undertaken by those countries most under pressure is leading to a turnaround in economic sentiment. Greece has made major structural reforms; Ireland regained access to capital markets in the summer of 2012 and the economy is expected to grow for a third consecutive year in 2013. And this year, for the first time in over 40 years, the Portuguese current account is expected to be broadly balanced.

We have also overhauled and dramatically strengthened the mechanisms for the co- ordination and surveillance of economic and budgetary policies inside the European Union.

A Banking Union is in the making. The Commission proposal for a Single Supervi- sory Mechanism was approved and I hope that the proposal for a Single Resolution A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Mechanism which we recently tabled will meet the same degree of urgency and sup- port. The logic is simple: if the financial sector has become trans-border and Europe- an, supervision and resolution cannot remain national.

This a basic premise of the institutional overhaul that we are carrying out. We need to bridge the governance gap that currently exists. Member States are no longer capable of facing up to some of the challenges that a globalised economy puts them; so we need to empower the European level to do it. This is not about losing sovereignty; it’s about pooling it to be stronger, about sharing power to regain it. And it is not about giving up on politics, it is about adapting our political toolbox to make a difference and help shape globalization.

In stark contrast to the views of the professional pessimists and of those who think that doom-saying is somehow intellectually glamorous, the European Union and the euro area has not imploded - it has in fact expanded. In July this year Croatia became the 28th member of our Union, and from 1st January 2014 Latvia will be welcomed as the 18th euro area Member State. 295

Ladies and gentlemen

Despite all these efforts, we are not yet out of the woods. This is not the time for com- placency or to slacken off in the intensity of our reforms. Many challenges remain: first and foremost that of unemployment, especially youth unemployment, which stands at over 50% in some Member States.

The EU is meeting this challenge head on with a comprehensive approach based on the Youth Guarantee – to ensure that all young people up to 25 receive a good quality offer of employment, an apprenticeship, a traineeship or the chance to continue their education within four months of leaving formal education or becoming unemployed.

We need to prevent the risks of a jobless recovery. Europe’s young men and women need to be given an opportunity to succeed.

Our capacity to defend our interests and values in the world also hinges on our inter- nal cohesion and solidarity, between citizens and between Member States, on the ef- fectiveness of our integration model and on the legitimacy of our political construct.

Dear colleagues,

In a world where size matters and scale is an asset, both economically and politically, we have to use our collective weight to shape a rules based international order and to promote our interests. We stand tall when we stand together but we lose stature when we stand apart.

In all of this we have a good story to tell: a story to which you have all made, and will continue to make, a significant contribution. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The EU with its 507 million inhabitants accounts for 7.3 % of the world’s population but accounts for over 23% of global GDP. Our combined GDP is greater than that of the United States and twice that of China.

Please note that I said “our combined GDP”, we live in a world of globalising giants; a world where the economy of our largest member state is only 40% the size of China’s and less than a quarter the size of the United States; a world where the GDP of each of our next two largest economies is comparable to that of Brazil.

It is not, however, just about size and scale. It is also about the model.

In an interdependent and polycentric world, the Union is endowed with powerful assets including great human capital, vibrant civil societies, a social market economy with high labour and environmental standards, world-class companies and, last but not least, a model of governance that reconciles national sovereignty with inter-state cooperation and political integration. 296 We have been witnessing demonstrations and social unrest in several countries around the world. Democracy is being tested everywhere. Change has also come to the other parts of the world, not just in Europe. The huge rise of global middle class – from 1.8 billion today to 3.2 billion in 2020 and 4.9 billion in 2050 – is an enormous factor of transformation in the world. Better services, housing, healthcare, environment and political accountability will be in high demand. Everyone needs to adapt and reform. We understood this quickly in Europe; it is important that other countries and other regions of the world do the same.

Dear colleagues,

Ultimately the world needs smart, sustainable and inclusive economic growth. This is what I will be discussing later in the week when I will travel to Saint Petersburg, together with President Van Rompuy, to represent the EU at the G20 Summit.

Trade is one engine for such growth: we need to remain open and tap into the growth potential of other regions of the world. Thanks to the openness of our trade regime the EU remains the biggest player on the global trading scene. Latest figures indicate that the European Union has a trade surplus of 10 billion euros with the rest of the world [17.3 billion euro surplus in the case of the Euro area].

The EU is the largest exporter and the largest importer of goods among the G20. And we are the leading trading partner of more than 80 countries, among them the United States, China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa.

We remain the most important global player precisely because we are united. We want trade to be open and fair, abiding by international norms and rules. Free trade for all must not be a free ride for some. We will only achieve that if we remain am- bitious in opening and concluding trade deals that promote growth and jobs for our economy and if we remain cohesive when upholding European and international norms to ensure a level playing field. A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Such deals can have a significant impact. For instance, the annual budget of an av- erage European family should increase by some €500 once the EU-US negotiations launched in June 2013 are successfully concluded. The rest of the world also stands to benefit from the positive impact of this trade agreement, as it is set to produce a spill-over effect adding an extra €100 billion to the world economy.

And despite our ambitious bilateral trade agenda, which also includes FTAs with Ja- pan, Canada, India, Southeast Asian countries, neighbouring countries and Mercosur we remain committed to the Doha agenda and to the multilateral process. We expect that these agreements can serve as an incentive to progress in global trade talks.

Energy is another essential element of our competitiveness and economic security. A chain is as strong as its weakest link, and our Union is only as “energy secure” as the most exposed of our members. This is why we need to complete our internal energy market by the end of next year – and I have worked hard to get Member States to agree on this, and eliminate any energy islands that still might exist in the Europe. This is, by the way, also a major driver of growth in Europe. 297

And on the external front, we have also improved our game and reinforced our diver- sity of supplies – the important recent decisions taken on the Southern Gas Corridor, a key priority for the Commission, being an illustration of that progress.

Just as globalisation has accentuated new economic challenges, it has also led to other global issues for example, climate change and ensuring sustainable development.

Here the internal policies of the Union play a strong role in shaping our external actions.

Let me take the example of climate change – one of the most critical challenges we face. The greenhouse gas emissions of the EU account for only around 11% of global emissions, and our continued success in reducing them through our ambitious energy and climate package until 2020 means this share will fall further in the future. Already today, our per capita emissions amount to less than half those of the US and are at similar levels to the, rapidly increasing, per capita emissions of China.

Therefore, it is obvious that we need a truly global climate agreement to really protect our planet. We need a comprehensive, legally binding arrangement that covers all emitters. The next two years will be crucial in fleshing out this global agreement, and we must remain at the forefront of this work with our green diplomacy.

In particular, we must continue supporting developing countries in their efforts to combat climate change. They are key allies here! The EU is the world’s largest donor of climate finance to developing countries. As you know, we already provided over €7.3bn in ‘fast start’ finance to developing countries in 2010-2012, more than orig- inally pledged. As of next year, at least 20% of our external aid under the new MFF will go to sustainability purposes. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Beyond global climate action, there will be a second key “rendez-vous” in 2015: meet- ing the Millennium Development Goals and agreeing on a new global development agenda which should combine the fight against poverty with the fight for sustaina- bility.

Europe is and remains the world’s most generous donor of development aid and ac- counts for more than half of the global aid, even in difficult economic times. Our new Multi-annual Financial Framework from 2014-2020 will maintain our high levels of external aid. I have fought hard for this, not just because it is the right thing to do from a moral perspective but also because it is central to our strategic credibility, as our Delegations which implement our many projects know better than anyone else.

We are also actively working to develop the export potential of developing countries in a fair and equitable manner. This is key, as development can only be achieved via the gradual integration of all countries into the global economy.

298 Dear Colleagues,

Each one of you knows that day in, day out, we do make a difference on the ground. Through the prospect of EU membership, through our power of attraction, we are slowly but surely bringing about change in the key area of South Eastern Europe. This year, through the tireless efforts of Cathy Ashton and her team, we achieved a historic deal between Serbia and Kosovo which was only possible because it was complement- ed by parallel steps of setting a date for opening accession negotiations with Serbia and starting negotiations for a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Kosovo.

Later in the year we will have a historical rendezvous in Vilnius for our third Eastern Partnership Summit, launched during my tenure as President of the Commission. We are close to concluding the main objective of political association and economic integration with most of these countries.

This should be a decisive step for anchoring their reform process and their gradual approximation to EU. But this is just a step, albeit an important one. They will have to show that they want to travel the rest of the journey. It will ultimately depend on them and on their will and determination to live by EU principles and norms. Their sovereign decisions need to be fully respected and they should decide free of any ex- ternal pressures.

The tragic situation in some countries of our Southern Neighbourhood is a powerful reminder that we have not reached the end of history. History is being lived and fought in the quarters of Damascus and Homs, in the squares of Cairo and Alexandria and in the streets of Tunis.

Syria remains a stain on the world’s conscience; we are now witnessing things which we thought were long eradicated from human behaviour. The use of chemical weap- ons is an abhorrent act that deserves our firm condemnation. It cannot go unnoticed or unpunished. But we should also focus on a comprehensive solution for the conflict. The chance of peace is fading quickly it is our collective duty to restore it. A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Egypt also shows that democracy is not a calm river that always flows in a straight line. There are many twists and turns. For democracy to be built we need people and forces committed to its principles and to the fundamental freedoms that underpin it. It is essential that in Egypt both the interim authorities and the opposition show this commitment.

In my last State of the Union address I spoke of my commitment to a united, strong and open Europe. With an influential and more effective foreign policy at its heart. This also requires a stronger and more effective EU defence policy. We need to rein- force our capacity to participate in military and civilian missions aimed at stabilising regions in conflict. We need to assume our responsibilities in the world as a force for stability. We need to reinvigorate an important sector of our industry with a high innovation and technology content. And we need to make the most of our taxpayers’ money.

These were the principles that have guided the Commission recent communication on Defence which I hope will be matched by a similar degree of ambition by the Eu- 299 ropean Council when it meets in December to discuss European Defence.

We want a world of international cooperation based on a rules based global order. Our partnership with the UN is fundamental in this respect. Just last weekend, I co-sponsored with UN Secretary General Ban Ki moon a strategic retreat with global leaders from various walks of life exactly to reflect on global challenges and reinforce this common vision of an effective multilateralism. But let’s not fool ourselves. Com- petition still exists and will exist for a long time: competition for growth, competition for resources, and competition of models. These are all compelling reasons why the EU needs to hang together if it does not want to be hung high and dry separately.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In previous speeches I referred to all of you who started this project of the EEAS as true pioneers. But with these three years of hard work I think you have already moved from pioneers to settlers.

We have achieved a lot together in the short time since the creation of the EEAS. There is much more to be done. I am certain that building on the foundations which have been created the external dimension of the European Union will continue to be reinforced. This is the dimension you represent in terms of daily work, commitment and intellectual input; this is the dimension which will continue to be one of the pil- lars on which the future of our Union is built: a Union which meets the aspirations of citizens and plays a full and constructive role in the world.

I thank you for your attention and look forward to your comments and questions.

State of the Union Address 2013

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 11 SEPTEMBER 2013

Mr. President, Presidency of the Council, Honourable Members, Ladies and gentle- 301 men,

n 8 months’ time, voters across Europe will judge what we have achieved together I in the last 5 years. In these 5 years, Europe has been more present in the lives of citizens than ever before. Europe has been discussed in the coffee houses and popular talk shows all over our continent.

Today, I want to look at what we have done together. At what we have yet to do. And I want to present what I believe are the main ideas for a truly European political debate ahead of next year’s elections.

Honourable Members,

As we speak, exactly 5 years ago, the United States government took over Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, bailed out AIG, and Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy protection.

These events triggered the global financial crisis. It evolved into an unprecedented economic crisis. And it became a social crisis with dramatic consequences for many of our citizens. These events have aggravated the debt problem that still distresses our governments. They have led to an alarming increase in unemployment, especially amongst young people. And they are still holding back our households and our com- panies.

But Europe has fought back. In those 5 years, we have given a determined response. We suffered the crisis together. We realised we had to fight it together. And we did, and we are doing it. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

If we look back and think about what we have done together to unite Europe through- out the crisis, I think it is fair to say that we would never have thought all of this pos- sible 5 years ago.

We are fundamentally reforming the financial sector so that people’s savings are safe.

We have improved the way governments work together, how they return to sound public finances and modernise their economies.

We have mobilised over 700 billion euro to pull crisis-struck countries back from the brink, the biggest effort ever in stabilisation between countries.

I still vividly remember my meeting last year with chief economists of many of our leading banks. Most of them were expecting Greece to leave the euro. All of them feared the disintegration of the euro area. Now, we can give a clear reply to those fears: no one has left or has been forced to leave the euro. This year, the European Union en- 302 larged from 27 to 28 member states. Next year the euro area will grow from 17 to 18.

What matters now is what we make of this progress. Do we talk it up, or talk it down? Do we draw confidence from it to pursue what we have started, or do we belittle the results of our efforts?

Honourable members,

I just came back from the G20 in Saint Petersburg. I can tell you: this year, contrary to recent years, we Europeans did not receive any lessons from other parts of the world on how to address the crisis. We received appreciation and encouragement.

Not because the crisis is over, because it is not over. The resilience of our Union will continue to be tested. But what we are doing creates the confidence that we are over- coming the crisis – provided we are not complacent.

We are tackling our challenges together.

We have to tackle them together.

In our world of geo-economic and geopolitical tectonic changes, I believe that only together, as the European Union, we can give our citizens what they aspire: that our values, our interests, our prosperity are protected and promoted in the age of globali- sation.

So now is the time to rise above purely national issues and parochial interests and to have real progress for Europe. To bring a truly European perspective to the debate with national constituencies.

Now is the time for all those who care about Europe, whatever their political or ideo- logical position, wherever they come from, to speak up for Europe. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

If we ourselves don’t do it, we cannot expect others to do it either.

Honourable Members,

We have come a long way since the start of the crisis.

In last year’s State of the Union speech, I stated that ‘despite all [our] efforts, our re- sponses have not yet convinced citizens, markets or our international partners’.

One year on, the facts tell us that our efforts have started to convince. Overall spreads are coming down. The most vulnerable countries are paying less to borrow. Industrial output is increasing. Market trust is returning. Stock markets are performing well. The business outlook is steadily improving. Consumer confidence is sharply rising.

We see that the countries who are most vulnerable to the crisis and are now doing most to reform their economies, are starting to note positive results. 303 In Spain, as a signal of the very important reforms and increased competitiveness, exports of goods and services now make up 33% of GDP, more than ever since the introduction of the euro. Ireland has been able to draw money from capital markets since the summer of 2012, the economy is expected to grow for a third consecutive year in 2013 and Irish manufacturing companies are re-hiring staff.

In Portugal, the external current account, which was structurally negative, is now expected to be broadly balanced, and growth is picking up after many quarters in the red. Greece has completed, just in 3 years, a truly remarkable fiscal adjustment, is regaining competitiveness and is nearing for the first time in decades a primary surplus. And Cyprus, that has started the programme later, is also implementing it as scheduled, which is the pre-condition for a return to growth.

For Europe, recovery is within sight.

Of course, we need to be vigilant. ‘One swallow does not make a summer, nor one fine day’. Let us be realistic in the analysis. Let us not overestimate, but let’s also not underestimate what has been done. Even one fine quarter doesn’t mean we are out of the economic heavy weather. But it does prove we are on the right track. On the basis of the figures and evolutions as we now see them, we have good reason to be confident.

This should push us to keep up our efforts. We owe it to those for whom the recovery is not yet within reach, to those who do not yet profit from positive developments. We owe it to our 26 million unemployed. Especially to the young people who are looking to us to give them hope. Hope and confidence are also part of the economic equation.

Honourable members,

If we are where we are today, it is because we have shown the resolve to adapt both our politics and our policies to the lessons drawn from the crisis. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

And when I say ‘we’, I really mean: ‘we’: it has really been a joint effort.

At each and every step, you, the European Parliament, you have played a decisive role through one of the most impressive records of legislative work ever. I personally believe this is not sufficiently known by the citizens of Europe, and you deserve more credit and recognition for this.

So let us continue to work together to reform our economies, for growth and jobs, and to adapt our institutional architecture. Only if we do so, we will leave this phase of the crisis behind us as well.

There is a lot we can still deliver together, in this Parliament’s and this Commission’s mandate.

What we can and must do, first and foremost, let’s be concrete is delivering the bank- ing union. It is the first and most urgent phase on the way to deepen our economic 304 and monetary union, as mapped out in the Commission’s Blueprint presented last autumn.

The legislative process on the Single Supervisory Mechanism is almost completed. The next step is the ECBs independent valuation of banks assets, before it takes up its supervisory role.

Our attention now must urgently turn to the Single Resolution Mechanism. The Commission’s proposal is on the table since July and, together, we must do the neces- sary to have it adopted still during this term.

It is the way to ensure that taxpayers are no longer the ones in the front line for pay- ing the price of bank failure. It is the way to make progress in decoupling bank from sovereign risk.

It is the way to remedy one of the most alarming and unacceptable results of the cri- sis: increased fragmentation of Europe’s financial sector and credit markets - even an implicit re-nationalisation.

And it is also the way to help restoring normal lending to the economy, notably to SMEs. Because in spite of the accommodating monetary policy, credit is not yet sufficiently flowing to the economy across the euro area. This needs to be addressed resolutely.

Ultimately, this is about one thing: growth, which is necessary to remedy today’s most pressing problem: unemployment. The current level of unemployment is economi- cally unsustainable, politically untenable, socially unacceptable. So all of us here in the Commission – and I’m happy to have all my Commissioners today here with me - all of us want to work intensively with you, and with the member states, to deliver as much of our growth agenda as we possibly can, we are mobilizing all instruments, but of course we have to be honest, not all are at European level, some are at national STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013 level. I want to focus on implementation of the decisions on youth employment and financing of the real economy. We need to avoid a jobless recovery.

Europe therefore must speed up the pace of structural reforms. Our Country Specific Recommendations set out what the member states must do in this respect.

At EU level - because there is what can be done at national level and what can be done at European level -, the focus should be on what matters most for the real economy: exploiting the full potential of the single market comes first.

We have a well-functioning single market for goods, and we see the economic ben- efits of that. We need to extend the same formula to other areas: mobility, commu- nications, energy, finance and e-commerce, to name but a few. We have to remove the obstacles that hold back dynamic companies and people. We have to complete connecting Europe.

I’d like to announce that, today, we will formally adopt a proposal that gives a push 305 towards a single market for telecoms. Citizens know that Europe has dramatically brought down their costs for roaming. Our proposal will strengthen guarantees and lower prices for consumers, and present new opportunities for companies. We know that in the future, trade will be more and more digital. Isn’t it a paradox that we have an internal market for goods but when it comes to digital market we have 28 national markets? How can we grab all the opportunities of the future that are opened by the digital economy if we don’t conclude this internal market?

The same logic applies to the broader digital agenda: it solves real problems and im- proves daily life for citizens. The strength of Europe’s future industrial base depends on how well people and businesses are interconnected. And by properly combining the digital agenda with data protection and the defence of privacy, our European model strengthens the trust of the citizens. Both with respect to internal and external developments, adopting the proposed legislation on data protection is of utmost im- portance to the European Commission.

The single market is a key lever for competitiveness and employment. Adopting all remaining proposals under the Single Market Act I and II, and implementing the Connecting Europe Facility in the next few months, we lay the foundations for pros- perity in the years to come.

We are also adapting to a dynamic transformation on a global scale, so we must encourage this innovative dynamism at a European scale. That is why we must also invest more in innovation, in technology and the role of science. I have great faith in science, in the capacity of the human mind and a creative society to solve its prob- lems. The world is changing dramatically. And I believe many of the solutions are going to come, in Europe and outside Europe, from new science studies, from new technologies. And I would like Europe to be leading that effort globally. This is why we - Parliament and Commission - have made such a priority of Horizon 2020 in the discussions on the EU budget. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

That is why we use the EU budget to invest in skills, education and vocational train- ing, dynamising and supporting talent. That is why we have pushed for Erasmus Plus.

And that is why, later this autumn, we will make further proposals for an industrial policy fit for the 21st century. Why we mobilize support for SMEs because we believe a strong dynamic industrial base is indispensable for a strong European economy.

And whilst fighting climate change, our 20-20-20 goals have set our economy on the path to green growth and resource efficiency, reducing costs and creating jobs.

By the end of this year, we will come out with concrete proposals for our energy and climate framework up to 2030. And we will continue to shape the international agenda by fleshing out a comprehensive, legally binding global climate agreement by 2015, with our partners. Europe alone cannot do all the fight for climate change. Frankly, we need the others also on board. At the same time, we will pursue our work on the impact of energy prices on competitiveness and on social cohesion. 306 All these drivers for growth are part of our ‘Europe 2020’ agenda, and fully and swift- ly implementing it is more urgent than ever. In certain cases, we need to go beyond the 2020 agenda.

This means we must also pursue our active and assertive trade agenda. It is about linking us closer to growing third markets and guaranteeing our place in the global supply chain. Contrary to perception, where most of our citizens think we are losing in global trade, we have a significant and increasing trade surplus of more than 300 billion euro a year, goods, services, and agriculture. We need to build on that. This too will demand our full attention in the months to come, notably with the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the US and the negotiations with Canada and Japan.

And last but not least, we need to step up our game in implementing the Multiannual Financial Framework, the European budget. The EU budget is the most concrete lever we have at hand to boost investments. In some of our regions, the European Union budget is the only way to get public investment because they don’t have the sources at national level.

Both the European Parliament and the Commission wanted more resources. We have been in that fight together. But even so, one single year’s EU budget represents more money - in today’s prices - than the whole Marshall plan in its time! Let us now make sure that the programmes can start on the 1st of January 2014. That the results are being felt on the ground. And that we use the possibilities of innovative financing, from instruments that have already started, to EIB money, to project bonds.

We have to make good on the commitment we have made in July. From the Commis- sion’s side, we will deliver. We will, for example, present the second amending budget for 2013 still this month. There is no time to waste, so I warn against holding it up. In particular, I urge member states not to delay. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

I cannot emphasise this enough: citizens will not be convinced with rhetoric and promises only, but only with a concrete set of common achievements. We have to show the many areas where Europe has solved problems for citizens. Europe is not the cause of problems, Europe is part of the solution.

I address what we have to do still more extensively in today’s letter to the President of the European Parliament, which you will also have received. I will not go now in detail regarding the programme for next year.

My point today is clear: together, there is a lot still to achieve before the elections. It is not the time to thrown in the towel, it is time to roll up our sleeves.

Honourable Members,

None of this is easy. These are challenging times, a real stress test for the EU. The path of permanent and profound reform is as demanding as it is unavoidable. Let’s make no mistake: there is no way back to business as usual. Some people believe that after 307 this everything will come back as it was before. They are wrong, This crisis is different. This is not a cyclical crisis, but a structural one. We will not come back to the old nor- mal. We have to shape a new normal. We are in a transformative period of history. We have to understand that, and not just say it. But we have to draw all the consequences from that, including in our state of mind, and how we react to the problems.

We see from the first results that it is possible.

And we all know from experience that it is necessary.

At this point in time, with a fragile recovery, the biggest downside risk I see is po- litical: lack of stability and lack of determination. Over the last years we have seen that anything that casts doubt on governments’ commitment to reform is instantly punished. On the positive side, strong and convincing decisions have an important and immediate impact.

In this phase of the crisis, governments’ job is to provide the certainty and predicta- bility that markets still lack.

Surely, you all know Justus Lipsius. Justus Lipsius is the name of the Council building in Brussels. Justus Lipsius was a very influential 16th century humanist scholar, who wrote a very important book called De Constantia.

He wrote, ‘Constancy is a right and immovable strength of the mind, neither lifted up nor pressed down with external or casual accidents.’ Only a ‘strength of the mind’, he argued, based on ‘judgment and sound reason’, can help you through confusing and alarming times.

I hope that in these times, these difficult times, all of us, including the governments’ representatives that meet at the Justus Lipsius building, show that determination, that perseverance, when it comes to the implementation of the decisions taken. Because EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

one of the issues that we have is to be coherent, not just take decisions, but afterwards be able to implement them on the ground.

Honourable members,

It is only natural that, over the last few years, our efforts to overcome the economic crisis have overshadowed everything else.

But our idea of Europe needs to go far beyond the economy. We are much more than a market. The European ideal touches the very foundations of European society. It is about values, and I underline this word: values. It is based on a firm belief in political, social and economic standards, grounded in our social market economy.

In today’s world, the EU level is indispensable to protect these values and standards and promote citizens’ rights: from consumer protection to labour rights, from wom- en’s rights to respect for minorities, from environmental standards to data protection 308 and privacy.

Whether defending our interests in international trade, securing our energy provi- sion, or restoring people’s sense of fairness by fighting tax fraud and tax evasion: only by acting as a Union do we pull our weight at the world stage.

Whether seeking impact for the development and humanitarian aid we give to de- veloping countries, managing our common external borders or seeking to develop in Europe a strong security and defense policy: only by integrating more can we really reach our objectives.

There is no doubt about it. Our internal coherence and international relevance are inextricably linked. Our economic attraction and political traction are fundamentally entwined.

Does anyone seriously believe that, if the euro had collapsed, we or our Member States would still have any credibility left internationally?

Does everyone still realise how enlargement has been a success in terms of healing his- tory’s deep scars, establishing democracies where no one had thought it possible? How neighbourhood policy was and still is the best way to provide security and prosperity in regions of vital importance for Europe? Where would we be without all of this?

Today, countries like Ukraine are more than ever seeking closer ties to the European Union, attracted by our economic and social model. We cannot turn our back on them. We cannot accept any attempts to limit these countries own sovereign choices. Free will and free consent need to be respected. These are also the principles that lie at the basis of our Eastern Partnership, which we want to take forward at our summit in Vilnius.

And does everyone still remember just how much Europe has suffered from its wars during the last century, and how European integration was the valid answer? STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

Next year, it will be one century after the start of the First World War. A war that tore Europe apart, from Sarajevo to the Somme. We must never take peace for granted. We need to recall that it is because of Europe that former enemies now sit around the same table and work together. It is only because they were offered a European perspective that now even Serbia and Kosovo come to an agreement, under mediation of the EU.

Last year’s Nobel Peace Prize reminded us of that historic achievement: that Europe is a project of peace.

We should be more aware of it ourselves. Sometimes I think we should not be ashamed to be proud. Not arrogant. But more proud. We should look towards the future, but with a wisdom we gained from the past.

Let me say this to all those who rejoice in Europe’s difficulties and who want to roll back our integration and go back to isolation: the pre-integrated Europe of the divi- sions, the war, the trenches, is not what people desire and deserve. The European con- 309 tinent has never in its history known such a long period of peace as since the creation of the European Community. It is our duty to preserve it and deepen it.

Honourable members,

It is precisely with our values that we address the unbearable situation in Syria, which has tested, over the last months, the world’s conscience so severely. The European Union has led the international aid response by mobilising close to 1.5 billion euros, of which €850 million comes directly from the EU budget. The Commission will do its utmost to help the Syrian people and refugees in neighbouring countries.

We have recently witnessed events we thought had long been eradicated. The use of chemical weapons is a horrendous act that deserves a clear condemnation and a strong answer. The international community, with the UN at its centre, carries a collective responsibility to sanction these acts and to put an end to this conflict. The proposal to put Syria’s chemical weapons beyond use is potentially a positive development. The Syrian regime must now demonstrate that it will implement this without any delay. In Europe, we believe that, ultimately, only a political solution stands a chance of delivering the lasting peace that the Syrian people deserve.

Honourable members,

There are those who claim that a weaker Europe would make their country stronger, that Europe is a burden; that they would be better off without it.

My reply is clear: we all need a Europe that is united, strong and open.

In the debate that is ongoing all across Europe, the bottom-line question is: Do we want to improve Europe, or give it up?

My answer is clear: let’s engage! EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

If you don’t like Europe as it is: improve it!

Find ways to make it stronger, internally and internationally, and you will have in me the firmest of supporters. Find ways that allow for diversity without creating discrim- inations, and I will be with you all the way.

But don’t turn away from it.

I recognize: as any human endeavour, the EU is not perfect.

For example, controversies about the division of labour between the national and European levels will never be conclusively ended.

I value subsidiarity highly. For me, subsidiarity is not a technical concept. It is a fun- damental democratic principle. An ever closer union among the citizens of Europe demands that decisions are taken as openly as possible and as closely to the people as 310 possible.

Not everything needs a solution at European level. Europe must focus on where it can add most value. Where this is not the case, it should not meddle. The EU needs to be big on big things and smaller on smaller things - something we may occasionally have neglected in the past. The EU needs to show it has the capacity to set both positive and negative priorities. As all governments, we need to take extra care of the quality and quantity of our regulation knowing that, as Montesquieu said, ‘les lois inutiles affaiblissent les lois nécessaires’. [‘Useless laws weaken the necessary ones’.]

But there are, honourable members, areas of major importance where Europe must have more integration, more unity. Where only a strong Europe can deliver results.

I believe a political union needs to be our political horizon, as I stressed in last year’s State of the Union. This is not just the demand of a passionate European. This is the indispensable way forward to consolidate our progress and ensure the future.

Ultimately, the solidity of our policies, namely of the economic and monetary union, depend on the credibility of the political and institutional construct that supports it.

So we have mapped out, in the Commission Blueprint for a deep and genuine Eco- nomic and Monetary Union, not only the economic and monetary features, but also the necessities, possibilities and limits of deepening our institutional set-up in the me- dium and long term. The Commission will continue to work for the implementation of its Blueprint, step by step, one phase after the other.

And I confirm, as announced last year, the intention to present, before the European elections, further ideas on the future of our Union and how best to consolidate and deepen the community method and community approach in the longer term. That way, they can be subject to a real European debate. They will set out the principles and orientations that are necessary for a true political union. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

Honourable Members,

We can only meet the challenges of our time if we strengthen the consensus on fun- damental objectives.

Politically, we must not be divided by differences between the euro area and those outside it, between the centre and the periphery, between the North and the South, between East and West. The European Union must remain a project for all members, a community of equals.

Economically, Europe has always been a way to close gaps between countries, regions and people. And that must remain so. We cannot do member states’ work for them. The responsibility remains theirs. But we can and must complement it with European responsibility and European solidarity.

For that reason, strengthening the social dimension is a priority for the months to come, together with our social partners. The Commission will come with its commu- 311 nication on the social dimension of the economic and monetary union on the 2nd of October. Solidarity is a key element of what being part of Europe is all about, and something to take pride in.

Safeguarding its values, such as the rule of law, is what the European Union was made to do, from its inception to the latest chapters in enlargement.

In last year’s State of the Union speech, at a moment of challenges to the rule of law in our own member states, I addressed the need to make a bridge between political persuasion and targeted infringement procedures on the one hand, and what I call the nuclear option of Article 7 of the Treaty, namely suspension of a member states’ rights.

Experience has confirmed the usefulness of the Commission role as an independent and objective referee. We should consolidate this experience through a more general framework. It should be based on the principle of equality between member states, activated only in situations where there is a serious, systemic risk to the rule of law, and triggered by pre-defined benchmarks.

The Commission will come forward with a communication on this. I believe it is a debate that is key to our idea of Europe.

This does not mean that national sovereignty or democracy are constrained. But we do need a robust European mechanism to influence the equation when basic com- mon principles are at stake.

There are certain non-negotiable values that the EU and its member states must and shall always defend.

Honourable Members, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The polarisation that resulted from the crisis poses a risk to us all, to the project, to the European project.

We, legitimate political representatives of the European Union, can turn the tide. You, the democratic representatives of Europe, directly elected, will be at the forefront of the political debate. The question I want to pose is: which picture of Europe will voters be presented with? The candid version, or the cartoon version? The myths or the facts? The honest, reasonable version, or the extremist, populist version? It’s an important difference.

I know some people out there will say Europe is to blame for the crisis and the hard- ship.

But we can remind people that Europe was not at the origin of this crisis. It resulted from mismanagement of public finances by national governments and irresponsible behaviour in financial markets. 312 We can explain how Europe has worked to fix the crisis. What we would have lost if we hadn’t succeeded in upholding the single market, because it was under threat, and the common currency, because some people predicted the end of the euro. If we hadn’t coordinated recovery efforts and employment initiatives.

Some people will say that Europe is forcing governments to cut spending.

But we can remind voters that government debt got way out of hand even before the crisis, not because of but despite Europe. We can add that the most vulnerable in our societies, and our children, would end up paying the price if we don’t persevere now. And the truth is that countries inside the euro or outside the euro, in Europe or outside Europe, they are making efforts to curb their very burdened public finances.

Some will campaign saying that we have given too much money to vulnerable coun- tries. Others will say we have given too little money to vulnerable countries.

But every one of us can explain what we did and why: there is a direct link between one country’s loans and another country’s banks, between one country’s investments and another country’s businesses, between one country’s workers and another coun- try’s companies. This kind of interdependence means only European solutions work.

What I tell people is: when you are in the same boat, one cannot say: ‘your end of the boat is sinking.’ We were in the same boat when things went well, and we are in it together when things are difficult.

Some people might campaign saying: Europe has grabbed too much power. Others will claim Europe always does too little, too late. The interesting things is that some- times we have the same people saying that Europe is not doing enough and at the same time that’s not giving more means to Europe to do what Europe has to do. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

But we can explain that member states have entrusted Europe with tasks and com- petences. The European Union is not a foreign power. It is the result of democratic decisions by the European institutions and by member states.

At the same time we must acknowledge that, in some areas, Europe still lacks the power to do what is asked of it. A fact that is all too easily forgotten by those, and there are many out there, who always like to nationalise success and Europeanise failure. Ultimately, what we have, and what we don’t have, is the result of democratic decision-making. And I think we should remind people of that.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Mr President,

Honourable members,

I hope the European Parliament will take up this challenge with all the idealism it 313 holds, with as much realism and determination as the times demand of us.

The arguments are there.

The facts are there.

The agenda has been set out.

In 8 months’ time, voters will decide.

Now, it’s up to us to make the case for Europe.

We can do so by using the next 8 months to conclude as much as we can. We have a lot to do still.

Adopt and implement the European budget, the MFF. This is critical for investment in our regions all over Europe. This is indispensable for the first priority we have: to fight against unemployment, notably youth unemployment.

Advance and implement the banking union. This is critical to address the problem of financing for businesses and SMEs.

These are our clear priorities: employment and growth.

Our job is not finished. It is in its decisive phase.

Because, Honourable Members, the elections will not only be about the European Parliament, nor will they be about the European Commission or about the Council or about this or that personality.

They will be about Europe. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

We will be judged together.

So let us work together - for Europe.

With passion and with determination.

Let us not forget: one hundred years ago –Europe was sleepwalking into the catastro- phe of the war of 1914.

Next year, in 2014, I hope Europe will be walking out of the crisis towards a Europe that is more united, stronger and open.

Thank you for your attention.

314 Statement at the Eastern Partnership Summit

EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT VILNIUS, 29 NOVEMBER 2013

et me first thank President Grybauskaite of Lithuania for the organisation of 315 L this very successful summit. Four years ago, when we launched the Eastern Partnership, our objective was to support partner countries’ political and economic reforms, to assist their moderni- sation process and to move them closer to the European Union, while respecting the degree of closeness chosen by each one.

This Vilnius Summit has been a summit of real progress, a Summit where we have delivered on our commitments.

The Association Agreements which Moldova and Georgia have been initialled today and they are a very important force for change.

I firmly believe that these Association Agreements including a Deep and Comprehen- sive Free Trade Area provide the best possible opportunity for political and economic reform today. History can show us why.

In the early 1990s, ten central and eastern European countries signed up to Free Trade Agreements with the European Union, including the country where we are today. Within 6 years, the GDP per capita in these countries had increased by 57%. Investment per capita had increased by 61%. And exports per capita had increased by 65%. As a result of these Agreements, those ten countries began one of the major transformations of their recent history.

So I think it is very important to remind us of the record already of Free Trade Agree- ments that we have before the accession of the new Member states of the European Union.

Contrary to what some are suggesting, these Association Agreements and Free Trade Agreements have been an extremely important contribution to growth, to jobs, to social and economic development in all those partners. Partners, some of them that EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

today are full members of the European Union. One of them is having the current Presidency of the Council, it is precisely Lithuania.

Yesterday and today we have discussed about this. Many of those new Member states said what they have gained becoming members of the European Union and how im- portant is the European Union as a guarantee of independence and of social economic development.

During our summit, today and yesterday we have reiterated to Ukraine that the offer to sign these Agreements remains on the table, provided the government of Ukraine delivers on its commitments.

This Agreement would save Ukrainian business some 500 million euros a year just in import duties. It would increase Ukraine’s GDP by more than six per cent in the longer term. And by confirming Ukraine’s modernisation pledge, it would also give momentum to billion-euro loan negotiations with International Financial Institu- 316 tions. The Ukrainian people have demonstrated these last days that they fully under- stand the strategic nature of the reform’s path. We know how much the Ukrainian people feel European, how much they care about Europe, how much they aspire to be recognised as members of the democratic community of nations of Europe and we will of course now pursue our conversations with our Ukrainian partners, knowing well that we should always respect Ukraine’s sovereign decisions.

Because this partnership was from the very outset based on the key principles of mu- tual respect, transparency, individual and collective ownership.

This Partnership was never an imposition, but rather a proposition.

And all stand to gain. Our neighbours; and the neighbours of our neighbours. Let me be clear, this is a process for something. This is a process not against someone. This is a process for something; it is for democracy, for stability and for prosperity. It is not against someone, because I don’t believe someone should be against democracy, against stability or against prosperity.

And our partnership also has a real meaning for the citizens.

Take firstly the issue of travelling without the need for a visa. Something very con- crete, something all our young people in Europe want: freedom of movement. Just a fortnight ago, the Commission published its final report on visa liberalisation for Moldovan citizens. Moldova has met all the benchmarks set, so the European Com- mission has already issued a proposal to enable visa-free travel to the European Union for Moldovan citizens who own a biometric passport.

Today, we have also signed a Visa Facilitation Agreement with Azerbaijan, which will make the process of applying for an European Union visa easier. By the way, with Azerbaijan, today we’ve heard the President and also the members of the European Union showing their commitment to the progress in our strategic modernisation partnership. And today also, we knew about the willingness of Belarus to negotiate STATEMENT AT THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT a Visa Facilitation Agreement. I’m sure this will be for the benefit of the Belarussian citizens, especially their young people. And I also hope that the future democratisa- tion of Belarus will enable the country to fully seize the potential of this partnership. So, the point I want to make clear is the following: the Eastern Partnership is not just about the economy or not just about abstract concepts; it’s about concrete benefits for citizens, removing barriers, enabling people to meet each other. It is in fact a transfor- mational project of the highest importance.

An important issue that we also discussed is energy. Making sure that no European nation is an energy island – isolated from European networks. That is why we have taken very tangible steps over the last years to link our neighbours to the EU market, through new corridors, new physical connections, the possibility of reverse flows, support for their domestic energy reforms and so on, everything to bolster our shared energy security.

And today we have shown, as European Union, that we can deliver on our com- mitments. I want to thank all of those that made possible the progress today. And 317 allow me a special word of thanks to my colleagues in the Commission. Of course to Vice-President and High Representative Cathy Ashton, but also to Commissioner Füle, who is responsible for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy and of course Commissioner for trade Karel De Gucht. And other colleagues also that are giving their contribution in energy or in the issue of visa-free travel, from Commissioner Oettinger to Commissioner Malmström, the European Commission is fully behind this agenda and today I was very happy to see the strong support of all the European Union Member States and also the willingness of our partners in the East to go for- ward in this common journey.

I thank you.

Address on a New Narrative for Europe at the Opening of the Milan General Assembly

NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE MILAN, 9 DECEMBER 2013

Presidente Letta, Prime Minister Bratušek, Senatore Monti, President of ISPI, Distin- 319 guished guests, Ladies and gentlemen, Dear friends,

et me start by thanking Prime Minister Enrico Letta. When I spoke to him some time ago, some months ago, suggesting that the second General Assembly L of this New Narrative for Europe could be organised here in Milan, immedi- ately he embraced this idea and he promised me his full support. I want to thank you very sincerely Enrico also for your inspiring words today. I know they are extremely sincere and they show your commitment and, I would even say, your passion for Europe. And I know that in Italy, here in Milano, and in Italy, we can feel this spirit. And I know that you are going to keep this line.

My words of appreciation also go to Prime Minister Bratušek. In fact you represent that new Europe that now unites us. In fact even if I am a man - I think I don’t have to apologise for that - I am one of those who believe that women have brought so much to our Union. And probably it is good to remind, in fact we discussed this last night, that in the very founding charter of the European community, the Treaty of Rome, it was already recognised in the fifties, that men and women are equal in rights. And this was important also for the shaping of our policies, even if you believe that something has still to be done on that matter.

It is a personal pleasure for me to have the opportunity to be with such a distin- guished audience in such a vibrant city, a cradle of culture, creativity and innovation, as Milan is.

I would like to congratulate ISPI for its 80th anniversary and also for its European vocation. And also I believe it was difficult to find a better place than Milano, because, as the President of the Italian government just said, Milano has now a destiny to be our capital and I will be happy after this meeting together with Prime Minister Letta and the other authorities to witness the signing of the European Union, the European Commission contribution to that very important European and global exhibition here in Milano in 2015. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Ladies and gentlemen,

At our previous General Assembly in Warsaw we discussed how Europe’s cultural heritage and academic disciplines – our European soft power – can contribute to respond to the crisis and develop a new notion of European citizenship and how men and women of culture can inspire young people.

I think we all know that the word Europe comes from the goddess Europe, Europa. And one of the questions we should raise today is how can we make today’s Europe as attractive for the Europeans as Europa was for Zeus.

After all Europa is the central character of Antonio Salieri’s Europa Riconosciuta that was first performed for the original inauguration of La Scala in 1778; and also a few centuries later was chosen for its reopening in December 2004 after a 3-year major refurbishment. So how can we recognise Europe today? This is indeed a point; a point that was already mentioned in the very eloquent intervention of Enrico Letta. 320 We have also this morning heard two excellent keynote speeches by Professor Jean- Marc Ferry and Professor Elena Cattaneo with a lot of food for thought. I really want to thank you. Because from two different perspectives, namely philosophy and cul- ture, and including political science, on one hand, to science, research, neuroscience on the other, we understood better where Europe is and where Europe may be going. Those statements vividly illustrate how much insights from thinkers, from scholars, scientists, artists can help us navigate in this transformative moment. Because indeed I believe we are in the midst of a turning point, a very important challenge for Europe that has to do of course with globalisation.

We are at the turning point and all turning points in history: our fraught with uncer- tainty and anxiety, angst. This in Europe is now reinforced, of course, by the social problems that we have in so many of our countries, namely the tragedy of unemploy- ment, specifically youth unemployment. Europe has been seriously hit by a financial, economic and social crisis, which became indeed a crisis of confidence. If you want to be honest, it is not just about Europe, it is about leadership in general. It is the way people look at the European institutions, certainly, but also look at national gov- ernments, look at national politicians, look at some elites, including by the way, the financial elite, because people have lost confidence in the so-called elites. And this is why it is important more than ever, to listen to people, as we have discussed today. We are asking people to contribute. We are asking, as Olafur Eliasson put it yesterday, we are asking an effort. An effort of people to contribute. And we should also make the effort of listening. Listening to citizens (as we have been doing all over this year with the European year of citizenship), but listening also to men and women of culture, to men and women of science. First of all because of a very pragmatic reason: it is that they have more credibility than politicians today. Because our publics in general are very much disappointed when they see that politicians, be it at national or European level, are indeed in difficulties to find convincing responses. So we need our friends from the cultural and scientific fields to come to discuss with us. Not because culture or science are an instrument, but because they can illuminate us in this very impor- tant and challenging moment You know, and I have said it already in Warsaw, that ADDRESS ON A NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE MILAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY for me, culture or science are not instruments for some kind of objective; of course, they can help our sustainable- growth, certainly. But culture and science are ends in themselves, in the sense that they are the best ways we have to fulfil our dreams, for the improvement of persons. - Apart from, let’s say, the more intimate aspects of our lives, what has to do with spirituality, or with friendship or love;- in the public sphere, it is from knowledge and art, culture and science, that men and women can fulfil their dreams. And this is why it is so important also for our European project.

When having the honour of receiving on behalf of the European Union the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo last year, I underlined precisely the value of culture and science. Because, I believe, the European project is a project that puts at its heart the human being. And we have also discussed this last evening. European Union is not an end in itself. The European Union is a great project but the project that helps us, as human beings, being able to realise our potential, the emancipation of men and women, this is our goal. At the core of the European vision is the human dignity of every human being: a man, a woman or a child. And this is why, I think it is important to reinforce that attention to every human being because we know by experience also in 321 our continent that all the ideologies, or the parties, or dictators that put at the end as an objective in itself, a party or the state, they created totalitarianism; while those who have put at the centre every human being they created democracy, pluralism and societies about which we can basically be proud. Certainly, we have difficulties and we know about the difficulties but I believe we should be proud of what we have achieved as European countries.

And following the challenges of Enrico Letta, where we were before, let me now go a little bit more far away. Next year we are going to commemorate the beginning of the First World War; in fact, the first big first civilian European war. It started in Sarajevo, in the Balkans, not far from here. I think we should remember that time. Afterwards we had the Second World War, where probably the worst events in human history, like the Shoah, took place.

And then we got the European Union of six. Six founding fathers, including Italy, the Treaty of Rome and then nine, 10, 12, I remember well when we were 12 because it was when my country joined the European Community and I was member of the government then.

And afterwards we were able to realise the reunification of our continent. Basically, it’s done. So, how can we be pessimistic about Europe when we think that for instance in the 70s the South of Europe, like my country, or Spain or Greece, were under dictatorships, or in the beginning of the 80s, Central and Eastern Europe was under communist totalitarianism and some countries were indeed part of the Soviet Union, like the three Baltic countries. Now they are free and united in peace, sharing basically the same values.

So, I think that Europe today, and I want to give you my testimony, is much better than Europe 20, 30, 50 or 60 years ago. Of course, if you think only about a small Europe some people may have doubts, but if you think as Europeans as a big family, I think there should be no doubts. Europe today is stronger than before. Europe counts EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

more in the world than before, but we have to see what is the next stage. Yes, what can fuel the European dream? I think if the Europeans have not yet discovered or un- derstood, they will understand and discover because of globalisation. Because globali- sation, and then I join what Jean-Marc Ferry said, can be seen as a great opportunity or as a great problem. I also tend to see it as basically a great opportunity. Whether we like it or not, globalisation will happen, unless there is a catastrophe. Why will it happen? Because globalisation is not controlled by politicians or by governments. Globalisation today is basically driven by science and technology.

And so, we have to prepare for it and the question is what message we convey to our citizens? What message do we convey to our young people? That they should hide? That they should just resist? Or that they should embrace the opportunities of glo- balisation, namely the great opportunities of science as highlighted in the brilliant in- tervention of Professor Cattaneo? I believe it is like that. But it’s critically important, as Enrico Letta mentioned, to have the dimension to count in the world. Because Europe alone can give also our countries, a country like Italy, smaller countries or 322 big countries even, the necessary leverage to count at the global level. This is quite obvious. And to count for what? To count to defend our interests certainly but also to promote our values. This is important: the values of Europe, of peace, of freedom and justice. The values that are in the Treaty of Rome and, today, in the Treaty of Lisbon.

The social market economy that is important for us. I think we should be proud that we have open economies, but economies that have a commitment to social justice and also that care about the future of our planet.

We can be setting the standard for a much better world order. Yes, following also the comments of Professor Jean-Marc Ferry, yes, Europe by its own definition, is a cosmo- politan order. We are open to the world. We are not creating an identity against other identities, a counter-identity, the identities of chauvinistic people. We are creating an identity that is open to others and able to promote, precisely, these values. And this is the goal of the New Narrative of Europe: to shape globalisation with our values and be confident about values. And I am saying that because today I feel very often this pessimism, this negativism, the déclinisme that is so fashionable today.

And I think we should remind today; today myself and Enrico Letta we are going to travel to Johannesburg, so that tomorrow we can pay tribute to one of the greatest figures of our time indeed of any times, Nelson Mandela and he said: “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” Such inspira- tional words. And I think there could not be a better place than Italy, because of the Renaissance, to remind us that Europe is faith in progress and faith in human beings. This is a great message of the European humanism.

My appeal to all the intellectuals, to all men and women of culture, to all citizens, is not to give up to this defeatism, is to have the courage to fight the negative forces because yes, the populist forces, the extremist forces are negative forces that are today under a theme that is very often an anti-European theme, making the revival of the all demons of Europe, like extreme nationalism, like xenophobia, sometimes racism – these are negative values. ADDRESS ON A NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE MILAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY

It is important, in face of these challenges - instead of keeping ourselves in the com- fort zone, namely the so called establishment parties - to have the courage to go out and fight, not to give up to those arguments, to explain with reasonable and rational arguments - sometimes for some of us with emotion - why we care about Europe, why Europe is something we must cherish precisely to defend these values.

And if sometimes in Europe some of us have doubts about how important these values are, just look at Ukraine. Those young people in the streets of Ukraine, with freezing temperatures, are writing the new narrative for Europe.

When we see in the cold streets of Kiev, men and women with the European flag, fighting for that European flag, it is because they are also fighting for Ukraine and for their future. Because they know that Europe is not just the land of opportunity in terms of economic development, because they have seen what happened in Poland or what happened in the Baltic countries, but also because Europe is the promise of hope and freedom. And I think the European Union has the right and the duty to stand by the people of Ukraine in this very difficult moment, because they are giving to Europe 323 one of the greatest contributions that can be given.

Just yesterday I had a phone call – another one - with President Yanukovych. I asked him to show restraint in the face of these recent developments, to not use force against the people that are demonstrating peacefully, to respect fully the freedoms that are so important for all of us in Europe. I have asked him to receive the High Representative / Vice-President of the Commission Cathy Ashton who will be in Kiev already tomor- row and the day after tomorrow, so she can also have a role in trying to bring some solutions to the very tense situation that Ukraine is living today. And I hope that the European forces will show their commitment to our common project. Because it is not true that is it just in the Western part of Ukraine. No, most of the Ukrainians care about a future in peace and freedom. And I think we have this duty to recognise them today.

Because precisely, our history is a history of openness. I said it also when we were discussing about the world that knows hunger, knows so many difficulties. Just now, thanks to the European Union support, we are providing humanitarian assistance for the people in the Central African Republic. The European Union, in spite of all difficulties, is the biggest donor of development aid. I think this is something we also should be proud of, namely our young people, that Europe is not just looking in- wards, but also looking outwards. That we keep this cosmopolitan objective, precisely because, as Jean Monnet, probably the biggest genius of the European integration said - I am now quoting, by memory, the last words of his Memoirs: “La communauté d’aujourd’hui n’est qu’une étape vers l’organisation de la communauté internationale de demain”. So, the European community of today is just a step for the organisation of the world community of tomorrow. That was the final message in the Memoirs of Jean Monnet. I think it cannot be clearer that cosmopolitan vision that we are aspiring to.

I think this is very important to remind us today, when we see so many voices calling for chauvinistic, ultra-nationalistic, protectionist or sometimes even xenophobic atti- EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

tudes. So I am looking forward to the ideas that you can bring in this New Narrative that can inspire our citizens.

I would like once again to thank the Cultural committee and all those who have given a great part of the efforts to building this New Narrative. I think it is a proof of modesty and humility to put some of these ideas in paper, not only the individual contributions like the bright contributions that we have heard today, but to try to have a declaration, in the spring, that could be a way of filling the debate in Europe.

One of my masters, with whom I have worked for several years in Geneva, Denis de Rougemont, said: “Penser l’Europe c’est la faire.” To think Europe is also to do Europe. And L’avenir c’est notre affaire, il a dit aussi, he said also,. That’s why I think the contribution of people from the cultural and scientific side is so important to rein- force our vision and our hope. And I believe that your contribution can be extremely important for the European debate. Because, and I conclude, the Europe we want, the dream we want, cannot be of a bureaucratic, technocratic or even diplomatic Eu- 324 rope. It has to be a democratic Europe, and so for all those who are not happy with the current situation in Europe, I say don’t turn your back on Europe, make it better. Give your contributions through our debate, because what we have in Europe is too important to be lost for future generations.

I thank you for your attention. Acceptance Speech for the Charles V European Award

EUROPEAN ACADEMY OF YUSTE FOUNDATION YUSTE, 16 JANUARY 2014

Your Royal Highness, Your Excellency the Prime Minister of Spain, Your Excellency 325 the Prime Minister of Portugal, Honourable President of Extremadura, Honourable Ministers, Your Grace, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear friends,

irst and foremost I should like to express my gratitude to the European Acade- my of Yuste Foundation for the great honour it has bestowed on me by adding F my name to the prestigious group of recipients of the Charles V European Award; each one of them, in his or her own way, has made a very significant contribu- tion to European values. This is, for me, a very proud and extremely moving moment.

I am especially honoured to be receiving this award from His Royal Highness the Prince of Asturias, for whom I feel great respect and sincere affection. Your Royal Highness, thank you so much for this particularly moving gesture.

I should also like to thank the Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, for his kind and gra- cious words. Our friendship goes back a long time, and I have always admired his patriotism, his love for Spain and, at the same time, his strong commitment to Eu- rope and to European ideals. Thank you for your words (and never was a truer word spoken than when you referred to me as a true friend of Spain).

And now, allow me to say a few very special words in my mother tongue to the Prime Minister of Portugal, Dr. Pedro Passos Coelho. Your Excellency, and my dear friend, I was very touched to see that you took the time to attend this ceremony. I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere admiration for the determination and courage with which you have addressed the historic challenges now facing Portugal. I should also like to thank you for your committed and constructive contribution to the development of the European project.

My thanks also go to President Monago and the Extremadura authorities for their welcome and kind words. Your efforts to keep the tradition of this award alive have substantially raised the profile of your region and its government at European and international level. This ceremony in Yuste, in this region, has also brought together EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

the governments of Portugal and Spain; this encounter reflects the increasingly close ties being forged between our two countries as we work together to shape and direct European values and ideals. Throughout history, Spain and Portugal have carried Eu- ropean civilisation to many corners of the world: today they are working together to reinforce the European project, increasing Europe's relevance throughout the world.

The Foundation's work in disseminating and realising the European project is very important. Its activities in the social sphere and in communication, culture, science, research and history mesh perfectly with the efforts being made at European level to close the gap between the European project and the man in the street and to dissem- inate its values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and human rights. I should like to emphasise and pay special tribute to all of this work.

Please allow me to take this opportunity to remember one of the recipients of this award, Wilfried Martens, Belgian Prime Minister and President of the European Peo- 326 ple's Party, who passed away last year — that skilled politician's convictions and commitment to Europe will leave an indelible mark on the history of European in- tegration.

Receiving this prestigious award is a matter of considerable gratification to me not only as a Portuguese national, but also as a European.

Being Portuguese, the name of Charles V evokes the history and the deep, centu- ries-old ties that bind the two nations of Spain and Portugal, ties that found concrete expression in his marriage to Isabella of Portugal.

As a European, the name of Charles V is also a reminder that the quest for Europe- an unity is an ancient one, inextricably linked to the history of Europe as a whole. Countless attempts were made over the centuries to bring about the Union that is today is a reality.

Politically, but also and most importantly intellectually, through the studia generalia and the proliferation of rich intercultural exchanges, a certain form of European unity began to take shape — and to break down on more than one occasion.

This aspiration to European unity was dashed time and time again by the very things it hoped to overcome: national interests, extreme nationalism, wars.

However, the history of European thinking has shown that the dream of European unity is indestructible.

The history of European integration has also taught us the following, to quote the words of Jean Monnet in a speech given in Strasbourg in December 1952: "In these days when the first supranational institutions of Europe are being established, we are conscious of the beginning of the great European revolution of our time: the revolu- tion which, on our Continent, aims at substituting unity in freedom and in diversity for tragic national rivalries, the revolution which tends to stop the decay of our civi- ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD lisation and to initiate a new renaissance. (...) For, since they have sprung into being, the Europe which we wish to leave to our children is no longer only an aspiration. It has become a reality".

Ladies and gentlemen,

Allow me to take a few moments to examine some of the key words delivered by Jean Monnet here, since they describe perfectly how the European Union we know today is a political project that is absolutely unique in history and, in many respects, a test- ing ground for globalisation.

First of all, "unity" - not just of nations, but also of peoples. It is clear that the various peoples, their constituent individuals and their interests are at the heart of European construction.

Secondly, "freedom" - since our Union, unlike other past attempts at European unity, is based on mutual consent and not on force. Our Member States have freely accepted 327 to share their sovereignty. And it is in this very consent, granted freely by the Member States and enshrined in the founding Treaties, and in this community based on the rule of law and on shared values that the unifying strength of the European project lies.

The Portuguese and Spanish peoples are well aware of how much we owe to this vision of European construction: its achievements include enabling the establishment of de- mocracy in our countries which, a few short decades ago, were still ruled by dictators.

And lastly, "diversity". One of the main strengths of our Union is that it has con- sistently embraced diversity, and did not grow out of standardisation. In fact, the opposite is true: it has always drawn nourishment from differences, contrasts - and even tensions. One of Europe's greatest assets is its ability to assimilate influences from other cultures, open up to other societies and flourish thanks to its openness to the world.

And lastly, one of the factors making the European project so special and unique is that it has effectively reconciled the legitimacy of democratic states with the legitima- cy of the supranational institutions (European Parliament, European Commission, Court of Justice of the European Union) that safeguard the European general interest and defend the common good of Europe. Not to mention the successful way it man- aged to synthesise supranationality and concrete economic realities.

Indeed, it is in the areas where the Member States have made greatest progress in transferring sovereignty (trade, competition and currency) that Europe's political voice is best heard and most respected across the world. As a result, we are today the world's leading trading bloc, with 20% of international trade and 30% of invest- ments, we have international influence in the area of standardisation (thanks to our single market, the largest in the world) and we have one of the world's leading cur- rencies, the euro, a strong and stable currency that is one manifestation of Europe's existential force. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Ladies and gentlemen,

It is thanks to these basic elements (unity of peoples, freedom, diversity and supra- national institutions) that the European Union remains a formidable and original political construct, making it possible to guarantee peace, democracy, solidarity and fairness.

These characteristics have made Europe into the most balanced model of its kind in the world, a space for freedom and democracy, a social market economy whose main priority is promoting the development and protection of individuals in open societies and economies.

Many people all over the world, from the icy streets of Kiev to our neighbours in the South, have drawn inspiration from our social models.

And while there is sometimes a tendency in Europe to focus exclusively on the crisis, 328 it is important to recall where we have come from and who we are, as I have just done, so that we can better see where it is we want to go.

I am very aware of the disquiet among all of our fellow Europeans — including those from Spain and my home country of Portugal — who were not responsible for the crisis but who are nevertheless all too frequently the first to suffer its consequences.

To all of my fellow Europeans, I wish to say that Europe is also not responsible for the crisis and that it must not fall victim to it. Europe is not the problem. Europe is part of the solution.

I also wish to tell them that if we forget where we came from, if we do not fight to defend Europe, we risk losing it. And if we lose sight of the principles and values on which our Union is founded, reality will provide reminders that may cost us dear.

We have witnessed a global financial crisis that did not start in Europe but spread to it and which, in some European countries, became combined with budgetary laxity, competitive vulnerabilities, national self-interest, financial excess and, on a more gen- eral European scale, shortcomings in the economic governance model.

The response developed over the past five years and given impetus by the European Commission has been a fair and responsible one. In an unprecedented effort of sol- idarity and stabilisation, some 700 000 million euro were mobilised to prevent the collapse of the national economies worst affected by the crisis — including specific aid to shore up the Spanish financial sector. In addition, some of the Member States — including Spain and Portugal — have made considerable efforts to overhaul their economies. Moreover, and the European Union budget notwithstanding, additional resources have been made available to tackle the serious problem of youth unemploy- ment in the Member States that were hardest hit.

Likewise, a joint effort has been made to closely coordinate economic and budgetary policies and establish solid institutions. ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD

All of these efforts are now beginning to bear fruit. The markets have cooled down and the first signs of recovery have appeared. The countries most at risk are paying less to borrow money, and the economic outlook is gradually improving.

In the case of Spain, last week the risk premium was 3.91%, its lowest level since May 2010. Spanish exports are on the up. Exports of goods and services now account for 33% of the GDP - the highest level since the introduction of the euro. I would like to pay tribute here to the Spanish government and people for these very heartening results.

Cervantes wrote that he who stumbles and does not fall takes a great stride forward. Europe stumbled, but it did not fall. Europe has taken great strides forward.

The euro was saved, and has emerged stronger. And I should like to remind you here that it was not very long ago that expert analysts were predicting the disintegration of the euro and the breakup of the European Union. Yet both have shown extraordinary resilience. What the analysts failed to understand is that Europe and the euro are 329 much more than an economic and financial reality; they are a political project and a shared destiny.

European economic governance is more integrated than ever. The foundations for banking union have been laid. The single market has expanded to encompass new sectors of primordial importance for our future, such as the digital sector. Over the next seven years, Europeans will be able to reap the benefits of a European budget dedicated to sustainable and wide-ranging growth and to job creation. And, above all, we achieved these results while maintaining our openness to the world and choosing not to withdraw into ourselves. We signed major bilateral trade agreements, notably with Korea, Central America, Singapore, Canada, Peru and Colombia. Others — specifically, with the United States, Japan and the Mercosur bloc — are in the pipe- line. Interdependence is the keyword of the age. Europe needs the rest of the world as a source of strength and to stimulate its growth. And the rest of the world needs a strong, unified Europe for its stability and prosperity. It is for this reason that I pro- posed that the Yuste Foundation dedicate this year's Charles V research grants to the topic of "History, memory and European integration from the point of view of EU transatlantic relations".

Having said this, we are fully aware that there are no miracle solutions in the area of economy and finance, and that we are still not entirely out of the woods yet. The social repercussions of the crisis, and in particular the current unemployment levels, remain unacceptable, and we must not resign ourselves to them. Unemployment is the most serious problem currently facing Europe. The mobility we are seeking to promote at European Union level should be one option for our youth – but it cannot be the only alternative. The financial markets remain fragmented and this may prove detrimental to our small and medium-sized enterprises. In a single market, it is un- acceptable for the costs of financing businesses to vary so widely between Northern and Southern Europe. We have to work together to resolve these problems. Recovery will be gradual and we must keep up our efforts so that our initial successes do not EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

come to nothing. Growth, job creation and banking union must continue to be our main priorities.

I should like to publicly express my gratitude to Spain for always playing an active and vocal role in Europe, working ambitiously to defend the need to move forward in terms not only of greater responsibility but also of greater solidarity. In Europe, and in Spain, we are aware that in order to achieve these objectives we need a strong commitment from not only the European institutions but also the Member States and their citizens to increase European integration in order to safeguard our values and promote our interests in the era of globalisation.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I should like to draw special attention to one aspect of our collective response to the crisis that has occasionally been underestimated, despite its fundamental importance. The countries of the European Union have freely chosen the path of greater integra- 330 tion, namely the path towards more integrated economic and budgetary governance.

I call that learning from the crisis. We need more Europe where more Europe is need- ed - but we must not forget that the European Union does not need to involve itself in everything. As I have repeatedly stated, Europe must show greater unity, strength and visibility in response to the major challenges, but it must show more discretion when it comes to lesser matters, since – to quote Montesquieu – "useless laws weaken the necessary laws".

We must also acknowledge that, in this era of globalisation the European Union is, more than ever, a formidable multiplier of the power of each Member State and that each country's sovereignty can only be fully realised if it is shared. This is necessary to maintain our influence in the world; and we have to be influential if we are to pro- mote our values and safeguard the interests of our citizens.

However we must recognise that if we are to move towards greater European integra- tion, that same integration must be wanted and understood by our citizens. My wish is a Europe that is not technocratic but democratic. A Europe that is realised with the commitment of its citizens to defending a shared vision of the future.

In 2012, the European Commission presented detailed plans for a genuine economic and monetary union, to be completed with banking union and budgetary union, and with an eye to political union on the horizon; I believe this is the path we need to follow in order to consolidate the progress we have made and safeguard the future.

I am aware that while some countries are already convinced that political union is the next major European Union project, others remain very reluctant. This is what we now have to discuss amongst ourselves. Next May's European elections should be an occasion not only to compare citizens' real gains from the European Union against the popular myths and stereotypes about the EU, but also to debate the future we wish to work together to build — because a commitment to Europe and patriotism are not contradictory but complementary. ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD

I therefore believe that it is important to foster a genuine feeling among Europeans of belonging to the same European community — a community that draws on the diversity of our national, regional and local communities but in which we can all see ourselves.

In the past, we Europeans have made great progress by working together. And this was recognised by the Nobel Committee when, in 2012, it awarded its prestigious Peace Prize to the European Union for its contribution to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights.

Today, a united Europe has numerous opportunities to attain other great achieve- ments in the future. And I am not thinking only of the single market or economic and monetary union but also of the richness of our history, the diversity of our cul- tures, our creative and innovative capacity, our science, our technology and research capacity, our wonderful reserves of human resources, our commitment to protecting the environment and our vision for a world where we will always stand shoulder to shoulder with those fighting for these universal values that mean so much to us and 331 upon which our Union is founded.

It is my hope that we as Europeans will be able to clearly manifest our willingness to work together towards greater achievements in the future. In any event, it is with this spirit and conviction that I shall keep my own commitment, because it is my firm belief that our best prospect for the future is Europe — a Europe that is even more present in the world, a more political, caring and civic-minded Europe.

I thank you for your attention.

Strengthening Europe security and defence sector

HIGH-LEVEL CONFERENCE ON THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR BRUSSELS, 4 MARCH 2014

Dear Minister Avramopoulos, dear Minister Dunne, Honourable members of the 333 European Parliament, Ladies and Gentlemen, And of course my dear colleague An- tonio Tajani,

irst let me express my appreciation to Vice-President Antonio Tajani and to Commissioner Michel Barnier for organising and hosting this high-level con- F ference. I want to thank in particular the Minister of defence Dimitrios Avramopoulos, rep- resenting the Greek presidency of the European Union, thank you for coming; and I would like also to thank all the distinguished guests from the public and private sectors who are attending the conference.

It is a pleasure for me to join you for this discussion on a key issue: the future of the European security and defence sector. I believe it is vitally important to the European Union, to its lasting stability and prosperity as well as to its role and projection on the world stage.

As shown in our regular Eurobarometer surveys, a strong and credible Common Se- curity and Defence Policy (CSDP) features high among our citizens’ legitimate as- pirations; and a credible CSDP must be underpinned by a competitive and efficient security and defence sector.

This is why, I have been pleading over the past years for a strengthening of our CSDP and of our security and defence sector. I have been doing so for instance in the Euro- pean Parliament, in the State of the Union speeches and also in many other occasions. And I am happy to see that progress has now been achieved.

Today, I will focus here on two questions. First, why does the security and defence sec- tor matter to the European Union? And second, how to do more and better with less?

Let me start with a few words on Europe’s industry as such. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

If we are serious when we speak about competitiveness, sustainable growth and job creation, then we need to pay more attention to our industry.

Figures show the strong resilience of the sector. Industry still accounts for over 80% of Europe’s exports and generates around a billion euros a day (365 billion euros a year) of trade surplus in manufactured goods; 75% of trade within the single market is in industry, almost every fourth private sector job is in industry, and industry accounts for over 80% of private research and innovation.

Yet this resilience is put to a test by relatively weak internal demand, shrinking in- vestment and the subsequent declining share of industry in Europe’s GDP, currently at 15.1%.

That is why we have called for what we have called the “European Industrial Renais- sance”, with concrete actions to be debated in the upcoming European Council, this very month of March. 334 The proposals we have presented earlier this year aim at bringing the share of industry in Europe’s GDP to 20% target by 2020 and better taking into account industrial competitiveness in other policy strands.

Now when it comes more specifically to the security and defence sector, figures are very compelling as well.

This is a major industrial sector, which directly employs 400.000 people and indirect- ly generates another 960.000 jobs in Europe, with a turnover of 96 billion euros in 2012 alone, and 23 billion euros of exports in 2011.

It is also a key driver of innovation, centred on high-end engineering and technolo- gies. Its cutting-edge research has generated important indirect effects in other sec- tors, such as electronics, space and civil aviation and provides thousands of highly skilled jobs. Many of what have become everyday technologies, from microwave to internet, as you know, have their roots in the defence industry.

So clearly our security and defence industrial sector matters for economic reasons. It significantly contributes to the growth of the wider economy. And by strengthening this industrial sector we can also strengthen our economies.

But it does of course matter for strategic reasons too.

It is a key element of our capacity to ensure that every European has access to security, economic prosperity, political freedom and social well-being. It is therefore at the core of Europe’s “raison d’être”.

But it is also at the core of Europe’s role and ambition on the international stage, in an increasingly interdependent and interconnected world. STRENGTHENING EUROPE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR

The strategic and geopolitical environment is constantly evolving and we are witness- ing a wide range of new and complex security challenges of trans-national nature. To name a few, international terrorism, organised crime, cyber threats, piracy, human rights violations, all this challenges can only be tackled in a comprehensive approach combining different policies and instruments, underpinned by a large range of civil and military capabilities.

Recent events from Afghanistan to Africa and even more recently Ukraine have shown that for the sake of its own stability and security, Europe has to pay attention to old “frozen conflicts” and other potential new flashpoints.

There is also beyond Europe a growing demand for Europeans to dispatch their mili- tary forces on mission abroad.

We must have the capabilities to defend and uphold our values and interests in our neighbourhood and beyond, and to promote our commitment to a multilateral, rule- based approach to international affairs. 335

The reality is that in today’s rapidly evolving security environment, the need for fur- ther efforts in security and defence is increasingly seen as a matter of political credi- bility of the European Union.

So a strengthened and credible CSDP underpinned by a competitive and efficient security and defence sector is a key political, strategic and economic priority.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Now how can we do more and better with less?

And I say less because we are living under financial constraint, as we all know.

Because indeed we have to do more with less: expectations for more action from Europe worldwide have been rising since the 1990s, but defence budgets have sub- stantially been reduced over the same period.

This has adversely affected public R&D spending in the defence sector. Between 2006 and 2010 R&D spending in this sector has declined by 14% while the overall budgets diminished by 3.5%. The US alone today spends seven times more on defence R&D than all 28 Member States together.

At the same time, the cost of modern capabilities has steadily increased: the growing technological complexity of defence equipment and reduced production volumes are having a knock-on effect on the industry.

What does this mean for us?

This means that with shrinking defence budgets we have to think differently about how we work together. This must serve as a catalyst for a more co-operative work. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

We need to take a hard look together at what we need to improve and how to do it.

There is room for Member States to get better value from their existing defence budg- ets. There is room for an improved coordination of equipments and requirements and more efficient collaborative programmes.

Indeed there is a lot we can do together to overcome the current fragmentation of the European defence market, to avoid duplication of capabilities, to achieve greater cost-effectiveness and ultimately to enable Europe to maintain a competitive defence industrial and technological base.

Of course, this is primarily for the Member States to define the ambition, degree of autonomy and scope of CSDP and future work on capabilities.

But Member States and European institutions have to work together to adapt and respond to these new challenges. Indeed, this effort is already being pursued through 336 the so-called “pooling and sharing” approach in the European Union in complemen- tarity with the so-called “smart defence” concept in NATO.

This is the reason why the European Commission, in full respect of the Member States’ competences, has come with some ideas. And we have, within our competenc- es, taken bold initiatives and will continue to do so. I am particularly pleased that the December European Council has broadly endorsed our proposals of last July for a more efficient and a more competitive defence and security sector.

Let me recall them briefly.

First, we have proposed to reduce the current market fragmentation by tackling mar- ket distortions and improving security of supply on the basis of the two directives adopted in 2009: one on intra-EU transfers and the other on public procurement.

Second, we also propose to strengthen the competitiveness of Europe’s Defence Tech- nological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) by promoting standardisation and common certification; by improving access to raw material; and by properly ensuring SMEs’ role in the supply chain, notably through the development of industrial clusters with SMEs.

Third, we propose to fully exploit potential synergies between civil and defence sec- tors by developing more dual-use products and capabilities. We are notably looking at ensuring as many synergies as possible between our civil research programme, Ho- rizon 2020, and those co-ordinated by the European Defence Agency.

Horizon 2020 was conceived for civilian purposes but there is a lot of dual use poten- tial in key enabling technologies. There is also a specific theme “Secure societies” with many potential and spill over effects on defence.

And we are working on a preparatory action to support defence related research out- side Horizon 2020. STRENGTHENING EUROPE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR

To deliver this ambitious agenda, the Commission, through the Defence task Force set up in 2011, continues to work in close consultation with the External Action Service, of course under the leadership of our representative and Vice-president of the Commission Cathy Ashton, with the Member States and the European Defence Agency.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I am glad that the Commission’s proposals have been one of the pillars of the Europe- an Council discussions and conclusions in December.

But clearly this is not the end of the road. It is the beginning of a new chapter, a new dynamic for CSDP. Let’s not forget that the European Council will address concrete progress on all issues in June 2015.

The Commission is now working on a roadmap with concrete actions and timelines, to be adopted by the summer. 337

And today’s conference is an opportunity for us to hear your views on the way ahead and on how we could best add value to European-level action; as defence is clearly one of the new frontiers of European Union cooperation

I thank you for your attention.

Speech at the EU-Africa Summit

EU-AFRICA SUMMIT BRUSSELS, 2 APRIL 2014

Dear President Aziz, Dear Chairperson Dlamini-Zuma Your Excellencies, Distin- 339 guished Heads of State and Government, Dear Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon La- dies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends,

et me also welcome you to Brussels, the headquarters of the European Union Institutions. I am delighted to see so many of you here today. Your presence and L the richness of the agenda of this Summit are a real illustration of the vibrant partnership that exists between our two continents.

It is the first time we meet in a Europe-Africa format since the passing away of the great African and world leader, Nelson Mandela. He was a giant. He changed the course of his country, of the African continent and of the whole world. I trust that his vision, his commitment to peace, freedom and justice and his wisdom will inspire our discussions today and our actions tomorrow.

This is the 4th EU-Africa Summit which brings together in one place 54 African and 28 European countries.

I also welcome the presence in this Summit of Secretary General Ban Ki Moon and all our other high level guests. This perfectly illustrates that our vision of the world is one of cooperation and not competition, of openness and not retrenchment or exclusivity. History shows that people and countries prosper when they open up to the world, when they expand their trade, when they exchange ideas. Our partnership with Africa, like with any other partner, is constructed as a bridge and not as a barrier to more global cooperation. For us the era of spheres of influence should be over. We need to replace it by wider circles of convergence.

Our partnership with Africa is a partnership based on mutual respect – and I un- derline the word ‘respect’ – a partnership of equals. A partnership that is now more relevant than ever. Both our continents are going through tremendous change. In Europe, we are deepening and enlarging. We are now 28 countries and we are making the necessary reforms to remain open, united and even stronger. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Africa is also on the move. Change is all over, from the shores of the Mediterranean to the coasts of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Economic and demographic growth represents an exciting opportunity. I was able to witness all these changes in my sev- eral visits to Africa, from Cotonou to Cape Town, from Ivory Coast to Cape Verde, from Tunisia to Tanzania, from Algeria to Angola, from Morocco to Mozambique. Profound changes are happening.

Future generations will face a totally different world and I believe a totally different Africa. In the next 50 years they could witness Africa’s population quadruple and the African GDP triple. They could witness the continent decisively affirming itself on the international scene.

Last year I was honoured to represent the EU on the 50th anniversary of the African Union in Addis and to express, on behalf of the European Union, our support to the spirit of African renaissance and to the integration of the continent.

340 But to deliver on the great potential of Africa, responsible leadership will be funda- mental to overcome the challenges and risks that still exist.

The challenges of eradicating poverty, of promoting a sustainable and inclusive growth that does not deplete the continent’s natural resources, the challenges of consolidating democracy, rule of law, good governance and respect for human rights, the threat of emerging radical movements, as we saw unfortunately in Mali and Somalia or the fragility of State structures that challenge the viability of countries such as the Central African Republic or Guinea Bissau.

These challenges are common to us all. When terrorism expands in the Sahel or in the Horn of Africa, it is a threat to Africa and to Europe. When migration flows become unmanageable and the source of organised crime, it is a threat to Africa and to Eu- rope. When growth increases in Africa, it is an opportunity for Africa and for Europe.

Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government,

It was for these reasons, amongst others, that we launched a common European Un- ion-Africa strategy in Lisbon in 2007, to enable us, over the years to come, to move further and further ahead as equal partners showing mutual respect.

The partnership between Africa and Europe is one of a kind. It is a natural partner- ship, based on our common history and our geographical proximity. It is also based on our shared desire to place human dignity and better living conditions for our people at the heart of our actions. It is a partnership based on mutual interests. Peace for you means peace for us. Prosperity for you means prosperity for us. Well-being for our people means well-being for your people. This partnership is becoming ever more crucial. Europe and Africa are stronger when we work together. Together we can also help to frame an international agenda based on the principles of peace, justice and freedom. SPEECH AT THE EU-AFRICA SUMMIT

This solidarity, distinguished Heads of State and Government, is also reflected in concrete commitments and actions, which can be better illustrated by figures rather than words

Between 2007 and 2013, around 140 billion euros, that is to say, 20 billion euros per year, have been made available on the continent of Africa, which receives an average of 40% of the European Union’s collective ODA. We shall remain equally ambitious over the period 2014-2020. I would like briefly to express my appreciation for our Member States. The truth is that, in the midst of a European crisis, and even though they have reduced the European budget, the countries of the European Union have nevertheless chosen to maintain the bulk of these development-aid commitments to Africa. On the basis of the European budget which we are responsible for managing, the European Commission alone will make available some 28 billion euros in aid for the continent as a whole.

Over the last ten years, we have provided 1.2 billion euros for the African Peace Facil- ity. I am pleased to be able to announce here today that some 800 million euros will 341 be made available over the next three years, because, though we support the principle of African solutions for Africa’s problems, we shall continue to offer it solidarity as it tackles those problems.

This is a question both of common values and of strategic intelligence.

Similarly, Europe will be at the forefront of multilateral efforts to set a global and ambitious post-2015 agenda, based both on the fight against poverty and on the fight for sustainability.

In this respect, economic integration between our two continents will be vital. Be- tween 2007 and 2012, our total commercial exchanges increased by 45%, and almost 44% of direct foreign investments in Africa between 2005 and 2010 came from Eu- rope. It is clear, therefore, that, even during the economic and financial crisis, our commercial and economic relations were sufficiently dynamic to allow a remarkable degree of growth. I believe that we can do even more and even better, particularly in terms of economic partnership agreements, because by increasing opportunities for trade and investment we can help to ensure sustainable growth and job creation.

EPAs can also act as springboards to economic integration at continental level, at pan-African level, as set out in Africa’s Agenda 2063 drawn up by the Commission of the African Union. This integration is something we are extremely eager to see.

Now that we are living in an era of global interdependence, this summit also offers an opportunity to re-state our shared determination to tackle all of the global challenges facing us, particularly those relating to food security, migration, energy and climate change.

Climate change is one of the key challenges of our times and it is the poorest coun- tries that are suffering most. Europe will be on the front line in the quest to achieve a global agreement in Paris in 2015, shoulder to shoulder with our African partners. As EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

the Maasai proverb reminds us, ‘We do not inherit the Earth from our ancestors; we borrow it from our children’.

The alliance between Africa and Europe is more crucial than ever. Our populations expect us to offer them a future of peace, democracy and prosperity. In a changing world, with other partners emerging, it is now more important than ever to make our partnership flourish, to give it a direction and to give it a future.

Thank you for your attention.

342 Acceptance speech for the Atlantic Council's Distinguished Leadership Award

2014 DISTINGUISHED LEADERSHIP AWARDS WASHINGTON DC, 30 APRIL 2014

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, 343

et me start by thanking Governor Huntsman for his very kind and spirited words. A word of thanks also to Chancellor Angela Merkel for her friendly L transatlantic message from Berlin. And a final word of sincere recognition to the Atlantic Council and Fred Kempe for this honourable distinction.

I was told when I was invited to come here that these are the Oscar prize for foreign policy. In this case I’m not going to make a long list of persons to which I dedicate this prize. I can only say to you very sincerely that, yes, I am a very committed Euro- pean and, yes, I am very committed to this great relationship and friendship between United States and European Union.

Not only politically, when I was Foreign Minister and Prime Minister of Portugal, but also as President of the Commission during these last ten years I’ve done my best to make this a strong relationship. And today when I was listening to this first speeches today I was also remembering some time I spent here in Washington, D.C., ‘cause I was two years, four semesters, visiting professor at Georgetown University.

And let me tell you that the students that time were even much more disciplined than this audience when this you were listening to the different speeches. At that time I was always suspicious when I saw students coming to my course or my seminars with Coca-Cola or Pepsi Cola.

In Europe usually that does not happen. But I assume that tonight it’s a moment of conviviality and that we can also drink to this great relationship between Europe and United States. Now, dear friends and distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it is indeed a great honour to receive this award from such a prestigious institution and in such distinguished company.

I see many friends around here. I cannot mention all of them. But thanks to all of them who came and also to share this moment with me and the other-- recipients of EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

this prize. I want to congratulate Atlantic Council for the great work you do. And I also warmly applaud my fellow honourees, Secretary Hagel, Tom Enders, General Dunford and Ruslana for their leadership, example and inspiration in their different fields of activity.

Let me make a special word to Ruslana, artist and activist, whose consistent advocacy for democratic change in Ukraine is quite remarkable. I assure you that European Union is strongly committed to supported the people of Ukraine as they are striving to turn their legitimate inspiration for peace, democracy and freedom into reality.

The European Union itself is a child of the victory of peace and democracy over the forces of destruction and oppression. In a reaction to the traumatic events of our past, human dignity, freedom and justice lie at the very heart of European integration. And from the very beginning this has been a vision going well beyond our borders. Indeed the very first words of the European Union birth certificate, the famous Schuman Declaration, are not about Europe but about world peace. The European community, 344 the European Union as you know started after the Second World War. And so, the idea, the basic concept, was to put together former enemies and through economic integration promote in fact political union, promote this space that today we have in Europe of freedom and democracy.

And the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the European Union in 2012 was certainly an acknowledgement of our great achievements in the past building a peaceful, demo- cratic, free Europe. But this is not about an idea of the past. It’s about what remains more than ever a project for the future.

The powerful images of Ukrainian protesters waving the European flag tell us more about this than a long speech could do. They show this where they feel-- that they feel that they belong emotionally, culturally, politically, they belong to Europe. Those young people in Ukraine that want to be closer to us and they were not allowed to be closer to us, because someone thought that a country, a sovereign country, a sovereign member of the United Nations in the 21st century has not the right to decide its own destiny. This is why I want to say that tonight my thoughts are also with millions of people within Ukraine and indeed all over the world are fighting for peace, for de- mocracy, for freedom and human dignity. We will stand by them.

Ladies and gentlemen, the attractiveness of Europe’s values, way of life, respect for cultural diversity, is something that I directly experience myself. I was 18 years of age. It was 40 years ago when my country, a very old European country, Portugal, for centuries of history, was leaving 48 years of dictatorship.

And this year we are commemorating my country the 40 anniversary of democracy. That’s why I feel so close to the new democracies of-- central and eastern European countries. For my generation in Portugal or in Spain or in Greece and for the other generations now in Poland or Czech Republic or Hungary or the Baltic countries or Romania or Bulgaria or Slovenia, Europe, European Union appeared as a promise of democracy. NATO was critically important, but in fact the way to join European ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE ATLANTIC COUNCIL'S DISTINGUISHED LEADERSHIP AWARD

Union appeared to these countries as a way also of joining the more advanced democ- racies in the world.

Just a figure to give you-- in 2004 when-- the Poland joined the European Union the GDP per capita of Poland was more or less GDP per capita of Ukraine. Now it is more than three times bigger. This shows how powerful is European Union in terms of magnet, attraction, and also with the transformative power to bring these countries together. And yes-- my first mandate as President of Commission started when we went from 15 to 25 countries. We are commemorating-- today and these days the anniversary, the tenth anniversary, of this big enlargement. But now, when I will leave the European Commission presidency we are 28 countries.

If I was invited by you one or two years it will not be such a festive occasion, because when I was coming to the United States one or two years the question I was receiving more often was, “Is Greece going to exit? When is Greece going to exit euro? When is the implosion of the euro? When is disintegration of the European Union?” 345 And today I can tell you, no, we did not disintegrate. You may trust European Union not only as a loyal partner, but also as a strong force that is resilient, because some of those analysts and commentators that were predicting the end of the euro, and they were certainly great experts in economy and finance, but they have underestimated the political logic behind the euro.

As Chancellor Merkel and many other great leaders in Europe said, we will stand by the euro, because the euro is more than a currency. It’s a symbol of the determination of the Europeans to stand together. And this was underestimated not only in our partners, but also in Europe itself.

So, it’s representing this European Union that has shown resilience, capacity to resist, and today we can say the euro area is a haven of stability. The euro is a credible, strong and stable currency. It’s representing this European Union that I’m speaking to you tonight and tell you that we need to do more together. And I think the recent events in the Ukraine, in the other parts of the world, show that we should never take peace for granted and that we should work together, United States and Europe, for this purpose. Because if you can make the deal on the transatlantic trade and investment partnership it will be the biggest ever bilateral trade and investment agreement made. But apart from the economic dimension, it is the biggest economic relation by any-- way you analyse, the American-European Union relationship. That’s why the business community of both sides of the Atlantic are so supportive. Apart from the economic dimension I was saying we have the geopolitical dimension. It means that the two of the biggest economies in the world, Europe and the United States, open economies, open societies, sharing the same values, are able to make an agreement between them- selves, with an agreement that will probably set the global standard.

So, what a great historic achievement it can be? So, my message today, or this evening, to you is let’s work to make it happen, not only for the benefit of course of the citizens of the European Union and of the United States but also of the world. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Because I believe that open societies and open economies have a lot to give to the world. I don’t believe those declinologues, as we say sometimes in Europe, those who are preaching the decline of the values of the West, of developed economies, are right. I believe they are wrong. I believe the value of freedom, be it in economy or be it in politics is stronger than any other value. That’s why we have to come to that agree- ment. And I’m sure that you, the Atlantic Council, are going to give a very important contribution for that.

I was proud that sometime ago-- in the margin of a G8 Summit together with Pres- ident Obama I’ve launched these negotiations for the transatlantic Trade and Invest- ment Partnership. It is a platform to project our shared values worldwide with regard to open markets, democracy and the rule of law.

We can say to some extent that this transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership can become the economic pillar of our political alliance. Ladies and gentlemen, our long history and very rich history teaches us that capacity for change and renewal 346 is as much in our European DNA as it is in the American one. And today United States-Europe partnership can again adapt and thrive amidst new challenge, play a leadership role in shaping this globalized world into a fairer, safer, rules-base, hu- man-rights-abiding place.

And in pursuing this objectives we should all remember the world-- the words of Abraham Lincoln, a man who also stood to the challenge of keeping the union of its country, of this country. And he said, “Let’s have faith that right makes might. And in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it.” I’m sure the Atlantic Council and the citizens of the European Union and the United States are ready to do their duty as they understand it.

Thank you very much for your distinction. Let reason prevail over force

JAGIELLONIAN UNIVERSITY – CONFERRAL OF THE PLUS RATIO QUAM VIS GOLD MEDAL KRAKÓW, 10 MAY 2014

Mr President of the Republic, Mr Rector of the Jagiellonian University, Distinguished 347 Honourees, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

et me start by thanking Rector Wojciech Nowak, Professor Karol Musioł and the Jagiellonian University. I am deeply grateful to receive this honour, the Plus L Ratio Quam Vis, from such a prestigious University; one of the oldest Univer- sities in Europe, on the occasion of its 650th anniversary.

It is with real emotion that I participate in this commemoration of a Polish university where among others have studied such great Polish, European and world figures like Nicolaus Copernicus and Karol Józef Wojtyła who later became Pope Jean Paul II.

This morning I could visit the Collegium Maius and learn more about your proud tradition.

The history of your university bears witness of the extraordinary resilience of the women and men of Poland. Throughout a very turbulent history marked by so many changes, more than once your determination and your courage have prevailed over wars and invasions, partitions and deportations, deprivation and totalitarianism. Thanks to you and your ancestors today Poland stands as a strong democracy and a vibrant member of our European Union.

Both you and your predecessors have shown as Czesław Miłosz put it: “The passion- less cannot change history.”

The history of your university is also the history of the extraordinary resilience of an ideal: the aspiration to European unity. Over the centuries this enduring ideal has always outlived war, nationalism and division. It went through a stormy journey, from our common Christian roots, the Renaissance and the rediscovery of Europe’s Greco-Roman heritage, the early days of the European communities and then the fall of the Iron Curtain and the Berlin Wall; from the peregrinatio academica to the Euro- pean Commission’s Erasmus programmes and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellowships. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The history of your university sends to all of us a powerful message: how important it is to hold on to our ideals. Nothing worth having is easy to get. We will suffer set- backs. We will be confronted with doubts and even fears. But if we hold firm on what we believe in, if we stick to our goals and uphold our values; then we can look forward with confidence to a brighter future.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Plus Ratio Quam Vis is the motto of your University and to receive the Plus Ratio Quam Vis gold medal has a very special meaning for me, personally of course, but also as President of the European Commission.

“Let reason prevail over force” or “Let wisdom prevail over power” could have been indeed the motto of the European Union. A Union built on shared values: peace, de- mocracy, respect of human dignity, and I mean the respect of every man, woman and child, tolerance and justice. It has been since the very beginning the guiding principle 348 of the European integration process. A process built on free consent. No country has been forced to join or stay against the collective will of its citizens.

Let reason prevail over wars has been the founding narrative of our Union born on the ashes of two devastating World Wars. And it still remains our fundamental “raison d’être”. Peace is not a given once and for all. How could we forget it as the crisis in Ukraine is showing the fragility of peace in Europe and challenging the core values on which our Union is built?

Let reason prevail over oppression and division has been the dream of millions of Europeans from the streets of Lisbon and Athens in 1974 to the Gdansk shipyards in 1980 and then Berlin in 1989. And for each of us, our accession to the European Union has contributed to anchor democracy in our countries and to support our economic progress.

Enlargement, or what I prefer to call it: reunification of Europe, has been a key el- ement of the project of a united, free, democratic continent at peace. It also makes Europe more prosperous. It has indeed made Europe more stable and stronger. In this fast-changing globalised world, size and integrity matter more than ever.

That is why our European firm commitment must be now to let reason prevail over the reawakening of the old demons – the demons of populism, protectionism, ex- treme nationalism, xenophobia. We need to move toward a more perfect political un- ion to strengthen our capacity while upholding our values and defending our interests and model of society.

Today two leading intellectuals – Professor Robert Huber and Professor Witold Kieżun – will be conferred Honoris causa degrees from the Jagiellonian University and let me extend my warmest congratulations to both of them.

People of the worlds of science and culture can play a vital role to confront prejudices, to break down barriers, and to draw people together beyond borders. They can deep- LET REASON PREVAIL OVER FORCE en our understanding, raise questions, mobilise our imagination and, also sometimes from unconventional perspectives, light the way towards creative solutions to new challenges. As Marie Skłodowska-Curie, once said and I quote “nothing in life is to be feared. It is only to be understood.”

And when I had the great honour on behalf of the European Union to make the ac- ceptance speech of the Nobel Peace Prize attributed precisely to the European Union, I not only quoted that great Polish and European figure that was John Paul II but I also mentioned that at the core of the European Union and at the core of our civiliza- tion is the idea of science and culture. And I believe, more than ever, that the role of universities and I want also to extend my admiration to the community of universities across Poland is so important in this very turbulent and unpredictable beginning of the 21st Century.

And the European leaders of this 21st century should nurture these words of Marie Skłodowska-Curie since we do have now to make decisions that will determine for many years whether Europe remains an area of stability, shared prosperity and free- 349 dom.

Europe is now at a turning point where we do need to come to a clear political un- derstanding of what we want and need to do together and to display an unwavering commitment to the democratic power of deliberation and to forge a new consensus for a united, open and stronger Europe.

The fundamental question we must answer is what kind of communality do we rec- ognise as necessary; and the fundamental approach we must embrace is a cooperative one between the European Union, its institutions and all its the Member States.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me conclude by stressing that as imperfect as our Union might be we should never forget that millions outside our borders want what we take for granted, millions out- side our borders some of them close to Poland like Ukraine in fact are aspiring to our standards of living, to the fundamental civil and political freedoms, to the rule of law, to free and fair elections and to the respect of their sovereignty.

But the fact is that our European success story has never been a natural development and we would take it for granted at our peril. It has always been a process – based on reform and not revolution - requiring at each step clear vision, steady determination and hard work.

And today more than ever it requires collective political vision and leadership as well as explicit national ownership. Europe is not just Brussels or Strasbourg, it is not just European institutions, Europe is all of us, Europe is also here at the centre of Europe, at the centre of Poland, it is here in Krakow. It is now our responsibility to continue making the path as we walk. Having that in mind, as another great former student of your university Wisława Szymborska’s said: “The only roads are those that offer access.” [Nie ma dróg innych oprócz drogi dojścia].

Paving the way for a European Energy Security Strategy

ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY CONFERENCE BRUSSELS, 21 MAY 2014

Dear Prime-Minister Tusk, Dear Commissioner Oettinger, Ladies and gentlemen, 351

would like to thank and congratulate Commissioner Oettinger for this initiative, for the competence he has shown pushing this very important file inside the I Commission. Commissioner Oettinger and his services are doing a great job un- der exceptionally challenging circumstances, and I want to acknowledge that.

Today’s conference could not be more topical. With the events in Ukraine, Europe is facing a threat to its peace, stability and security the likes of which we have not seen since the fall of the Iron Curtain.

The ‘Great Game’ of geopolitics has made an unwelcome return and this is being particularly felt in the area of energy. Unfortunately the actions of some actors are based on a logic we cannot share. Because the European idea stems from a different perspective. For us the rule of law prevails over the rule of force. Sovereignty is shared and not limited. The logic of cooperation replaces the logic of confrontation.

And this leads - at least temporarily - to consequences we did not want, because Eu- rope’s world view sees countries as free to choose their own partnerships and to look for opportunities wherever they can be found, not as exclusively part of one sphere of influence or another, or bound to choose between one camp and the other.

But the current situation also asks some very real and very tough questions to the European Union. It is a test to our resolve, our determination and our unity. And all this comes together in the field of energy security. In fact the Ukraine crisis once again shows that for Europe energy independence is crucial. We have to explore all the possibilities which make this goal reachable. The situation also confirms that it is in our own interest to choose a path towards a low carbon, competitive and energy secure European Union. And, first of all, that it is vital for us that we stay together and united. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

The European Commission has been calling and making proposals for such a strong- er and more robust EU energy policy over these last years. There were many times in which we, in different Council formations and myself in the European Council, were pleading for a truly European energy policy. The reality is that because there were probably other priorities at the time, including by the way the very important financial crisis, minds were not sufficiently focussed on the urgency of a real energy policy for the EU. But because of these recent developments, I believe now minds are focussed and we could now make more progress than in the years before. This has been an objective, to increase our security of supply through our energy and also our climate policies. But now, because the situation has changes, I believe it is time to take it one step further.

This is vital for our prosperity, for our strength and our credibility. So we have to prove that European cooperation and integration is the right way – the only way in- deed - to overcome such challenges. I am extremely pleased to discuss this with you, with my friend, Prime Minister of Poland Donald Tusk. I want to also to thank you, 352 Prime Minister, for your strong commitment to this energy policy in the EU. In fact, we have launched this very inspiring idea of this energy community and I can testify that the Prime Minister and Poland have always been among our Member States one of those that have been doing more to achieve what I believe is critically important, that is to have a real Europeanization of energy policies – from the interconnectors and the infrastructures to the internal market and other instruments that we can de- velop. And I wish that many of your ideas that have been so important for the debate can now be discussed also among the members of the European Council, and as you know the European Commission is preparing and I will have the honour to present some ideas also in the European Council next month.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe’s energy dependency is of course not new. But it did gain an added dimension in the light of recent events and in a context of growing energy demand worldwide, which is expected to increase by 27% by 2030.

The European Union currently imports 53% of the energy it consumes and is de- pendent on external suppliers for crude oil (almost 90%), natural gas (66%) and to a lesser extent also solid fuels (42%) as well as nuclear fuel (40%).

Some countries are particularly vulnerable, namely the less integrated and connected regions such as the Baltic and Eastern Europe. Six of our Member States depend on Russia as single supplier for their entire gas imports and three of them use natural gas for more than a quarter of their total energy needs. Nevertheless, this discussion is vital for the European Union as a whole and not just of the countries most concerned. Our external energy bill today represents more than 1 billion € per day and more than a fifth of total European imports. In fact, as you know, the EU today has a surplus in trade, not only in goods and in services, but since recently we have also a surplus in agriculture. The only important area where we don’t have a surplus for obvious reasons, is of course raw materials and energy. PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY

At the same time, dependency is a two-way street. It ties both suppliers and custom- ers alike. Russia exports 80% of its oil and more than 70% of its gas to the EU - by far the most attractive market for Russia. Its revenues from this trade are key for the Russian budget. That is why we have stressed very firmly over the last months that energy must not be abused as a political weapon. Doing so would only backfire on those who try it.

Temporary disruptions of gas supplies in the winters of 2006 and 2009 already pro- vided a wake-up call, underlining the need for a common European energy policy. Since then – and I remember well, because at that time I had to intervene very strong- ly, speaking not only with the leadership in Russia but also the leadership in Ukraine, and the European Commission has done everything it could to help the Member States most affected – since then, the Commission has done a lot to strengthen the EU’s energy security in terms of gas supplies and to reduce the number of Member States exclusively dependent on one single supplier. Over the years, we have made significant progress towards completion of the internal energy market with increased interconnections. And in parallel, we have built up one of the best records worldwide 353 in terms of energy intensity and a more balanced energy mix. So we have a lot to build on, and a lot of experience to learn from.

Yet despite all this the EU remains vulnerable. The tensions over Ukraine again drove home that message. For that reason, the European Council in March put a strong focus on security of supply and invited the Commission to study the EU’s energy security in depth and develop a strategy for the reduction of our energy dependence by June. This is something our services are now working very hard on.

The strategy should build on a number of strengths and lessons learnt from current pol- icies as well the effectiveness of the Union’s response to previous energy supply crises.

All too often energy security issues are being addressed at national level without tak- ing fully into account the interdependence between Member States and the added value of a more collective approach at regional and European levels, in particular for coordinating networks and opening up markets.

And energy security in the long term is also intrinsically linked to the EU becoming a competitive, low-carbon economy. Stronger energy security and the 2030 energy and climate framework go hand in hand. Energy security and decarbonization are actually two sides of the same coin.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

There are a number of key areas where action is needed in the short, medium and longer term:

Reducing energy demand is a fundamental precondition for limiting our energy de- pendence. It is also crucially important from a competitiveness perspective: as a price taker, the EU cannot rely on cheap energy, but can limit overall energy costs through by being more efficient. Meeting the existing 2020 energy efficiency target of 20% EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

will result in 371 million tonnes of oil equivalent primary energy savings in 2020. So we need to speed up our efforts and focus on heating in building and industry, trans- port and equipment in particular so as to achieve our agreed target of 20%.

Next, increasing energy production in the European Union wherever possible. In the past two decades, our own production of energy has steadily declined. Howev- er, thanks to the 2020 targets, in 2012 energy from renewable sources contributed 14.1% of final energy consumption, and the European Union is on track to meet this common 20%-goal by 2020.

Member States have already planned to add an additional 29 million tonnes of oil equivalent of renewable heating between 2012 and 2020, corresponding to about 85% of the Russian natural gas imports used for heat production. Strengthening a market-based approach and improving coordination of national support schemes can provide further impetus to this very promising evolution.

354 Some Member States have also opted for nuclear energy to avoid excessive depend- ence from non-European suppliers. This remains an option that our Member states can explore according to their political and societal circumstances. Fully exploiting the potential of conventional hydrocarbons both in traditional production areas, like the North Sea, and in newly discovered areas, for instance in the Eastern Mediter- ranean, is also on the cards. And on top of that the possibility of unconventional resources, such as shale gas, is being considered by some Member States. The Com- mission has already provided a recommendation to ensure that risks that may arise from individual projects and cumulative developments are managed adequately in Member States that wish to explore or exploit such resources.

Diversifying external energy supplies is also vital. At EU level, external gas supplies are more diversified today than they were a decade ago, mainly due to new liquefied natu- ral gas producers and to the rapid development of LNG regasification capacities in Eu- rope. This is a development to build on, for instance through mechanisms that could increase the bargaining power of European buyers, as proposed by Poland precisely.

Building a resilient internal market remains work in progress. Following the 2009 gas crisis, we have taken action to strengthen gas interconnections and have success- fully implemented “reverse flow” projects with financial support from the Europe- an Economic Plan Recovery. We need to step up such efforts, mainly through the Connecting Europe Facility, which Member States are now implementing. I expect governments to act swiftly in this critical field, for instance when it comes to permits. Because a functioning internal energy market, both for regulation and infrastructure, is the best cushion against external supply shocks. The Commission will continue to push for this, as the guardian of the Treaties.

Strengthening our emergency and solidarity mechanisms is another field for action. This includes minimum storage obligations, cooperation between Member States and crisis coordination mechanisms, which should be considered carefully. And, as high- lighted in the G7 Ministerial Statement adopted earlier this month in Rome, emer- gency plans for the next winter should be developed at regional level. PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY

And finally, developing our technological and industrial capabilities will be vital.

From highly-efficient new coal plants and to the large scale deployment of 2CO cap- ture and storage at coal-fired power stations, tomorrow’s energy potential will depend on today’s research. And, you know, we have also made a point of making this a clear priority in our next perspectives in terms of support for research, the Horizon 2020 European Union programme.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The June European Council will be crucial for our energy security strategy.

The Commission’s to-do-list is clear:

A final decision on the new 2030 climate and energy policy framework - ensuring a cost-effective transition to a competitive low-carbon economy - should be taken as quickly as possible. 355 Also for reasons of certainty and not only for the climate discussions, this is impor- tant, because they are going to have a high level event in the margins of the general assembly in New York in September, called by Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, but also because the most important economic players in Europe and outside of Europe are asking us is what is our panorama, what is our horizon, what is the legal certainty we can have. So the sooner the Member States agree on the 2030 horizon the better.

For the next winter, we will ensure coordination with Member States and all key players for increasing storage, developing reverse flows, the LNG potential, as well as security of supply plans at regional and EU levels.

The European Union must reduce its external dependency on particular suppliers and fuels by diversifying its energy sources, suppliers and routes, notably through the Southern Gas Corridor - which the Commission, and I have to say myself personally, has pushed tirelessly over the last years - and a new gas hub in Southern Europe. Our Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership should also have an energy chapter where we further advance the goal of a transatlantic gas market.

Energy security in the European Union cannot be separated from the energy security of its neighbours and partners within the Energy Community, notably Ukraine. That is why the Commission brokered the recent agreement on reverse flows between the Slovak Republic and Ukraine. Once again, thanks to Günther Oettinger. And this is why the Commission is leading on behalf of the 28 the trilateral discussions with Rus- sia and Ukraine to guarantee the security of transit and supply of gas to Ukraine and to the European Union. I am glad that Member States agreed to entrust the European Commission with the responsibility to conduct these delicate talks.

And, as you know, just yesterday, on behalf of all the Member States of the Europe- an Union, I answered to President Putin clarifying what is our position on such an important and urgent matter. And just to tell you that I just came from a meeting – that’s why we came a bit later and couldn’t listen to the whole speech of Commission EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Oettinger – with the Georgian government. I received the Prime Minister of the Georgian government, and in fact they are now planning to join the European energy charter. So it shows how much it is important to have this space of energy as a way of having security and certainty and not an area of conflict.

Measures are also needed to integrate the internal energy market further, especially for the most dependent Member States. We need more integration, not more obstacles.

Energy security should be mainstreamed for the implementation of the European financial instruments up to 2020, in particular the European Regional Development Fund, the Connecting Europe Facility. As you know, this is an innovation. It was the European Commission that for the first time proposed this instrument, the Con- necting Europe Facility, not only for transport but for energy, and also symbolically for digital - symbolically because Member States could not agree more than 1 billion euros. But for energy we have some funds there, so we should also use the Connecting Europe Facility, the Horizon 2020 that I already mentioned – and there the Member 356 States agreed to increase the volumes of funding for research – and the European Neighbourhood Policy Instrument.

So we have different budgetary windows in the European Union to support, even if some resources have, of course, to come either from the national governments or from private companies. If we have a real functioning internal market I’m sure that more investment will come from our private partners. And we have of course not to forget that the European energy security should also be a stronger policy objective for the European Investment Bank interventions both in the EU and outside the EU. And we are in good contact and cooperation with the European Investment Bank on this specific issue.

More coordination of national energy policies is necessary to respond credibly to the challenge of energy security. Consultations on envisaged intergovernmental agree- ments with third countries having a possible impact on security of supplies are a must, and the Commission should be informed and involved at an early stage.

If we agree on these priorities and maintain the momentum that resulted from the Ukrainian wake-up call, Europe will come out of this crisis stronger, more united and more secure than we were before. In fact Energy, besides the geopolitical aspects, can be/must be a very important driver for European integration. After all, we should not forget that the European integration process started functioning precisely around coal and steel. So it is a very powerful driver for European integration, provided also there is political will of all our capitals. This is the condition sine qua non, the political will to do it. If the political will is there I have no doubts that we can achieve impressive results, not from today to tomorrow, because some of these decisions take a while to implement, but in a relatively short time. Our common project is not completed yet and energy cooperation is certainly one of the areas where we have more to gain in working together and more to lose if we act separately.

And indeed if you look at the last years, that has been constantly and consistently presented as one of areas where more Europe was needed. Not more Europe in the PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY sense of more centralisation, but the Europeanisation of the policies. That’s what the European Commission, namely through the support to the deepening of the internal market, has been leading for some time.

I can assure you that the Commission will make very clear proposals in this sense to the June European Council. The work is going very well within our services, namely with the leadership of Günther Oettinger, but also with all the other colleagues that have to with this. I’m personally following them at work closely. So I’m happy that the Commission will be ready to present a very good package and then it will of course be up to our governments to take the next steps. I am confident they will make the necessary steps forward, speaking with one voice. Because today there is more than ever an awareness of the political and economic importance of this policy.

And to our international partners we say: the EU remains the world’s largest energy market. It remains a transparent, reliable and responsible partner. Therefore, we have a shared interest in preserving transparency, reliability and responsibility for the sake of our energy cooperation, but also for the sake of a predictable and rules based world. 357

What is at stake indeed when we speak about energy, even if we don’t want to see it as a political weapon, is much more than energy. It’s about the kind of world we want to live in.

I thank you very much for your attention.

Statement at the signing of the Association Agreements with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine

EUROPEAN COUNCIL BRUSSELS, 27 JUNE 2014

Today, we are signing Association Agreements between the European Union and 359 three important European countries: Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. This is indeed a historic day: for the three countries themselves, for the European Union and for the whole of Europe.

For our three partners, it is a recognition of the significant progress made over recent years and of their strong political determination to come closer to the European Un- ion; their shared outlook on a prosperous economic model; and their desire to live by the European spirit and with European values.

For the European Union, it is a solemn commitment to support Georgia, the Repub- lic of Moldova and Ukraine, each step of the way, along the road of transforming their countries into stable, prosperous democracies.

These Association Agreements are the logical and natural outcome of a path started more than 20 years ago when these countries became independent sovereign states.

These Agreements are also a landmark in our Eastern Partnership policy that set the objective of achieving political association and economic integration with our part- ners, who were willing and ready to do so.

The Agreements we are signing today are the most ambitious the European Union has entered into so far. They will enable our partner countries to drive reforms, to consolidate the rule of law and good governance; and to give an impetus to economic growth in the region by granting access to the world’s largest internal market and by encouraging cooperation across a wide range of sectors.

But let us be under no illusion. The task ahead is substantial. The Association Agree- ments’ main objective is to help to deliver on the partner countries’ own reforms, own ambitions. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

To succeed will require strong political will. It will require effective coordination within each of the partner governments. It will require each of them to reach out to their parliaments, to opposition, to civil society in order to build a national consensus in favour of the measures required to guarantee a genuine and sustainable transfor- mation. No international agreement can ever replace the momentum and political leadership within the country itself.

Key issues to address to make the reform process successful and irreversible include reforming the judiciary systems and public administration; improving efficiency and transparency; and fighting corruption.

It is also important to state that we are not seeking an exclusive relationship with our three partners, with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. We believe in open societies, open economies, open regionalism.

These Agreements are positive agreements. They are meant to add more momentum 360 to our partners’ established international relations, not to compete with - or intrude in - our partners’ relations with any neighbour. These Agreements are for something – they are not against anyone.

We are well aware of our partners’ aspirations to go further; and we acknowledge their European choice. As we have stated before, these agreements do not constitute the endpoint of the EU’s cooperation with its partners.

Quite the opposite. Signing these Association Agreements with Deep and Compre- hensive Free Trade Areas should not be seen as the end of the road, but as the begin- ning of a journey on which the European Union and these three partner countries are embarking together today.

EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

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© Pete Souza/White House/Getty Images

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Global efforts to tackle global problems — at the G20 in Cannes in 2011, at the G8 in Lough Erne in 2013 and at the G8 in l'Aquila in 2009. 363

[ülevalt alla] Eraaudientsil paavst Franciscuse juures 2013. aastal Vatikanis. Ülemaailmne reaalsus ja inimlik tragöödia: külastades koos peaminister Enrico Lettaga Lampedusat pärast üle 350 sisserändaja hukkumist; tagaplaanil minister Angelino Alfano. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

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[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] 10 aastat usujuhtide ning filosoofiliste ja mitteusuliste organisatsioonidega peetava dialoogi tõhustamist. Kohtumine dalai-laamaga. Kutsusin ta meie ühele usujuhtidega toimunud kohtumistest Brüsselis. Ajalooline hetk: Brüsselis toimunud kohtumine muljet avaldava demokraatia eest võitleva aktivisti Aung Sang Suu Kyiga. 365

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Osalemine Portugalikeelsete Riikide Ühenduse (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa – CPLP) üheksandal tippkohtumisel 2012. aastal Mosambiigis Maputos. Võimaluste manner: kohtumine Aafrika Liidu Komisjoni esimehe Nkosazana Dlamini-Zumaga ...... aga ka lahendamist vajavate probleemide manner: president François Hollande'i ja president Dioncounda Traoréga Malile antava toetuse koordineerimine - konverents Brüsselis 2003. aastal. Võttes komisjonis 2008. aastal vastu Rahvusvahelise Frankofoonia Organisatsiooni peasekretäri Abdou Dioufi. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

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[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Kogudes koos Bonoga toetust arenguabile. Koos Bill Gatesiga – tõeline pühendumus arengule. Koos UNICEFi tegevdirektori Anthony Lake'iga Jordaanias Za’atari põgenikelaagris, jagades ELi ja UNICEFi koolikotte. 367

© Steffen Kugler-Pool/Getty Images

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Walesi prints külastamas Euroopa Komisjoni 2008. aastal: arutlesime muu hulgas kliimamuutuste vastu võitlemise üle. Külastades 2007. aastal Taani peaministri Anders Fogh Rasmusseniga Gröönimaad, et näha kliimamuutuste tagajärgi. Euroopa riigijuhid koos president Barack Obamaga 2009. aastal Kopenhaagenis toimunud keerulistel kliimaläbirääkimistel. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

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[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] © Pete Souza/White House/Getty Images Teeme palju tööd, kuid muudame selle lõbusaks! Silvio Berlusconi ei lase kunagi mööda võimalust nalja teha. Prantsuse-Saksa telje lõõgastushetk 2010. aastal Kanadas G8 ja G20 kohtumistel (koos Nicolas Sarkozy, Angela Merkeli ja Herman Van Rompuyga). Vaadates, kuidas peaminister David Cameron ja kantsler Angela Merkel embavad G8 kohtumisel Camp Davidis pärast seda, kui meistrite liiga finaal Chelsea ja Müncheni Bayerni vahel lõppes lisaajal penaltitega. Like! Saades sõbraks Mark Zuckerbergiga 2011. aastal Deauville'is toimunud nn e-G8 kohtumisel. 369

[päripäeva alustades vasakult ülevalt] Kultuur – see ongi Euroopa: helilooja Arvo Pärt tutvustamas mulle ja Eesti peaministrile Taavi Rõivasele oma maja ja muusikat; kuraator Rem Koolhaas tutvustamas mulle Veneetsia biennaali. Pidamas 2014. aastal Iirimaal Corki ülikoolis kõnet pärast audoktori tiitli saamist. Ülikoolid kehastavad teadmiste otsimist. Külastasin oma ametiaja jooksul rohkem kui 30 Euroopa ülikooli. Koos Olafur Eliassoniga tema ateljees Berliinis: panustades kultuuriteemalisse arutellu Euroopa uue narratiivi üle.

EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014 PRESIDENDI AVALDUS

Ametlikud dokumendid

Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus

TEATIS KEVADISELE EUROOPA ÜLEMKOGULE TEATIS PRESIDENT BARROSOLT KOKKULEPPEL ASEPRESIDENT VERHEUGENIGA BRÜSSEL, 2. VEEBRUAR 2005 KOM(2005) 24

Eessõna Seda oleme me teinud, tegutsedes üheskoos partnerite- na – Euroopa institutsioonid, siseriikliku, piirkondliku ja 373 kohaliku tasandi valitsused ja omavalitsused, tööturu osa- Majanduskasv ja töökohad: Lissaboni pooled, kodanikuühiskond – liikudes kõik üheskoos ühise strateegia uus algus eesmärgi poole.

Kujutage ette, milline Euroopa võiks olla. Mõelge, milles See pärand kujutab endast olulist investeeringut visiooni, peituvad meie laienenud liidu loomupärased tugevad kül- mis meid seob – visiooni, mida kinnitatakse ka põhisea- jed. Mõelge selle seni veel kasutamata potentsiaalile luua duses, visiooni „säästva arengu tagamisest Euroopas, mis rikkust ja pakkuda kõikidele oma kodanikele võimalusi ja põhineks tasakaalustatud majanduskasvul ja hindade sta- õiglust. Euroopa võib olla ülejäänud maailmale majandus- biilsusel, kõrge konkurentsivõimega sotsiaalsel turumajan- liku, sotsiaalse ja keskkonnaalase progressi eeskujuks. dusel, mis seab eesmärgiks täieliku tööhõive ja sotsiaalse progressi ning kõrgetasemelise keskkonnakaitse ja kesk- Just selles realistliku optimismi vaimus ongi uus Eu- konna kvaliteedi parandamise.“ roopa Komisjon koostanud poliitilised tegevussoovi- tused Lissaboni strateegia – meie ambitsioonika refor- Viimase 50 aasta jooksul on saavutatud erakordset edu, mikava, mille Euroopa Ülemkogu algatas märtsis 2000 kuid Euroopa ei või muutuvas maailmas paigale jääda. Just – vahekokkuvõtteks. seetõttu võtsid riigipead ja valitsusjuhid viis aastat tagasi vastu ambitsioonika muudatuste programmi. Nad võtsid Eurooplastel on põhjust olla meie majanduspotentsiaali endale kohustuse teha Euroopa Liidust maailma kõige suhtes optimistlikul seisukohal. XX sajandi teisel poolel dünaamilisem ja konkurentsivõimelisem teadmuspõhine saavutatud edu on jätnud endast maha võimsa päran- majandus, mis on suuteline saavutama jätkusuutlikku ma- di. Pärast poolt sajandit rahu on meil üks maailma enim janduskasvu arvukamate ja paremate töökohtade ja suure- arenenud majandus ja me oleme ühinenud stabiilsete ja ma sotsiaalse ühtekuuluvusega ning keskkonnasäästlikult. demokraatlike liikmesriikide unikaalseks poliitiliseks lii- duks. See liit on loonud ühtse turu, mida selles osalejate Tänaseks võime näha, et edusammud on parimal juhul jaoks toetab ühisraha, mis tugevdab majanduslikku sta- olnud kaheldavad. Ehkki mitmed põhitingimused Eu- biilsust ja süvendab majandusintegratsiooni võimalusi. Me roopa taassünniks on olemas, ei ole ei Euroopa ega sise- oleme konsolideerinud unikaalse sotsiaalse osalusmudeli. riiklikul tasandil piisavalt tulemusi saavutatud. Küsimus Meie põhihariduse standardid on kõrged ja teaduslik baas ei ole mitte üksnes Lissaboni strateegia väljakuulutami- on ajalooliselt hästi välja arenenud. Euroopa on koduks sele järgnenud rasketes majandustingimustes, vaid see on dünaamilistele ja uuendusmeelsetele äriühingutele, kelle tulenenud ka ülekoormatud poliitilisest tegevuskavast, konkurentsivõime on erakordne. Oma parimas vormis il- puudulikust kooskõlastatusest ja mõnikord ka vastukäi- mutavad nad märkimisväärset uuenemisvõimet. Me oleme vatest prioriteetidest. Mõne jaoks näitab see, et viie aasta teinud rohkem edusamme säästva arengu saavutamisel kui tagustest auahnetest plaanidest tuleks loobuda. Komisjon ükski teine maailma piirkond. sellega ei nõustu. Meie ees seisvad ülesanded on nüüd veelgi suuremad, pidades silmas rahvastiku vananemist ja EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

ülemaailmset konkurentsi. Kui me ei kinnita veelkord oma Majanduskasvu ja töökohtade loomise esmaeesmärgiks pühendumust nende eesmärkide saavutamisele uue hoo ja seadmine käib käsikäes sotsiaalsete ja keskkonnaalaste ees- pühendumusega, satub meie Euroopa ühiskonna mudel, märkide edendamisega. Lissaboni strateegia on asutamisle- meie pensionid, meie elukvaliteet kiiresti kahtluse alla. pingus sätestatud säästva arengu üldeesmärgi – praeguse ja tulevaste põlvkondade heaolu ja elutingimuste jätkusuutli- Vajadust kiiresti tegutseda kinnitab ka hr Wim Koki ju- ku parandamise – oluline komponent. Nii Lissaboni stra- hitava kõrgetasemelise töörühma möödunud novembris teegia kui ka säästva arengu strateegia aitavad selle eesmärgi avaldatud aruanne. Selles on esile toodud heidutav ülesan- saavutamisele kaasa. Teineteist vastastikku tugevdades on ne. Koki sõnutsi on „Lissaboni strateegia täna veelgi hädava- need suunatud üksteist täiendavatele meetmetele, kasuta- jalikum, kuna lõhe Põhja-Ameerika ja Aasia majanduskasvu vad erinevaid vahendeid ja toovad tulemusi erineva tähtaja vahel on suurenenud, samas kui Euroopa ees seisab kombinee- jooksul. ritud probleem madala iibe ja vananemise näol. Aeg on otsa saamas ja enesega rahulolu ei või me enam endale lubada. Komisjon on täielikult pühendunud säästvale arengu- Kaotatud aja tasategemiseks on vaja strateegia paremat ra- le ning Euroopa sotsiaalse mudeli moderniseerimisele ja kendamist.“ Selle probleemi ees seistes on Euroopal vaja pa- edendamisele. Ilma suurema majanduskasvu ja arvukama- randada oma tootlikkust ja hõivata tööle rohkem inimesi. te töökohtadeta ei ole see võimalik. Meie säästva arengu strateegia ja sotsiaalmeetmete kava on olnud läbivaatamisel Praeguste suundumuste jätkudes väheneb Euroopa majan- ja ettepanekud esitatakse eelseisvatel nädalatel enne keva- duskasvu potentsiaal tulevaste aastakümnete jooksul poole dist Euroopa Ülemkogu. Lisaks sellele tuleb meil jätkata 374 võrra ja ulatub aastas pisut üle 1%. tööd oma rahvusvaheliste partneritega, et korrigeerida globaalset makromajanduslikku tasakaalustamatust, kuna Euroopa tulemuslikkus on meie mujal maailmas asuvate majanduskasvu tõus on meie partneritele niisama kasulik konkurentide omast maha jäänud. Nende tootlikkus on nagu Euroopa Liidulegi. kasvanud kiiremini ja nad on teadus- ja arendustegevus- se rohkem investeerinud. Meil tuleb alles luua vajalikud Seetõttu nõuab Lissaboni strateegia kohest tegutsemist struktuurid, et ennetada meie majanduses ja ühiskonnas ja kõik kõneleb selle poolt, et Euroopas tuleks tegutseda toimuvaid muutusi ja nendega paremini toime tulla. Ning üheskoos. ikka veel vajame me sellist ühiskonnanägemust, mis ühen- daks endas nii vananemise kui ka noorsoo – eelkõige meie Kui me seda ei tee, läheb see meile kalliks maksma ja seda tööjõu arendamiseks, kus praegused suundumused heida- hinda on võimalik välja arvutada. Suur hulk teaduslikke vad varju nii pikaajalisele majanduskasvule kui ka sotsiaal- tõendeid on kinnitanud, kui kõrge oleks „mitte-Euroo- sele ühtekuuluvusele. pa hind“. Nende arvude üle võib vaielda. Kuid Lissaboni strateegia täitmatajätmisel on siiski oma hind. Parimaks Komisjon on asunud seda probleemi lahendama, tehes tõendiks on üha laienev lõhe Euroopa ja tema majandus- oma ettepanekud liidu strateegiliste eesmärkide kohta: partnerite kasvupotentsiaali vahel. Ent potentsiaalne kasu „Taaselustuv majanduskasv on jõukuse saavutamiseks häda- laienenud Euroopa ulatuslikumast ja sügavamast majan­ vajalik, see võib taastada täieliku tööhõive ning kujutab en- dusintegratsioonist on märkimisväärne. dast sotsiaalse õigluse ja kõikidele avatud võimaluste alustala. Samuti on see otsustav Euroopa positsiooni jaoks maailmas Käesolev vahekokkuvõte näeb ette, kuidas me võime aidata ning Euroopa võime jaoks mobiliseerida ressursse, millega vas- Euroopal majanduskasvu ja töökohtade probleemiga toime tata paljudele erinevatele globaalsetele väljakutsetele.” tulla. Selles algatatakse idee majanduskasvu soodustamisele ja töökohtade loomisele suunatud partnerlusest Euroopa Me vajame dünaamilist majandust, et edendada oma laie- Liidu tegevuskava ja siseriiklike tegevuskavade kaudu, mis maid sotsiaalseid ja keskkonnaalaseid eesmärke. Just see- sisaldavad kindlaid kohustusi. See on üles ehitatud kolmele tõttu keskendub Lissaboni strateegia majanduskasvule ja kesksele ideele: töökohtadele. Selleks tuleb meil tagada, et: • Esiteks vajavad Euroopa meetmed rohkem • Euroopa muutuks atraktiivsemaks investeerimis- ja keskendatust. Meil tuleb keskendada kõik oma töökeskkonnaks, jõupingutused tulemuste saavutamisele nendes põhivaldkondades, mis avaldavad kõige suuremat • Teadmised ja uuendusmeelsus oleks Euroopa mõju. See tähendab seniste lubaduste pidamist, juba majanduskasvu mootoriks, käimasolevate reformide edasiarendamist kõikides • Me kujundaksime välja poliitika, mis võimaldab meie liikmesriikides ja uute meetmete algatamist, kui see on ettevõtetel luua rohkem ja paremaid töökohti. vajalik, et me sihil püsiksime. See nõuab komisjonilt ranget prioriteetide seadmist ja selle aluseks peab olema Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus

Euroopa Ülemkogu ja Euroopa Parlamendi kindel liikumise tihedama ühtekuuluvuse suunas üle kogu konti- toetus. nendi, siis suudame oma Lissaboni eesmärgid taas käeula- tusse tuua. • Teiseks tuleb meil mobiliseerida toetus muudatustele. Lissaboni eesmärkide laialdane ja tegelik omaksvõtt on parim viis tagada, et sõnadest saaksid teod. Nende See on uus algus, mida Euroopa vajab. reformide teokstegemisel peavad osalema kõik, kelle huvides on, et Lissaboni strateegia oleks edukas, ükskõik millisel tasandil nad ka poleks. Nad tuleb Kommenteeritud kokkuvõte hõlmata siseriiklikku poliitilisse arutellu. Viis aastat tagasi algatas Euroopa Liit ambitsioonika re- • Kolmandaks tuleb meil Lissaboni strateegiat formikava. Viimase aasta jooksul on komisjon teinud lihtsustada ja täiustada. See tähendab, et tuleb kokkuvõtteid tehtud edusammudest. See on toonud kaasa selgeks teha, kes teeb mida, lihtsustada aruandlust elava arutelu nii Euroopa kui ka siseriiklikul tasandil kõi- ja toetada tulemuste saavutamist Euroopa Liidu ja gi nende hulgas, kelle huvides on, et Lissaboni strateegia siseriiklike Lissaboni tegevuskavade kaudu. Oleks oleks edukas. Lisaks sellele on komisjonile abiks olnud vaja integreeritud ”Lissaboni suuniseid“, millest Wim Koki juhatatava kõrgetasemelise töörühma töö, mille liikmesriigid võiksid oma tegevuses juhinduda ning kohta esitati aruanne möödunud novembris. Täna valitseb mida toetaks üksainus aruanne ELi tasandil ja üksainus üldine üksmeel ses suhtes, et Euroopa on Lissaboni stratee- aruanne siseriiklikul tasandil saavutatud edusammude gia pakutavate muutuste potentsiaali realiseerimisest veel 375 kohta. See vähendab oluliselt liikmesriikidele langevat kaugel. Ehkki diagnoosi ega lahendusi ei ole vaidlustatud, siseriiklikku aruandluskoormust. ei ole tegelikkuses piisavalt edusamme tehtud. Kõik see tuleb asetada laiemate reformide taustale. Meie muudatuste taotlustele peavad nii ELi kui ka siseriiklikul Käesolevas vahearuandes ajal, mil Lissaboni protsess on tasandil vastama vajalikud ressursid. jõudnud poolele teele, visandatakse, kuidas meil on võima- lik üheskoos Euroopa tuleviku nimel töötada ja Lissaboni Usaldusväärne makromajanduslik olukord on hädavajalik, tegevuskava õigele rajale tagasi juhtida. et jõupingutustel majanduskasvu suurendada ja töökohti luua oleks reaalset lootust edu saavutada. Euroopa Liidu Uuenenud Lissaboni strateegia – mis on stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktis kavandatavad muudatused – ELi teisiti? tasandil ette nähtud eeskirjad, mis reguleerivad liikmes- riikide eelarvepoliitikat – peaksid meie majandust veelgi Komisjon teeb ettepaneku algatada Lissaboni strateegia stabiliseerima, tagades samal ajal, et liikmesriigid võivad uuesti, keskendades oma jõupingutused kahe peamise üles- pikaajalise majanduskasvu eeltingimuste loomises täiel ande lahendamisele – tugevama, kestva majanduskasvu määral osaleda. saavutamisele ning arvukamate ja paremate töökohtade loomisele. Euroopa majanduskasvu ja tööhõive probleemi Euroopa tasandil peab arutelu liidu edaspidise finantsraa- lahendamine on võti, mis avab meile vajalikud ressursid, et mistiku üle kuni aastani 2013 („finantsperspektiivid“) või- me võiksime täita oma laiemad majanduslikud, sotsiaalsed maldama teha järeldusi meie Lissaboni eesmärkide kohta, ja keskkonnaalased eesmärgid; nende laiemate eesmärkide toetades Lissaboni prioriteete ELi tulevase eelarve raames. täitmine omakorda tagab meie reformide edukuse. Et see Me peame tagama sellise toetuse ja sellised investeeringud, saaks võimalikuks, on hädavajalik tagada tugev makroma- mida tänapäevane teadmuspõhine majandus vajab, kasu- janduslik keskkond, eriti stabiilsusele orienteeritud makro- tama oma ressursse viisil, mis aitab meil kohaneda muu- majanduspoliitika ja usaldusväärne eelarvepoliitika. tuvate majanduslike ja sotsiaalsete tingimustega, ning käi- vitama programmid, mis pakuvad liikmesriikidele õigeid stiimuleid, et nad keskendaksid oma siseriiklikud kulutu- sed Lissaboni eesmärkide saavutamisele. Need prioriteedid kajastuvad ka komisjoni ettepanekutes finantsperspektiivi- de kohta.

Kui me suudame ambitsioonikad plaanid, ressursid ja head ideed omavahel ühendada, kui me suudame need aasta- kümne lõpuks kestvaks muutuseks muuta ning kui me suudame toetada Lissaboni strateegiat, kaotades oma ma- janduses investeeringute puuduse probleemi ja algatades EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

1. Rakendamise tagamine mõjuhindamise läbiviimise kvaliteedi ja metoodika kohta. Tegelik rakendamine on Lissaboni strateegia põhiprobleem • Konkurentsireegleid tuleb rakendada proaktiivselt. nii Euroopa kui ka siseriiklikul tasandil. Reformikava ra- See aitab suurendada tarbijate usaldust. Sellistes kendamine nõuab uut partnerlust majanduskasvu ja töö- sektorites nagu energeetika, telekommunikatsioonid kohtade loomise nimel. ja finantsteenused, algatataksevaldkondlik konkurentsitõkete uurimine. EL-i tasandil täidab keskset rolli komisjon, algatades meet- • Euroopa ettevõtted vajavad ka ülemaailmseid avatud meid ja tagades nende rakendamise. turge. Liit avaldab tugevat survet Doha vooru lõpuleviimiseks ja rakendamiseks, aga samuti liikmesriigid Paralleelselt sellega peavad tegema tasa ma- edusammude tegemiseks muudes kahepoolsetes ja hajäämuse Lissaboni reformide alal. Seda peaksid toetama piirkondlikes majandussuhetes. siseriiklikud Lissaboni tegevuskavad, milles nähakse ette, kuidas nad seda teevad (vt jaotis juhtimise kohta allpool). Teadmised ja innovatsioon majanduskasvu teenistuses 2. Uus Lissaboni tegevuskava • Teadus- ja arendustegevuse investeeringute suurendamine ja tõhustamine 376 Käesolevas aruandes ei üritata Lissaboni strateegiat ümber kirjutada, vaid tehakse kindlaks uued meetmed Euroopa ja • Uuenduslikkuse edendamine, info- ja siseriiklikul tasandil, mis aitavad meie Lissaboni visiooni kommunikatsioonitehnoloogia rakendamine ellu viia. ning ressursside jätkusuutlik kasutamine • Euroopa tööstusbaasi tugevdamine

Atraktiivsem investeerimis- ja töökeskkond • Siseturu laiendamine ja süvendamine • Kõikide tasandite võimuorganid liikmesriikides peavad tegema pingutusi uuendustegevuse soodustamiseks, • Euroopa Liidu ja siseriiklike õigusaktide et meie visioon teadmuspõhisest ühiskonnast võiks tõhustamine muutuda tegelikkuseks. Seejuures peaks neile abiks • Avatud ja konkurentsivõimeliste turgude olema Euroopa Liidu jätkuv keskendumine sellistele tagamine nii Euroopas kui ka väljaspool valdkondadele nagu infoühiskond, biotehnoloogia ja ökoinnovatsioon. • Euroopa infrastruktuuride laiendamine ja nii avalikust parandamine • Suunata rohkem investeeringuid kui erasektorist teadus- ja arendustegevusse. EL tasandil on vaja, et Euroopa Parlament ja nõukogu võtaksid varakult vastu järgmise teadusuuringute • Meil tuleb siseturgu laiendada ja süvendada. raamprogrammi ning uue konkurentsivõime ja Liikmesriigid peavad parandama olemasolevate EL uuendustegevuse programmi. Need esitatakse aprillis. õigusaktide rakendamist, et ettevõtted ja tarbijad saaksid sellest täit kasu. Mitmes liikmesriigis on • Osana suuremast riigiabipoliitika reformist, mida olulise tähtsusega turud, nagu telekommunikatsiooni-, alustatakse juba sel aastal, antakse liikmesriikidele energia- ja transporditurg avatud üksnes paberil – ja ja piirkondlikele ning muudele avalikele organitele nii veel kaua pärast seda, kui kõnealuste liikmesriikide rohkem tegutsemisvõimalusi, et toetada teadus- ja poolt deklareeritud tähtajad on möödunud. uuendustegevust, iseäranis ELi väikeste ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtete vastavat tegevust. • Endiselt on vaja olulise tähtsusega reforme, et ehitada üles ühtne turg, ja neile tuleks pöörata erilist • Teadmiste levitamine kõrgekvaliteedilise tähelepanu: finantsteenusteturg, nagu ka teenusteturg haridussüsteemi kaudu on parim viis tagada Liidu üldiselt, REACHi ettepanek, ettevõtete ühine konkurentsivõime pikas perspektiivis. Eelkõige peab konsolideeritud tulumaksubaas, aga samuti ühenduse liit Euroopa kõrghariduspiirkonna väljakujundamisega patent. tagama, et meie ülikoolid suudaksid konkureerida maailma parimatega. • Seadusloomekliima peab paranema. Märtsis käivitab komisjon uue seadusloomereformi algatuse ja • Komisjon teeb ettepaneku Euroopa me kaasame väliseksperte, kes annavad nõu meie Tehnoloogiainstituudi loomiseks. Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus

• Komisjon toetab ja julgustab innovatsioonikeskuste tööturgude paindlikkust, et aidata Euroopal kohaneda väljakujundamist, mis on mõeldud abistama restruktureerimise ja turumuutustega. piirkondlikke osalejaid teadus- ja äriala parimate peade • Pidades silmas üha vähenevat tööturul osalejate hulka, kokkuviimisel õigete ressurssidega, et ideed jõuaksid vajame me hoolikalt läbi mõeldud lähenemisviisi laboritest ettevõtetesse. seaduslikule sisserändele. Selle kohta esitab komisjon • Komisjon ja liikmesriigid peavad tugevdama käimasoleval avalikul arutelul põhineva plaani enne oma toetust ökoinnovatsioonile, mis võib meie 2005. aasta lõppu. elukvaliteeti oluliselt parandada, aga samuti kiirendada • Euroopa vajab rohkem ja paremaid investeeringuid majanduskasvu ja töökohtade loomist, näiteks sellistes haridusse ja väljaõppesse. Keskendudes nii Euroopa valdkondades nagu ressursside säästev kasutamine, kui ka siseriiklikul tasandil oskustele ja elukestvale kliimamuutused või tõhus energiakasutus. õppele, on inimestel hõlpsam uuele tööle üle minna. • Samuti edendatakse partnerlust tööstusega Euroopa Seda peaks ELi tasandil toetama elukestva õppe tehnoloogiaalgatuste raames, mis lähtuvad programmi vastuvõtmine sel aastal ja siseriiklike Galileo satelliitnavigatsioonisüsteemist saadud elukestva õppe strateegiate esitamine liikmesriikide kogemustest. Esimene neist algatustest peaks teoks poolt 2006. aastal. saama 2007. aastal, kui järgmine teadusuuringute • Samuti vajab Euroopa mobiilsemat tööjõudu. raamprogramm on käigus. Mobiilsusele Euroopa Liidu raames aitab samuti kaasa menetluses oleva kutsekvalifikatsiooni raamistiku 377 Arvukamate ja paremate töökohtade loomine peatne vastuvõtmine. Komisjon teeb 2006. aasta kvalifikatsiooni vastastikuse • Tööhõive suurendamine ja jooksul ettepanekuid tunnustamise sotsiaalkaitsesüsteemide moderniseerimine lihtsustamiseks. Liikmesriigid peaksid kiirendama kõikide kitsenduste kõrvaldamist, mis • Töötajate ja ettevõtete kohanemisvõime ja takistavad töötajate liikumist hiljuti liiduga ühinenud tööturgude paindlikkuse suurendamine riikidest. • Inimkapitali suunatavate investeeringute • Piirkondlikud ja kohalikud võimud peaksid suurendamine parema hariduse ja paremate kavandama projekte, mis viivad meid Lissaboni oskuste abil eesmärkide saavutamisele lähemale. Struktuurifondide (sh maaelu arenguks mõeldud fondide) järgmine põlvkond kujundatakse välja just seda silmas pidades – • Sotsiaalpartnereid kutsutakse üles veel enne keskendudes sellele, kuidas need võivad aidata 2005. aasta kevadist Euroopa Ülemkogu arendama saavutada majanduskasvu ja rohkem töökohti kohalikul välja ühist Lissaboni tegevuskava, milles esitatakse tasandil. nende panus Lissaboni eesmärkide saavutamisse. • Liikmesriigid ja sotsiaalpartnerid peavad suurendama 3. Lissaboni strateegia juhtimise oma jõupingutusi, et tõsta tööhõive taset, eelkõige parandamine ajades aktiivset tööhõivepoliitikat, mis aitab töötajaid ja stimuleerib neid tööle jääma, töötades Lissaboni strateegia vajab radikaalset paranda- välja aktiivse vananemise poliitika, et inimesed ei juhtimine mist, et muuta see efektiivsemaks ja hõlpsamini mõiste- lahkuks tööjõu hulgast liiga vara, ja moderniseerides tavaks sotsiaalkaitsesüsteeme, et need jätkuvalt pakuksid . Kohustuste jaotumises liidu ja liikmesriikide vahel vajalikku kindlust, mis aitaks inimestel muutustega valitseb ebaselgus. Liiga palju on kattuvat ja bürokraatlikku toime tulla. aruandlust, samas kui poliitilist vastutust ei ole piisavalt.

• Euroopa ja ka Lissaboni strateegia tulevik on tihedalt Et selgitada, mida on vaja teha ja kes vastutab, esitab ko- seotud noorsooga. Liit ja liikmesriigid peavad misjon Lissaboni tegevuskava. tagama, et kavandatavad reformid aitaksid anda neile elu esimese võimaluse ja annaksid neile kaasa Lisaks sellele teeb komisjon uue majandus- ja tööhõi- oskused, mida nad vajavad kogu elu jooksul Samuti vetsükli raames ettepaneku integreeritud lähenemisviisi peab liit seadma endale prioriteedid meie ees seisva kohta olemasolevate majanduspoliitiliste üldsuuniste ja demograafilise muutusega toimetulekuks. tööhõivesuuniste täiustamiseks. Tulevikus kasutatakse • Liikmesriigid ja sotsiaalpartnerid peavad parandama kõrvuti Lissaboni tegevusprogrammiga integreeritud suu- tööjõu ja ettevõtete kohanemisvõimet ning niste kogumit, et reformikava edendada. Need hõlmavad makromajanduspoliitilisi, tööhõive- ja struktuurireforme. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Sellele vastuseks oodatakse liikmesriikidelt, et nad võtaksid ta saavutanud, seades ühiseid eesmärke ja tegutsedes nende ulatusliku siseriikliku arutelu järel vastu siseriikliku majan- saavutamiseks üheskoos: liit ja liikmesriigid, valitsused ja duskasvu ja tööhõive tegevuskava, mida toetaksid võetud kodanikuühiskond, ettevõtted ja kodanikud. Sama dünaa- kohustused ja eesmärgid. milisus ajendas ka kaugeleulatuva reformikava algatamist Euroopa Ülemkogu Lissaboni kohtumisel 2000. aasta Selle kõige korraldamiseks peaksid liikmesriigid nimetama märtsis. Seal visandati tee konkurentsivõimelise ja integ- valitsuse tasandil „härra või proua Lissaboni“. ratsiooni soodustava teadmuspõhise majanduse suunas, mis oleks Euroopa vastuseks probleemidele, mis meie kon- Samuti lihtsustatakse aruandlust. ELi ja siseriiklikul ta- tinendi ees seisavad. sandil jääb üksainus aruanne Lissaboni strateegia alal teh- tud edusammude kohta. See uus aruandlusprotsess annab … kuid ei ole tehtud piisavalt edusamme. mehhanismi, mille kaudu Euroopa Ülemkogu ja Euroopa Parlament võivad keskenduda olulisimatele poliitilistele Täna peame tõdema, et majandustingimuste, rahvusva- küsimustele, ilma et neid koormaks suur hulk valdkond- helise ebakindluse, liikmesriikide aeglaste edusammude ja likke aruandeid, nagu praegu igal aastal toimub. eesmärgi järkjärgulise silmist kaotamise omavaheline kom- binatsioon on Lissaboni strateegia kursilt kõrvale kalluta- Selline lähenemine hõlbustab Euroopa Ülemkogul iga­ nud. Ja ometi on meie ees seisvad probleemid muutunud kevadist praktiliste suuniste andmist ning komisjonil oma veelgi teravamaks ülemaailmse konkurentsi ja elanikkonna rolli täitmist Lissaboni eesmärkide täitmisel tehtavate edu- vananemise valguses, mis on täna tunduvalt märgatavamad 378 sammude jälgimisel, julgustamisel ja toetamisel ning täien- kui viis aastat tagasi. Seda seisukohta jagab ka Wim Koki davate meetmete soovitamisel, et Lissaboni strateegia õigelt juhitav kõrgetasemeline töörühm oma aruandes.6 Selles rõ- teelt kõrvale ei kalduks hutati Euroopa ebapiisavaid edusamme Lissaboni stratee- gia eesmärkide saavutamisel. Vastuseks peame me taastama usu Euroopa võimesse luua nende eesmärkide täitmiseks vajalikud tingimused. Euroopa võib lähtuda oma rikkali- //// kest traditsioonidest ja mitmekesisusest, oma unikaalsest sotsiaalsest mudelist ning ammutada lisajõudu hiljutisest Selle põhjal soovitab komisjon Euroopa Ülemkogule laienemisest, mille tulemusena temast sai maailma suurim järgmist: ühtne turg ja kaubandusblokk.

Algatada uus partnerlus majanduskasvu soodustamiseks ja Majanduskasv ja töökohad on Euroopa järgmine suur­ töökohtade loomiseks projekt.

Toetada ühenduse tegevuskava ja kutsuda liikmesriike üles Koki aruande kõige olulisem järeldus on, et „majanduskas- koostama oma siseriiklikke tegevuskavu vu ja tööhõive edendamine Euroopas on Euroopa järgmine suurprojekt“. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku suunata Lissabo- Kiita heaks Lissaboni strateegia juhtimise uus kord, mis on ni tegevuskava fookus ümber meetmetele, millega eden- sätestatud käesolevas aruandes, et parandada poliitika ellu- datakse majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet, ja seda viisil, mis on viimise tõhusust nii ühenduse kui ka siseriiklikul tasandil täielikult kooskõlas jätkusuutliku arengu eesmärgiga. Selle ning julgustada tõelist arutelu ja tegelikku poliitilist vastu- strateegia alla kuuluvad meetmed peaksid tugevdama lii- tust Lissaboni strateegia eesmärkide eest. du võimet täita meie keskkonnaalaseid ja sotsiaaleesmärke ning neid veelgi edasi arendada. Tegelik raskus seisneb aga strateegia visandamises, mis tegeleb valdkondadega, kus 1. Majanduskasv ja töökohtade Euroopa edusammud on jätnud soovida (näiteks majan- loomine esiplaanil duskasvu peatumine ja ebapiisav töökohtade loomine). See nõuab uut partnerlust. Lissaboni tegevuskava oli mõeldud liidu võimaluste ära­ kasutamiseks … Seda strateegiat tuleb edendada uue partnerluse kaudu liik- mesriikide ja liidu vahel, kus ka sotsiaalpartnerid osalevad Ühtne turg, euro, hiljutine liidu laienemine – need kõik täiel määral. Uus Lissaboni tegevuskava on paratamatult näitavad liidu võimet täita ambitsioonikaid eesmärke. Rohkem kui pool sajandit on liit kaitsnud rahu ja ehita- nud üles jõukust. Muutuvate majanduslike, sotsiaalsete ja 6 Wim Koki juhitud Lissaboni strateegia kõrgetasemelise poliitiliste oludega on ta takistusteta toime tulnud. Seda on töörühma aruanne, november 2004. http://europa.eu.int/comm/ lisbon_strategy/group/index_en.html Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus laiaulatuslik, aga selle edu tagamiseks on olulise tähtsusega Arvukamate ja paremate töökohtade loomine … piiratud hulk poliitilisi prioriteete. Just neile me peamegi keskenduma, et tagada kogu strateegia edu. Otsustavaks Tööturgudel peab laskma paremini toimida, stimuleerides saab just rakendamine ja hädasti on vaja olemasolevaid ra- inimesi töötama ja ettevõtteid neid tööle võtma ning luues kendusmehhanisme parandada. See nõuab ratsionaalset ja rohkem ja paremaid töökohti. See nõuab märkimisväärseid tõhusat töömeetodit, et viia ellu strateegia, mis seob ühte investeeringuid inimkapitali ja tööjõu suuremat kohane- liidu ja tema liikmesriigid. Et see saaks võimalikuks, pea- misvõimet integratsiooni soodustaval tööturul. vad Lissaboni tegevuskava omaks võtma kõik sidusrühmad ELi, siseriiklikul, piirkondlikul ja ka kohalikul tasandil: … tootlikkuse kasvu tulemusena suurenenud konkurentsi­ Liikmesriigid, Euroopa kodanikud, parlamendid, sotsiaal- võime … partnerid ja kodanikuühiskond, aga samuti kõik ühenduse institutsioonid. Kõik nad peaksid andma oma panuse Eu- Tootlikkuse kasv on ELis märgatavalt aeglustunud. Selle roopa tuleviku ülesehitamisse. Lõppude-lõpuks saavad ju suundumuse tagasipööramine on tähtsaim liidu ees seisnev kõik kasu tulevikust, mida Lissaboni tegevuskavaga püü- konkurentsivõimega seonduv probleem. Samal ajal peame takse kujundada. Uuenenud Lissaboni strateegia tähendab me seadma eesmärgiks tootlikkuse püsiva kasvu kõikides just selle potentsiaali ärakasutamist meie kodanike jaoks. olulisemates majandussektorites. Koos tööjõu oskuste See tähendab võimaluste ärakasutamist ja ühist nägemust parandamise, suuremate investeeringute ning info- ja si- progressist. detehnoloogia kasutamisega kogu majanduse ulatuses on terve konkurentsiõhkkond ja õiguslikus reguleerimises va- 379 Usaldusväärsed makromajandustingimused on edu lähte­ litsev õige tasakaal tootlikkuse suurendamiseks ülima täht- punkt. susega. Ent Lissaboni ülipikk poliitiliste eesmärkide loetelu on nende tootlikkuse suurenemist soodustavate meetmete Makromajandustingimuste ja -poliitika tähtsust varjutanud. Nüüdsest peaksid uues Lissaboni stra- usaldusväärsus teegias struktuurireformid selliste meetmete kaudu keskse Usaldusväärne makromajanduslik olukord on hädavaja- koha leidma. lik, et jõupingutustel majanduskasvu suurendada ja töö- kohti luua oleks reaalset lootust edu saavutada. Eelkõige … peavad käima käsikäes. on oluline jätkuv stabiilsusele orienteeritud makromajan- duspoliitika ja usaldusväärne eelarvepoliitika. Valitsused Tootlikkuse kasv ja suurenenud tööhõive peavad käima peavad andma oma maksimumpanuse majanduskasvu ja käsikäes. Meil tuleb vältida sellist ilma töökohtadeta ma- tööhõivesse, säilitades või tagades samal ajal riigi rahanduse janduskasvu, mis on viimastel aastatel tumestanud USA usaldusväärsuse. majanduse edusamme. Samal ajal tuleb meil tuua pikaaja- liselt töötud ja suhteliselt madala oskuste tasemega inime- Euroopa Liidu stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktis kavandatavad sed tagasi tööle. See võib mõjutada meie tootlikkuse kasvu muudatused – ELi tasandil ette nähtud eeskirjad, mis re- kiirust. Teadmiste, hariduse ja uuenduslikkuse rõhutamine guleerivad liikmesriikide eelarvepoliitikat – peaksid meie meie uues Lissaboni strateegias annab inimestele võimaluse majandust veelgi stabiliseerima, tagades samal ajal, et liik- tootlikkusredelil tõusta ja tagab, et üldine tootlikkuse kasv mesriigid võivad pikaajalise majanduskasvu eeltingimuste on kiire. loomises täiel määral osaleda. Avatud rahvus­vahelised turud on olulised. Tootlikkus ja tööhõive Rahvusvaheliste turgude avamine ja uute tööstusriikide Lissaboni strateegia omistab ühevõrra tähtsust nii tööhõive tugev kasv annab olulise panuse majanduskasvu ja töö- kui ka tulemuslikkuse suurendamisele konkurentsivõime kohtade loomisse. See saab aga siiski teoks üksnes siis, kui tõstmise kaudu. me suudame tagada oma majanduses sügavama ja kiirema struktuuriliste kohanduste protsessi, et suunata ressursid ümber sektoritesse, kus Euroopal on olemas suhtelised eelised. Muutuste hõlbustamine konkurentsivõimelise- mate sektorite ja parema kvaliteediga töökohtade jaoks on seetõttu uue Lissaboni strateegia edu jaoks otsustava tähtsusega. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Vastutus tuleb jagada ELi ja liikmesriikide vahel. vastastikku sõltuvad, et ükski liikmesriik ei suuda selle ülesandega üksi toime tulla. Selles kontekstis sõltub meie poliitilise tegevuskava ellu- … jaotada vastutus … rakendamine nii meetmetest nii liidu kui ka siseriiklikul tasandil. Edu sõltub kohustuste ja vastutuse jagamisest. • Tuleb tagada, et kõik erinevad osalejad võtavad need Seetõttu on partnerlus vältimatu. eesmärgid ja reformid omaks. Lissaboni strateegial ei õnnestunud rakendamise osas põhiosalisi piisavalt kaasa tõmmata, iseäranis siseriiklikul tasandil. 2. Euroopa partnerluse Mobiliseerimine on võimalik üksnes siis, kui eri loomine majanduskasvu osalejad tunnevad, et kavandatav poliitika puudutab neid ja et nad saavad tegelikult osaleda otsustamis- soodustamiseks ja tööhõive ja rakendamisprotsessis. Seetõttu tuleks esitada suurendamiseks liikmesriikidele üleskutse koostada laiaulatusliku arutelu järel üksainus siseriiklik tegevuskava ja esitada Majanduskasv ja töökohtade loomine – esimene näide üksainus siseriiklik aruanne Lissaboni strateegia kohta meie partnerlusest Euroopa uuenemiseks (vt punkt 4). … ja tugevdada prioriteete. Komisjon tegi hiljuti ettepaneku partnerluse loomise koh- 7 380 ta Euroopa uuenemiseks. See moodustab osa strateegili- • Jõupingutused tuleb ümber suunata prioriteetidele sest programmist aastateks 2005–2009 ja on kavandatud ja nähtavatele eesmärkidele, mida toetavad võimaldama liikmesriikidel, Euroopa Liidul ja sotsiaal- majanduskasvule ja töökohtade loomisele suunatud partneritel sama eesmärgi nimel koos töötada. Nagu juba käegakatsutavad meetmed. See on Lissaboni strateegia öeldud, on majanduskasv ja töökohtade loomine selle uue eduks hädavajalik. Selgete prioriteetide seadmise partnerluse esimeseks proovikiviks. Kõik senised panused ja konkreetsete meetmetega on võimalik inimesi näitavad selgesti kindlat soovi tegutseda selle uuenenud mobiliseerida ja panna neid vastutust võtma. eesmärgi saavutamise nimel. Et see partnerlus oleks tulemuslik, on vaja, et siseriiklikul ta- Et Lissaboni strateegias edu saavutada, tuleb … sandil oleksid kõik partnerid täielikult sellele pühendunud.

Seetõttu kutsub komisjon selle aasta märtsikuist Euroopa Ülemkogu üles Lissaboni strateegiat taaskäivitama ja nimelt 3. Meetmed majanduskasvu Euroopa partnerluse kaudu majanduskasvu soodustamiseks kiirendamiseks ja töökohtade ja töökohtade loomiseks. Sellel partnerlusel on ainult üks eesmärk: hõlbustada ja kiirendada majanduskasvu kiiren- loomiseks damiseks ja tööhõive suurendamiseks vajalike reformide teostamist. 3.1. Lissaboni tegevuskava Euroopa Liidu ja selle liikmesriikide jaoks See peab tekitama reaalset lisandväärtust, et anda kiireid ja käegakatsutavaid tulemusi: Kolm põhivaldkonda …

… mobiliseerida toetus … Majanduskasvu soodustamiseks ja töökohtade loomiseks kavandatav partnerlus põhineb Lissaboni tegevuskaval. • Erinevad osalejad tuleb panna koos tegutsema. Selles määratletakse prioriteedid, mis aitavad Euroopa Mobiliseerimine ja kollektiivsed jõupingutused on Liidul ja selle liikmesriikidel tõsta tootlikkust ja luua roh- partnerluse põhielemendid. Probleemid on ühised ja kem ja paremaid töökohti. See hõlmab meetmeid kolmes mõjutavad meie arengumudelit. Me peame neile vastu põhivaldkonnas: astuma üheskoos, sest igaühe individuaalne panus on kollektiivse edu saavutamiseks vajalik. Probleemide • Euroopa atraktiivsuse suurendamine investeerimis- ja ulatus on selline ja meie majandused on sedavõrd töökeskkonnana, • Teadmised ja uuenduslikkus – kasvu soodustavad tegurid, 7 KOM(2005) 12, Strateegilised eesmärgid aastateks 2005– 2009. Euroopa 2010: partnerlus Euroopa uuenemiseks. Jõukus, • Uute ja paremate töökohtade loomine solidaarsus ja turvalisus. Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus

… lihtsustavad meie strateegiat … Vajame soodsamatt keskkonda väikestele ja keskmise suuru- sega ettevõtetele. See võimaldab uuenenud Lissaboni strateegiat fookustada. Prioriteedid saavad selgemaks. Nii saame vastata kriitikale, Selles valdkonnas võetavad meetmed on eriti olulised Eu- et Lissaboni strateegia seadis liiga palju prioriteete ning sel- roopa Liidu väikestele ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtetele lest oli raske aru saada. (VKEdele), mis moodustavad 99% kõigist ettevõtetest ning 2/3 tööhõivest. Ettevõtjaks saamisele või oma ettevõt- … pannes paika, kes teeb mida, mis ajaks ja kuidas edu­ te loomisele tehakse liiga palju takistusi ning seeläbi kaotab samme hinnata. Euroopa Liit võimalusi. Ettevõtluse soodustamine eeldab ettevõtlikkuse soosimist. Uuesti tuleks läbi vaadata ka Toetudes siseturu programmi käigus omandatud koge- ettevõtlusega seotud riskide ja tulude suhe. Hirm ebaõn- mustele, määratakse Lissaboni tegevuskavas kindlaks vas- nestumise ees takistab paljusid oma ettevõtet loomast või tutusalad ja tähtajad ning see annab võimaluse tehtud edu- pärast ebaõnnestumist uuesti proovimast. Lissaboni stra- sammude mõõtmiseks. Eelkõige tehakse selles selget vahet teegia viie esimese aasta edusammudele vaatamata ei ole liikmesriikide ja Euroopa Liidu tasandil võetud meetmete Euroopas siiski veel piisavalt riskikapitali, mis võimaldaks vahel. Kõige olulisematest meetmetest antakse ülevaade asutada uusi ja uuenduslikke ettevõtteid ning kehtivad käesolevas peatükis. maksuseadused ei soosi kasumi reinvesteerimist. 3.2.1. Ühtse turu laiendamine ja süvendamine Kõigil ELi institutsioonidel on täita oma osa. 381 Vaja on siseturgu laiendada ja süvendada … ELi tasandil täidab keskset rolli komisjon, algatades meet- meid ja tagades nende rakendamise. Selle ülesande täitmi- Keskse tähtsusega ülesandeks jääb ühtse turu loomise lõ- sel teeb komisjon tihedat koostööd Euroopa Parlamendi ja puleviimine, eelkõige teenuste, reguleeritud kutsealade, nõukoguga ning toetub ka teiste ELi institutsioonide – Eu- energeetika, transpordi, riiklike tellimuste ja finantsteenus- roopa majandus- ja sotsiaalkomitee, regioonide komitee ja te valdkonnas. Samuti on vaja pakkuda kõigile kodanikele finantsalal Euroopa Investeerimispank – pädevusele. soodsa hinnaga kvaliteetseid üldhuviteenuseid. Euroopa Liidu majanduse kasvuks ja töökohtade loomiseks on üha Liikmesriigid peavad võtma endale kindlad kohustused. olulisem tugeva ja avatud teenindussektori olemasolu. Aastatel 1997–2002 on peaaegu kõik uued töökohad Eu- Komisjon aitab võrdleva analüüsi, rahalise abi, sotsiaalse roopa Liidus loodud teenindussektoris. 70% Euroopa Lii- dialoogi edendamise ja parimate praktikate kindlakstege- dus loodud lisandväärtusest saadakse teenustest. Teenuste mise teel kaasa ka riigi tasandil. Kuid edusammudest rii- liberaliseerimine stimuleeriks kasvu ja suurendaks tööhõi- kide tasandil on Lissaboni strateegia esimeses faasis vajaka vet. Teenindussektori liberaliseerimisega võiks luua juurde jäänud. Seepärast määrab komisjon kindlaks valdkonnad, 600 000 töökohta. milles liikmesriikidel tuleb võtta kindlaid kohustusi riikli- ke tegevusprogrammide raames, võttes arvesse konkreetse- Need on valdkonnad, mis võivad majanduskasvu ja töö- te liikmesriikide olukorda. Riiklikud tegevusprogrammid kohtade arvu reaalselt suurendada ning mõjutavad otseselt peaksid hõlmama täpselt määratletud meetmeid, sealhul- tarbijaid. Paljudes neist valdkondadest on Lissaboni stra- gas meetmete ajakava ja edunäitajaid. Komisjon jälgib ja teegia raames juba vastu võetud mitmeid õigusakte, kuid hindab tehtud edusamme, kasutades allkirjeldatud uut liikmesriigid veavad oma äriühinguid ja kodanikke alt, vii- aruandlus- ja kooskõlastusmeetodit. vitades õigusaktide rakendamise ja jõustamisega.

3.2. Euroopa atraktiivsuse … soodustada investeerimist ja uuenduslikkust. suurendamine investeerimis- ja töökeskkonnana Tõkete eemaldamine looks turuletulijatele uusi võimalusi ja tooks kaasa konkurentsi, mis suurendaks investeeringuid Majanduskasvu kiirendamiseks ja uute töökohtade loomi- ja uuenduslikkust. See on eriti vajalik ajal, mil ELi sisekau- seks on vaja suurendada Euroopa atraktiivsust investeeri- banduse kasv ning hindade lähenemine on peatunud. mis- ja töökeskkonnana. Euroopa Liit ja liikmesriigid pea- vad keskenduma põhiteguritele. Üldist majandushuvi pakkuvate teenuste optimeerimine

Tõhusal ja dünaamilisel ühtsel turul on avalikel teenustel täita keskne roll. Mais 2004 avaldas komisjon valge raa- matu, milles määratleti üldhuviteenuste valdkonnas ELi EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

poliitika aluseks olevad põhimõtted ning käsitleti selliseid üldkulusid, jättes samas liikmesriikidele õiguse otsustada keskse tähtsusega teemasid nagu ühisosa siseturu-, konku- ettevõtete tulumaksu määra üle. rentsi- ja riigiabi eeskirjadega, teenusepakkuja valik ja tar- bijate õigused. Komisjon pöördub 2005. aasta jooksul selle Ühenduse patendist on saanud teadmistepõhise majan- küsimuse juurde tagasi. duse edendamise sümbol Euroopa Liidus. See on oluline ettepanek ja kiiresti on vaja leida praktiline lahendus, mis … ja riikide valitsustel on keskne roll. toetaks uuenduslikkust.

Lõpuks peaks liikmesriigid tagama, et nende reguleerimis- 3.2.2. Avatud ja konkurentsile suunatud turud süsteemid vastaksid täpsemalt kogu ELi turu vajadustele. nii Euroopa Liidus kui väljaspool ELi. Väga tähtis on tagada sobivad turutingimused, nt on-line teenuste (e-valitsuse) levinuma kasutuse ning korruptsioo- Konkurents on äärmiselt tähtis. ni ja pettustega võitlemise teel, ning vajadusel tõhustada Majanduskasvu edendamiseks ja töökohtade loomiseks valitsuste tegevust selles osas. Ühtse turu paremaks toimi- miseks ning ettevõtjate halduskoorma vähendamiseks ja on väga oluline konkurentsi olemasolu. ELi konkurentsi­ tõkete eemaldamiseks saab palju ära teha ka maksustamise poliitika on mänginud väga olulist rolli konkurentsile alal. rajatud turgude kujunemisel Euroopas, mis on aidanud kaasa tootlikkuse suurendamisele. Seda taotletakse ka laie- Ühtset turgu käsitlevad õigusaktid nenud Euroopa Liidus, eelkõige aktiivse jõustamise ning 382 uuenduslikkust, teadus- ja arendustegevust ja riskikapitali Lissaboni strateegia esimese faasi üks suurimaid kordami- mõjutava riigiabireformi abil. Seega jätkab komisjon oma nekuid oli finantsteenuste tegevuskava: seadusandlikud konkurentsipoliitika elluviimist, mis aitab ka kindlaks meetmed võeti tähtaegselt; Euroopa Liidu institutsioonid teha õigusaktidest tulenevaid ja muid konkurentsitõkkeid. tegid tõhusat koostööd ja uue ambitsioonika raamistiku Viiakse läbi uuringuid olulistes sektorites (näiteks finants- viimistlemiseks leiti mitmeid uuenduslikke lahendusi. teenuste- ja energeetikasektor), et teha kindlaks põhjusi, Nüüd on vaja tagada eeskirjade järjekindel kohaldamine miks turud sellistes sektorites täielikult ei toimi. kogu Euroopa Liidus. Samas peaks lähiaastatel tegelema ka finantsteenuste tegevuskava seni veel käsitlemata küsimus- Liikmesriigid peavad riigiabi vähendama ja ümber tega. Meetmeid võetakse ainult siis, kui põhjalikud konsul- suunama. tatsioonid huvitatud isikutega ja mõju hindamine tõotavad selgelt lisandväärtust. Liikmesriigid peaksid riigiabi vähendama ja ümber suu- nama, et lahendada probleeme suure kasvupotentsiaaliga Konsensuse saavutamiseks teenuste direktiivi osas ja seda turusektorites ning edendada uuenduslikkust. Need alga- olulist ettepanekut käsitleva arutelu edendamiseks teeb tused peaksid olema suunatud väikeste ja keskmise suuru- komisjon konstruktiivset koostööd Euroopa Parlamendi, sega ettevõtete vajadustele ja probleemidele. Aasta jooksul nõukogu ja teiste huvirühmadega, valmistudes selle esi- käivitab komisjon riigiabieeskirjade laiaulatusliku reformi meseks lugemiseks Euroopa Parlamendis. Keskendume (vt lõik 3.3.1). esmajoones küsimustele, mis on seotud päritoluriigi sätete toimimise ja võimaliku mõjuga teatavatele sektoritele. ELi ettevõtlus vajab ka avatud üleilmset turgu. REACH direktiivi puhul rõhutab komisjon vajadust jõuda Euroopa Liidu äriühingute tegevus muutub järjest rah- otsusele, mis oleks kooskõlas Lissaboni strateegia eesmär- vusvahelisemaks ning ELi kaubanduspoliitika peab neile kidega Euroopa tööstuse konkurentsivõimelisuse ja uuen- tagama juurdepääsu kolmandatele turgudele ja võimaluse duslikkuse osas ning mis aitaks oluliselt kaasa Euroopa konkureerida õiglastel alustel, lähtudes selgelt määratletud kodanike tervise- ja keskkonnaprobleemide lahendamisele. eeskirjadest. Kokkuvõtteks võib öelda, et majanduskasvu Komisjon soovib teha täielikku koostööd Euroopa Parla- kiirendamisel on väga tähtsaks teguriks turgude avatus nii mendi ja nõukoguga, püüdes leida pragmaatilisi lahendusi Euroopa Liidus kui ka kogu maailmas. REACHi analüüsimisel ilmnenud olulisematele problee- midele, et parandada selle rakendatavust. MAJANDUSKASVU JA TÖÖKOHTADE LOOMISE ÜLEILMNE DIMENSIOON Et kõrvaldada takistusi, mida endast kujutavad 25 eri ees- kirjakogumit, millega reguleeritakse mitmes liikmesriigis Seetõttu jääb põhieesmärgiks kõrgetasemelise kokkuleppe tegutsevate äriühingute maksustamist, püüab komisjon saavutamine DOHA voorus. Selleks tuleks sõlmida ka- saavutada kokkulepet ettevõtete ühise (konsolideeri- hepoolsed ja piirkondlikud vabakaubanduslepingud, ka tud) maksubaasi ja selle rakendamise osas. Sellega saab Mercosuriga ja Pärsia lahe koostöönõukoguga. vähendada eri riikides tegutsemisega kaasnevaid kõrgeid Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus

Tuleks uuendada püüdlusi õigus- ja haldusnormide lä- konkurentsi valdkonnas, kasutades selleks ka oma hendamiseks rahvusvahelisel tasandil, eriti transatlantiliste mõjuhindamismenetlust. kaubandussuhete puhul. Normide maksimaalse lähenda- • Välisekspertide konsulteerimist mõjuhindamise misega rahvusvahelisel tasandil - nii suhetes meie peamis- kvaliteedi ja metoodika osas. te kaubanduspartneritega (USA) kui ka kiiresti kasvavate Aasia turgudega (Hiina, India) ja ELi naabruses asuvate • Õigusaktidest tulenev bürokraatia, keeruline riikidega – saame oluliselt vähendada kulusid ja suuren- turulepääs ja nõrk konkurentsisurve võivad pärssida dada tootlikkust. Komisjon tegutseb aktiivselt selle plaani uuenduslikkust kõrge kasvupotentsiaaliga sektorites. elluviimise nimel. Seepärast analüüsib komisjon kõige olulisemate sektorite olukorda, eesmärgiga teha kindlaks kasvu 3.2.3. Euroopa Liidu ja siseriiklike õigusaktide ja uuendust takistavad tegurid. Erilist tähelepanu tõhustamine pööratakse väikeste ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtete tegevust takistavatele teguritele. Sobiva reguleeriva raamistikuga saab edendada äritege­ vust ja suurendada tarbijausaldust. 3.2.4. Euroopa infrastruktuuri laiendamine ja tõhustamine Tarbetute kulude vähendamisega, kohanemist ja uuene- mist takistavate tegurite kõrvaldamisega ning konkurentsi Kaasaegne infrastruktuur lihtsustab kauplemist ja suuren­ ja tööhõivet soosiva seadusandlusega saab luua soodsamad dab mobiilsust. tingimused majanduskasvuks ja tootlikkuse suurenemi- 383 seks. Selleks vajalikud meetmed hõlmavad lihtsustamist, Ühtne turg vajab kaasaegset infrastruktuuri, mis lihtsus- läbimõeldud õigusakte ja halduskulude vähendamist. So- taks kauplemist ja suurendaks mobiilsust. Siin on edusam- biv reguleeriv raamistik suurendab ka tarbijausaldust ja mud jäänud pettumustvalmistavalt tagasihoidlikuks ning tarbijate panust majanduskasvu. Õigusaktidest tulenev probleem vajab lahendamist. Kaasaegse infrastruktuuri bürokraatlik koorem mõjutab eriti tõsiselt VKEsid, kellel olemasolu on oluline konkurentsivõime tegur, mis mõ- tavaliselt ei jätku selliste eeskirjadega peale sunnitud büro- jutab paljusid ettevõtlust puudutavaid otsuseid, kuna sel- kraatiaga tegelemiseks piisavalt ressursse. lest sõltub piirkonna majanduslik ja sotsiaalne atraktiivsus. See tagab inimeste, kaupade ja teenuste mobiilsuse kogu Peame lahti saama tarbetust bürokraatiast. Euroopa Liidus. Eriti uutes liikmesriikides aitab infra­ struktuuri investeerimine kaasa majanduskasvule ja suure- Parema õigusliku reguleerimisega peaks vähendama bü- ma ühtsuse saavutamisele nii majandus-, sotsiaal- kui kesk- rokraatiat, mis ei aita kaasa strateegiliste eesmärkide saa- konnasfääris. Arvestades infrastruktuuri pikaajalist mõju, vutamisele. Parem reguleerimine peaks olema otsustamise peaks sellealased otsused oluliselt suurendama jätkusuut- aluseks kõigil ELi tasanditel. likkust. Samuti aitavad selle saavutamisele kaasa õiglased ja tõhusad infrastruktuuri hindamise süsteemid. Parem õiguslik reguleerimine Energia- ja teised võrgutööstused tuleb täielikult libe­ Parem õiguslik reguleerimine mõjutab positiivselt majan- raliseerida. duskasvu, tööhõivet ja tootlikkust, kuna õigusaktide kvali- teedi parandamisega suurendatakse huvi ettevõtluse vastu, Lõpuks peame tagama, et energia- ja teised võrgutööstused vähendatakse tarbetuid kulusid ja eemaldatakse kohane- avatakse liikmesriikides täielikult konkurentsile, mille osas mist ja uuenemist takistavad tegurid. on kokkulepe juba saavutatud. Need meetmed on üheks tähtsaimaks hoovaks, mis võimaldab füüsilise infrastruk- Ka liikmesriigid peaksid astuma samme oma seadusand- tuuri kasutuse optimeerida, et nii tööstusele kui tarbijatele, luse kvaliteedi parandamiseks, eelkõige sektorites, kus sõltumata nende asukohast, oleks tagatud soodsamad hin- tootlikkuse kasv Euroopa Liidus jääb tagasihoidlikuks, nt nad ja suurem valik ning kõigile kodanikele oleks garantee- teenindussektor. ritud kvaliteetsed üldhuviteenused.

Komisjon jätkab tööd selle eesmärgi saavutamise nimel ja Euroopa infrastruktuur algatab enne kevadise ülemkogu toimumist uue laiaulatus- liku tegevuskava, mis hõlmab: Uuenenud Lissaboni strateegia õnnestumise eeltingimu- seks on kaasaegse transpordi ja energeetika infrastruktuuri • Uute seadusandlike/tegevussuundi määratlevate olemasolu kogu Euroopa Liidu territooriumil. Liikmes- ettepanekute mõju hindamise tõhustamist riigid peavad täitma oma kohustuse osaleda 45 piiriüle- ses „välkstardi”-projektis transpordi ja energeetika alal. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Projekte kooskõlastatakse Euroopa Liidu tasandil, kuid soodsamaks. Maksud on teistes riikides üha olulisemaks asjaomased liikmesriigid peavad võtma endale kohustuse teguriks, mis paneb ettevõtteid suurendama investeerin- planeerimis- ja rahastamisprotsessi käivitamiseks. Liikmes- guid teadus- ja arendustegevusse. Esmajoones aitaks see riigid peavad esitama aruandeid riiklike tegevusprogram- kaasa ELi väikeste ja keskmise suurusega kõrgtehnoloogi- mide raames tehtud edusammudest. liste ettevõtete kasvule.

3.3. Teadmised ja uuenduslikkus – 7. teadusuuringute raamprogrammi eesmärgiks on ELi majanduskasvu soodustavad tegurid tasandil koostöö süvendamise ja erasektori investeeringute suurendamise kaudu tõsta meie tööstuse konkurentsivõi- Teadmised suurendavad tootlikkust. melisust kesksetes tehnoloogiavaldkondades. Uus raamp- rogramm rõhutab ka teadustöö kõrget kvaliteeti tulevase Euroopa teadusnõukogu abil, mis koosneks sõltumatutest ELi sarnases arenenud majanduskeskkonnas mõjutavad maailmatasemel teadlastest, kes lähtuksid teadusprojektide tootlikkuse kasvu oluliselt teadmised (teadus- ja arendus- ja -programmide valikul nende teaduslikust väärtusest. tegevus, uuenduslikkus ja haridus). Teadmised on Euroo- pa võimalus tagada konkurentsivõimelisus globaliseeruvas Riigiabi raamprogrammi läbivaatamine teadus- ja maailmas, kus teised konkureerivad odava tööjõu või toor- arendustegevuse ja uuenduslikkuse osas aineressursside abil. Riigiabieeskirjade üldise muutmise käigus vaadatakse läbi 384 3.3.1. Teadus- ja arendustegevuse ka praegune teadus- ja arendustegevuse riigiabi raam­ investeeringute suurendamine ja programm, eesmärgiga lihtsustada teadus- ja arendus­ tõhustamine tegevuse ning uuenduslikkuse rahastamist ja juurdepääsu riskikapitalile ning nende valdkondade riiklikku finantsee- Peame vähendama ELi mahajäämust investeeringute osas rimist. Komisjon esitab 2005. aasta suveks riigiabipoliiti- teadus- ja arendustegevusse ka tulevikku käsitleva teatise. Teaduse ja uuendustegevuse rahastamist on vaja teha lihtsamaks, eriti uute ja uuen- EL investeerib teadus- ja arendustegevusse umbes kolman- dusmeelsete ettevõtete puhul. Praegu on uuenduslikkuse diku võrra vähem kui USA. 80% sellest mahajäämusest üheks peamiseks tõkestajaks piiratud juurdepääs finants- tuleneb erasektori investeeringute vähesusest, mis on eriti vahenditele. Projektidele, mis mõjutaks oluliselt laiemat tuntav investeeringute puhul info- ja kommunikatsiooni- avalikkust, tuleb tagada riiklik toetus, mis siiski ei tohiks tehnoloogiasse. EL kulutab praegu teadus- ja arendustege- moonutada konkurentsitingimusi. vusele ainult 2% SKTst, mida ei ole oluliselt rohkem kui Lissaboni strateegia käivitamise ajal. Peame liikuma kiire- 3.3.2. Uuenduslikkuse edendamine, mini ELi võetud sihi suunas – teadus- ja arendustegevuse info- ja kommunikatsioonitehnoloogia investeeringute tase, mis vastaks 3%-le SKTst. Selleks on rakendamine ning ressursside vaja suurendada ja otstarbekalt kasutada riiklikke kulutusi, jätkusuutlik kasutamine luua soodsamad üldtingimused, tõhusamalt motiveerida ettevõtete uuendustegevust ning teadus- ja arendustege- Ülikoolidel on teadmiste kogumisel ja levitamisel keskne vust ja suurendada haritud ja motiveeritud teadustöötajate roll. hulka. Kogu Euroopa Liidus tuleb suurendada ülikoolide panust Teadus- ja arendustegevuse investeeringute suurendamine teadmiste kogumisse ja levitamisse. Komisjon pakub väl- 3%ni SKTst ja ideesid nende teadustöö potentsiaali ja kvaliteedi tõst- miseks, mis suurendaks nende väljapaistvust ja tugevdaks Lissaboni strateegia raames seatud eesmärgi saavutami- suhteid tööstusega. Komisjon annab ka juhtnööre üli- ne (teadus- ja arendustegevuse investeeringute viimine koolide ja tööstuse vahelise teaduskoostöö tihendamiseks 2010. aastaks tasemele, mis vastaks 3%-le SKTst) sõltub ja tehnosiirdeks. Samuti otsib ta lahendust küsimusele, suuresti liikmesriikidest. Riiklike Lissaboni tegevuskavade kuidas tõsta Euroopa ülikoolide rahvusvahelist konku- raames peaks liikmesriigid selgitama, mida saab teha selle rentsivõimet. Mitmeski mõttes näib, et praegused finant- eesmärgi saavutamiseks. Väga tähtis on ettevõtete investee- seerimis-, üld- ja kvaliteedijuhtimisviisid ei suuda vastata ringute suurendamine ja liikmesriigid peaksid ära kasuta- teadustöötajate, üliõpilaste ja teadmiste globaliseeruva turu ma võimalusi, mida pakub uus riigiabi raamprogramm. nõudmistele.

Äärmiselt oluline on ka ELi kooskõlastatud strateegia maksuolude muutmiseks teadus- ja arendustegevusele Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus

Ka ELi investeeringutel on oma osa. tootlikkuse kasvust info- ja kommunikatsioonitehno- loogiatest. Kuid Euroopas hakati IKTdesse investeerima Sünergia suurendamiseks teaduse rahastamise ning struk- hiljem ja seda on tehtud vähemal määral kui USAs, eri- tuuri- ja ühtekuuluvusfondide vahel peaksime suurendama ti teenindussektorites, nagu transport, jaekaubandus ja investeeringuid teadus- ja uuendustegevuseks vajalikesse finantsteenused. vahenditesse, mis võimaldaks ELi tasandi teadustegevuses osaleda suuremal arvul piirkondadel. Ehkki investeerimiskavade elluviimise eest vastutavad peamiselt ettevõtted ja riikide valitsused, aitab Euroopa innovatsioonikeskused Liit neid selles. Uue tegevuskava „i2010: Euroopa info­ ühiskond“ eesmärgiks on edendada IKTde elluraken- Regionaalsel ja kohalikul tasandil tuleb meil pöörata roh- damist, et jätkata eEurope programmi elluviimist, mida kem tähelepanu innovatsioonikeskuste loomisele, mis toetas ka Lissaboni strateegia. See saavutatakse elektroo- ühendaks väikeseid ja keskmise suurusega kõrgtehnoloo- nilistele sidevõrkudele ja digitaalteenustele selgepiirilise, gilisi ettevõtteid, ülikoole ja vajalikku ettevõtlusalast ja stabiilse ja konkurentsile suunatud keskkonna loomisega; rahalist toetust. Liikmesriigid peaksid kasutama ELi regio- intensiivsema teadustegevuse ja uuenduslikkusega info- ja naal- ja sotsiaalfondide pakutavaid võimalusi piirkondlike kommunikatsioonitehnoloogia vallas ning tõrjutust välis- uuendusstrateegiate toetamiseks. Seda tuleb silmas pidada tava ja elukvaliteeti edendava infoühiskonna loomisega. ka uute tippkeskuste rajamisel, millele me oma teadus- programmis palju tähelepanu pöörame, et ideed saaks Peame mõtlema ka loodusvaradele ja keskkonnale … laboratooriumist välja tuua ja tööle rakendada. Seda toe- 385 tab ka tihenev koostöö regionaalfondide, teadusuuringute raamprogrammi ning uue konkurentsivõime ja uuendus­ Püsiva edu saavutamiseks peab Euroopa Liit tegelema ressursside ja keskkonnaalaste küsimustega tegevuse programmi vahel. mitmete , mis unarusse jäetult hakkaksid edasist kasvu pidurdama. Sellest sõltub arengu jätkusuutlikkus. Erinevalt Euroopast kaas- Riiklike Lissaboni tegevuskavade raames tuleks koostada neb paljudes piirkondades kiire majanduskasvuga ka kiire teekaardid selliste keskuste rajamiseks ja arendamiseks. elanike arvu tõus. Euroopal tuleb sellele reageerida ning olla oma tootmise ja tarbimise jätkusuutlikumaks muut- Eurooplaste ettevõtlikkus on alati põhinenud teadmis- misega teistele eeskujuks. tejanul. See on aidanud meil määratleda oma identiteeti ja väärtusi ning see on ka peamiseks teguriks, mis tagab … lahenduseks on ökoinnovatsioon. meile konkurentsivõime tulevikuks. Selleks et veelgi tugev- dada meie veendumust, et teadmised on majanduskasvu võtmeks, teeb komisjon ettepaneku luua Euroopa tehno- Lisaks aitab tootlikkust tõstev uuendustegevus, suurenda- loogiainstituut, mis tõmbaks ligi parimaid teadlasi, ideid des sisenditest saadavat väljundit, tagada ka majanduskasvu ja ettevõtteid kogu maailmast. Selle idee parimal viisil el- keskkonnasõbralikkust. Seepärast on vaja jõudsalt edenda- luviimiseks teeb komisjon koostööd liikmesriikidega ning da keskkonnasäästlikku uuendustegevust, eriti transpordi avaliku ja erasektori huvirühmadega. ja energeetika vallas. Keskkonnasäästlik uuendustegevus Investeeringud uutesse tehnoloogiatesse … Komisjon kavatseb edaspidi veelgi enam rõhutada kesk- Uuenduslikkust mõjutavad oluliselt konkurentsi- ja mak- konnatehnoloogiate tähtsust. Samuti võtab komisjon vaja- supoliitika ning samuti uute tehnoloogiate ellurakendami- likud meetmed, et arendada strateegiaid ja tehnoloogiaid, se kiirus, eriti tehnoloogia kiire muutumise ajal. mis võimaldavad ELil ellu viia pikaajaliseks jätkusuutlik- kuseks vajalikud struktuurilised muudatused, näiteks loo- … on tootlikkuse suurendamisel keskse tähtsusega … dusvarade säästliku kasutamise, kliimamuutuse ja energia- tõhususe vallas. Neid on vaja nii ELile endale kui selleks, et i2010: Euroopa infoühiskond saab edendada IKTde vastata kogu maailma laienevate turgude vajadustele. Ma- rakendamist. janduse, keskkonna ja tööhõive jaoks pakuvad keskkonna- tehnoloogiad ja energiatõhusus suurt sünergiapotentsiaali. Üldisemas plaanis sõltub meie uuenduslikkus põhiliselt investeeringute suurendamisest ja uute tehnoloogiate, Ka madala süsinikusisaldusega tehnoloogiate arendamisele eelkõige info- ja kommunikatsioonitehnoloogiate, kasu- ja rakendamisele tuleb kaasa aidata aktiivsema teadustöö tamisest nii avalikus kui ka erasektoris. Info- ja kommu- ja tehnoloogiate tõhusama levitamisega, sealhulgas ka era- nikatsioonitehnoloogiad on teadmistepõhise majanduse sektori investeeringute suurendamisega Euroopa Investee- nurgakiviks. Kaasaegses majanduses tuleneb umbes pool rimispanga vahendusel. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

3.3.3. Euroopa tööstusbaasi tugevdamine rakendamisel konkreetsete toodete, turgude ja töökohtade puhul. Tugev tööstus aitab meil püsida teaduses ja tehnoloogias esirinnas. Komisjon määrab tihedas koostöös peamiste huvirühma- dega (liikmesriigid, teadlased, tööstus ja kodanikuühis- Teadus- ja arendustegevuses ning uuenduslikkuses rahvus- kond) kindlaks vastavad kriteeriumid, valdkonnad ja pro- vahelises plaanis eestvedaja rolli võtmine annab meile “tee- jektid ning esitab juunis toimuvale Euroopa Ülemkogule rajaja eelise”, mille mõju võib olla pikaajaline, arvestades aruande. See protsess ja sellele järgnev ettevalmistus- ja eriti, et tehnoloogilised edusammud, nagu näiteks meie rahastamisetapp viiakse ellu raamprogrammi koostamise ja kogemus GSMiga, võimaldavad Euroopa Liidul kehtestada vastuvõtmise raames. rahvusvahelisi standardeid. Majanduse ja tehnoloogia val- las juhtpositsioonile jõudmiseks ja selle säilitamiseks peab Euroopa tugevdama tööstust, eelkõige oma tehnoloogi- 3.4. Uute ja paremate töökohtade lise potentsiaali maksimaalse ärakasutamise teel. Vajame loomine tööstuse arendamiseks terviklikku ja ennetavat strateegiat, mis lähtuks turust. Mitte alati pole maksimaalselt ära ka- Euroopa vajab suuremal arvul ja paremaid töökohti … sutatud sünergiat, mida võimaldab teadus-, seadusandlike ja finantsprobleemide lahendamisel üleeuroopaline koos- Jõukuse tagamiseks ja sotsiaalse tõrjutuse ohu vähendami- töö, kui liikmesriikidel üksikult ei jätku turuprobleemide seks on vaja luua inimestele töökohti ning jälgida, et nad 386 lahendamiseks ressursse. töötaksid või õpiksid kogu elu.

Edukast avaliku ja erasektori partnerlusest saab rääkida … ent demograafilised tegurid ei ole tööhõivele soodsad. seoses Galileo projekti ja lennundusega. Kiirete majanduslike muutuste ja rahvastiku vananemise Galileo projekt ja lennundus on heaks näiteks jõudude kontekstis ei oma uute ja paremate töökohtade loomine edukast ühendamisest, mis on toonud olulist kasu Euroopa mitte ainult poliitilist, vaid ka suurt majanduslikku ja sot- Liidu majandusele. Avaliku ja erasektori partnerlust oleks siaalset tähtsust. Järgmise 50 aasta jooksul seisab Euroopa vaja arendada eelkõige sellistes valdkondades, mis mõjuta- silmitsi tõsisema demograafilise üleminekuga kui kuna- vad mitte ainult erasektorit, vaid ühiskonda laiemalt, nagu gi varem. Töötav elanikkond väheneb absoluutarvudes. näiteks vesinikuenergia. Lissaboni strateegia taaskäivitami- Lisaks üleminekuga kaasnevatele olulistele sotsiaalsetele sega tuleks luua õiged tingimused selle potentsiaali äraka- muutustele avaldab see äärmiselt tõsist mõju meie pen- sutamiseks ja vajalike struktuuriliste muutuste kiirendami- sioni- ja sotsiaalkindlustussüsteemidele ning võib potent- seks, jätkates samal ajal ka väljapoole suunatud tegevust siaalset majanduskasvu kärpida kõigest 1%ni aastas. Lisaks turgude avamiseks. võib mõne liikmesriigi rahvastikuarv järsult väheneda. Ko- misjon võtab vastu rohelise raamatu, et algatada keskuste- Tehnoloogilised algatused Euroopa Liidus lu eelseisva demograafilise probleemi üle ja teha kindlaks, milliste riiklike tegevuskavade abil seda lahendada saaks. Tööstuse konkurentsivõimelisust saab tõsta tehnoloogiliste algatustega, mis suurendaksid finantstoetust Euroopa Lii- Lõpuks teeb komisjon ettepaneku Euroopa tööhõive­ dult, liikmesriikidelt ja tööstusettevõtetelt. Selle protsessi strateegia läbivaatamiseks 2005. aastal uue Lissaboni stra- edendamisele tuleb pöörata piisavalt tähelepanu järgmises teegia raames, lähtudes Lissaboni tegevuskavast. teadusuuringute raamprogrammis. Eesmärgiks on lahen- dada turuprobleeme ja edendada konkreetsete toodete ja teenuste arendamist nende tehnoloogiate alusel, mis ei ole 3.4.1. Tööhõive suurendamine ja tähtsad mitte ainult Euroopa jätkusuutliku arengu seisu- sotsiaalkaitse süsteemide kohast, vaid tõstavad ka tööstuse konkurentsivõimelisust. moderniseerimine Nende ulatus õigustab lisarahastamist ELi tasandil, mis Peame tööjõu hulka kaasama rohkem inimesi … omakorda aitab suurendada riiklikke ja erasektori investee- ringuid. Neid tuleks hallata avaliku ja erasektori partner- Madal sündimus Euroopas on küll tõsine probleem ja va- luste kaudu. jab pikemas perspektiivis lahendamist, kuid tõhusaimaks majanduskasvu ja sotsiaalset integratsiooni soodustavaks Tähelepanu tuleks pöörata keskkonnasõbralikele tehno- vahendiks on siiski tööhõive suurendamine. Problee- loogiatele, nagu vesinikutehnoloogiad ja päikeseenergia. miks on, kuidas aktiivse tööturupoliitika ja sobivate stii- Sellistele projektidele on heaks lähtepunktiks Galileo, mis mulite abil suuremat hulka inimesi tööturule kaasata ja loob olulise turu ja arvukalt töökohti. Lissaboni strateegia neid seal hoida. Töötute või mitteaktiivsete tööhõivesse edu võtmeks on suurendada ELi potentsiaali tehnoloogia Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus tagasitoomiseks ja neile stiimulite pakkumiseks, et nad edukusega õppurite arvu vähenemise ning matemaatika-, kauemaks tööturule jääks, on vaja sotsiaalkaitse süsteeme teadus-, tehnika- ja inseneriõpingute populaarsuse kasvu. moderniseerida. Maksimaalselt tuleb rakendada naiste po- tentsiaali tööturul: tööturu osapooled peavad veelgi enam Poliitikavaldkond „Teadus- ja arendustegevuse investeerin- ära tegema sooliste palgaerinevuste kaotamiseks. gute suurendamine ja tõhustamine“ (mis on seotud või- mega suurendada inimkapitali osakaalu majanduses) on … ja töötama välja õige poliitika nii noorte kui vanemate samuti kasulik noorematele põlvkondadele, avades uusi töötajate jaoks. karjäärivõimalusi.

Samuti on vaja tegeleda noorte kõrgete strukturaalse töö- Sotsiaalkaitse süsteemide kaasajastamine on samuti tähtis. tuse ja haridusest väljalangevuse määradega ning vanema- te töötajatega, kellest väga suur osa väljub tööturult juba Liikmesriigid peaksid kaasajastama sotsiaalkaitse süstee- 55-aastaselt. Lisaks peavad paljud keeruliseks töö ühenda- me (eelkõige pensioni- ja tervishoiusüsteeme) ning tõhus- mist pereeluga. Eelkõige oleks palju abi paremate ja sood- tama tööhõivepoliitikat. Liikmesriikide tööhõivepoliitika sama hinnaga lastehooldusteenuste pakkumisest. Väga eesmärk peaks olema tööhõive suurendamine (kasutades tähtis on ka seaduslik ränne, mis aitab vältida oskustööjõu selleks eelkõige maksu- ja toetuste süsteemide reforme, mis puudust ja saavutada nõudluse ja pakkumise tasakaalu olu- aitaksid kõrvaldada tööpuuduse ja palgaga seotud problee- listes tööturu segmentides. me ning rakendades tõhusamalt aktiivset tööturupoliitikat ja „aktiivse vananemise“ strateegiaid). Nii suurendataks 387 Euroopa noorsooalgatus töötajate ja ettevõtete kohanemisvõimet (palga suurenemi- ne paralleelselt tootlikkuse kasvu ja suurenenud investee- 29. oktoobri 2004. aasta kirjas tegid Prantsusmaa, Saksa- ringutega inimkapitali). Heas tervislikus seisundis püsimi- maa, Hispaania ja Rootsi ettepaneku Euroopa noorsoo- se aastate arvu lisandumine on selle eesmärgi saavutamisel pakti kohta, mis keskendub noorte tööpuuduse vähen- otsustavaks teguriks. damisele ja tööturule sisenemise lihtsustamisele. Algatuse keskne teema on töö- ja perekonnaelu ühitamise täienda- Liikmesriigid peaksid kehtestama siseriiklikud tööhõive vate viiside leidmine. eesmärgid … Käesolevas teatises käsitletavad poliitikavaldkonnad hõl- liikmesriigid kehtestaksid mavad mitmeid meetmeid, mis on noorte potentsiaali ra- Komisjon teeb ettepaneku, et riiklikes Lissaboni tegevuskavades riiklikud tööhõive ees- kendamise seisukohalt väga olulised. Ühtlasi moodustavad märgid aastateks 2008 ja 2010 nad kaaluka osa täiendatud Euroopa tööhõivestrateegiast ning kavandaksid üksik- ning toetavad ELi rahastamist, eelkõige Euroopa Sotsiaal- asjalikult, milliseid poliitilisi vahendeid nende eesmärkide fondi kaudu. Koos moodustavad nimetatud meetmed Eu- saavutamiseks kasutada. Tõhusaimate vahendite valimisel roopa noorsooalgatuse. aitavad liikmesriike tööhõivesuunised ning komisjon hin- dab saavutatud tulemusi nende põhjal oma strateegilises aastaaruandes. Poliitikavaldkond „Tööhõive suurendamine ja sotsiaalkait- se süsteemide moderniseerimine“ hõlmab meetmeid, mil- lega vähendada noorte tööpuudust – näiteks parem tööala- Vabatahtlikud algatused, näiteks ettevõtete sotsiaalse vas- ne koolitus ja väljaõppe arendamine, samuti meetmed, mis tutuse (CSR) vormis, võivad olla jätkusuutliku arengu tagavad, et noortele töötutele pööratakse erilist tähelepanu seisukohalt otsustava tähtsusega ning ühtlasi edendada aktiivse tööturupoliitika raames. Samasse valdkonda kuu- Euroopa innovatsioonipotentsiaali ja konkurentsivõimet. luvad meetmed, mille eesmärk on parandada laste, vanu- rite ja puuetega inimeste hooldust ning saavutada lapse- … ning me vajame tööturu osapoolte toetust. hoolduspuhkuse õiguse laiendamine isadele, aitavad kaasa töö- ja pereelu paremale ühitamisele. Ka tööturu osapooled peaksid kaasa aitama tööturult kõr- vale jäänud inimeste, sealhulgas noorte, lõimumisele. Nii Poliitikavaldkonnas „Inimkapitali suunatavate investee- ei võitle me mitte ainult vaesuse vastu, vaid tagame võima- ringute suurendamine parema hariduse ja paremate os- likult suure hulga inimeste töö. kuste abil“ on mitmed meetmed suunatud just nooremale põlvkonnale ning nende eesmärk on kindlustada noortele dünaamilise teadmistepõhise majanduse tingimustes vaja- lik inimkapital ja oskused. Selliste meetmete näiteks võib tuua haridussüsteemi tehtavate investeeringute ja nende efektiivsuse suurenemise, kooli pooleli jätjate ja madala EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

3.4.2. Töötajate ja ettevõtete Elukestev õpe on prioriteet. kohanemisvõime ning tööturu paindlikkuse suurendamine. Euroopa haridus- ja koolitussüsteemide kaasajastamine ja reform on peaasjalikult liikmesriikide ülesanne. Siiski on Suurem kohanemisvõime suurendab tulemuslikkust ning mõningaid võtmemeetmeid, mis tuleks võtta Euroopa ta- aitab inimestel tööd leida. sandil, et lihtsustada nimetatud protsessi ja aidata kaasa selle läbiviimisele. Seadusandja peaks uue elukestva õppe Kiiresti muutuvas majanduslikus olukorras on suurem ko- programmi (mis asendaks kehtivaid haridus- ja koolitus- hanemisvõime äärmiselt oluline, sest see võimaldab kii- programme alates 2007. aastast) ettepaneku vastu võtma rendada tootlikkuse kasvu ning lihtsustab uute töökoh- 2005. aasta lõpuks, et seda oleks võimalik tõhusalt ja õige- tade loomist suuremat tähtsust omandavates sektorites. aegselt rakendada. Programmiga tuleb siduda eesmärkide Järjest rohkem loovad uusi töökohti ning aitavad Euroopa saavutamiseks vajalik eelarve. Liikmesriigid peavad täitma majanduskasvule kaasa just uued äriühingud ning väikesed endale võetud kohustuse rakendada elukestva õppe stra- ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtjad. Suurenenud paindlikku- teegiaid hiljemalt aastaks 2006 se ja turvalisuse eelduseks on töötajate ja ettevõtjate võime senisest paremini ette näha muudatusi, neid suunata ja ELi rahastamisvahenditel on oluline roll. nendega toime tulla. Parem kohanemisvõime peaks üht- lasi tagama, et töötajate palgakulude kasv ei oleks kiirem Ühendus aitab nimetatud eesmärkide (rohkem ja pare- tootlikkuse kasvust sama ajavahemiku jooksul ning et see maid töökohti) saavutamisele kaasa oma kulupoliitika vastaks tööturu olukorrale. Kuna tööturu institutsioonide 388 kaudu. Struktuurifondide vahendeid juba kasutatakse ni- ja tööturu toimimise vahel on erinevusi, on selge, et ühtne metatud eesmärkide saavutamiseks. Edusamme kindlustab poliitika ei annaks soovitud tulemusi ning võiks isegi mõ- veelgi uut raamistikku (alates aastast 2007) käsitlevate et- juda kahjulikult – liikmesriigid peavad ise välja töötama tepanekute vastuvõtmine. Nimetatud poliitikasuundadele sobiva poliitika. on vaja ka piisavat rahastamist, mis omakorda tõmbaks ligi avaliku ja erasektori piirkondlikke ja riiklikke vahendeid Tööjõu liikumisel ei tohi olla takistusi. ning toetaks parimate lahenduste levitamist.

Konkreetsete probleemide lahendamiseks teeb komisjon Lissaboni eesmärkide saavutamine: Euroopa liidu ettepanekuid, et kõrvaldada ametipensioniskeemidega ühtekuuluvuspoliitika reform ja struktuurifondide seotud tööjõu liikumise takistused ning tegeleb majandus- roll migrantide riiki lubamise poliitika ühtlustamisega. Otsus- tava tähtsusega on ka oskustööliste liikumist soodustavate Regionaalarengu, Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi ja ühtekuuluvus- õigusaktide vastuvõtmine, Euroopa kvalifikatsiooniraamis- programmide järgmise põlvkonna puhul soovitab komis- tiku heakskiitmine aastal 2006 ning võrdsete võimaluste jon strateegilisemat lähenemisviisi, et tagada nende suu- edendamine (uuendusettepanek). natus majanduskasvule ja tööhõivele. Nõukogu otsusega kehtestatakse ühenduse tasemel strateegilised suunised, 3.4.3. Inimkapitali suunatavate mis panevad paika liikmesriikide suuniste raamistiku. Ni- investeeringute suurendamine parema metatud suuniseid arutatakse ühiselt, arvestades erinevate hariduse ja paremate oskuste abil riiklike ja piirkondlike vajaduste ning tingimustega.

Haridusse ja oskustesse suunatud investeeringute suuren­ Tulevased piirkondlikud programmid ja riiklikud tööhõi- damine on täiendav faktor. veprogrammid suunatakse põhiliselt vähemarenenud piir- kondadele, kus ühenduse vahendid keskenduvad: Struktuursed muutused, aktiivsem tööturul osalemine ja tootlikkuse kasv nõuavad pidevat investeerimist kõrge • rohkearvulisemate ja paremate töökohtade loomisele, kvalifikatsiooniga ning kohanemisvõimelisse tööjõusse. investeerides koolitusse ja uute tegevusalade loomisesse, Kõrge kvalifikatsiooniga töötajatega majandusruum on võimeline looma ning tõhusalt ära kasutama uusi tehno- • uuenduste ja teadmistepõhise majanduse arengu loogiaid. Euroopa haridussüsteem ei suuda tagada, et töö- toetamisele, suurendades teadustöö mahtu ja turul oleks piisavalt kõrge kvalifikatsiooniga töötajaid ning tugevdades uuenduste võrgustikke (sh uute info- ja et omandataks uusi teadmisi, mis seejärel leviksid kogu sidetehnoloogiate kasutamine), ning majandusruumis. Elukestva õppe ja teadmiste tähtsuse rõ- • piirkondade huvipakkuvuse tõstmisele, pakkudes hutamine majanduselus kajastab seda, et haridussüsteemi paremat infrastruktuuri. edendamise ja kutseoskuste arengu olulisust on teadvusta- tud ka sotsiaalse ühtekuuluvuse seisukohast. Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus

Maaelu arendamise poliitika keskendub samuti senisest tootlikuma kapitaliga ning rakendada uute tehnoloogiate enam majanduskasvule ja töökohtade loomisele maapiir- puhul asjakohaseid organisatsioonilisi muudatusi. Tööjõu kondades. Asukoha miinuste ületamiseks tuleb täielikult keskmise haridustaseme tõus ühe aasta võrra võiks Euroopa ära kasutada interneti ja lairibaühenduse võimalusi. Liidu SKT aastast kasvumäära suurendada 0,3 kuni 0,5%.

Eestvedajaks peaksid olema liikmesriigid koostöös erineva- Uute ja paremate töökohtade loomine te piirkondade ja linnadega. … ning õige lähenemine tööhõivele võiks osalusmäära suu­ rendada 1,5% võrra. 3.5. Mõju majanduskasvule ja tööhõivele Viimastel aastatel täheldatud tööpanuse suurenemine on Lissaboni strateegia too kaasa majanduskasvu nii keskmi­ tähelepanuväärsem neis riikides, kus on läbi viidud osa- ses kui pikas perspektiivis. lusmäära suurendamise, aktiivse tööturupoliitika parema kavandamise ning maksude- ja toetustesüsteemiga seotud Käesolevas teatises sisalduvaid meetmeid arendatakse eda- reformid. Uuringud näitavad, et sellised reformid võivad si vastavalt liikmesriikide tegevuskavade väljatöötamisele. osalusmäära suurendada kuni 1,5% võrra. Koos palkade Ehkki seetõttu ei ole praegusel hetkel võimalik ammenda- reguleerimisega võib sellega saavutada tööpuuduse vähene- valt hinnata kogu Lissaboni tegevuskava mõju, on siiski mise 1% võrra. selge, et nimetatud tegevuskavas sisalduvad meetmed või- vad olulisel määral kaasa aidata majanduskasvu potentsiaa- Nimetatud meetmete vastastikune tugevdav mõju tähen­ 389 8 li tõstmisele nii keskmises kui pikemas perspektiivis. dab seda, et lõpptulemus võib olla veelgi kõrgem.

Euroopa atraktiivsuse suurendamine Ülaltoodust järeldub, et Lissaboni tegevuskava meetmetel investeerimis- ja töökeskkonnana oleks ükshaaval võttes märkimisväärne positiivne mõju Ühtne teenuste turg võiks SKTd suurendada 0,6% võrra majandusele. Lissaboni strateegia aga kujutab endast laia- ning tööhõivet 0,3% võrra … haardelist kogumit reformidest, mis üksteist vastastiku tu- gevdavad. Olemasolevate hinnangute põhjal on alust arva- ta, et kui Lissaboni tegevuskava kõik komponendid on ellu Siseturu kava on paremaid näiteid Lissaboni tüüpi refor- rakendatud, võib Euroopa Liidu praegune potentsiaalne midest, mis mõjutavad oluliselt majanduskasvu ja tööhõi- majanduskasv jõuda lähemale 3% eesmärgile. Ka tööhõive vet. Näiteks peaks ühtse teenuste turu elluviimine endaga võiks seeläbi tõusta 6 miljoni töökoha võrra aastaks 2010. kaasa tooma SKT suurenemise 0,6% võrra ning tööhõive suurenemise 0,3% võrra. Finantsturgude integreerumine võiks (keskmises või pikemas perspektiivis) Euroopa Liidu äriühingute kapitalikulusid vähendada umbes 0,5% võr- 4. Partnerluse rakendamine ra, mis võiks endaga kaasa tuua SKT suurenemise umbes majanduskasvu ja tööhõive 1,1% võrra ning pikemas perspektiivis tööhõive kasvu 0,5% võrra. teenistusse

Teadmised ja uuenduslikkus – majanduskasvu Mõtleme uuesti läbi Lissaboni eesmärkide saavutamise soodustavad tegurid viisid …

… investeerimine teadmistesse ja haridusse peaks suuren­ Ehkki teatav edasiminek 2000. aasta Lissaboni Euroopa dama meie uuendussuutlikkust … Ülemkogul seatud eesmärkide saavutamise poole on toi- munud, on üldpilt väga kirju. Seega on praegu, poolel teel Investeerimine teadmistesse peaks suurendama ELi uuen- aastasse 2010, tähtsaim meie ees seisev ülesanne vähen- dussuutlikkust ning võimet uusi tehnoloogiaid välja tööta- dada elluviimise puudujääke. Peame uuesti läbi mõtlema da ja kasutada. Suurendades kulutusi teadus- ja arenduste- eesmärkide saavutamise protsessi, mis on muutunud liialt gevusele 1,9 protsendilt 3 protsendile SKTst (et saavutada keeruliseks ja raskestimõistetavaks. Praegu toodetakse pal- Lissaboni eesmärgid aastaks 2010), saavutaksime SKT suu- ju paberit, kuid reaalset tegevust on vähe. Ähmastunud on renemise 1,7% võrra aastaks 2010. Vajalik on ka investee- siseriiklike ja Euroopa tasandi vastutusalade piirid. Tule- rimine inimkapitali – kõrgelt kvalifitseeritud töötajad on museks on vastutustunde vähenemine. kõige paremini ette valmistatud selleks, et töötada kõige

8 Vt „The costs of non-Lisbon. An issues paper”, komisjoni talituste esialgne töödokument. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

… paneme aluse ühtsele riiklikule Lissaboni kavale, mis Liikmesriigid peavad üles näitama pühendumust. keskendub majanduskasvule ja tööhõivele … Liikmesriigid. Lissaboni strateegia Achilleuse kand on Komisjon teeb ettepaneku uuendatud Lissaboni strateegia elluviimine. Eesmärkide saavutamise mehhanismide pa- rakendamisviisid põhjalikult läbi vaadata. randamise ettepanekute järgimisega oleks võimalik kõrval- dada mitmed raskused. Kuid selleks on vaja liikmesriikide • Ühtne riiklik majanduskasvu ja tööhõive kava, tõelist pühendumust. mille liikmesriikide valitsused võtaksid vastu pärast parlamentidega peetud arutelusid, aitaks Euroopa Ülemkogu määrab suuna … kaasa vastutustunde suurenemisele. Tegevuskava õiguspärasust riiklikul tasandil aitab tagada tööturu Ka Euroopa tasandil määratakse kindlaks rollide jaotus: osapoolte ja kodanikuühiskonna kaasamine riikliku Lissaboni tegevuskava väljatöötamisse. Nimetatud kava Euroopa Ülemkogu vastutab kogu protsessi üldise juhti- sätestaks reformide läbiviimiseks vajalikud menetlused mise eest. Ühtne lähenemisviis riiklike majanduskasvu ja ning eesmärgid vastavalt liikmesriikide vajadustele. tööhõive tegevuskavade suuniste vastuvõtmisel ning liik- Liikmesriikide valitsused valmistavad kava ette ning mesriikide lihtsustatud aruandluskord rakendamise kohta võtavad selle vastu pärast arutelusid parlamentidega. annavad Euroopa Ülemkogule võimaluse kindlakäelise- … härra või proua Lissabon liikmesriikide valitsustes … malt protsessi juhtida. 390 • Liikmesriigid määravad valitsuse tasandil ametisse … arvestades Euroopa Parlamendi nägemust … härra või proua Lissaboni, kelle ülesanne on strateegia erinevate elementide koordineerimine ja Lissaboni Ka Euroopa Parlament on protsessi kaasatud – parlament tegevuskava tutvustamine. avaldab arvamust strateegilise aastaaruande kohta ning ülemkogu peab seda arvesse võtma. Parlamendi ja komis- … üks aruandlus-struktuur … joni presidendid ning nõukogu eesistujad võivad kohtu- da regulaarselt ka enne kevadist Euroopa Ülemkogu, et • Aruandlus Lissaboni strateegia raames võetud selgitada välja, kuidas ühenduse Lissaboni tegevuskavaga majanduslike ja tööhõivealaste meetmete kohta seotud õigusaktide ettepanekuid edasi arendada õigus- toimuks edaspidi peamiselt riiklike majanduskasvu ja loome protsessis. Komisjon teavitab Euroopa Parlamenti tööhõive Lissaboni tegevuskavade alusel. See aitaks regulaarselt edusammude analüüsidest ning liikmesriikide oluliselt vähendada praegu avatud koordineerimise võetud meetmetest. meetodi (OMC) raames toodetavate aruannete arvukust. Komisjon vaatab OMC uuesti läbi. … ning komisjon viib protsessi edasi. … paralleelselt ELi Lissaboni tegevuskavaga ning … Komisjon toetab liikmesriike riiklike tegevuskavade koos- • Euroopa Liidu tasandi prioriteedid on paika pandud tamisel ning töötab välja protsessi lihtsustamiseks vajalikud ning avaldatud ühenduse Lissaboni tegevuskavas. struktuurid. Komisjon hindab liikmesriikide eesmärke ja Hetkel üritatakse saavutada nende tähtsuse suhtes võetud meetmeid, juhib nende tähelepanu võimalikele ras- kokkulepet, mis võimaldaks kiiresti edasi liikuda kustele ning tagab strateegilise aastaaruande koostamisega, otsuste tegemisel ning seeläbi ka nende rakendamisel. et Euroopa Liit püsib õigel teel. Lisaks kasutab komisjon asutamislepingust tulenevaid volitusi, et tagada õigusakti- ... ühtne ja terviklik majanduse ja tööhõive meetmete koos­ de nõuetekohane ülevõtmine ning liikmesriikide Lissaboni kõlastamise pakett. kohustuste täitmine.

• Aruandestruktuuride lihtsustamist peegeldaks ELi Tööturu osapooltel on eriline roll. tasandil asutamislepingul põhinevate majandus- ja tööhõiveküsimuste kooskõlastamise mehhanismide Ka tööturu osapoolte roll on otsustava tähtsusega. Nende koondamine ühtsesse paketti (majanduspoliitiliste toetus on ülimalt oluline sellistes valdkondades nagu ak- üldsuuniste ja tööhõivesuuniste all). See viiakse ellu tiivne tööturupoliitika, elukestev õpe või tööstussektorite strateegilises aastaaruandes, mis avaldatakse igal aastal ennetav ümberstruktureerimine. Seetõttu kutsub komis- jaanuaris. jon tööturu osapooli üles koostama oma mitmeaastasi majanduskasvu ja tööhõive kavasid vastavalt asutamisle- pinguga neile antud volitustele. Tavapärasel kolmepool- sel tippkohtumisel hinnatakse tehtud edusamme ning Koostöö majanduskasvu ja töökohtade nimel – Lissaboni strateegia uus algus arutatakse liikmesriikide häid tavasid. Majanduskasvu ja Inimeste teavitamine Lissaboni strateegiast on väga tähtis, tööhõive alane partnerlus on seega täielikult kooskõlas et kõik valitsussektori tasandid tunneksid end kaasatuna. 2004. aasta märtsis toimunud kolmepoolsel tippkohtu- misel vastu võetud muudatuste partnerluse eesmärkidega. Eelkõige peavad inimesed aru saama, mille poolest on Lis­ saboni strateegia tähtis … Uus kolmeaastane tsükkel algab aastal 2005. Reformide vajalikkuse põhjendamine ei ammendu käes- Aastal 2005 algab uus kolmeaastane tsükkel, mis toob oleva aruandega ega ka majanduskasvu ja tööhõive part- endaga kaasa uute ja üldisemate majanduslike ja tööhõi- nerluse käivitamisega märtsikuisel Euroopa Ülemkogul. vealaste suuniste väljatöötamise. See võimaldab liikmes- Lissaboni ambitsioonika reformikavaga paralleelselt tuleb riikidel riiklikud Lissaboni tegevuskavad välja töötada selgitada meie ees seisvaid väljakutseid. Reformide vajalik- vastavalt siseriiklikule olukorrale. Kokkuvõtteid tehakse kust tuleb ikka ja jälle põhjendada, tuleb selgitada nende aastal 2008. Eraldi avaldatakse üksikasjalik ülevaade uuest kiireloomulisust ning näidata, et meil on olemas vastus lähenemisest haldusele. – konkreetne Euroopa vastus. Selle sõnumi levitamine nõuab tõsist ja pidevat pingutust. Nii struktureerime partnerlust ning tagame muutused, … … ja selgitustööd tuleb teha nii ELi kui liikmesriikide Kokkuvõtlikult võib öelda, et majanduskasvu ja tööhõive tasandil. eesmärkide saavutamise ettepanekud põhinevad vastutuse 391 selgel jaotamisel, mis võimaldab asjaosalistel isikutel võt- Selle ülesandega peavad tegelema ka Euroopa institutsioo- ta vastutuse oma tegevuse eest. Uue lähenemisega lõppeb nid. Põhiline vastutus lasub siiski liikmesriikidel – ainult ohtrate aruannete esitamise keeruline süsteem. Eelkõige nii saab arvesse võtta riiklikke huve ja arutelusid. Kaasata liigub põhitähelepanu komisjoni ja 25 liikmesriigi mitme- tuleb kõik need, kes aitavad kaasa Euroopa edule – liikmes- poolsete läbirääkimiste vormis toimivalt kooskõlastuselt riikide parlamendid, piirkonnad, linnad ja maakogukon- (avatud koordineerimise meetod) individuaalsetele poliiti- nad, samuti kodanikuühiskond. Komisjon omalt poolt kä- kateemadele, millega kaasneb tõhustatud kahepoolne dia- sitleb nimetatud majanduskasvu ja tööhõive kava põhilise loog komisjoni ja liikmesriikide vahel pühendumuspõhiste teavitamisprioriteedina kogu oma ametiaja vältel. riiklike tegevuskavade üle. Nimetatud dialoogi raamivad asutamislepingul põhinevad majandus- ja tööhõivepoliiti- ka koordineerimise vahendid – majanduspoliitilised üld- suunised ja tööhõivesuunised.

… mis võimaldab meil kasu saada eri valdkondades ja eri tasanditel võetud sidusatest meetmetest.

Selline lähenemisviis võimaldab meil täiel määral ära kasu- tada partnerluse eri tasandite vahel tekkivaid koosmõjusid ning liikmesriikide vahelist vastastikust täiendavust. Oma Lissaboni tegevuskavades kinnitavad liikmesriigid kavan- datavad siseriiklikud teadus- ja arendustegevuse kulutu- sed ning panevad paika asjakohased meetmed. Ühenduse tasandil on tehtud ettepanek teadus- ja arendustegevuse kulutuste kahekordistamise kohta seitsmendas raamprog- rammis. Lisaks on ette nähtud mitmeid meetmeid, mis peaksid lihtsustama teadus- ja arendustegevuse kulutusi liikmesriikides. Liikmesriikide Lissaboni tegevuskavade alusel saab komisjon seega igal aastal hinnata, kuidas on lähemale liigutud kogu Euroopa Liidule seatud eesmär- gile (suunata 3% SKTst teadus-ja arendustegevusse), teha poliitikavahendite kohaldamist käsitlevaid ettepanekuid, anda liikmesriikidele tagasisidet ning vajadusel teavitada Euroopa Ülemkogu tõsistest raskustest.

Komisjoni panus järelemõtlemisperioodiks ja kauemakski: demokraatia, dialoogi ja diskussiooni D-kava

KOMISJONI TEATIS NÕUKOGULE BRÜSSEL, 13. OKTOOBER 2005 KOM(2005) 494

1. Sissejuhatus 2. D-kava eesmärgid 393

18. juunil 2005. aastal toimunud Euroopa Ülemkogu Komisjon esitab demokraatia, dialoogi ja diskussiooni kohtumise lõpul võtsid riigipead ja valitsusjuhid vastu D-kava mitte põhiseaduse päästmiseks, vaid arutelu laien- avalduse Euroopa põhiseaduse lepingu ratifitseerimise damiseks Euroopa Liidu demokraatlike institutsioonide ja kohta. Avalduses kuulutatakse välja järelemõtlemisperiood kodanike vahel. Seda tuleb käsitleda täiendusena juba käi- pärast Prantsusmaa ja Madalmaade vastuhääli Euroopa masolevatele või ettepandud algatustele ja programmidele, põhiseadusele. näiteks hariduse, noorte, kultuuri ja Euroopa kodaniku­ aktiivsuse edendamise alal. Riigipead ja valitsusjuhid andsid liikmesriikidele suuniseid arutelu võimaliku laadi kohta: „see järelemõtlemisperiood Üksteist täiendavad D-kava ja Euroopa alase teavitami- tuleb ära kasutada, kuna see võimaldab laiemat arutelu igas se tegevuskava, mille eesmärk on parandada komisjoni liikmesriigis, kaasates nii kodanikke, kodanikuühiskonda, tegevuse tutvustamist maailmas, ning peatselt avaldatav sotsiaalpartnereid, siseriiklikke parlamente kui ka poliitilisi teavitusstrateegia ja demokraatia valge raamat, millega parteisid.“ Ülemkogu andis ka märku, et Euroopa insti- alustatakse nõupidamise protsessi Euroopa Liidu teavitus- tutsioonid „peavad samuti andma selle heaks oma panuse. poliitika ja teiste Euroopa institutsioonidega tehtava koos- Komisjonil on selles osas eriline roll.“ Käesolev teatis ongi töö põhimõtete üle. Need algatused ja D-kava on pikaaja- vastus riigipeade ja valitsusjuhtide üleskutsele. lised kavad, mille eesmärk on anda Euroopa demokraatiale uut hoogu ja aidata kaasa Euroopa niisuguse avaliku sek- Euroopa Komisjon on tugevalt toetanud põhiseaduse ra- tori kujunemisele, kus kodanikud saavad nii teabe kui ka tifitseerimist ja aidanud liikmesriikidel läbi viia teavitus- vahendid, et tegusalt osaleda otsuste tegemises ja haarata kampaaniaid. Riikide arutelust on osa võtnud volinikud. Euroopa projekti juhtohjad. Komisjon on endiselt seisukohal, et põhiseaduse vastuvõt- mine oleks tähtis samm, mis muudab Euroopa muu maa- Üldsuse usalduse taastamine Euroopa Liidu suhtes ilma silmis veelgi demokraatlikumaks, läbipaistvamaks, Komisjon, seistes silmitsi usalduse vähenemisega poliiti- tulemuslikumaks ja tugevamaks. Seetõttu on komisjonil liste süsteemide suhtes, peab tähtsaks tagada, et Euroopa kahju, et põhiseaduse ratifitseerimine ettenähtavas tulevi- kodanikud usaldaksid endiselt esindusdemokraatiat ja osa- kus ei ole tõenäoline. Komisjoni arvates ei tohi põhiseadu- leksid selles. Viimase Eurobaromeetri uuringu kohaselt on se osalise rakendamisega enne ratifitseerimisprotsessi tule- üldsuse toetus Euroopa Liidule viimaste kuude jooksul pi- muste selgumist kõigutada selle üldist tasakaalu. Ta arvab, devalt vähenenud. Halvenenud on nii usalduse, maine kui et järelemõtlemisperioodi esimesel etapil tuleb ulatuslikult ka ELi kuulumisele antud hinnangu näitajad. Samasugust ja intensiivselt arutleda Euroopa poliitikavaldkondade üle. heakskiidu ja usalduse vähenemist on märgata ka riikide Milline ka ei oleks tulevikunägemus Euroopast, peab see poliitilise protsessi suhtes. Kui Euroopa Liitu kuulumist rajanema kodanike vajaduste ja ootuste selgel mõistmisel. toetab veel 54% ELi kodanikest, siis Euroopa Liidu maine Just see on D-kava eesmärk. on kodanike silmis järjest langenud, nii et jaatava vastuse andis neist vaid 47%. Euroopa Liidu usaldamise näitaja EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

on langenud 2004. aasta sügise 50%-lt 2005. aasta kevade 3. Abi siseriiklikule arutelule 44%-le. 3.1. Siseriikliku arutelu korraldamine Rahvas peab tundma, et Euroopa annab lisaväärtust ja neil on võimalik mõjutada otsuste vastuvõtmise viisi. Praegu ei loe kodanike hääl Euroopa Liidus 53% vastanute meelest. Liikmesriikidel on kõige suurem vastutus järelemõtlemis- Kuid 49% vastab küsimusele Euroopa Liidu soovitavast perioodi eest. Nad kõik on võtnud eesmärgiks läbi viia rollist viie aasta pärast, et tahaksid selle suurenemist ning laiaulatuslik riigisisene arutelu Euroopa tuleviku üle. vaid 14% soovivad ELi osa vähenemist põhilistes poliiti- kavaldkondades. Seepärast tuleb luua Euroopa, mis täidab Komisjon tunnistab, et mõnes liikmesriigis on elav arute- kodanike ootusi sel teel, et võtab neid rohkem kuulda. lu juba käimas, kuid teistes pole see veel alanud või vajab süvendamist ja laiendamist. Komisjon on valmis arutelule See on eriti oluline, kuna Euroopa institutsioonid jäävad hoogu lisama, pakkudes välja ühise lähenemisviisi ja esita- ebapopulaarsete otsuste tegemisel liiga sageli patuoinaks ja des mõtteid selle kohta, kuidas tema kui institutsioon saab neid peetakse tihti kaugeks ja bürokraatlikuks. Üks järe- kaasa aidata arutelu läbiviimisele. lemõtlemisperioodi peamistest eesmärkidest on Euroopa Liidu tegevuse täpsem kajastamine. Tähtis on, et lõpeks Komisjoni arvates on tema ülesanne aidata liikmesriikidel liikmesriikide ja Euroopa institutsioonide vastastikune korraldada riigisisest mõttevahetust, mitte seda nende ase- süüdistamine. mel läbi viia. Komisjon teeb koostööd riikide valitsustega, 394 aidates neil korraldada ja rahastada aruteluüritusi. Neil Sihtrühm ja kaasaegne ajakirjandus üritustel peaks olema esindatud terve poliitiliste vaadete spekter. Tähtaim roll abi osutamisel järelemõtlemisperioo- Komisjoni arvates ei tohi arutelu jääda poliitiliste juhtide di kestel on Euroopa Komisjoni esindustel liikmesriikides ja tavapäraste huvirühmade vahele. Komisjon on ühel nõul (edaspidi „esindused“) ja Euroopa Parlamendi infobüroo- riigipeade ja valitsusjuhtidega, et arutellu tuleb kaasata nii del. Ka Euroopa Parlamendil võiks olla tähtis roll riikide „kodanikuühiskonda, sotsiaalpartnereid, siseriiklikke par- arutelus – nii riikide ametiasutustega koos töötamise kui lamente kui ka poliitilisi parteisid“, kuid arvab, et lisaväär- ka Euroopa Parlamendi liikmete osalemise teel. tust annaks ka nende sihtrühmade ärakuulamine, kelleni referendumikampaaniate käigus ei jõutud, nagu noored ja Liikmesriikides arutelu läbiviimiseks ei ole ühtset malli. vähemusrühmad. Arutelu saab edukas olla vaid juhul, kui Mõnes riigis on olemas alaline struktuur – foorumid või selles osaleb ka ajakirjandus, eriti televisioon. Sama tähtis platvormid –, mille eesmärk on korrapäraselt läbi viia on arutelu edendamiseks Internet. arutelu Euroopa teemadel. Teistes riikides on dialoog ja arutelu vähem organiseeritud. Liikmesriigid võivad võtta Kaugemad eesmärgid eeskuju näiteks Iirimaa rahvusfoorumist ja Euroopa plat- vormist Hispaanias. D-kava eesmärgid ulatuvad järelemõtlemisperioodist kau- gemale. Nende poole tuleb püüelda terve praeguse komis- joni volituste kestuse jooksul ja kauemgi. Praegust kriisi Riikide, piirkondade ja kohalikel parlamentidel on täi- saab ületada vaid uue, kodanike ootustest lähtuva konsen- ta eriline roll arutelu korraldamisel ja edendamisel. Riigi suse kaudu Euroopa projekti suhtes. parlament tagab tegeliku kontrolli valitsuse Euroopa kü- simustes tehtud otsuste üle. Kuigi mõne riigi parlament on sellealase hea tava musternäidis, saab kontrolli paran- Kuulda võtmisest kaasamiseni damiseks veel palju teha. See on veel üks komisjoni riikide Lõppkokkuvõttes on demokraatia, dialoogi ja diskussioo- parlamentidega tehtava koostöö eesmärk lisaks neile, mille ni D-kava mõte võtta kodanikke kuulda, et Euroopa Liit nimel alustati koostööd 2005. aasta alguses. Need eesmär- saaks tegeleda kodanike mureküsimustega. Komisjoni ees- gid on koondunud kolme peateema ümber (vastastikune märk on soodustada arutelu ja saavutada, et tunnustataks abistamine, konkreetsed koostöövõrgud ning inimeste ja lisaväärtust, mida Euroopa Liit annab. Demokraatlik uue- nende valitud esindajateni jõudmine – parlamentide sõ- nemisprotsess tähendab, et ELi kodanikel on õigus, et neid naõiguse suurendamine tähendab suuremat sõnaõigust ka kuulda võetaks. Euroopa kodanikele). Nad sisaldavad konkreetseid tegusid, näiteks kõrgetasemeline osalemine Euroopa Liidu asjade komisjonide (COSAC) ja ELi parlamendispiikrite konve- rentsil, riikide parlamentide teabevajaduse ja nendega teh- tava koostöö viiside kindlakstegemine ning ELi teemalise elektroonilise teabe vahetamise soodustamine riikide par- lamentide vahel. KOMISJONI PANUS JÄRELEMÕTLEMISPERIOODIKS JA KAUEMAKSKI: DEMOKRAATIA, DIALOOGI JA DISKUSSIOONI D-KAVA

Tihedas koostöös Euroopa Parlamendiga, pärast nõupi- toiduohutus, Erasmus, ühisraha, tarbijakaitse, siseturg), damist ELi parlamendispiikrite konverentsi eesistuja ja tuleks arutelu käigus tundma õppida, mida inimeste Euroopa Liidu asjade komisjonide esimeeste „troikaga“ arvates tuleks teha kohalikul tasandil ja milliseks nad (COSAC) kutsub komisjon niipea kui võimalik Brüsselis peavad liidu rolli tulevikus niisugustes valdkondades kokku liikmesriikide parlamentide foorumi, et arutada rii- nagu õigusel, vabadusel ja turvalisusel rajanev ala või kide parlamendi panust järelemõtlemisperioodil, vahetada kliimamuutused ja loodusõnnetused. arvamusi riikide kogemuse ja hea tava kohta ning uurida • Euroopa piirid ja roll maailmas: väljavaade, et toimub koostöö ja ühise tegevuse võimalusi ELi institutsioonidega uusi laienemisi, liidu võime võtta vastu uusi liikmeid, ja/või abi andmist nende institutsioonide poolt järelemõt- Euroopa üldine julgeolek, tema suhted naaberriikidega lemisperioodi jooksul. ja mõju võrreldes maailma teiste suurte blokkidega. Missugused on rahva ootused Euroopa suhtes 3.2. Sisu globaliseeruvas maailmas alates kaubandusest (näiteks tekstiil) kuni keskkonna (näiteks kliimamuutused), Demokraatia, dialoogi ja diskussiooni D-kavas on ette liikuvuse (näiteks üleeuroopalised võrgud), julgeoleku nähtud Euroopa Liidu tuleviku üle peetava avaliku arutelu (näiteks osalemine rahutagamisoperatsioonides) ja soodustamise struktureeritud protsess. Avaliku arutelu po- arenguni (näiteks abi osutamine arengumaadele, liitiline sisu peab aitama kujundada järelemõtlemisperioo- kolmanda maailma võlgade kustutamine)? di lõpul omaks võetavat lähenemisviisi. Kuid muidugi ei ole aruteluteemade ring D-kava raames piiratud. Kuulajaskonnast ja tingimustest lähtudes tuleb 395 Kuigi komisjon otsib ühist raamistikku, nõustub ta täieli- valida kõige huvitavamad ja elulisemad arutlusteemad. kult sellega, et igas paikkonnas, piirkonnas ja riigis peetaval Komisjon on valmis liikmesriikide palvel neid teemasid arutelul on erilised tunnusjooned. Esile tõstetakse erine- üksikasjalikumalt avama. vaid probleeme ja Euroopa Liidu tähtsus erineb sõltuvalt riigist ja arutelu poliitilisest sisust. 3.3. Tagasisideprotsess Olenemata riikide iseärasustest, tuleb arutelu käigus juh- tida kodanike tähelepanu Euroopa tulevikule, õppida Riikides toimuvad arutelud tuleb üles ehitada nii, et nende tundma nende ootusi ja arutleda lisaväärtuse ja konkreet- käigus saadud tagasiside mõjutaks vahetult Euroopa Liidu sete hüvede üle, mida ühendus annab. Seega peaks arute- poliitilist tegevuskava. Ärakuulamisel peavad olema selged lu hõlmama laiemat teemade ringi kui institutsioonilised tulemused, mis võetakse arvesse järelemõtlemisperioodi lõ- küsimused ja põhiseadus. Arutelu peaks keskenduma kü- pul. Iga liikmesriik esitab arutelust kokkuvõtte komisjonile simustele, kuidas Euroopa tegeleb selliste probleemidega ja nõukogu eesistujariigile. See kokkuvõte tuleb avaldada. nagu tööhõive, majandus, transport, võitlus terrorismi vastu, keskkond, nafta hind, loodusõnnetused ja vaesu- Esialgne tagasiside, mille põhjal saab teha esimesed järel- se vähendamine Aafrikas ning mujal. Arutelu tulemused dused, antakse 2006. aasta aprillis. Esimese sammuna kor- peaksid aitama Euroopa institutsioonidel, eriti komisjonil, raldab komisjon 2006. aasta „Euroopa päeval“ – 9. mail paremini määratleda oma prioriteete. – Euroopa tulevikku käsitleva üleeuroopalise konverentsi, millel osalevad kodanikuühiskonna, liikmesriikide ja Eu- Protsess peaks olema kahesuunaline – inimesi teavitatak- roopa Parlamendi ning riikide parlamentide esindajad, ko- se konkreetsete saavutuste ja projektide kaudu Euroopa danikud ja teised ELi institutsioonid ning asutused. Kon- rollist ja küsimustes, mida tuleks edaspidi ära teha, võe- verentsi eesmärk on teha kokkuvõte üleeuroopalise arutelu takse kuulda rahva ootusi. Arutelu teemad võiksid olla ja piiriülese arutelu peamistest tulemustest. 2006. aasta järgmised: mais valmistab komisjon ette ka dokumendi, milles esita- takse liikmesriikidesse korraldatud külaskäikude ja terves • Euroopa majanduslik ja sotsiaalne areng: Euroopa Euroopa Liidus toimunud arutelu üldkokkuvõte. võime saavutada majanduskasv ja luua juurde töökohti; Lissabonis kokku lepitud strateegia mõju Üldkokkuvõte aitab eesistujariik Austrial teha arutelust suurendamine; Euroopa majandus- ja sotsiaalmudeli kokkuvõtteid riigipeade ja valitsusjuhtide avalduses kind- ühised põhiväärtused; ülemaailmsele konkurentsile laks määratud Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumisel, mis toi- vastupidamiseks vajalikud reformid; säästva arengu mub 2006. aasta juunis. tingimused. • Suhtumine Euroopasse ja liidu ülesannetesse: toetudes senistele saavutustele ja konkreetsetele hüvedele, mida liit on toonud kodanike igapäevaellu (näiteks EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

4. Algatused ühenduse tasandil 4.1.2. Volinike kättesaadavus riigi parlamendile Euroopa Komisjon on valmis mängima olulist osa Euroo- Riigi parlament tagab tegeliku kontrolli valitsuse Euroopa pa tulevikku käsitlevas laialdases arutelus. Komisjoni pa- küsimustes tehtud otsuste üle. Nagu eespool märgitud, ka- nus on piiriüleste algatuste edendamine ja toetamine, kuigi vatseb komisjon kõikidel poliitilistel foorumitel aktiivselt need ei jää arutelu keskmesse. Mitme kõrgetasemelise pii- soodustada arutelu Euroopa küsimustes ja suurendada Eu- riülese ürituse läbiviimine aitab kõnesolevat protsessi pa- roopa poliitika kujundamise läbipaistvust. remini nähtavaks teha ja soodustab uute osalejate tulekut Euroopa otsuste tegemise protsessi. Lisaks sellele, et suhete jaoks riikide parlamentidega on olemas asepresident, püüavad komisjoni liikmed riikide Partnerlus Euroopa institutsioonide ja asutustega parlamentide abistamise eesmärgil olla nii kättesaadavad Komisjon teeb üleeuroopalise arutelu soodustamiseks kui ka ette valmistunud ülevaate andmiseks komisjoni koostööd praeguse eesistujariigi ja järgmiste eesistujariiki- poliitikast ja ELi viimastest sündmustest. Praktiliste küsi- dega, Euroopa Parlamendi, nõukogu, regioonide komitee muste lahendamiseks peetakse nõu riikide parlamentidega. ning Euroopa majandus- ja sotsiaalkomiteega. Suur ena- mus neist algatustest tehakse koostöös Euroopa Parlamen- 4.1.3. Esinduste avamine üldsusele di ja teiste institutsioonide ning asutustega. Komisjon Komisjoni esindused on komisjoni visiitkaart riigis, kuid kutsub kõiki Euroopa institutsioone ja asutusi üles andma kodanike enamus ei tunne neid piisavalt ja peab komisjoni 396 oma panust, osaledes arutelus koostöö ning ühistegevuse endiselt kaugeks institutsiooniks. Komisjon tugevdab esin- valdkondade üle. duste rolli ja kavatseb teha need avalikkusele tuntuks põhi- liste keskustena, kust saab teavet ja tagasisidet Euroopaga Komisjoni algatuse eesmärk on sütitada ELi kodanike seotud küsimuste kohta. poliitilist aktiivsust Euroopa tuleviku üle peetaval arute- lul, tutvustada Euroopa Liidust tulenevat lisaväärtust ning Esindused peaksid oma uksed avalikkusele kogu aeg lahti õhutada valitsusi, poliitilisi parteisid ja arvamusliidreid hoidma. Lisaks peaks esinduse juhataja (ja kui võimalik, tõstma Euroopa küsimus üldsuse teadvuses esiplaanile. siis volinikud) olema korrapäraselt kättesaadav kodanike küsimustele vastamiseks. Need kohtumised ei tohi piirdu- Ühenduse tasandil tuleb järelemõtlemisperioodil teha järg- da pealinnaga. Euroopa Parlamenti kutsutakse üles tegema mised algatused. sama. Neid üritusi tuleb omavahel koordineerida.

4.1. Laialdase avaliku arutelu 4.1.4. Europe Direct keskuste kasutamine soodustamine piirkondlikeks üritusteks

4.1.1. Volinike külaskäigud liikmesriikidesse Komisjon on koostöös piirkondlike ja kohalike organi- satsioonidega loonud ELi kohalike teabepunktide võrgu. Komisjon kavatseb olla kodanikega tihedamas kontaktis, See võrk on ELi institutsioonidele ja asutustele väärtuslik kuulata nende muresid, osaleda riigisisestel ja piirkondlikel vahend, millega Euroopa viiakse tavalise kodanikuni ja aruteludel ning saada neil senisest nähtavamaks. rakendatakse komisjoni avalikkuse teavitamise strateegiat.

President ja/või institutsiooniliste suhete ja teavitusstratee- Esindused kasutavad D-kava teostamiseks täiel määral ära giaga tegelev asepresident külastavad nii paljusid liikmesrii- Europe Direct keskuste uue põlvkonna võrku. Piirkondli- ke kui võimalik. Eriti rohkelt tehakse seda lähemate kuude kud üritused tuleb keskendada nende ümber. jooksul. Neid saadavad asjaomase liikmesriigi volinik ja kui vaja, siis veel volinikke. Komisjon soovitab kaasa minna 4.1.5. Euroopa demokraatia ümarlaud ka Euroopa Parlamendi liikmetel. Nad peaksid kohtuma valitsuse, riigi parlamendi, äri- ja ametiühingujuhtidega, Komisjon kavatseb jõuda kodanikeni, eriti noorteni, kellel kodanikuühiskonna esindajate, üliõpilaste ja piirkondlike on huvi Euroopa asjade vastu. Eesmärk on uurida piiriüle- ning kohalike võimudega. Külaskäikude peamised sünd- se arutelu süvendamise võimalusi, edendada kodanikuak- mused on kohtumised ajakirjandusega ning kontaktid tiivsust ja tõsta teadlikkust Euroopa integreerumisest. kodanikuühiskonnaga. Komisjon asutab koos kodanikuühiskonna liikmetega Eu- roopa demokraatia ümarlaua. Ümarlaud koondab erineva- te alade kodanikke, kes hakkavad koos tegutsema või ühi- seid Euroopa küsimusi arutama. Kõikides liikmesriikides KOMISJONI PANUS JÄRELEMÕTLEMISPERIOODIKS JA KAUEMAKSKI: DEMOKRAATIA, DIALOOGI JA DISKUSSIOONI D-KAVA tuleb korraldada koosolekuid Euroopa ümarlaua tulemus- otsustamisprotsessis. Komisjon kavatseb toetada Euroopa te läbiarutamiseks. kodanike vaekogude algatust võimaluse korral koondada esinduslik läbilõige Euroopa piirkondade kodanikest aru- 4.1.6. Euroopa hea tahte saadikud tama kindlaid poliitikavaldkondi. Need võiksid rajaneda liikmesriikides juba olemasolevatele eeskujudele ja ka need Eriti tähtis on teabe hea edastamine selle kohta, millega peaksid andma tagasisidet Euroopa arutelu tarvis. me tegeleme. Hea poliitikaga peavad kaasas käima head ja loomingulised algatused ühenduse leidmiseks üldsuse ja 4.2.3. Nõukogu avatumaks muutmine ajakirjandusega. Euroopa kodanikul on õigus institutsioonidelt oodata tõ- Komisjon kavatseb teha liikmesriikidega koostööd, et husust, avatust ja suunatust teenuste osutamisele. Seetõttu sarnaselt Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsiooniga korralda- toetab komisjon iga tasandi Euroopa institutsioonide lä- da piirkondades „Euroopa hea tahte saadikute” osavõtul bipaistvuse suurendamist, muu hulgas oma Euroopa läbi- üritusi, arvestades ka uutes liikmesriikides liidu liikmeks paistvuse algatuse abil. Mis puutub nõukogu, siis Sevilla astumise rahvahääletustel saadud kogemusi. Üritustele Euroopa Ülemkogul otsustati avada üldsusele nõukogu kutsutakse väljapaistvaid ning riigis või piirkonnas kultuu- need koosolekud, kus nõukogu on kaasseadusandja. Need ri-, äri-, spordi- või mis tahes muus sihtrühma huvitavas reeglid võetakse ametlikult nõukogu kodukorda. See ta- valdkonnas tuntud inimesi. Need „saadikud“ tegutsevad gab, et üldsusele esitatakse peamised ettepanekud ja talle liikmesriikides, korraldades avalikke koosolekuid, semina- avatakse hääletamise läbiviimine ning häälte selgitamine. re ning vestlusi Euroopa tegevusvaldkondade ja program- Kuid sellekohaseid lubadusi ei ole veel teoks tehtud. Nõu- 397 mide teemadel, nagu haridus, võitlus vaesuse vastu, vali- kogu eesistuja Suurbritannia kaalub praegu mitut võima- misaktiivsus, uurimis- ja arendustegevus jne. lust nõukogu tegevuse avalikumaks muutmiseks.

4.2. Kodanike demokraatlikus protsessis Komisjon toetab täielikult seda eesistujariigi algatust, mis osalemise edendamine koos komisjoni Euroopa läbipaistvuse algatusega täienda- vad üksteist vastastikku. 4.2.1. Tulemuslikuma nõupidamise edendamine 4.2.4. hääletamisaktiivsuse suurendamine Üleriigilistest ja kohalikest valimistest osavõtu madalavõi- Viimaste aastate jooksul on komisjon parandanud suure- tu tase on tugevdanud tunnet, et poliitiline protsess ei ole mate poliitikaalgatuste kohta nõu küsimise viisi. Järsult on õiguspärane. Erilise pettumuse valmistas vähene osavõtt suurenenud nõupidamiste hulk huvirühmadega „rohelis- Euroopa Parlamendi valmistest teatud liikmesriikides. te“ ja „valgete“ raamatute abil ning Interneti teel. Selleks, et kuulda võtta kodanikke, tarbijaid ja ärisektorit, kavatseb komisjon koostöös Euroopa Parlamendi ja teiste institut- Komisjon teeb teistele Euroopa institutsioonidele ettepa- sioonidega kasutada ja täiustada neilt vahetu tagasiside ko- neku ühiselt uurida võimalusi tõsta valimisaktiivsust Eu- gumise vahendeid. roopa valimistel ja Euroopa küsimuste üle riikides peetava- tel rahvahääletustel. Osavõtu parandamiseks tuleb pöörata eraldi tähelepanu noorte ja vähemusrühmade osalemisele Komisjon kavatseb riikide ja piirkondade huvirühmade ning uue tehnoloogia kasutamisele. Tegevuse kooskõlasta- parema kaasamisega suurendada nõu küsimise tulemus- miseks neis küsimustes võiks moodustada institutsioonide- likkust, nagu on ka ette nähtud suhtlemise parandamise vahelise ühistöörühma. tegevuskavas.

4.2.2. Euroopa kodanike projektide toetamine 4.3. Euroopa poliitikavaldkondade üle dialoogi õhutamise vahendid Selleks, et ületada arvamus, et Euroopal puudub õiguspä- rasus ja selle kodanikke ei kaasata poliitilisse süsteemi, on 4.3.1. Eurobaromeeter Euroopa tuleviku kohta vaja tugevdada kodanike tunnet, et nad osalevad Euroopa ideaalide saavutamisel igal tasandil. Hiljuti Euroopa koda- D-kava on kuulda võtmise ja dialoogi kava. Komisjoni nikuaktiivsuse edendamiseks ettepandud programm „Ko- lõppeesmärk on õppida muredest, mida kodanikud väljen- danikud Euroopale“ on just selle võtnud oma peamiseks davad. See aitab ka liikmesriikidel järelemõtlemisperioodil eesmärgiks. paremini mõista oma kodanike muresid.

Mõnes liikmesriigis on kohtadel moodustatud terve rida Komisjon esitab Eurobaromeetri uuringu, milles käsitle- kodanike vaekogusid, mis sageli osalevad ka piirkondade takse kodanike arvamusi Euroopa projekti tuleviku kohta, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kodanike toetust Euroopa poliitikale ja tegevusele ning Euroopa Liidu riigipead ja valitsusjuhid on esitanud aval- nendega seotud ootusi. duse, milles rõhutatakse vajadust kuulata kodanikke ja või- maldada laiemat arutelu. 4.3.2. Internet Nüüd on saabunud aeg kodanikke kuulda võtta ja tegutse- Järjest lisandub näiteid selle kohta, et Internet on saanud da. Käesolevas teatises on esitatud demokraatia, dialoogi ja poliitilise arutelu tähtsaks foorumiks. Kui komisjon kavat- diskussiooni D-kava sisu ja sellega hõlmatud probleemid. seb aktiivselt suunata arutelu Euroopa tuleviku üle, tuleb Selles rõhutatakse, et arutelu on loomult riigisisene, kuid tal uurida kõiki interaktiivseid suhtlusvahendeid, mis aru- soovitatakse ka tagasiside andmist liigendatud protsessina telu soodustavad. ja esitatakse rida algatusvõimalusi ühenduse tasandil.

Komisjon kasutab uusimat internetitehnoloogiat oma D-kava eesmärk on Euroopa küsimustes saavutatud uue poliitika üle arutlemiseks ja selle kaitsmiseks küber- konsensuse selgitamine, süvendamine ja selle õiguspära- ruumis, mis on saanud tähtsaks arvamust kujundavaks suse tagamine, kriitikale vastamine ja lahenduse leidmine arutelufoorumiks. juhtudel, kui ootusi ei ole täidetud. Ülaltoodut silmas pi- dades soovitab komisjon liikmesriikidel: 4.3.3. Keskendumine sihtrühmadele Kuulda võtmise tähtsa osa ja poliitika avatud väljatööta- • võtta igas riigis niipea kui võimalik vajalikud meetmed riigisisese arutelu läbiviimiseks; 398 mise protsesside esimese sammuna peab komisjon arves- tama olemasolevat kogemust sihtrühmade kasutamise • teha koostööd komisjoni, teiste institutsioonide ja alal. Erilist tähelepanu tuleb pöörata noorte arvamuse- asutustega, et anda oma panus ja osutada riigisisese le. See aitaks liikmesriikidel tugevdada riigisisese arutelu arutelu õhutamiseks nii tulemuslikku abi kui nad tagasisideprotsesse. suudavad, sealhulgas külaskäigud riikidesse;

Komisjon on valmis abistama liikmesriike sihtrühmadega • leppida järgmiseks Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumiseks tehtava töö alustamisel konkreetsetel Euroopa teemadel. kokku tagasisideprotsessis, et tagada kodanike murede ja ootuste teatavaks tegemine ning arvesse võtmine kokkuvõtete tegemisel Austria eesistumise ajal. 5. Rahastamine

Ulatuslikule Euroopa tulevikku käsitlevale arutelule tuleb anda kohast finantsabi. Komisjoni eesmärk on abistada liikmesriike ja kodanikuühiskonda üksikalgatuste toeta- mise teel.

2005. aasta algul eraldati üheksa miljonit eurot Euroopa tuleviku üle peetava arutelu jaoks programmi „Prince“ eelarvereal (eelarverida 250302). Kõik liikmesriigid on saanud teatavat rahalist toetust ratifitseerimisprotsessi ajal juba eraldatud pisut vähem kui kuuest miljonist eurost. Komisjoni arvates tuleb ülejäänud vahendeid kasutada liik- mesriikide ja kodanikuühiskonna algatuste toetamiseks.

Seetõttu toetab komisjon Euroopa Parlamendi kavatsust näha projekti „Prince“ eelarvereal 2006. aastaks ette veel kuus miljonit eurot.

6. Kokkuvõte

Riikides Euroopa põhiseaduse ratifitseerimise üle peetud arutelu näitas, et kuigi endiselt toetatakse Euroopa Liidu liikmeks olekut, tugevneb demokraatlikust protsessist kau- genemise tunne. Kaks korda 20 aastaks 2020 Kliimamuutus – Euroopa võimalus

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE NING REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE BRÜSSEL, 23. JAANUAR 2008 KOM(2008) 30

2007. aasta oli Euroopa Liidu kliima- ja energiapoliitika energiatõhususse ja taastuvatesse energiaallikatesse võivad jaoks pöördeline aasta. Euroopa näitas valmisolekut võtta olla majanduslikult kasulikud. Nimetatud asjaolude tõttu 399 endale üleilmne juhtpositsioon: tegeleda kliimamuutuste nõustusid ELi juhid tegema Euroopa majanduses suuri po- küsimusega, arendada välja turvaline, säästev ja konkurent- liitilisi, sotsiaalseid ja majanduslikke jõupingutusi nõud- sivõimeline energeetika ning muuta Euroopa majandus vaid ümberkorraldusi. Kõnealuseid ümberkorraldusi võib 21. sajandi säästva arengu eeskujuks. Avalik arvamus toetas käsitleda ka lähtepunktina Euroopa majanduse ajakohas- üha enam vajadust tegeleda kliimamuutuste küsimusega ja tamiseks ning majanduse suunamiseks sellisesse tulevikku, kohandada Euroopat uue tegelikkusega, mis hõlmab kas- kus tehnoloogiat ja ühiskonda on kohandatud uutele vaja- vuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamist ning taastuvate dustele ja kus innovatsioon toob kaasa uued majanduskas- ja säästvate energiaallikate arendamist. Saavutati poliitiline vu ja tööhõive võimalused. konsensus, mille kohaselt tuleb kõnealune küsimus tõsta Euroopa Liidu poliitilise programmi keskmesse, kuna see Euroopa Ülemkogu määras kindlaks kaks põhieesmärki: on peamine teema Euroopa Liidus, samuti on see kesk- ne teema majanduskasvu ja tööhõive Lissaboni strateegias • Vähendada kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguseid aastaks ning Euroopa suhetes kogu maailma partneritega. Seda 2020 vähemalt 20% või kuni 30%, kui saavutatakse 9 otsust toetasid nii Euroopa Parlament kui ka Euroopa rahvusvaheline kokkulepe, millega teised arenenud Ülemkogu. riigid võtavad endale „võrreldavaid heitkoguste vähendamise kohustusi ning majanduslikult Euroopa otsusekindlust sümboliseerib 2007. aasta märt- enamarenenud arengumaad panustavad piisavalt si Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumisel saavutatud kokkulepe vastavalt oma kohustustele ja vastavatele võimalustele”. määrata kindlaks konkreetsed, õiguslikult siduvad eesmär- gid. Otsust ei tehtud kergekäeliselt. Kaalul on palju – Eu- • Suurendada taastuvenergia osakaalu ELi roopa majanduslik heaolu sõltub sellest, kas meil õnnestub energiatarbimises 2020. aastaks 20%-ni. leida õige suund. On esitatud ümberlükkamatuid tõendeid Euroopa Ülemkogu nõustus, et kõige paremini saab selli- selle kohta, et tegevusetuse kulud maailmamajandusele seid suuri eesmärke saavutada siis, kui iga liikmesriik teab, 10 oleksid väga suured: vastavalt Sterni aruandele moodus- mida temalt oodatakse, ning kui eesmärgid on õigusli- taksid need 5–20% kogu maailma SKT-st. Samal ajal on kult siduvad. See tähendab, et kõik valitsustasandid tuleb nafta- ja gaasihinna hiljutine pidev tõus toonud selgust täielikult mobiliseerida ja erasektorile tuleb pikaks ajaks selles, et konkurents energiaallikate valdkonnas muutub usaldada ülesanne teha investeeringuid, mis on vajalikud aasta-aastalt üha pingelisemaks ning et investeeringud Euroopa kujundamiseks vähem süsinikdioksiidi heiteid te- kitavaks ja võimalikult energiatõhusaks majanduseks.

9 Euroopa Parlamendi resolutsioon kliimamuutuse kohta, 14. veebruar 2007 (P6_TA(2007)0038). Euroopa Ülemkogu otsus andis meie rahvusvahelistele 10 HM Treasury, Stern Review on the economics of climate change partneritele märku ELi valmisolekust muuta sõnad tegu- (Ühendkuningriigi rahandusministeerium, Sterni ülevaade deks. Esimesi tulemusi võis näha 2007. aasta detsembris kliimamuutuse majandustegurite kohta), 2006, http://www.hm- treasury.gov.uk/independent_reviews/stern_review_economics_ Bali saarel toimunud ÜRO kliimamuutuste konverentsil. climate_change/stern_review_report.cfm Euroopa Liidule avanes võimalus täita keskset rolli üldise EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

nõusoleku saavutamisel heitkoguste vähendamist käsitleva majanduse vastuvõtlikkust alatasa tõusvate ja muutlike laiaulatusliku kokkuleppe sõlmimiseks. Kokkulepe peaks energiahindade, inflatsiooni, geopoliitiliste riskide ning valmima 2009. aastal. See tugevdas veelgi ELi kindlat ot- üleilmse nõudluse kasvule mittevastavate puudulike tar- sust jätkata võitlust kliimamuutustega, eesmärgiga näidata neahelate suhtes. valmisolekut kinnitada tegudega oma veendumust, mil- le kohaselt arenenud riigid suudavad ja peaksid püüdma Üleminekuprotsess toob kaasa mitmesuguseid võimalusi: saavutada 2020. aastaks kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste taseme vähenemise 30% võrra. EL peaks jätkama oma • Aastaks 2020 oodatakse nafta ja gaasi impordi juhtrolli ambitsioonika rahvusvahelise kokkuleppe alastes vähenemist ligi 50 miljardi euro ulatuses11. See läbirääkimistes. parandab energia varustuskindlust ning kasu saavad kõik ELi kodanikud ja ettevõtjad. Kui naftabarreli Järgmise sammuna tuleb realiseerida Euroopa Liidu po- hind jääks püsima praegusele tasemele, oleks impordi liitilised eesmärgid. Euroopa Komisjoni esitatud meetme- vähenemise rahaline näitaja veelgi suurem. pakett kujutab endast terviklikku ja laiaulatuslikku kava, mis aitab valmistada Euroopat ette vähese süsinikdioksii- • Taastuvenergia tootmise tehnoloogiate laiem diheitega majanduse kujundamiseks. Kavas selgitatakse kasutamine on juba praegu toonud kaasa 20 miljardi vajalike jõupingutuste eesmärki. Meetmed on kavandatud euro suuruse käibe ja võimaldanud luua 300 000 uut vastastikku toetavaks. Nendega pakutakse võimalus viia töökohta. Taastuvenergia osakaalu suurendamine tegutsemishoogu säilitades ellu Euroopa eesmärke kliima- 20%-ni 2020. aastaks peaks võimaldama luua 400 muutuste, energia varustuskindluse ja konkurentsivõime energeetikasektoris ühtekokku ligi miljon uut töökohta suurendamise valdkonnas. või koguni rohkem, kui Euroopa kasutab täielikult ära oma võimaluse hoida kõnealuses valdkonnas üleilmset juhtpositsiooni. Lisaks sellele on taastuvenergia Euroopa majandusliku heaolu sektor töömahukas ja suunatud paljudele väikestele ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtjatele. Seetõttu jagub säilitamine muutuste ajajärgul sektoris töökohti kõikidesse Euroopa osadesse ning kõikjal saavad kodanikud osa sellega kaasaskäivast Euroopa majanduse ees on raske ülesanne kohaneda arengust. Sama kehtib ka ehitiste ja toodete nõuetega, mis kaasnevad vähese süsinikdioksiidiheitega energiatõhususe kohta. ja kindla energiavarustusega majanduse kujundamisega. • Kliimamuutusi võib käsitleda soodsa võimalusena Kõnealust ülesannet on võimalik täita ning see toob kaasa Euroopa tööstuse jaoks, kui kõik ettevõtjad uusi võimalusi. Kliimasõbraliku poliitika muutmine Eu- kasutaksid vähem süsinikdioksiidi heiteid tekitavaid roopa majanduskasvu ja tööhõive peamiseks mootoriks tehnoloogiaid. Keskkonnasäästliku tootmise sektoris on tegelikkuses võimalik. Euroopa võib tõestada, et vaja- on Euroopas juba loodud ligi 3,4 miljonit uut likud muutused võivad käia käsikäes konkurentsivõimelise töökohta ning sektori kasvupotentsiaal on suur. ja eduka 21. sajandi majanduse kujundamisega. Vähem Keskkonnasäästlikud tehnoloogiad ei ole monopol süsinikdioksiidi heiteid tekitava majanduse kujundamise üheski konkreetses Euroopa osas. Need moodustavad protsessi tuleb eelkõige sektorite tasandil kaasata vajalikul kasvava osa asjaomasest tööstusest, mille aastakäive on määral ka sotsiaalpartnerid. praegu üle 227 miljardi euro ning mis pakub esimestele turulesisenejatele suurepäraseid võimalusi. Kliimamuutuste küsimusega tegelemisel on hädavajalik kogu maailma osalus. Ent Euroopa jaoks on kohustus te- Loetletud võimalused põhinevad muutuste kasuks kõne- gutseda muutunud möödapääsmatuks. Mida kauem Eu- leval poliitilisel konsensusel ja Euroopa Ülemkogu otsusel roopa viivitab, seda suuremaks muutuvad kohanemise ku- astuda olulisi samme. lud. Mida varem Euroopa tegutseb, seda suurem on tema võimalus kasutada oma oskusi ja tehnoloogiat innovatsioo- Ettepanekute koostamisel peeti silmas kahte tegurit. Esi- ni ja majanduskasvu edendamiseks ning nautida esimese teks kavandati ettepanekud nii, et eesmärke oleks võimalik tegutseja eeliseid. Üldise arvamuse suund on selge, ning saavutada optimaalsete kulutustega. Teiseks on pööratud EL võib asuda rajama teed 2012. aasta järgsele perioodile tähelepanu sellele, et konkreetsete liikmesriikide ja tööstus­ keskenduva rahvusvahelise kliimakokkuleppe sõlmimisele. ettevõtete jõupingutused oleksid tasakaalus ja proportsio- naalsed ning et võetaks arvesse nende tegelikku olukorda. Kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamine ja taastuve- Ettepanekute koostamisel oli komisjoni eesmärk tagada nergia laiem kasutamine vastavalt riigipeade ja valitsusjuh- õiglus ja solidaarsus. tide kokkulepitud eesmärkidele vähendab suurel määral ELi sõltuvust nafta ja gaasi impordist. See vähendab ELi 11 Arvutused põhinevad naftabarreli hinnal 61 US $. KAKS KORDA 20 AASTAKS 2020. KLIIMAMUUTUS – EUROOPA VÕIMALUS

Olulisemad põhimõtted miinimumeesmärgi asemel ambitsioonikama 30%-lise eesmärgi poole. Meetmepakett on vastus Euroopa Ülemkogu üleskutsele, milles viimane palus Euroopa Komisjonil esitada konkreet- Vahendid eesmärkide sed ettepanekud. Samal ajal jõudsid ELi juhid poliitilisele kokkuleppele ettepanekute aluspõhimõtete suhtes. saavutamiseks

Komisjoni ettepanekutes võetakse Euroopa Ülemkogu Heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi kehtestatud põhimõtteid arvesse. Eelkõige võeti ELi ta- ajakohastamine sandi eesmärkide teisendamisel liikmesriikidele mõeldud konkreetseteks eesmärkideks arvesse vajadust tagada muu- Euroopa Liidu heitkogustega kauplemise süsteem on seni tuste elluviimiseks ja avaliku arvamuse toetuse saamiseks ainus omataoline vahend kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vajalik poliitiline konsensus. vähendamisele motiveeriva turupõhise lahenduse leidmi- seks. Süsteemi raames peavad ettevõtjad tagastama saas- Ettepanekud rajanevad viiel põhimõttel: tekvoodid, mis vastavad nende süsinikdioksiidi heidetele. Kõnealuse „kvootidega kauplemise” süsteemi praegune • Eesmärgid tuleb täita selleks, et veenda eurooplasi struktuur näeb ette, et saastekvoote jaotavad ettevõtjatele muutuste tõelisuses, ärgitada investoreid investeerima riikide valitsused. Komisjon kiidab riiklikud jaotuskavad ja näidata kogu maailma partneritele ELi kavatsuste heaks. Saastekvootidega kauplemiseks on välja kujunenud 401 tõsidust. Selleks et olla usutavad, peavad ettepanekud spetsiaalne turg, kuna need ettevõtjad, kes on oma heitko- olema piisavalt tõhusad ja intensiivsed ning nende guseid vähendanud, võivad piirkoguse ja tegeliku saaste- rakendamine peab olema jälgitav ja teostatav. koguse vahe müüa ettevõtjatele, kelle tegelik saastekogus on suurem kui neile eraldatud saastekvoot. Seega võivad • Liikmesriikidelt nõutavad jõupingutused peavad olema heitkoguste vähendamisse investeerinud ettevõtjad saada õiglaselt jaotatud. Mõned liikmesriigid suudavad piirkoguse ja tegeliku saastekoguse vahe müümisest tulu vajalikke investeeringuid paremini rahastada kui teised. – niimoodi stimuleeritakse innovatsiooni ja soodustatakse Ettepanekud peavad olema piisavalt paindlikud, et muudatusi seal, kus need on majanduslikult kõige tõhusa- võtta arvesse liikmesriikide erinevat lähteolukorda ja mad. Süsteemiga on kogu ELis hõlmatud ligi 10 000 töös- erinevaid tingimusi. tuskäitist, sealhulgas elektrijaamad, naftatöötlemistehased • Kulud tuleb viia miinimumini: selleks tuleb ja terasetehased, mis paiskavad atmosfääri ligi poole ELi tegevuskava kohandada nii, et see piiraks ELi süsinikdioksiidi heitest. majanduse ümberkujundamisel tekkivaid kulutusi. Õige struktuuri väljatöötamisel tuleb pöörata suurimat Heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi läbivaatamisel leiti siis- tähelepanu muutustega kaasnevatele kulutustele ja ki, et uute eesmärkide saavutamiseks tuleks seda laiendada sellele, kuidas mõjutavad muutused Euroopa Liidu ja ajakohastada. Praegu kasutusel oleva süsteemi stimulee- üleilmset konkurentsivõimet, tööhõivet ja sotsiaalset rivat mõju toetati esimeses etapis (2005–2007) eraldatud ühtekuuluvust. suurte saastekvootidega. Paraku on süsteemi struktuur, sealhulgas riiklikud jaotuskavad suurendanud konkurentsi • EL peab jätkama kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste ja siseturu moonutuse riski. Süsteemi piiratud kohaldami- vähendamist ka pärast 2020. aastat, et saavutada ne konkreetsete majandussektorite ja heitgaaside suhtes on 2050. aastaks eesmärk vähendada heitkoguseid piiranud ka tema panust heitkoguste vähendamisse. maailmas poole võrra. See tähendab, et tuleb ergutada tehnoloogia arengut ja tagada, et uued tehnoloogiad Heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemis tehtavad parandused võetakse kasutusele võimalikult kiiresti. Samuti tuleb rajaneksid seni saadud positiivsetel kogemustel ja nende kasutada kõiki olemasolevaid vahendeid innovatsiooni eesmärk oleks anda uut hoogu meie püüdlustele kliima- edendamiseks ja konkurentsieelise saavutamiseks puhta sõbraliku poliitika suunas. energia ja tööstustehnoloogia valdkonnas. • EL peab tegema kõik võimaliku, et saavutada • Heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi kohaldamisala on kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamist käsitleva kavas laiendada lisaks süsinikdioksiidile ka muudele laiaulatusliku rahvusvahelise kokkuleppe sõlmimine. kasvuhoonegaasidele12 ning kõikidele peamistele Ettepanekud on kavandatud näitama, et Euroopa tööstussaaste põhjustajatele. Halduskoormuse Liit on valmis võtma rahvusvahelise kokkuleppe

raames täiendavaid meetmeid ning püüdlema 12 Dilämmastikoksiid (N2O), mis eraldub hapete tootmisel, ja kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamise 20%-lise perfluorosüsivesinikud (PFC), mis eralduvad alumiiniumi tootmisel. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

vähendamiseks nähakse ette, et aastas alla 10 000 võrreldes mõnikord vähem kulukad. Puhta arengu tonni süsinikdioksiidi eraldavad tööstuskäitised ei mehhanismi laialdane kasutamine võib aga ohustada pea süsteemis osalema, kui nad on võtnud meetmed, heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi tõhusust, kuna millega nad tagavad asjakohase panuse heitkoguste heitkoguste vähendamise ühikute arv suureneb ja vähendamisse. nõudlus saastekvootide järele väheneb, samuti pärsib see valitsuste ja ettevõtjate motivatsiooni tegeleda • Kogu Euroopa Liitu hõlmav ühtlustatud heitkogustega heitkoguste vähendamisega oma riigis. Mehhanism kauplemise süsteem on siseturuga parimal võimalikul võib piirata ka heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi viisil kohandatud ja sisaldab ühiseid eeskirju võrdsete suutlikkust aidata saavutada taastuvenergiaga seotud tingimuste tagamiseks. Riiklikud jaotuskavad on eesmärke. plaanis asendada enampakkumise või saastekvootide vaba eraldamisega kogu ELi hõlmavate ühiste Heitkogustega kauplemise uue süsteemi raames võivad et- eeskirjade alusel. Turul pakutavaid saastekvoote on tevõtjad endiselt kasutada puhta arengu mehhanismi, aga kavas aasta-aastalt piirata, et vähendada süsteemiga mehhanismi abil saadavat heitkoguste vähendamise ühiku- hõlmatud heitkoguseid 2020. aastaks 21% võrra te arvu piiratakse süsteemis praegu kehtivate tasemeteni. võrreldes 2005. aasta tasemega. Sellega jäetakse võimalus mehhanismi laiemaks kasutami- Energeetikasektoris, mis paiskab atmosfääri seks pärast rahvusvahelise kokkuleppe allakirjutamist. See suurema osa heidetest, minnakse saastekvootide on äärmiselt oluline selle poolest, et nii saab Euroopa Liit enampakkumisele üle alates uue heitkogustega rahvusvahelise kokkuleppe allakirjutamise korral liikuda kauplemise süsteemi käivitumisest 2013. aastal. kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamise 30% eesmär- 402 Enamik teisi tööstussektoreid ning samuti gi poole. Vaba juurdepääs mehhanismile ajendaks ka kol- lennundussektor lähevad enampakkumisele üle järk- mandaid riike rahvusvahelisele kokkuleppele alla kirjuta- järgult, võttes enampakkumise süsteemi täielikult ma, kuna selle tulemusena võidakse nende territooriumile kasutusele 2020. aastaks. suunata Euroopast pärit investeeringuid ja tehnoloogiat. Enampakkumisi korraldaksid liikmesriigid ja nendest saadud tulu laekuks liikmesriikide Kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste riigikassasse. Enampakkumised oleksid avatud: iga vähendamine väljaspool heitkogustega ELis tegutsev operaator võiks osta saastekvoote mis tahes liikmesriigis. Enampakkumisega kaasneks kauplemise süsteemi liikmesriikidele märkimisväärne tulu, mis saaks kaasa aidata vähem süsinikdioksiidi heiteid tekitava Kuna heitkogustega kauplemise uus süsteem hõlmab alla majanduse kujundamisele, toetades teadus- ja poole kasvuhoonegaaside heidetest, on tarvis ELi raa- arendustegevust ning innovatsiooni sellistes mistikku, millega reguleeritakse riikide võetud kohustusi valdkondades nagu taastuvad energiaallikad ning ülejäänud heidete vähendamiseks ning millega hõlmatak- süsinikdioksiidi kogumine ja säilitamine, aidates se selliseid valdkondi nagu hooned, transport, põlluma- arengumaid ning aidates vähem jõukatel riikidel jandus, jäätmed ja sellised tööstuskäitised, mis eraldavad investeerida energiatõhususse. Liikmesriigid peaksid heitkoguste kauplemise süsteemiga liitumiseks ette nähtud võtma kohustuse kasutada nendel eesmärkidel vähemalt kogusest väiksemaid heitkoguseid. Kõnealuste sektorite 20% enampakkumistel saadud tulust. puhul on eesmärk vähendada heitkoguseid 2005. aasta tasemega võrreldes 10% võrra, ning igale liikmesriigile • Kyoto protokolli kohaselt võivad tööstusriigid täita kehtestatakse lisaks veel konkreetsed eesmärgid. Mõnin- puhta arengu mehhanismi (CDM – Clean Development gaid eesmärke on võimalik saavutada ELi meetmete abil Mechanism)13 abil osa oma heitkoguste vähendamise (näiteks sõiduautode süsinikdioksiidi heidete ja kütuse kohustustest sellega, et nad investeerivad heiteid suhtes kehtestatavad karmimad nõuded või energiatõhu- vähendavatesse projektidesse, mida rakendatakse suse edendamist käsitlevad ELi eeskirjad), aga muus osas muudes riikides, eelkõige arengumaades. Selline on liikmesriikidele jäetud vabadus kindlaks määrata vald- mehhanism annab võimaluse täita heitkoguste konnad, millesse nad soovivad oma jõupingutused eelkõi- vähendamise kohustus väiksemate kuludega ning ge koondada, ning meetmed, mille abil muutusi ellu viia. soodustab vähem süsinikdioksiidi heiteid tekitavate Liikmesriikidele võimaldatakse juurdepääs ka puhta aren- tehnoloogiate levimist arengumaadesse. Puhta gu mehhanismi abil saadavatele heitkoguste vähendamise arengu mehhanism on heidete vähendamisel andnud ühikutele, millega nad võivad katta ligi kolmandiku oma häid tulemusi ning lisaks sellele võimaldab see heitkoguste vähendamise kohustusest. juurdepääsu meetmetele, mis on Euroopa meetmetega

13 Lisaks sellele on ühisrakenduse (Joint Implementation) projektid nähtud ette ka teistes tööstusriikides, kellel on vaja saavutada Kyoto protokollis püstitatud eesmärgid. KAKS KORDA 20 AASTAKS 2020. KLIIMAMUUTUS – EUROOPA VÕIMALUS

Uus taastuvenergia ajastu konkreetse miinimumeesmärgi, mille kohaselt tuleb kesk- konnasäästlike biokütuste osakaalu bensiini ja diiselkütuse Märtsis kokku tulnud Euroopa Ülemkogu pööras suurt kogutarbimises suurendada 10%-ni. tähelepanu taastuvenergia küsimusele. Otsustades kind- laks määrata ELi kui terviku eesmärgi ning konkreetsed Liikmesriigiti erinevad ka taastuvenergia kasutuselevõtu riiklikud eesmärgid, tunnustasid ELi juhid taastuvenergia kulud. Mõnda investeeringut on lihtne teha ja see on ma- erilist panust heitkoguste vähendamisse ja energiatõhususe janduslikult tasuv, aga võimaluste ammendumise korral suurendamisse. Praegu on taastuvenergia osakaal kogu ELi tuleb kaaluda investeerimist kulukamatesse projektides- energiatarbimises 8,5%. Selleks et saavutada 2020. aastaks se. Tootmismahu suurenedes tootmiskulud vähenevad. eesmärk suurendada taastuvenergia osakaalu 20%-ni, tu- Seetõttu on oluline, et liikmesriigid oleksid oma otsustes leks selle kasutamist suurendada 11,5%. Eesmärgi saavu- paindlikud. Seni kui järgitakse ELi üldise eesmärgi saavu- tamiseks tuleb Euroopa Liidus teha suuri investeeringuid, tamise sihti, tuleks võimaldada liikmesriikidel anda oma ent selle positiivne külg on taastuvenergia tootjate suhte- panus ja toetada Euroopa üldisi jõupingutusi taastuvener- liste kulude vähenemine võrreldes teiste energiatootjatega, gia kasutuselevõtmiseks, ning seda mitte tingimata ainult kes peavad tasuma saastekvootide eest ja seisma silmitsi oma riigi piires: kui liikmesriigid suudavad oma eesmärgid nafta- ja gaasihinna tõusuga. saavutada, aidates arendada taastuvenergiat mõnes teises liikmesriigis, saavad nad seeläbi vähendada oma kulutusi Liikmesriikide võimalused taastuvenergia kasutusele ja pakkuda teisele liikmesriigile kasulikku lisasissetuleku allikat. Euroopa, ja mitte niivõrd riiklikus perspektiivis võtmiseks on erinevad ning seetõttu tuleb teha vahet ka 403 jõupingutustel, mida liikmesriigid teevad taastuvenergia tähendaks see, et investeeringud koonduksid eelkõige nen- 20%-lise osakaalu saavutamiseks kogu ELi energiatarbi- desse ELi piirkondadesse, kus on taastuvenergiat võimalik mises. Euroopa Ülemkogu loetles hulk tegureid, mida tu- toota kõige tõhusamalt, ning see võib vähendada eesmär- leks riiklike eesmärkide kindlaksmääramisel arvesse võtta. kide saavutamiseks kavandatud kogukulusid 2–8 miljardi Eesmärgid tuleks jaotada õiglaselt ning vastavalt eri riikide euro võrra. lähteolukorrale ja potentsiaalile, sealhulgas vastavalt sellele, milline on riigi praegune taastuvenergia kasutamise tase ja Investeerimine teises liikmesriigis ei nõua ressursside füü- tema energiakasutuse struktuur, ning eelkõige vähem sü- silist suunamist teise riiki, kuna seda takistaksid nii geo- sinikdioksiidi heiteid tekitavate tehnoloogiate kasutamise graafilised kui ka tehnilised asjaolud. Investeerida võiks tava. ülekantavate päritolugarantiide vormis (s.o esitatakse tõen- did taastuvenergia tootmise kohta). Ettepanekus nähakse Komisjoni ettepanek põhineb meetodil, mille kohaselt kõnealused mehhanismid ette paralleelselt olemasolevate pool lisanduvatest jõupingutustest jaotatakse liikmesriiki- riiklike taastuvenergia toetuskavadega. Nii tehakse võima- de vahel võrdselt ja teine pool riigi SKT alusel elaniku koh- likuks üldise eesmärgi saavutamine võimalikult väikeste ta. Lisaks sellele muudetakse eesmärke vastavalt sellele, kui kuludega. suuri jõupingutusi on teinud liikmesriigid, kes on viimaste aastate jooksul taastuvenergia osakaalu oma energiatarbi- Taastuvenergia laiem kasutuselevõtt eeldab ka tavapäraseid mises juba mõnevõrra suurendanud. Sellise jaotusmeetodi energiaallikaid hõlmava reguleeriva raamistiku kohanda- ja uue paindlikkusmehhanismi kasutuselevõtt tähendab, mist: kõrvaldada tuleb tarbetud õiguslikud, haldus- ja pla- et Euroopa Ülemkogu juhiseid on täies ulatuses arvesse neerimisega seotud tõkked, mis takistavad taastuvenergia võetud. edendamist ja arendamist, ning ettepanekuga püütakse ta- gada taastuvenergia soodsaks arenguks sobivad tingimused. Taastuvenergia arendamise võimalused erinevad liikmes- riigiti. Mõnes riigis on võimalik kasutada tuule-, teises Euroopa Ülemkogu kiitis heaks konkreetse miinimumees- päikese- või biomassi energiat. Liikmesriikide otsustada märgi, mis käsitleb keskkonnasäästlike biokütuste osakaalu jääb, millisele võimalusele keskenduda. Kuna taastuvener- ELi transpordikütuste kogutarbimises. Kuna biokütused gia reaalne kasutuselevõtt nõuab aega ja kuna investoritele on lähemas tulevikus transpordikütuste ainus elujõuline tuleb tagada kindlustunne, on oluline, et liikmesriikidel alternatiiv, nõuab biokütuste kasutamise suurendamine, oleks siiski selge nägemus valdkonnast, milles nad soovi- et kehtestataks nende keskkonnasäästlikkuse kriteeriumid. vad tegutseda. Selleks peab iga liikmesriik koostama riik- Esitatud kava sisaldab miinimumkriteeriume biokütuste liku tegevuskava, milles on kirjeldatud, kuidas nad kavat- kasvuhoonegaaside heite näitajate kohta ning kõnealuseid sevad oma eesmärke saavutada ning mis võimaldab nende kriteeriume tuleb arvesse võtta selliste biokütuste puhul, edusamme tõhusalt jälgida. Suuremat tähelepanu on tarvis mida on plaanis kasutada 10% eesmärgi saavutamiseks. pöörata kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamisele ja Lisaks sellele kehtestatakse ettepanekuga siduvad kriteeriu- energia varustuskindluse suurendamisele transpordisek- mid bioloogilise mitmekesisuse säilitamiseks ja keelatakse toris. Seetõttu otsustas Euroopa Ülemkogu kehtestada muuta teatavat tüüpi maakasutust. Kui ettepanek võetakse EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

vastu, on see kõige laiaulatuslikum vahend, mis on maail- energiatehnoloogia strateegilises kavas14 nähakse ette sam- mas seni kasutusele võetud, ning seda kohaldatakse võrd- mud, mis aitavad säilitada Euroopa juhtpositsiooni sääst- selt nii kohalike kui ka imporditavate biokütuste suhtes. vate tehnoloogiate valdkonnas. Kliimamuutus ja energia Eeskirjade kehtestamine on oluline, et tagada biokütuste on märgitud esimeste valdkondadena, millele võiks kes- kasutamisel keskkonnale avalduva positiivse mõju ülekaal kenduda Euroopa Tehnoloogiainstituudi tegevus. võimalike negatiivsete mõjude ees. Samal ajal võtab komis- jon kohustuse soodustada kõigis oma poliitikavaldkonda- Olulise tähtsusega on süsinikdioksiidi kogumine ja säilita- des teise põlvkonna biokütuste kiiret arendamist. Komis- mine. Fossiilkütused jäävad ka eelolevatel aastakümnetel jon jälgib pingsalt turu arenguid ja nende mõju biomassi maailmas esmaseks energiaallikaks. Selleks et toota energiat tööstusliku kasutamise valdkondadele, sealhulgas toiduai- Euroopale ning rahuldada kiiresti kasvavat energianõudlust ne-, sööda- ja energiatööstusele, ning võtab vajaduse korral arengumaades, on tarvis piisavat kivisöe varu. Ent kui me asjakohaseid meetmeid. soovime saavutada oma eesmärki vähendada 2050. aastaks kogu maailma kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguseid võrreldes Energiatõhususe roll 1990. aasta tasemega poole võrra, peame leidma võimaluse toota kivisöest energiat ilma heitkoguseid suurendamata. ELi eesmärk vähendada energiatarbimist energiatõhususe Sel põhjusel soovitas Euroopa Ülemkogu võtta kiireid suurendamise abil 2020. aastaks 20% võrra on tema kont- meetmeid, et pakkuda uutele elektrijaamadele võimalust septi oluline osa. Sellega hoiaks EL kokku ligi 100 miljar- hakata tegelema süsinikdioksiidi kogumise ja säilitamisega, dit eurot ja vähendaks atmosfääri paisatavaid heitkoguseid ning et rajada 2015. aastaks kuni 12 näidisjaama. 404 ligi 800 miljoni tonni võrra aastas. Energiatõhususe suu- rendamine on üks peamisi viise vähendada süsinikdioksiidi Selleks et süsinikdioksiidi kogumine ja säilitamine saaks heiteid. siseturul toimida ja anda oma panuse heitkogustega kaup- lemise süsteemi, tuleks sellele Euroopa õigusaktide kaudu Transport, hooned ning elektrienergia tõhusam tootmine, luua sobiv raamistik. Meetmepaketi oluline eesmärk on, et ülekanne ja jaotus on valdkonnad, mille pakutavaid või- süsinikdioksiidi kogumisse ja säilitamisse investeerinud et- malusi tuleb stimuleerida õigusaktide ja teabe kaudu, ent tevõtjaid säästetaks kuludest, mida kannavad heitkoguste- olulist rolli mängib nimetatud võimaluste arendamisel ka ga kauplemise süsteemi raames saastekvoote ostvad konku- soov vältida tõusvate energiahindade mõju tarbijatele. Sel- rendid, ning et tagatud oleksid pikaajaliste investeeringute leks et suurendada hulga toodete (televiisoritest autodeni, tegemiseks vajalikud turvameetmed. Peamiste osalejate kütteseadetest tänavalampideni) energiatõhusust, võiks kokkuviimiseks ja uue tehnoloogia ühtlaseks rakendami- võtta kasutusele tootestandardid. Toodete parem märgis- seks luuakse Euroopa tööstusalgatus. tamine on juba suurendanud 75%-ni energiaklassiga A märgistatud toodete ostmist. Iga selline kokkuhoid aitab Näidisjaamade rahastamiseks ja tehnoloogia kaubandus- majapidamistel energiahindade tõusuga paremini toime likuks rakendamiseks tuleb paraku teha märkimisväärseid tulla, ning võimaldab rohkem investeerida tehnoloogiasse investeeringuid, mis ulatuvad kümnete miljardite eurode- ja uutesse töökohtadesse. Energiatõhususe suurendami- ni. Kuna ELi eelarves selleks olulisi rahalisi vahendeid ette seks 20% võrra tuleb teha olulisi jõupingutusi kõikidel nähtud ei ole, tuleb ainsa investeerimise allikana kõne alla tasanditel, alates riikide ametiasutustest kuni ettevõtjate ja avaliku ja erasektori partnerlus, mida rahastatakse suure- tavakodanikeni. malt jaolt riikide vahendite ja erasektori investeeringute abil. Valitsused võivad selleks kasutada tulu, mida nad Pärast 2020. aastat: sammud heitkoguste saavad heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi raames toimu- vast saastekvootide enampakkumisest. Erasektori jaoks edasise olulise vähendamise suunas võib möödapääsmatu üleminek süsinikdioksiidi kogumi- sele ja säilitamisele tuua märkimisväärset majanduslikku Möödunud aastakümnel on tehnoloogia arenenud kii- kasu, kuna esimesed kõnealuse valdkonna elektritootjad resti. Taastuvenergia tootmise tehnoloogiad on muutnud võivad saada asjaomasel turul suurt tulu. Ent mida kauem tuule- ja päikeseenergia majanduslikult tasuvamaks kui kõnealuse üleminekuga viivitatakse, seda tõsisemalt on iial varem. Energiatõhususe põhimõte on integreeritud poliitikakujundajad sunnitud ainsa võimalusena kaaluma erinevatesse toodetesse, alates lihtsast elektripirnist kuni süsinikdioksiidi kogumise ja säilitamise tehnoloogia ko- keeruliste tootmisseadmeteni. Ent kui Euroopa soovib hustuslikku rakendamist. oma kliima- ja energeetikavaldkonna eesmärke saavutada ja kõnealuste tehnoloogiate majanduslikku potentsiaali täies ulatuses ära kasutada, tuleb protsessi kiirendada. ELi 14 Euroopa energiatehnoloogia strateegiline kava: eesmärk – süsihappegaasiheite vähendamine tulevikus, KOM(2007) 723, 22.11.2007. KAKS KORDA 20 AASTAKS 2020. KLIIMAMUUTUS – EUROOPA VÕIMALUS

Muutuste elluviimine säilitamise vahel. Tõhus konkurents aitab oluliselt kaasa turupõhiste vahendite toimimisele. Uute riigiabi Mitmesuguste võimaluste kaalumisel ja eri stsenaariumi- suunistega luuakse raamistik, milles sätestatakse de vaagimisel on Euroopa Komisjon lähtunud põhimõt- tingimused riigiabi kasutamiseks keskkonnakaitse test, et tuleb välja töötada lähenemisviis, mis aitaks piirata kõrgema taseme saavutamiseks, ning seda ka ELi majandusele muutuste elluviimisel tekkivaid kulusid energeetika valdkonnas. Riigiabi ei aita mitte ainult ning tuleb tagada, et kõnealune lähenemisviis kattuks korvata keskkonnakulutuste vähest arvessevõtmist majanduskasvu ja tööhõive Lissaboni strateegias esitatud turul, vaid ergutab ka ettevõtjaid kasutama lähenemisviisiga. Oleks vale teeselda, et sellise suurusjärgu keskkonnasõbralikumaid meetodeid või investeerima muutusi on võimalik ellu viia ilma igasuguste majandusli- keskkonnasäästlikesse tehnoloogiatesse. Uutes ke pingutusteta. Komisjoni arvates on aga õige lähenemis- suunistes rõhutatakse eelkõige seda, et riigiabi võib viisi korral võimalik piirata aastaseid kulusid 2020. aastaks olla õigustatud juhul, kui suurenenud tootmiskulud nii, et need moodustaksid alla 0,5% SKTst. Majanduslik takistavad turule sisenemist. Suunistes toetatakse heaolu ja majanduskasv oleksid sellisel juhul suuremad kui täielikult taastuvenergia muutmist majanduslikult need oleksid tegevusetuse korral. tasuvaks. Suunised võimaldavad kaaluda ka riigiabi andmist süsinikdioksiidi kogumiseks ja säilitamiseks ning pakuvad õiguskindlust seoses heitkoguste Selleks et saavutada ELi eesmärgid võimalikult väikeste kauplemise süsteemiga. kuludega, põhinevad komisjoni ettepanekud heitkogus- tega kauplemise süsteemi rakendamisest saadud koge- 405 mustel ja näevad ette turu võimalikult vaba toimimise. Energiamahukate tööstusharude Samuti jäetakse liikmesriikidele ettepanekutes konkreet- erivajadused sete riiklike eesmärkide elluviimisel võimalikult palju otsustamisvabadust. Energiamahukad tööstusharud moodustavad ELi majan- duse olulise osa. Kliimasõbralikumale majandusele üle- • Heitkogustega kauplemise uue süsteemiga tagatakse minek on nende jaoks eriti keeruline. Lisaks suuremate hinnatase, mis sunnib ettevõtjaid oma majanduslikes elektrikulude tasumisele peavad nad heidete peamiste huvides vältima saastekvootide ostmiseks tehtavaid põhjustajatena reeglina osalema ka saastekvootide enam- kulutusi. pakkumistel – see põhjustab neile lisakulusid, mida nende konkurendid süsinikdioksiidi heite vähendamise meetme- • Saastekvootide enampakkumisel eelistatakse tõhusamalt teta riikides kandma ei pea. Kõnealused tegurid ei mõjuta töötavaid käitisi. mitte ainult konkurentsivõimet ja töökohtade arvu, vaid • Väljaspool heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi võivad kätkevad ka ohtu, et tootmine ja sellest tulenev saaste liikmesriigid valida vastavalt riigi olukorrale heidete nihkub riikidesse, kus ei rakendata süsinikdioksiidi heite vähendamiseks eri strateegiaid. vähendamise poliitikat. Oma muret on väljendanud mit- mete energiamahukate sektorite, sealhulgas raudmetalli ja • Liikmesriikidel peaks olema õigus kindlaks määrata mitteraudmetalli tööstuse, puidu- ja paberitööstuse ning 15 oma energiakasutuse struktuur ja kasutada mineraalide töötlemise tööstuse esindajad. Muret on teki- taastuvenergia tootmise eri võimalusi. Sellise süsteemi tanud elektrihindade mõju teatavates sektorites ja sellega kasutuselevõtt, mis võimaldab liikmesriikidel täita tuleb tegeleda, kui mõju olemasolu on leidnud kinnitust. nende taastuvenergia eesmärke teiste liikmesriikidega tehtava koostöö kaudu, lubab riikidel valida, kui Probleemiga aitaks paremini toime tulla laiaulatuslik rah- kaugele nad soovivad minna taastuvenergia tootmisega vusvaheline kokkulepe. Seni kui kokkulepet sõlmitud ei oma territooriumil. ole või kui energiamahukad sektorid ei võta ise ulatuslikke • Heidete vähendamise ja taastuvenergia tootmise ühepoolseid meetmeid, peab tegutsema EL, et tagada kõi- suurendamise poliitilise eesmärgi toetamiseks on gile võrdsed tingimused. lubatud kasutada riigiabi. Sellise riigiabi andmisel tuleb aga silmas pidada tasakaalu keskkonnakaitse Seetõttu sisaldavad ettepanekud meetmete võtmist võimal- eesmärgi suurejoonelise toetamise ja konkurentsi davaid sätteid. Meetmeid on tarvis võtta juhul, kui konk- reetseid kriteeriume arvesse võttes on selge, et lisakulud põhjustaksid turuosa märkimisväärse kaotuse nende kon- 15 Euroopa Ülemkogu 2007. aasta märtsi kohtumisel tuletati kurentide kasuks, kes tegutsevad väljaspool ELi ja kes ei meelde, et Euroopa energiapoliitikas „arvestatakse igati arvesta oma tegevuses süsinikdioksiidi heite vähendamise liikmesriikide energiaallikate valikut” ja kinnitati, et „igal liikmesriigil on õigus otsustada, kas kasutada tuumaenergiat vajadust. Kirjeldatud olukorras olevad sektorid saavad mõ- või mitte … see peab toimuma tuumaohutust ja radioaktiivsete ned või koguni kõik saastekvoodid tasuta. Seejärel vaada- jäätmete käitlemist veelgi parandades”. takse kõnealused tingimused rahvusvaheliste läbirääkimiste EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tulemustest lähtudes läbi ja tehakse ettepanekud tasuta Euroopa Komisjoni ettepanekud aitavad Euroopal liikuda antavate saastekvootide osakaalu muutmiseks või kohus- eespool kirjeldatud tuleviku suunas. Nendega püütakse tatakse importijaid osalema koos Euroopa konkurentidega luua raamistik ja stiimul, mille abil viia ellu 2007. aasta heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi raames korraldatavatel kevadel sõnastatud ja Bali konverentsil veel kord kinnitust saastekvootide enampakkumistel, kui taoline süsteem so- leidnud Euroopa Liidu poliitilisi eesmärke. Ettepanekud bib kokku WTO kohustustega. on kesksel kohal Euroopa jõupingutustes ajakohasta- da oma majandust, et tulla toime 21. sajandil toimuvate Investeerimissuutlikkus muutustega.

Euroopa Ülemkogu tõdes, et ettepanekute ambitsiooni- kad eesmärgid nõuavad liikmesriikidelt märkimisväärseid pingutusi. Seetõttu hindas komisjon põhjalikult ettepane- kute majanduslikku mõju, pidades silmas iga liikmesriigi investeerimissuutlikkust. Kogukulud Euroopa majandu- sele on 2020. aastal hinnanguliselt ligi 0,5% SKT-st ning komisjoni arvates ei tohiks üheltki liikmesriigilt nõuda investeeringuid, mille suurus erineb tunduvalt kõnealusest keskmisest. Seega kohandati eri liikmesriikidelt nõutavat konkreetset panust nii, et väiksema sissetulekuga liikmes- 406 riigid saaksid investeerida nende olukorrale vastavas ma- hus. Kõnealune kohandus mõjutab ettepanekute kolme järgmist aspekti:

• kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamise riiklikud eesmärgid väljaspool heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi; • taastuvenergia kasutamise riiklikud eesmärgid ELi energiatarbimises; • enampakkumisõigused heitkogustega kauplemise süsteemi raames: väiksema sissetulekuga liikmesriikidele tuleks anda rohkem enampakkumisõigusi. Selline lähenemisviis võimaldab seada liikmesriikidele jõu- kohaseid ja teostatavaid eesmärke ning nõuab liikmesrii- kidelt tõsiseid jõupingutusi. Ent samas loob lähenemisviis liikmesriikidele võimaluse anda oma panus Euroopa püüd- lustesse kujundada välja tõeliselt kliimasõbralik majandus.

Kokkuvõte

2050. aasta Euroopa erineb oluliselt praegusest Euroopast. Muutus peegeldub kõige selgemini viisis, kuidas me rahul- dame oma energianõudlust ja kuidas me suhtume ümb- ritsevasse maailma. Meie nägemus inspireerib juba praegu paljusid eurooplasi. Inimesed jõuavad äratundmisele, et igapäevaelu korraldamiseks leidub alternatiive, mis või- maldavad meil jätkata majanduskasvu ja tööhõivega seo- tud püüdlusi ning täita samal ajal juhtrolli kliimamuutuste küsimustega tegelemisel maailma tasandil. Euroopa on valmis kasutama uusi võimalusi ja rakendama uusi tehno- loogiaid ning pakkuma seega oma tootjatele ja tarnijatele uusi äriperspektiive. EMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE, REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE NING EUROOPA KESKPANGALE BRÜSSEL, 7. MAI 2008 KOM(2008) 238

Ajalooline samm on nüüd süvenenud mitmed olulised probleemid, mis ei olnud majandus- ja rahaliidu kavandamise ajal veel esile 407 Euroopa juhid tegid 2. mail 1998 ajaloolise otsuse võtta kerkinud või hakkasid alles ilmnema. Üleilmastumine kii- reneb ja loodusvarad vähenevad järjest. Kliimamuutuse ja kasutusele ühisraha euro. Majandus- ja rahaliidu (EMU) elanikkonna vananemise mõju avaldavad täiendavat sur- viimasesse etappi jõudmine 1. jaanuaril 1999 oli murrang vet majanduse kasvuvõimele. Peale selle avaldab üleilmne Euroopa integratsioonis. Murrang oli majanduslik, kuid ebastabiilsus survet euro vahetuskursile ja liikmesriikide see oli Euroopa elanikele ja muule maailmale selge poliiti- rahandussüsteemide toimimisele. Kuigi iga laienemisringi- line märk, et Euroopas on võimalik teha kaugeleulatuvaid ga muutub euroala majanduse struktuur järjest dünaami- otsuseid, et luua ühine ja jõukas tulevik mandril, mis on lisemaks, mitmekesistub majandus- ja rahaliit samal ajal, liiga tihti kannatanud sõdade ning majandusliku ja poliiti- mistõttu peab majandus olema kohanemisvõimelisem. lise ebastabiilsuse tõttu. Majandus- ja rahaliidu asutamine on kõige olulisem majandusreform alates Bretton Woodsi 16 süsteemi loomisest ning see julge samm ja pretsedent Eu- Käesolevas teatises ja sellega kaasas olevas aruandes roopa majanduse lähiajaloos muutis maailmamajanduse hinnatakse majandus- ja rahaliidu kümne esimese aas- keskkonda. ta kogemusi, määratakse kindlaks euroala eesmärgid ja probleemid ning esitatakse poliitikakava, et majandus- ja Kümme aastat pärast loomist on euro vaieldamatult edu- rahaliit oleks jätkuvalt edukas. kas. Ühisrahast on saanud Euroopa sümbol, mida euroala elanikud peavad Euroopa integratsiooni üheks kõige posi- tiivsemaks tulemuseks koos ELi piires vaba liikumise või- Esimese kümne aasta peamised maluse ja Euroopas valitseva rahuga. EL tähendab euroala kordaminekud iga teise elaniku jaoks ühisraha. Majandus- ja rahaliit on taganud makromajandusliku stabiilsuse ning soodustanud Euro kasutuselevõtt oli suur muutus osalevate liikmesrii- piiriülest kaubandust, finantsintegratsiooni ja investeeri- kide ja ka teiste riikide makromajanduslikus keskkonnas. mist. Eurot kasutati algselt 11 riigis ja 2008. aasta alguseks Ühtne rahapoliitika koos liikmesriikide kooskõlastatud oli see arv suurenenud 15ni ning suureneb veelgi. Majan- eelarvepoliitikaga on soodustanud makromajanduslikku dus- ja rahaliidul on strateegiline tähtsus ELis ja kogu maa- stabiilsust. Minevikku on jäänud vahetuskursi reguleerimi- ilmas, kus Euroopast on saanud makromajanduslik stabi- ne, mis perioodiliselt mõjutas Euroopa riikide majandust. liseeriv jõud, mis on eriti tervitatav praegu, mil rahaturud Euroopa Keskpank, kelle pädevuses on euroala rahapolii- on ebastabiilsed. tika, taastas kiiresti usaldusväärsuse. Eelarvedistsipliin on paranenud märkimisväärselt, kusjuures seda on tugevda- Kuigi euro on selgelt edukas, ei ole ühisraha mõnesid nud stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakt. Euroalal on majandus- ja fi- algseid ootusi seni täitnud. Tootlikkuse ja eelkõige toot- nantsintegratsioon olnud kiirem kui mujal ELis ja euroala likkuse kasvu näitajad on olnud madalamad kui teistes arenenud majandusega riikides ning mure sissetuleku ja rikkuse õiglase jaotumise pärast on kasvanud. Lisaks 16 SEK(2008) 553 „EMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat”. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

vastupanuvõime välisšokkidele on paranenud. Edu on osutavad sellele, et kuni kaks kolmandikku sellest kasvust saavutatud mitmes valkdonnas, nagu iseloomustavad järg- on otseselt seotud ühisraha loomisega. Kõnealused aren- mised näited. gutendentsid on omakorda võimaldanud mastaabisäästu märkimisväärselt ära kasutada, tihendanud konkurentsi ja Rahapoliitika on hoidnud pikaajalised inflatsiooniootu- tuntavalt tõhustanud tootlikkust. Samuti on kapitaliku- sed püsivalt lähedal näitajale, mis vastab Euroopa Kesk- ludega seotud riskipreemiate vähendamine suurendanud panga hinnastabiilsuse määratlusele. Majandus- ja raha- kapitalimahutust, mis on praegu ligikaudu 22% SKTst liidu esimesel kümnel aastal oli keskmine inflatsioonitase ja seega kõrgemail tasemel alates 1990. aastate algusest. veidi üle 2% võrreldes 3%ga 1990. aastatel ja 8–10%ga Üldiselt prognoositakse, et ühisraha on tänu erinevatele 1970. ja 1980. aastatel. Nominaalsed intressimäärad on kõnealustele teguritele aidanud alates euro loomisest tõsta alates euro loomisest langenud keskmiselt umbes 5%-le tööjõu tootlikkust tunnis isegi kuni 5%. võrreldes 9%ga 1990. aastatel ja 12%ga 1980. aastatel. Reaalsed intressimäärad on langenud majandus- ja raha- Euro on andnud olulise tõuke rahaturgude integratsioo- liidus mitme kümnendi madalaimale tasemele isegi nendes nile. Euroala pankadevahelised rahaturud on täielikult riikides, mis olid kõige stabiilsemad enne euro kasutusele- integreeritud, kusjuures alates 1999. aastast on piiriüle- võttu. Tuleb tunnistada, et inflatsioon on hiljuti kiirene- seid pankadevahelisi tehinguid järk-järgult laiendatud. nud peamiselt naftahindade ja kaupade hindade tõusust Pankade piiriülene tugevnemine on kiirenenud: 16 kõige tingituna, kusjuures finantsturgude ebastabiilsuse tõttu on suuremat pangakontserni hoiavad praegu üle 25% oma majapidamiste ja ettevõtjate jaoks laenutingimused kar- ELi varadest väljaspool koduriiki. On tekkinud eurodes 408 mistunud. Samas prognoositakse, et välissurve vähenemi- vääringustatud märkimisväärne erasektori võlakirjade sel langeb inflatsioonitase ja laenutingimused normalisee- turg, kusjuures aastane koguemissioon on üle 1 triljoni ruvad, isegi kui naftahinnad ja kaupade hinnad jätkuvalt euro ja see ületab nüüd märkimisväärselt avaliku sektori tõusevad suure nõudluse tõttu kiiresti kasvava majanduse- emissiooni, mis on ligikaudu 800 miljardit eurot. Samuti ga arengumaades. on aktsiaturgude integreerimine toimunud kiiremini kui mujal ning teistes euroala riikides hoitavate aktsiate osakaal Eelarvepoliitika on toetanud makromajanduslikku sta- on tõusnud 20%-lt 40%-le. Rahaturgude infrastruktuuri biilsust majandus- ja rahaliidus. Eelarvet on viimasel on täiustatud ja hulgimüügiturul pakutavaid piiriüleseid paaril aastatel märkimisväärselt tugevdatud: 2007. aastal finantsteenuseid on edasi arendatud, samal ajal kui üht- oli eelarvepuudujääk kõigest 0,6% SKTst võrreldes kesk- ne euromaksete piirkond peaks kõrvaldama riigisiseste ja miselt 4%ga 1980. ja 1990. aastatel. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu piiriüleste jaemaksete vahelised erinevused. Samal ajal on pakti reformimine 2005. aastal mitte ainult ei aidanud finantsteenuste tegevuskava rakendamine ja Lamfalussy kaasa eelarvedistsipliini tugevdamisele, vaid soodustas ka komiteede töö aidanud õigusnorme ja järelevalvet teatud ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi jätkusuutlikumat korrigee- määral lähendada. rimist, kuna vähendati ühekordsete meetmete kasutamist. Protsükliline eelarvepoliitika ei ole veel täielikult kadunud, Majandus- ja rahaliit on aidanud parandada euroala vas- kuid see on märkimisväärselt vähenenud. Tänu sellele ja tupanu erinevatele ebasoodsatele välismõjudele. Esimesel viimase paari aasta ootamatule maksutulule tekkis olu- kümnendil tabasid euroala mitmed välisšokid, mida seos- kord, kus euroala ühegi riigi ülemäärane eelarvepuudujääk tatakse üleilmse majandustsükliga ning eelkõige interneti- ei ületanud 2007. aastal 3% ja euroala eelarvepuudujäägi firmade kriisi ja sellele järgnenud majanduskasvu aeglus- näitaja (0,6% SKTst 2007. aastal) oli mitme kümnendi tumisega Ameerika Ühendriikides 2000. aastate alguses. madalaim. Euroala viieteistkümnest riigist kümnes oli eel- Samas aeglustus kümnendi alguses euroala majanduskasv arve 2007. aastal ülejäägis või peaaegu tasakaalus. selle tagajärjel tunduvalt vähem kui võrreldavatel juhtudel enne ühisraha kasutuselevõttu. Tundub, et suurenenud Majandus- ja rahaliit on soodustanud majandus- ja tu- vastupanuvõime aitab taas kaitsta euroala maailma raha- ruintegratsiooni. Vahetuskursiga seotud riskide kadumine turgude praeguse ebastabiilsuse halvimate mõjude eest. ja piiriüleste tehingute väiksem maksumus on aidanud Samuti on vastupanuvõimet suurendanud inflatsiooni­ arendada ühtset turgu ja integreerida tooteturge. Euroala- ootuste kinnistamine, aga ka majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet sisesed kaubavood moodustavad praegu ühe kolmandiku käsitleva Lissaboni strateegia raames läbiviidud reformid euroala SKTst võrreldes ühe neljandikuga SKTst kümme ning eelarvedistsipliini uuendamine stabiilsuse ja kasvu aastat tagasi ning kättesaadavad hinnangulised näitajad pakti reformi raames. osutavad, et kõnealuste kaubavoogude suurenemine on kuni 50% ulatuses tingitud sellest, et vahetuskurss ei ole Olulist kasu on saanud majandus- ja rahaliidu liikmesrii- enam kõikuv. Lisaks moodustavad euroalasisesed otse- gid, kes osalevad järelejõudmisprotsessis. Makromajan- sed välisinvesteeringud praegu ühe kolmandiku SKTst duslik stabiilsus ja madalad intressimäärad koos ühtekuulu- võrreldes algse ühe viiendikuga. Hinnangulised näitajad vuspoliitika ning struktuurifondide ja Ühtekuuluvusfondi EMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat toetustega on loonud tingimused kiireks järelejõudmiseks. mitteametlik olemus soodustab avatud ja otsekohest aru- Usaldusväärse majanduspoliitika positiivset mõju on tu- telu, on eurogrupp sobiv foorum, et kujundada ühiseid gevdanud liikmesriikide rahaturgude areng ja nende in- arusaamu ja selgeid seisukohti euroalaga seotud makroma- tegreerimine ülejäänud euroalaga. Seepärast leiavad ELiga janduslikes küsimustes. Aja jooksul on eurogrupp muutu- alates 2004. aastast ühinenud 12 liikmesriiki, et osalemi- nud nähtavamaks ja olulisemaks, eriti alates esimese alalise ne majandus- ja rahaliidus on väga kasulik, seda enam, et eesistuja määramisest 2005. aasta jaanuaris. Rahvusvaheli- kolm neist on juba edukalt euroalaga liitunud ning Slovak- selt on euroala välismõju suurenenud tänu ühistegevusele, kia on valmis liituma 2009. aastal. millest annab tunnistust eurogrupi kolmiku (eurogrupi eesistuja, Euroopa Keskpanga president ning majandus- ja Euro on selgelt muutunud maailmas tähtsuselt teiseks rahaküsimuste volinik) osalemine kahepoolsetel aruteludel rahvusvaheliseks valuutaks. Eurodes vääringustatud rah- Hiina ja muude riikidega ning eelmisel aastal Rahvusvahe- vusvahelised võlakirjad ületasid USA dollaris vääringus- lise Valuutafondi korraldatud mitmepoolsetel nõupidami- tatud vastavate võlakirjade mahu 2004. aastal, kusjuures sel, kus arutati üleilmse tasakaalutuse üle. 36% laenudest, mida euroala pangad annavad mitteeuro­ ala laenusaajatele, on vääringustatud eurodes, samal ajal Kõik need positiivsed arengud kulmineerusid sellega, et kui USA dollarites vääringustatud laenud moodustavad majandus- ja rahaliidu esimesel kümnel tegevusaastal 45%. Euro on tähtsuselt teine valuuta, millega kaubeldak- loodi euroalal rekordarv töökohti – 16 miljonit. Tööhõi- se rahvusvahelistel valuutaturgudel üle maailma, ning üle ve on alates ühisraha loomisest suurenenud peaaegu 15%, kolmandiku kõigist valuutaturu tehingutest tehakse euro- samal ajal kui töötus tööealise elanikkonna hulgas on vä- des. Euro ametlik kasutamine on suurenenud ja eurodes henenud ligikaudu 7%-le, mis on üle viieteistkümne aasta 409 vääringustatud avalikustatavate reservide osakaal tõusis madalaim tase. Oluline on see, et töökohtade loomine on 18%-lt 1999. aastal rohkem kui 25%-le 2007. aastal. Sa- olnud kiirem kui teistes arenenud majandusega riikides, sh muti on suurenenud euro tähtsus kaubaarvete esitamisel Ameerika Ühendriikides. Enamik kõnealustest näitajatest või maksmisel, kusjuures üle 50% euroala väliskaubandu- on paranenud peamiselt tänu tööturu- ja sotsiaalkindlus- sest toimub eurodes. Euro on muutunud väga oluliseks ka tussüsteemi reformidele, mis on läbiviidud majanduskasvu mitmes kolmandas riigis ning eelkõige euroala kandidaat- ja tööhõivet käsitleva Lissaboni strateegia raames, majan- riikides ja ELi naaberriikides, kus ligikaudu 60% kauba­ dus- ja rahaliidu kooskõlastamise ja järelevalve raamistiku arvetest esitatakse eurodes. kehtestamisele ning ka palgatõusu piiramisele enamikes euroala riikides. See näitab selgelt, et Euroopa tööjõud on Euroalast on saanud Euroopa ja maailma majanduse suuteline uute probleemidega toime tulema ja tegema va- stabiliseeriv jõud. Tänu euro suurenevale rahvusvahelisele jalikke muudatusi, mille tulemusena luuakse täiendavaid staatusele ja euroala majanduse suurusele mõjutab majan- töökohti ja majanduskasv suureneb. dus- ja rahaliidu poliitika järjest enam maailmamajandust. Euroala tasakaalus välispositsioon, usaldusväärne makro- majanduslik raamistik ja kindel rahandussüsteem on aida- Uued üleilmsed suundumused nud kaasa maailmamajanduse korrapärasele arengule isegi viimasel paaril kuul, mil olukord oli väga ebastabiilne. võimendavad probleeme, mida majandus- ja rahaliidul tuleb veel Euroalal on arendatud välja kindel majandusjuhtimise lahendada struktuur. Kuigi kõige tähtsamad majanduspoliitilised ot- sused tehakse liikmesriigi tasandil, on majandus- ja rahalii- Üldiselt toimis majandus- ja rahaliit esimesel kümnel aas- du liikmesriikides tekkinud ühine arusaam, et majandus- tal väga hästi. Samas ei ole kõik ootused täitunud. ja rahaliidu tõhusaks toimimiseks on oluline usaldusväärne riigi rahandus ning paindlikud ja integreeritud toote-, töö- ja rahaturud. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti reformimine Potentsiaalne majanduskasv on ligikaudu 2% aastas, mis 2005. aastal suurendas liikmesriikide valitsuste osalust on liiga väike. Tööhõive suurenemisest ja ühisraha posi- eelarvejuhtimise raamistikus. Majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet tiivsest mõjust olenemata on tootlikkuse kasv jätkuvalt käsitlev uuendatud Lissaboni strateegia on ELi majan- aeglustunud 1,5%-lt 1990. aastatel ligikaudu 1%-le sellel duspoliitika kooskõlastamise põhivahend ja selle suunises kümnendil. Seetõttu on euroalal sissetulek elaniku kohta nr 6 on sätestatud, et liikmesriikide ülesanne on „aidata 70% Ameerika Ühendriikide vastavast näitajast. Enamik kaasa dünaamilise ja hästitoimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu euroala väikese majandusega riikidest on olnud erakordselt kujunemisele”. Eurogrupp on olnud peamine foorum, edukad, samal ajal kui potentsiaalne majanduskasv oleks kus euroala rahandusministrid saavad käsitleda ühisrahaga pidanud mõnes suure majandusega liikmesriigis olema seotud küsimusi, mis lähevad kaugemale asutamislepingu märkimisväärselt suurem. kohasest järelevalvest ja kooskõlastamisest. Kuna eurogrupi EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Lisaks on inflatsiooninäitajad ja tööjõu erikulu näitajad riikidega madalat kvalifikatsiooni nõudvatel erinenud riigiti märkimisväärselt ja püsivalt. Suundu- tegevusaladel ja järjest rohkem ka suuremat mus, et euroala liikmesriikides esineb püsivaid erinevusi, lisandväärtust andvatel tegevusaladel. Üleilmastumine on osaliselt tingitud sellest, et hinnad ja palgad on jäigad, võimaldab turul märkimisväärselt kasvada: tarbijate kuna neid ei ole toodete, sektorite ega piirkondade lõikes makstav hind alaneb ja valik suureneb ning tootjate sujuvalt kohandatud. Seoses sellega on konkurentsivõime tootlikkus tõuseb. Samas peavad euroala liikmesriigid vähenenud ja tekkinud suur väline tasakaalutus, mistõt- olema kohanemisvõimelisemad, sest hääbuvad tu kohandamisaeg on majandus- ja rahaliidus pikk. Sel- tööstusharud tuleb asendada uutega ning teadus- ja line pikaajaline kohandamine annab tunnistust sellest, et uuendustegevus ning inimkapital muutuvad majanduse struktuurireformid on olnud vähem ambitsioonikad kui dünaamilisuse seisukohast järjest tähtsamaks. Seoses nad olid euro kasutuselevõtuks valmistumisel. Nagu ELis üleilmastumisega peab euroalal olema tõhus roll tervikuna, on ka euroala tooteturud ikka veel vaid osaliselt maailmamajanduse ja -rahanduse juhtimisel. integreeritud ja teenuste piiriülene pakkumine ei ole piisa- • Toidu- ja energiahinnad tõusevad, mida kannustab valt arenenud. maailmamajanduse kiire kasv ning muutused areneva majandusega riikide tarbimisharjumustes. Euro kui rahvusvaheline valuuta on suur eelis kõigile eu- Kliimamuutusega kaasneb samuti järjest suurenev puudub roala liikmetele ja ELile tervikuna. Kuna euroalal majanduslik mõju. Sellised arengutendentsid võivad selge rahvusvaheline strateegia ja tugev esindatus rahvus- majanduskasvu piirata ning mõjuda halvasti sissetuleku

vahelisel areenil, kaasnevad sellega euroalale kulud järjest ja jõukuse jaotumisele, arvestades et mõju kõige 410 üleilmastuvas maailmas. Alates 1990. aastate keskpaigast vasematele elanikele võib olla ebaproportsionaalselt ilmnenud üleilmne majanduslik tasakaalutus hakkab mõju suur. Raskendav tegur on see, et kliimamuutuse mõju avaldama: vahetuskursid kõiguvad liiga palju ja finantssta- leevendamine ning samal ajal toidu- ja energiahindade biilsuse tagamise korrale avaldatakse suurt survet. Areneva tõusu piiramine on keeruline ülesanne. Kõnealused majandusega riikides kasvab nõudlus nappide energia- probleemid võivad euroala riike erinevalt mõjutada, varude ja muude esmaste ressursside järele, mis mõjutab mistõttu on eriti oluline tagada sujuv kohanemine ressursipiiranguid, ja selle tulemusel tõusevad nafta, toidu majandusšokkidega. ja muude kaupade hinnad. Sellises üleilmses muutlikus keskkonnas pakub ühisraha kaitset ja seetõttu võib euroala • Sarnaselt muu maailmaga vananeb euroala sattuda ainulaadsesse olukorda, kus temast saab kõneluste elanikkond kiiresti. Selle tulemusena suureneb riskide peamine vähendaja üleilmsel poliitilisel areenil. Sa- pensionidest sõltuva elanikkonna osakaal, mis mas ei ole seda potentsiaali piisavalt ära kasutatud, kuna samal ajal vähendab majanduse kasvupotentsiaali. euroalal ei ole asjakohaselt määratletud rahvusvahelist stra- Prognooside kohaselt väheneb järgmisel neljal teegiat ega tõhusat rahvusvahelist esindatust. kümnendil töö- ja vanemaealise elanikkonna suhtarv poole võrra ja poliitika muutmata jätmise korral Euro maine ei kajasta täiel määral majandus- ja rahaliidu väheneb euroala potentsiaalne tootlikkus, kusjuures edukat majandustegevust. Eurot süüdistatakse tihti halba- aastane näitaja oleks veidi suurem kui 1% võrreldes des majandusnäitajates, mis on tegelikult tingitud sellest, praeguse umbes 2%ga. Vananemine avaldab üsna et liikmesriigi tasandil võetavad meetmed ei ole piisavad. suurt mõju ka valitsemissektori kulutustele: kui Lisaks usuvad mõne riigi elanikud, et euro põhjustab mär- pensioni- ja tervishoiusüsteeme ei reformita, suureneb kimisväärset hinnatõusu. Kuigi euro kasutuselevõtu ajal valitsemissektori kulutuste osakaal SKTs hinnanguliselt muutus üldine inflatsioonitase vähe, kahjustas teatavates 4 protsendipunkti järgmisel neljal kümnendil. sektorites ja riikides täheldatav põhjendamatu hinnatõus Elanikkonna vananemisega kaasnevad keerulised euro mainet ja selline suundumus jätkub. Asjaolu, et ma- probleemid, mis on seotud euroala kohanemisvõimega, jandus- ja rahaliidu majanduspoliitiline haare on vähenäh- ning see seab ohtu riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkuse ja tav võrreldes rahapoliitilise haardega, on tekitanud muret, sotsiaalkindlustussüsteemid üldisemalt. et euroala ei ole võimeline lahendama peamisi probleeme, Kõnealused pikaajalised suundumused, mille mõju on jär- ja kahjustanud seega euroala mainet veelgi. On selge, et jest enam tuntav, tekitavad kõigile arenenud riikidele prob- oluline töö vajab veel tegemist. Kuid lisaks algsete ootus- leeme, mis on seotud majanduskasvu, makromajandusliku te täitmisele iseloomustab majandus- ja rahaliidu järgmise stabiilsuse, kohanemisvõime, sotsiaalkindlustussüsteemide kümnendi poliitikakava uute üleilmsete probleemide esile- jätkusuutlikkuse ning sissetuleku ja jõukuse jaotumisega. kerkimine, mis võimendab majandus- ja rahaliidu eespool Kuid seoses sellega tuleb euroalal lahendada eriti olulisi nimetatud nõrkusi. poliitilisi probleeme, arvestades euroala suhteliselt väikest kasvupotentsiaali, halvemat kohanemisvõimet, valitsemis- • Üleilmastumine kiireneb, kusjuures areneva sektori suurt võlga ja liikmesriikide majanduste suurt vas- majandusega riigid võistlevad arenenud majandusega tastikust sõltuvust. EMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat

Kolmeastmeline poliitikakava struktuurilistele ja tsüklilistele vajadustele. Euroala tasandil tuleks suuremat tähelepanu pöörata valitsemissektori võla järgmiseks kümnendiks arengutendentsidele ja samal ajal tuleks tugevdada kesk- pika perioodi eelarve-eesmärke, et täita bilansiväliseid ko- Majandus- ja rahaliidu kümme esimest aastat olid üldiselt hustusi. Lisaks võivad pikaajalised eelarveprognoosid, mil- väga edukad, kuid ilmnes mitu puudust, mis tuleb kõr- les käsitletakse vananemise mõju riigi rahandusele, aidata valdada. Tuleb tugevdada raskesti saavutatud makromajan- liikmesriikidel koostada jätkusuutlikkuse strateegiat ning duslikku stabiilsust ja samal ajal: a) suurendada kasvupo- edendada meetmeid, mille eesmärk on reformida penisoni- tentsiaali ning tagada ja suurendada euroala elanike heaolu; ja tervishoiusüsteeme ning tõsta tööhõivet; b) tagada tõrgeteta kohanemine majandus- ja rahaliidu laienedes; ning c) edukalt kaitsta euroala huve maailma- ii) riigi rahanduse kvaliteedi tõstmine ehk riigi raha ots- majanduses. Oluline on see, et kõnealuseid jõupingutusi tarbekam kulutamine, milleks tuleks tagada, et valitse- tuleb teha üleilmses keskkonnas, mis on alates euro loo- missektori kulutused ja maksusüsteemid põhineksid ma- misest märkimisväärselt muutunud, ning suutmatus neid janduskasvu ja konkurentsi soodustaval tegevusel. Samuti puudusi kõrvaldada on nüüd palju kulukam. aitaks sotsiaalkulutuste programmide reformimine nii, et need tagaksid parema sissetulekute kaitse ja samal ajal suu- Komisjon on kõnealuste probleemide lahendamiseks ka- rendaksid stiimuleid töötamiseks (paindlikkuse ja turva- vandanud kolmetasandilise tegevuskava. lisuse ühendamine), oluliselt parandada riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkust ja kvaliteeti ning tagaks ka selle, et eelarve • Sisepoliitilise tegevuskava eesmärk on tugevdada toetaks makromajanduslikku stabiilsust. 411 eelarvepoliitilist kooskõlastamist ja järelevalvet, et laiendada majandus- ja rahaliidu makromajanduslikku Kuid lisaks eelarve järelevalvele tuleks järelevalvet laienda- järelevalvet eelarvepoliitikast kaugemale ning paremini da, et vähendada makromajanduslikku tasakaalutust. Tu - kaasata struktuurireformidega seotud küsimused leks järgida liikmesriikides toimuvaid selliseid arenguten- majandus- ja rahaliidu poliitika üldise kooskõlastamise dentse nagu jooksevkonto puudujäägi suurenemine ning raamistikku. pidev inflatsioonierinevus või tasakaalustamata majandus- kasvu suundumus, arvestades asjaolu, et ülekandeefekti • Välispoliitilise tegevuskava eesmärk on suurendada tekkimine ja euroala riikide majanduste suurenev vastasti- euroala tähtsust maailmamajanduse juhtimisel. kune sõltumine tähendavad seda, et need arengutendent- • Mõlema tegevuskava rakendamiseks on vaja tõhusamat sid ei tekita muret mitte ainult asjaomasele riigile, vaid majandusjuhtimise süsteemi. kogu euroalale. Majandus- ja rahaliidu kümme esimest tegevusaastat osutavad sellele, et kuigi turuintegratsioon I. Sisepoliitiline tegevuskava: parem (eriti finantsteenuste integratsioon) on üldiselt majandus- kooskõlastamine ja järelevalve ja rahaliidule kasulik, kuna aitab makromajanduslikke kõr- valekaldeid vähendada (sest võimaldab riske ajas ja ruumis Järelevalve tugevdamine ja laiendamine jagada ning soodustab ressursside ümberjagamist), võib see aga asjakohase poliitika puudumisel suurendada erinevusi Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti korrigeerivaid sätteid tuleks jät- osalevates riikides. Mõned neist erinevustest võivad olla kuvalt karmilt kohaldada ning stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti soodsad, st kajastavad järelejõudmist või isegi tavapärast ennetavate sätete kohast järelevalvet tuleks parandada. kohandamist, ja teised ohtlikud, st kajastavad ebatõhusat Eelarvepoliitika kooskõlastamine peaks aitama eelarve täit- kohandamist. Viimasel juhul aitaks paranenud järeleval- mist paremini suunata kogu majandustsükli jooksul, st nii ve asjaomastel riikidel reageerida enne, kui kõrvalekalded majanduslikult headel kui ka halbadel aegadel. Järeleval- süvenevad. vet eelarve üle tuleks tugevdada, et hõlmata kaks peamist valdkonda: Euroala kandidaatriikide laialdasem järelevalve, mis sar- naneks praeguste euroala riikide jaoks kavandatava järele- i) riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkuse tagamine tulevaste valvega, aitaks kandidaatriikidel olulisel määral valmistuda põlvkondade huvides. Liikmesriigi tasandil võib keskpika ühisraha kasutamisega seotud probleemide lahendamiseks. eelarveraamistiku vastuvõtmine aidata palju kaasa riigi ra- Mitmes tulevases euroala liikmesriigis liiguvad suured ka- handuse stabiilsuse ja jätkusuutlikkuse tagamisele. Selleks pitalivood (kajastab sissetulekute oodatavat jätkuvat kiiret et kõnealused raamistikud oleksid tõhusad, peaksid need kasvu) ja finantssektor areneb kiiresti, mis võib krediiti hõlmama hästi kavandatud kulu-eeskirju, mis võimaldavad suurendada (tavaliselt madalalt baasilt) ja tekitada välist automaatsetel eelarve stabilisaatoritel toimida stabiilsuse ja tasakaalutust. Praegu teostatakse järelevalvet tulevaste eu- kasvu paktiga ettenähtud piirides ja samal ajal kohanda- roala riikide üle lähenemisprogrammide hindamise kaudu. da valitsemissektori kulukategooriaid vastavalt majanduse Samas on võimalik anda paremaid poliitilisi juhiseid ja EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

järgida põhjalikumalt majanduse arengut eelkõige riikides, olnud oluline struktuurireformide lisamisel poliitikakavva) kes osalevad vahetuskursimehhanismi ERM II raamisti- suunis nr 6 euroala ja euroalaspetsiifiliste soovituste kohta kus, mis on üks euro kasutuselevõtu kriteeriumidest ning on aluseks kõige kiireloomulisemate tegevusvaldkondade samal ajal soodustab nominaalset ja tegelikku lähenemist. kindlaksmääramisel. Komisjoni ja liikmesriikide vahe- Sellega ei tohiks kaasneda täiendavate piirangute seadmist lise partnerluse põhimõttest lähtuv Lissaboni strateegia euroalaga liitumisel. on reformide juhtimise aluseks nii euroalal kui ka igas liikmesriigis. Järelevalve peab tuginema olemasolevatele vahenditele. Eelarvepoliitika järelevalve ja majanduspoliitika kooskõlas- Euroala heaks toimimiseks on oluline kõrvaldada toote­ tamise põhivahendid tuginevad selgelt asutamislepingule turu integreerimise ülejäänud tõkked. Kuigi majandus- ja ning stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktile. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti rahaliit ning ühtse turu programm on andnud tõuke ava- korrigeerivate sätete jõustamine on jätkuvalt peamine va- tuma ja konkurentsivõimelisema majanduse loomisele, ei hend, mille abil tagatakse asutamislepingu nõuete täitmi- võimalda väike tootlikkuse kasv ja turule sisenemise tõk- ne. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga on ette nähtud keskpika ked (eelkõige teenuste osas) euroalal ikka veel tõhusalt perioodi eelarvestrateegiate määratlemine ja hindamine, kohaneda muutuva majandusolukorraga ning tekitavad kusjuures nõukogu esitab arvamuse liikmesriikide stabiil- hinnasurvet. Innovatsioon ja tehnoloogiate levitamine on susprogrammide kohta. Asutamislepingu artiklis 99 on olulised tegurid konkurentsi ja tootlikkuse suurendamisel sätestatud, et „liikmesriigid käsitlevad oma majanduspolii- ning selles osas esineb euroala liikmesriikides mahajäämust. tikat kui ühise huvi küsimust” ning „kooskõlastavad selle Kõnealuste puuduste kõrvaldamiseks tuleks kasutada ühtse 412 nõukogus”. Euroala ja riigispetsiifilised soovitused, mis turu läbivaatamise raames kavandatud turuseiresüsteemi. anti välja Lissaboni strateegia raames, on peamised suuna- mise ja järelevalve vahendid. Samas on võimalik parandada Euroala riikide tööturud peavad paremini toimima, et eu- kõnealuste vahendite kasutamist. Majandus- ja rahaliidu roala kohaneks üleilmastuvas majanduses ja potentsiaalne kümne esimese tegutsemisaasta analüüs näitab, et stabiil- majanduskasv suureneks, arvestades vananevat rahvastik- suse ja kasvu pakti ennetavaid sätteid on vaja tugevdada, ku. Paindlikumad palgad ja mitmekesistumine tööstus- nagu on ka heaks kiidetud majandus- ja rahandusministri- harude, ametite ja piirkondade lõikes ning investeerimine te nõukogus,17 et toetada jätkusuutlikku eelarvepoliitikat ja inimkapitali on olulised konkurentsi suurendamisel ja või- lahendada ulatuslikemaid küsimusi, mis võivad mõjutada maldavad majandusšokkide korral ressursse tõrgeteta üm- liikmesriikide makromajanduslikku stabiilsust ning majan- ber jaotada. Mitmed Lissaboni strateegia raames läbiviidud dus- ja rahaliidu üldist toimimist. Neid asutamislepingul reformid tööjõukasutuse parandamiseks on end ära tasu- põhinevaid vahendeid täiendab keskpika perioodi eelarve nud. Samas on edasiminek olnud riigiti ebaühtlane ja just läbivaatamine, mida eurogrupp teeb iga aasta kevadel. Kui- edasiminek peaks olema reformide keskmes ka järgmisel gi kõnealusel läbivaatamisel on seni keskendutud eelarve kümnendil. Sotsiaalkulutuste programmide reformimise ja järelevalvele, tuleb selle vastastikuse järelevalvemehhanismi aktiivse tööturupoliitika eesmärk peaks olema parandada reguleerimisala laiendada, et tõhustada asutamislepingul sisetuleku kaitset ja samal ajal suurendada tööstiimuleid. põhinevat järelevalvet. Euroala saab ELi finantsintegratsiooni edendamisest suh- Struktuuripoliitika parem integreerimine teliselt palju kasu. ELi rahaturgude integreerimisel on saa- kooskõlastamisprotsessi vutatud märkimisväärset edu, kuid on vaja teha suuremaid jõupingutusi, et muuta euroala rahaturud tõhusamaks ja Euroala on eriti huvitatud struktuurireformide eduku- likviidsemaks. See lihtsustaks tänu riskide jagamisele ma- sest. Reformide kiirendamine on tervitatav ELis terviku- janduslikku kohanemist ja soodustaks ühtse rahapoliitika na, kuid euroala jaoks on see hädavajalik. Parem reagee- mõju ühtlasemat ülekandumist euroalal. Eelkõige on vaja rimine turu muutustele on kasulik kahel põhjusel – pikas teha rohkem jõupingutusi, et parandada piiriüleste fi- perspektiivis suurendab see elatustaset, võimaldab samal nantsteenuste pakkumist jaeturul, tõhustada ettevõtete ja ajal majandusšokkidega paremini kohaneda ja soodustab riigi võlakirjade rahastamist ning vähendada reguleerimi- makromajanduslikku stabiilsust. Komisjoni analüüside se ja järelevalvega seotud kulusid, mida mitmes erinevas empiirilised tõendid osutavad sellele, et ühisraha kasutava- jurisdiktsioonis töötavatel finantsvahendajatel tuleb katta. tes riikides on struktuurireformide multiplikaatorid palju Seoses eurosüsteemi ja osalevate liikmesriikide jagatud ko- suuremad kui muudes riikides, st struktuurireforme teos- hustusega tagada euroala finantsstabiilsus on finantsinteg- tavad riigid saavad rohkem kasu, samal ajal kui mahajäävad ratsiooni suurenedes vaja teha rohkem piiriülest koostööd riigid maksavad tegevusetuse eest kõrget hinda. Majandus- kriiside ennetamise, ohjamise ja lahendamise valdkonnas. kasvu ja tööhõivet käsitleva Lissaboni strateegia (mis on Arvestades tõhususe ja stabiilsusega seotud kõnealuseid konkreetseid kaalutlusi ning rahaturgude praegusest eba- stabiilsusest saadud õppetunde, peaks euroalal olema suur 17 KOM(2007) 316. EMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat roll ELi finantsintegratsiooni tegevuskava edendamisel ja jõuna, kutsutakse pärast esimese kümne tegutsemisaasta ELi finantsstabiilsuse tagamise korra parandamisel. edu üles arendama välja selget ja kõikehõlmavat rahvus- vahelise majanduse ja rahanduse strateegiat. Euroala peab Selleks et majandus- ja rahaliidu potentsiaali saaks täiel olema mitmepoolsetel foorumitel ja strateegiliste partne- määral ära kasutada, on vaja ergutada reformide läbivii- ritega peetavates kahepoolsetes dialoogides aktiivsem ja mist euroalal. Struktuuripoliitika integreerimine euroala ennastkehtestavam. Euroala peab parandama kooskõlasta- kooskõlastamise protsessi võib anda kasu kolmel viisil: mist ning määratlema ühised seisukohad ja (vajaduse kor- a) soovitused kogu euroala jaoks koos Lissaboni strateegia ral) ühtse pädevuse kõigis kõnealustes küsimustes. Euroala koondsuunistes sisalduvate riigispetsiifiliste soovitustega peab teostama ühtset vahetuskursipoliitikat ning võtma moodustavad struktuurireformide kooskõlastamise tugi- kohustuse lahendada finantsstabiilsuse ja makromajan- raamistiku; nende rakendamist tuleb põhjalikumalt jälgi- dusliku järelevalvega seotud küsimused. Oht, et üleilmne da; b) stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti reformimisega 2005. aastal tasakaalutus mõjutab euroala ja selle liikmete konkurent- võimaldati keskpika perioodi eelarve-eesmärkide hinda- sivõimet ebaproportsionaalselt, suurendab kõnealuseid misel võtta arvesse selliseid struktuurireforme, mis on lü- vajadusi veelgi. hikeses perspektiivis majanduslikult kulukad, kuid pikas perspektiivis suurendavad majanduskasvu ja eelarve jätku- Kõige tõhusam viis, kuidas euroala mõju saaks viia vasta- suutlikkust. Selleks et tagada stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga vusse tema majandusliku tähtsusega, on kujundada ühi- võetud kohustuste täitmine, tuleks kehtestada vastastikune seid seisukohti ja tugevdada esindatust, kusjuures euroalal järelevalvemehhanism, mis põhineb Lissaboni strateegia peaks lõpuks olema üks koht asjaomastes rahvusvahelistes raames loodud analüütilisel raamistikul ja liikmesriikide finantsinstitutsioonides ja foorumitel. See on ambitsiooni- 413 eelnevalt esitatud teabel; c) selleks et parandada reformide kas eesmärk ning välispoliitilise tegevuskava edu sõltub eel- läbiviimise järjestust, tuleks seada esmatähtsaks rahatur- kõige euroala tõhusamast juhtimissüsteemist. Kuigi teised gude toimimise tõhustamine. See mitte ainult ei soodus- riigid leiavad tihiti, et EL ja euroala on rahvusvahelistes ta majanduskasvu ja kohandumist, vaid annab ka tõuke organisatsioonides üleesindatud (arvestades kohtade arvu muude struktuurireformide läbiviimiseks, kuna toob ja hääleõigust), ei vasta euroala mõju rahvusvahelistel foo- esile reformide pikaajalised eelised ja võimaldab suunata rumitel ikka veel tema majanduslikule tähtsusele. Ühtse kapitalivoogusid struktuurireformidega loodud uutesse esindatuse loomine suurendaks euroala rahvusvahelist lä- investeerimisvõimalustesse. birääkimispositsiooni ja vähendaks rahvusvahelise kooskõ- lastamise maksumust euroala ja tema peamiste partnerite II. Välispoliitiline tegevuskava: jaoks. Tänu sellele vabaneksid kohad, mis võimaldaks are- suurendada euroala rahvusvahelist neva majandusega riikidel suurendada osalust rahvusvahe- tähtsust listes finantsinstitutsioonides.

Euro rahvusvahelise staatusega kaasnevad eelised, vastu- III. Majandus- ja rahaliidu juhtimise tus ja riskid. Euro aitab arendada Euroopa finantssektorit, tõhustamine euro kui reservvaluutaga kaasneb müntimismaksust saadav tulu ning euro vähendab vahetuskursi kõikumise mõju, Majandus- ja rahaliidu majandusjuhtimise süsteemi tuleb sest üha rohkem kehtestatakse hindu ja esitatakse arveid tõhustada, et lahendada euroala probleemid. Seda arves- eurodes. Samas euroala suuruse tõttu mõjutavad majan- tades on praegu kohustused üldiselt hästi jagatud institut- dus- ja rahaliidu poliitilised otsused ja majanduslikud sioonide ja vahendite vahel, mille abil teostatakse majan- suundumused ka teisi riike eelkõige seepärast, et maailma dus- ja rahaliidu majanduspoliitikat. Sellest hoolimata on rahaturgude kaudu kanduvad mõjud rahvusvaheliselt jär- selgelt vaja kohandada institutsioone ja tavasid, et lahenda- jest enam edasi. Euro suureneva rahvusvahelise staatusega da ilmnevad poliitilised probleemid. kaasnevad riskid, kuna seetõttu mõjutavad euroala nega- tiivsed portfelli struktuurimuutused, mis hõlmavad pea- ELi kõigi liikmesriikide suurem osalemine majandus- ja misi rahvusvahelisi valuutasid ja varaklasse. Kokkuvõttes rahandusküsimuste nõukogus on peamine tegur, mis on euro suurenenud tähtsus rahvusvahelise valuutana ning tagab majandus- ja rahaliidu tõhusa toimimise. Alates euroala riikide majanduse ühine tugevus muutnud majan- loomisest on majandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõukogu dus- ja rahaliidu liikmete ja nende rahvusvaheliste partne- toiminud majanduspoliitiliste otsuste tegemise foorumina rite jaoks mängureegleid. ELis ning arvestades euroala ja ELi suurenevat omavahelist kattuvust, peaks majandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõuko- Seepärast peab euroala koostama rahvusvahelise stratee- gu jääma majandus- ja rahaliidu majandusjuhtimise süs- gia, mis vastaks ühisraha rahvusvahelisele staatusele. Eu- teemis kesksele kohale ning seepärast tuleks majandus- ja roala, mis juba toimib naaberriikide jaoks stabiliseeriva rahaliiduga seotud küsimusi rohkem integreerida ma- jandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõukogu töösse. Eelkõige EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

soosiks see järjepidevama lähenemisviisi järgimist majan- Uus asutamisleping võimaldab ratifitseerimise korral dus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõukogu pädevusse kuuluva- tugevdada majanduspoliitika kooskõlastamist ja järele- tes valdkondades (makromajanduspoliitika, rahaturud valvet euroalal. Euroopa Liidu toimimist käsitleva tule- ja maksustamine) ja tagaks nende hea koostoime. Kehtiv vase lepingu artikliga 136 on ette nähtud võimalus „võtta asutamisleping jätab piisavalt ruumi kõnealuse valdkonna vastu meetmeid euroala liikmesriikide jaoks, et tugevdada selliseks terviklikumaks kooskõlastamiseks ja järelevalveks eelarvedistsipliini kooskõlastamist ja järelevalvet ning ka- kogu ELis. Kuigi uuendatud Lissaboni lepingu ratifitseeri- vandada majanduspoliitilisi suuniseid, tagades samal ajal, mise korral tugevdatakse euroala liikmesriikide rahandus- et meetmed on kooskõlas kogu liidu jaoks võetud meetme- ministrite tähtsust majandus- ja rahaliidu toimimist käsit- tega ja et selliste meetmete üle teostatakse järelevalvet”. Li- levates küsimustes, arutatakse kõiki kõnealuseid küsimusi saks suurendaks kõnealune leping komisjoni kui sõltumatu majandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõukogus. kohtuniku rolli mitmepoolse järelevalve teostamisel, kus- juures artikliga 121 võimaldatakse komisjonil teha liikmes- Eurogrupp peaks jätkuvalt olema platvorm, mis võimal- riikidele otseseid hoiatusi, kui nende majanduspoliitika ei dab majandus- ja rahaliidu poliitika kooskõlastamist ning ole kooskõlas üldsuunistega või seab ohtu majandus- ja järelevalvet tugevdada ja laiendada. Seoses eelarve järele- rahaliidu nõuetekohase toimimise. valvega peaks eelarvepoliitika eelnev kooskõlastamine, mis toimub keskpika perioodi eelarve läbivaatamise teel, suu- Majandus- ja rahaliidu juhtimise süsteem peab tagama nama eelarve täitmist majandustsükli jooksul, et lahenda- euroala sujuva laienemise. Järgmisel kümnendil peaks eu- da protsüsklilise poliitikaga seotud probleeme. Arvestades roala hõlmama enamikku praegusi ELi liikmesriike ning 414 elanikkonna vananemist, on peamine ülesanne tõhustada selle protsessi nõuetekohane kulgemine tagab euroala ma- stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetavaid sätteid, et aidata kaasa janduse tõhusa toimimise tulevikus. ERM II-s osalemise ambitsioonikate keskpika perioodi eesmärkide saavutami- ajal peaksid riigid kasutama ära suurenenud makromajan- sele. Selleks et hoida ära tasakaalutuse teke ja liigsed eri- duslikku stabiilsust, et võtta vastu usaldusväärne makro- nevused euroala riikide vahel, peaks eurogrupp vahetama majandus- ja struktuuripoliitika. Nagu lepingus täpsus- seisukohti, arendama poliitilisi suunised ja jälgima seda, tatud, peaks komisjon korrapäraselt ja õiglaselt hindama kuidas liikmesriigid täidavad nõudeid kohanemisvõimet lähenemise jätkusuutlikku edukust. Eurogrupp ning ma- ja makromajanduslikku stabiilsust suurendavates valdkon- jandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõukogu peaksid omakorda dades. Vastastikust järelevalvet (st mitmepoolsed arutelud võtma erikohustuse luua usaldus, jälgida majanduse aren- ühe või mitme riigi asjaomaste arengutendentside üle) tu- gut ning anda tulevastele euroala liikmesriikidele vajalikke leb tugevdada, et julgustada rahandusministreid käsitlema suuniseid seoses poliitika ja reformidega, mida on vaja läbi riiklikke küsimusi ja poliitikat euroala perspektiivist lähtu- viia, et tagada euroala liikmesriikide nominaalne ja tegelik valt. Lisaks peaks eurogrupp pöörama rohkem tähelepanu lähenemine. Lissaboni strateegia raames euroala jaoks välja antud soovi- tustele, et suurendada potentsiaalset majanduskasvu ja tõs- On vaja parandada ELi institutsioonides ja laiemas ava- ta struktuurireformide teostamise abil konkurentsivõimet. likkuses peetavat arutelu majandus- ja rahaliidu üle. Ko- misjon peaks arendama dialoogi ja konsulteerima eelkõige Komisjoni tugev toetus on oluline, et tagada majandus- ja Euroopa Parlamendiga, kuid samuti ka muude Euroopa ja rahaliidu tõhus toimimine. Komisjoni kutsutakse üles soo- liikmesriikide sidusrühmadega. Sarnaselt peaks eurogrupp dustama poliitika kooskõlastamist ja võtma oma ettepa- arendama dialoogi Euroopa Keskpangaga, Euroopa Parla- nekutes arvesse majandus- ja rahaliidu mõõdet. Komisjon mendiga ja euroala sotsiaalpartneritega. Kõik need institut- peaks tugevdama eelarve ja makromajanduse järelevalvet sioonid komisjoniga eesotsas peaksid avalikkust paremini ning edendama majandus- ja finantsintegratsiooni. Ko- teavitama majandus- ja rahaliitu käsitlevatest küsimustest. misjon peaks järelevalve teostamisel sügavamalt hindama Eelkõige on vaja paremini selgitada euroga kaasnevaid euroala majanduse ja rahanduse arengut ning keskenduma olulisi makro- ja mikromajanduslikke eeliseid, nagu euro eelkõige liikmesriikide poliitiliste meetmete ülekandu- stabiliseeriv jõud rahaturgude hiljutise heitlikkuse ajal ning misele. Koostöös liikmesriikidega tuleks jätkata tööd, et majandus- ja rahaliidu majanduspoliitika oluline ja kasulik muuta eelarve tsüklilised ja struktuurilised näitajad täp- panus. semaks. Välispoliitilise tegevuskava osas peab komisjon suurendama oma tähtsust rahvusvahelistes dialoogides ja foorumitel. Kokkuvõttes peab komisjon toetama majan- Järeldused dus- ja rahaliidu toimimise tõhustamist nii sisepoliitilisel kui ka rahvusvahelisel tasandil ja võtma asutamislepinguga Majandus- ja rahaliit on olnud vaieldamatult edukas. Küm- talle antud kohustuse olla usaldusväärse majanduspoliitika ne aasta jooksul on majandus- ja rahaliit taganud makro- järelevalvaja. Selleks peaks komisjon paremini kasutama majandusliku stabiilsuse, kannustanud (eelkõige iga järjes- asutamislepinguga ette nähtud vahendeid. tikuse laienemisringiga) Euroopa majandusintegratsiooni, EMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat parandanud vastupanuvõimet ebasoodsatele majandusšok- Selle tervikliku tegevuskava rakendamine nõuab poliitilist kidele ning muutunud piirkonnas ja maailmas stabilisee- tahet ja järjekindlust. . Majandus- ja rahaliidu edu näitab, rivaks jõuks. Ühisraha ja seda toetav poliitiline raamistik et poliitilised algatused ja ambitsioonid võivad anda mär- on osutunud praegu rohkem kui kunagi varem suureks kimisväärset majanduslikku, sotsiaalset ja poliitilist kasu. eeliseks. Samas on majandus- ja rahaliidu potentsiaali või- Kuid selle täielikuks ärakasutamiseks on oluline tagada malik veelgi ära kasutada. See koos üleilmastumise kiirene- kõigi osaliste jätkuv kaasamine. Seepärast julgustab ko- mise, loodusvarade vähenemise, kliimamuutuse ja elanik- misjon kõnealuste teemade ulatuslikku arutelu 2008. aasta konna vananemisega osutavad, et majanduspoliitikat tuleb teisel poolel, et edendada laialdast üksmeelt ELi institut- paremini kooskõlastada, struktuurireforme tuleb jätkata, sioonides ning mitmetes asjaomastes organites ja sidusrüh- euroala rolli maailmas tuleb suurendada ning liikmesriigid mades seoses kõnealuse tegevuskava osadega. Komisjon peavad võtma kindla kohustuse saavutada need eesmärgid. esitab sellele aruteludele tuginedes asjakohased konkreet- Asjaolu, et kõnealuste üleilmsete suundumuste mõjul juba sed ettepanekud. tõusevad energia, toidu ning muude kaupade hinnad, ra- haturud on ebastabiilsed ja vahetuskurssi korrigeeritakse maailmas, rõhutab õigeaegse tegutsemise vajalikkust.

Sise- ja välispoliitilise tegevuskava täitmine ning juhtimise parandamine, nagu on käesoleva dokumendiga kavanda- tud, aitavad lahendada mitmeid euroala ja maailmama- janduse ees seisvaid probleeme. Samuti kaasnevad sellega 415 kõigi ELi liikmesriikide jaoks järgmised eelised.

• Majandus- ja rahaliit jääb ELi integratsiooni verstapostiks. Kuigi majandus- ja rahaliidu eesmärgid ja saavutused on olnud peamiselt majanduslikud, ei ole see kunagi olnud üksnes majandusprojekt. Alates loomisest on majandus- ja rahaliit olnud oluline tegur ELi integratsiooniprotsessis. See roll on isegi suurenenud alates 2004. aastast, mil 15-liikmeline EL hakkas laienema 27-liikmeliseks ja kõik ELi vastliitunud liikmesriigid hakkasid valmistuma euro kasutuselevõtuks. Tulevane euroala liikmesus on olnud üks peamine tegur, mis on aidanud kõnealustel riikidel läheneda ELi elatustasemele. • Hästi toimiv majandus- ja rahaliit on suur eelis ELile tervikuna, kuna suur enamik ELi liikmesriikidest, kui mitte kõik liikmesriigid ühinevad lõpuks majandus- ja rahaliiduga. Euroala hästi toimiv majandus suurendab kogu ELi jõukust ja dünaamilisust, tänu millele tugevneb avalikkuse toetus ELi integratsioonile nii euroalal kui ka väljaspool. • Tugev majandus- ja rahaliit suurendab ka ELi juhtrolli maailmamajanduses. Hästi toimiv euroala suurendab majandus- ja rahaliidu välispoliitilist tähtsust nii makromajanduse valdkonnas kui ka seoses maailmamajanduse järelevalve ja reguleerimisega. Kui majandus- ja rahaliit tõestab, et suudab euroala välist rolli tugevdada ja võtta üleilmseid kohustusi, mõjutab see positiivselt teisi poliitikavaldkondi, nt jätkusuutlikku arengut, arenguabi, kaubanduspoliitikat, konkurentsi ja inimõigusi, kus EL soovib saavutada üleilmset juhtpositsiooni.

Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA ÜLEMKOGULE BRÜSSEL, 26. NOVEMBER 2008 KOM(2008) 800

Käes on aeg tegutseda suunamine loob võime muutusi saavutada. Koostöö kaudu on erinevate Euroopa osade tugevaid külgi võimalik kasu- 417 tada parimal viisil. Nii on meil võimalik kujundada üleilm- Euroopa valitsuste ja institutsioonide tõeline proovikivi on ne vastus üleilmsele kriisile. olukord, kui seistakse silmitsi kõige suuremate raskustega. Sellistel aegadel peavad nad üles näitama kujutlusvõimet, otsusekindlust ja paindlikkust. Nad peavad näitama, et Kuu aega tagasi hakati komisjoni eestvedamisel kavanda- tunnetavad Euroopa Liidu perekondade ja kogukondade ma, kuidas vastata majanduskriisile otsustavalt ja kooskõ- vajadusi, et nad seisavad oma ülesannete kõrgusel, püüdes lastatult. Mul on hea meel näha, et riikide valitsused teevad leida õiget lahendust majanduskasvu ja tööhõive valdkon- tööd olukorra lahendamiseks ja on saanud innustust Eu- na tulevikuväljavaadete järsule halvenemisele Euroopas. roopa tasandi meetmete võtmiseks kokkulepitud ühistest põhimõtetest. Nüüd tugevdab komisjon seda ühismeetme- te platvormi kavaga, millega hoida ohjes majanduslangust Euroopat hinnatakse eelkõige tulemuste põhjal. Alates ko- ning stimuleerida nõudlust, et päästa sel viisil majandus- misjoni ametisse asumisest on ta tähelepanu koondanud kasvu naasmist oodates sajad tuhanded töökohad ja VKE- Euroopa Liidu suutlikkusele luua kodanike jaoks käegakat- de äritegevus. sutavaid tulemusi. Komisjon on võtnud sihipäraseid meet- meid valdkondades, millel on mõju eurooplastele igas ELi nurgas. Komisjon on võtmeosalistega igal tasandil tehtava Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava toetub kahele peami- koostöö puhul eelistanud partnerlust. Ta on väljendanud sele meetmeterühmale ja ühele aluspõhimõttele: selget seisukohta, et töö ei ole tehtud enne, kui selle tule- mused on nähtavad. • Esimene meetmeterühm hõlmab ostujõu suurendamist majanduses, et kasvatada nõudlust ja usaldust. Praegune majanduskriis annab taas võimaluse näidata, et Komisjon teeb ettepaneku, et liikmesriigid ja EL Euroopa teenib oma kodanike huve kõige paremini siis, lepiksid kokku eraldada eelarvelise esmaabina 200 kui tegutsetakse konkreetse eesmärgi nimel. Euroopa suu- miljardi euro suurune summa (1,5% SKPst), et dab tulemusi saavutada. suurendada nõudlust täielikus kooskõlas stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga. Rasked ajad sisendavad abitustunnet. Kuid Euroopa ei ole • Teine meetmeterühm tugineb vajadusel võtta abitu. Valitsuste ja Euroopa Liidu käsutuses olevad vahen- lühiajalisi otsemeetmeid Euroopa konkurentsivõime did ja arukas kooskõlastatus loovad võimu peatada suun- tugevdamiseks pikemas perspektiivis. Kavas esitatakse dumus sügavama majanduslanguse poole. Euroopa, kes laiahaardeline programm nn aruka investeerimisega võtab kiireid, julgeid, eesmärgipäraseid ja hästi suunatud seotud otsemeetmetest. Arukas investeerimine meetmeid, on Euroopa, kes suudab pidurdada majandus- tähendab investeerimist tulevikus vajalikesse oskustesse, languse ja majanduse taas tõusuteele juhtida. Me oleme investeeringuid energiatõhususse, et luua töökohti ja selles olukorras kõik koos. säästa energiat, investeerimist keskkonnasäästlikesse tehnoloogiatesse, et edendada vähem Euroopa Liidu suurim panus on võime aidata oma partne- süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitavat ehitus- ja autotööstust, ritel koostööd teha. Liikmesriikide ja ühenduse meetmete ning investeerimist tõhusust ja innovatsiooni EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

edendavasse infrastruktuuri ja võrkude sidususse. parandusmeetmeid ei võeta, võib töötute arv järgmise kahe Samal ajal aitavad kümme kavas esitatud aasta jooksul kasvada umbes 2,7 miljoni võrra. Eelmise taastamismeedet liikmesriikidel luua asjakohased prognoosi avalikustamisele järgnenud nädalate jooksul on sotsiaalsed ja majanduslikud vahendid, et majanduse olukord veelgi halvenenud: vastata tänapäevastele väljakutsetele: tuleb leida uued rahastamisallikad VKEdele, vähendada • finantsturud on jätkuvalt nõrgad ning jäävad halduskoormust ja ergutada investeerimist arvatavasti pingelisteks kauemaks, kui esialgu arvati; infrastruktuuri ajakohastamisse. Need meetmed on konkurentsivõimelise ja vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid • kodumajapidamiste ja ettevõtjate usaldus on langenud tekitavaks majanduseks valmis Euroopa mootoriks. arvatust palju madalamale; • Kava aluspõhimõtted on solidaarsus ja sotsiaalne • majanduslangus on jõudnud kiire majandusarenguga õiglus. Rasketel aegadel peavad meetmed olema riikideni, mis mõjutab negatiivselt Euroopa suunatud neile, kes abi enim vajavad. Tuleb teha tööd, ekspordivõimet. et kaitsta sotsiaalmaksudega seotud meetmete kaudu Majanduslangus on jõudnud juba euroalale ja mitmesse töökohti. Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa liikmesriiki. On suur oht, et olukord võib veelgi halveneda: Fondi kaudu ja kiirendatud väljamaksete kaudu investeeringud ja tarbijate ostuhuvi kaovad, millele järgneb Euroopa Sotsiaalfondist tuleb koheselt leida lahendus nõudluse vähenemine, äriplaanide ning innovatsioonidele pikemaajalisteks tööperspektiivideks neile, kes on tehtavate kulutuste vähendamine ja töökohtade kaotami- töö kaotanud. Suunatud energiatõhususe meetmete 418 ne. Kõik see võib ELi viia sügavasse ja pikaajalisse majan- abil tuleb vähendada haavatavate inimrühmade duslangusse – järgmisel aastal langeksid majandusnäitajad energiakulusid. Tuleb tegeleda nende inimeste veelgi ning töötute arv võib kasvada mitme miljoni võrra. vajadustega, kes ei saa veel Internetti sidevahendina kasutada. Allakäiguspiraali peatamiseks on vaja võtta kiireid ja otsus- Ma olen veendunud, et kriisiolukordades avanevad või- tavaid meetmeid. Euroopa peab kasutama kõiki olemasole- malused kiiremateks muutusteks ja struktuurireformide vaid vahendeid. See tähendab liikmesriikide ja ELi vahelist rakendamiseks, et meil oleks võimalik olla edukas tulevi- koostööd ja Euroopa-sisest kooskõlastatud tegevust, mis ku üleilmastunud majanduses. See on Euroopa jaoks suur aitab kaasa laiaulatuslike üleilmsete vastumeetmete võt- võimalus. misele. Finantskriisiga võitlemisel on ühenduses püütud kindlustada koostööd ELi ja riikide tasandil. See on aida- Laiahaardeline ja julgete eesmärkidega taastamiskava on nud kaasa stabiilsuse taastamisele kõige suuremate prob- nüüd esitatud. Mida kiiremini me kava järgima hakka- leemide ajal. Liikmesriigid peaksid ka nüüd kasutama ära me, seda kiiremini saame me eurooplastele vajalikku abi ELi tugevaid külgi – tõhusat kooskõlastamist, stabiilsuse ja osutada. kasvu paktist ning Lissaboni strateegiast tulenevat usaldus- väärset raamistikku ning tänu eurole ja maailma suurimale ühisturule saavutatud mastaabieelist. Riiklike ja ELi meet- José Manuel Durão Barroso mete koosmõju aitaks kõigil liikmesriikidel üleilmse ma- janduskriisi tekitatud raskustest kergemini üle saada ning Brüssel, 26. november 2008 väljuda kriisist endisest tugevamana.

Euro on osutunud ELi majandusele eriti väärtuslikuks 1. Sissejuhatus vahendiks ja stabiilsuse alustalaks. Sõltumatu ja tugeva Euroopa Keskpanga toetusel kaitseb euro ELi majandust Üleilmne majanduskriis on ELi tabanud raskelt. Laenude destabiliseerivate kursimuutuste vastu, mis oleksid olu- saamise karmistumine, kinnisvarahindade langus ning kõi- liselt raskendanud kriisi vastumeetmete võtmist riiklikul kuvad börsid on kaasa toonud tarbijate usalduse, tarbimise tasandil. ja investeeringute olulise vähenemise. Kodumajapidamised on tõsise surve all. Ettevõtjatel ei ole tellimusi. Tarbijakre- Kuu aega tagasi koostas komisjon esialgse kava finantskriisi diidist sõltuvates sektorites, nagu ehitusettevõtlus ja auto- lahendamiseks. Nähti ette lahendused majandusraskus- tööstus, on mitmes liikmesriigis turgude olukord järsult test ülesaamiseks laiemalt, mille kohaselt saab Euroopast halvenenud. finantskriisi lahendamisel võetavates üleilmsetes meet- metes oluline osaline18. Novembri alguses leppisid ELi Värskemad majandusprognoosid ennustavad 2009. aas- riigi- ja valitsusjuhid kokku, et on vaja kooskõlastatud taks ELis majandusele kahvatut tulevikku nullilähedase majanduskasvu ja võimaliku majandusseisakuga. Juhul kui 18 29. oktoobri teatis – KOM(2008) 706. Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava vastumeetmeid, ning palusid komisjonil esitada ette­ läbiviimist, innovatsiooni toetamist ja teadmistepõhise panekud, mida hakatakse arutama nende detsembrikuisel majanduse ülesehitamist. kohtumisel. • liikuda kiiremini vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitava majanduse poole. Selliselt tagataks Euroopale soodne Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava positsioon, et viia ellu oma strateegia kliimamuutuste ohjamiseks ja energia varustuskindluse tagamiseks. Käesolev Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava on komisjo- Strateegia, mis aitab kaasa uute tehnoloogiate ni vastus praegusele majandusolukorrale. Arvestades prae- väljatöötamisele, loob uusi „rohelisi” töökohti ja avab guse kriisi ulatust, on ELil vaja kooskõlastatud lähenemis- uusi võimalusi kiiresti kasvavatel maailmaturgudel, viisi, mis oleks piisavalt laiahaardeline ja edasipüüdlik, et hoiab nii elanike kui ka ettevõtjate energiaarved taastada tarbijate ja ettevõtjate usaldus. Selles tuleks ühen- kontrolli all ning vähendab Euroopa sõltuvust selle dada kõik ELi ja riiklikul tasandil olemasolevad poliitilised välistest energiaallikatest. vahendid. Enamik majanduspoliitilisi vahendeid, eelkõige sellised, millega oleks võimalik lühemas perspektiivis tarbi- Nende eesmärkide saavutamiseks näeb Euroopa majandu- misnõudlust elavdada, on liikmesriikide kätes. Liikmesrii- se taastamise kava ette järgmist: kidel on eelarvega seotud manööverdamisruum erinev. See teeb tõhusa kooskõlastamise aga veelgi olulisemaks. • tegutseda kooskõlastatult, et kasutada ära tekkiv koostoime ja vältida negatiivseid kaasmõjusid; Kõik liikmesriigid peavad kriisile lahenduse leidmiseks • kasutada kõiki olemasolevaid poliitikavahendeid, 419 meetmeid võtma. Nõuetekohase kooskõlastamise korral fiskaalpoliitikat, struktuurilisi ja finantsturgude reforme on riiklike meetmete abil võimalik tegeleda erinevate ees- ning välistegevust; märkidega samaaegselt. See võimaldaks lühemas perspek- tiivis majanduslanguse mõjusid pehmendada. Samuti oleks • tagada täielik kooskõla koheste meetmete ning ELi võimalik edendada struktuurireforme, mis on vajalikud keskpika perioodi ja pikaajaliste eesmärkide vahel; selleks, et aidata ELil väljuda kriisist endisest tugevamana, • arvestada täiel määral probleemi üleilmse laadiga ja viia ilma et seataks ohtu pikaajaline maksupoliitiline järjepi- ELi tegevus vastavusse rahvusvahelise vastusega. devus. Seetõttu on käesolevas taastamiskavas eriline rõhk asetatud innovatsioonile ja ELi investeeringute keskkonna- Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava pakub reaalmajanduse hoidlikumaks muutmisele. ELi tasand saab olla sellistele toetuseks väljatöötatud kaalukate meetmete abil tsüklilisust nn arukate meetmete katalüsaatoriks, kus ühendataks ELi välistavat makromajanduslikku lahendust kriisiolukorrale. poliitika ja rahalised vahendid, et abistada liikmesriike sel- Kava eesmärk on sügava majanduslanguse ärahoidmine. lise investeeringumahu säilitamisel või tekitamisel, mille Taastamiskava aluseks on stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ning abil saaks luua uusi töökohti, suurendada nõudlust ning majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsitleva Lissaboni strateegia tugevdada Euroopa suutlikkust üleilmastumisest rohkem põhimõtted. Kava hõlmab: kasu saada. • otsest eelarvetoetust mahus 200 miljardit eurot Taastamiskava strateegilised eesmärgid on järgmised: (1,5% ELi SKPst), mis koosneb liikmesriikide eelarvetäiendustest mahus 170 miljardit eurot • võimalikult kiiresti nõudlust ja suurendada tarbijate (ligikaudu 1,2% ELi SKPst) ja ELi rahalistest usaldust; eraldistest koheste meetmete toetamiseks suurusjärgus 30 miljardit eurot (ligikaudu 0,3% ELi SKPst). • vähendada majanduslangusega kaasnevaid elulisi probleeme ja mõju kõige haavatavamale • lisaks mitmeid esmatähtsaid meetmeid, mis ühiskonnaosale. Kriis on raskelt tabanud või tabamas põhinevad Lissaboni strateegial ning peaksid samas paljusid palgatöötajaid ja nende peresid. Neid on valmistama Euroopa riikide majandust ette pikaajaliste võimalik aidata töökoha kaotamise takistamise abil. väljakutsetega toime tulemiseks, rakendades jätkuvalt Kui töökoht siiski kaotatakse, tuleks pikaajalise töötuse struktuurireforme potentsiaalse majanduskasvu vältimiseks toetada kiiret tööturule naasmist; suurendamiseks. • aidata kaasa Euroopa valmidusele majanduskasvu taastudes seda ära kasutada, nii et Euroopa majandus 2. Reaalmajanduse toetamine ja oleks vastavuses konkurentsivõimet tagavate nõudmiste usalduse suurendamine ja tulevikuvajadustega, nagu see on sätestatud majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsitlevas Lissaboni Kuna kõikide liikmesriikide majandus on tihedalt integ- strateegias. See tähendab vajalike struktuurireformide reeritud siseturu ja paljude ühiste poliitikavaldkondade EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kaudu, peavad vastumeetmed ühendama rahanduse ja aasta jooksul mobiliseerida erasektori vahendeid täien- laenudega seotud aspekte, fiskaalpoliitikat ning majandus- davate investeeringute toetamiseks. Selleks et Euroopa kasvu ja tööhõivet käsitleva Lissaboni strateegia kohaseid Investeerimispank saaks suurendada rahastamistegevust, meetmeid. peaksid liikmesriigid enne aasta lõppu tegema otsuse, et Euroopa Investeerimispanga kapitalibaasi suurendami- 2.1. Rahandus- ja laenutingimused seks lisatakse panga 60 miljardi euro suurused reservid, mis saadab turgudele selge poliitilise signaali ja suurendab 2.1.1. Euroopa Keskpanga ja muude märkimisväärselt panga võimet anda laene. Euroopa Re- keskpankade roll konstruktsiooni- ja Arengupank peaks ka suurendama oma praegust rahastamise taset 500 miljoni euro võrra aastas Praegu on rahanduspoliitikal oluline roll. Arvestades kesk- uutes liikmesriikides. pika perioodi oodatava inflatsioonimäära langust, on Eu- roopa Keskpank intressimäärasid euroalal juba langetanud 2.2. Eelarvepoliitika ja seda on teinud ka teised ELi keskpangad. Euroopa Kesk- pank andis märku, et intressimäärasid on võimalik veelgi Usalduse taastamine sõltub Euroopa võimest ergutada langetada. Euroopa Keskpank on juba mänginud olulist nõudlust läbivaadatud stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti kohase rolli turgude stabiliseerimisel: ta on andnud pankadele lae- paindliku eelarvepoliitika abil. Praegustes tingimustes on ne ja aidanud tagada likviidsust. eelarvepoliitikal veelgi olulisem osa majanduse stabiliseeri- misel ja nõudluse säilitamisel. 420 2.1.2. Pankade roll Reaalmajanduse probleemide põhjuseks on finantsturgu- Üksnes märkimisväärsete stimuleerivate meetmete pa- de ebastabiilsus. Usaldusväärne ja tõhus finantssektor on keti abil saab Euroopa pidurdada nõudluse eeldatavat tugeva ja kasvava majanduse eelduseks. Seepärast on pan- vähenemist ja leevendada selle kaudset negatiivset mõju gandussüsteemi stabiliseerimine esmatähtis, et peatada ma- investeeringutele ja tööhõivele. Seepärast teeb komisjon janduse jahenemine ning soodustada majanduse sujuvat ja ettepaneku, et liikmesriigid jõuaksid kokkuleppele eelar- jätkusuutlikku paranemist. EL peab säilitama ühise soovi vet stimuleerivate kooskõlastatud meetmete paketi osas, taastada ikka veel hapra finantssektori stabiilsus ja usaldus- mis peaks olema õigeaegne, suunatud, ajutine ja koheselt väärsus ning luua tingimused majanduse jätkusuutlikuks rakendatav. taastumiseks. Kriis on osutanud finantsturgude praeguse juhtimisega seotud ohtudele, mis ebastabiilsetel aegadel 2009. aasta riiklike eelarvete raames toimuva kooskõlas- juba on avaldunud või võivad avalduda süsteemiriskidena. tatud eelarve stimuleerimise suuruseks peaks olema 170 Lähikuudel säilitatakse reformi tempo, et taastada stabiil- miljardit eurot, mis moodustab 1,2% ELi SKPst, et olu- sus ja kaitsta Euroopa elanike ja ettevõtjate huve. liselt ja kiiresti mõjutada Euroopa majandust ja tööhõivet positiivses suunas lisaks automaatsetele stabiliseerivale Praegu on aga oluline, et pangad täidaksid oma tavapärast rollile. Kulutusi ja/või maksukärpeid hõlmav eelarve sti- rolli, milleks on likviidsuse tagamine ja reaalmajandusse muleerimine peaks olema kooskõlas stabiilsuse ja kasvu tehtavate investeeringute toetamine. Liikmesriigid peaksid pakti pakutava paindlikkusega ning tugevdama Lissaboni pangandussektorile antavaid suuri rahalisi toetusi kasuta- strateegia struktuurireforme. Kõnealune eelarve stimulee- ma ära selleks, et soodustada tavapärase laenutegevuse jät- rimine peaks olema ajutine. Liikmesriigid peaksid võtma kumist ja tagada, et keskpanga intresside langetamise mõju kohustuse korrigeerida eelarvepuudujäägid ja taas püüdma avalduks ka laenusaajatele. Komisjon jälgib jätkuvalt seda, saavutada keskpika perioodi eesmärgid. kuidas pangandussektori toetamiseks võetud meetmed mõjutavad majandust ja konkurentsivõimet. Selleks et eelarve stimuleerimise mõju saaks maksimeeri- da, tuleks arvesse võtta iga liikmesriigi lähtepositsiooni. 2.1.3. Euroopa Keskpanga ning Euroopa Selge on see, et kõik liikmesriigid ei ole samas seisundis. Rekonstruktsiooni- ja Arengupanga roll Riikidel, kes kasutasid häid aegu ära riigi rahanduse sei- sundi tugevdamiseks ja konkurentsivõime parandamiseks, Praegune kriis vajab Euroopa Investeerimispanga grupi on nüüd rohkem tegutsemisruumi. Liikmesriigid, kelle on suuremat sekkumist. Euroopa Investeerimispank suuren- suuri probleeme maksebilansi välis- ja sisetasakaaluga (eri- dab kahel järgmisel aastal iga-aastase sekkumise ulatust ti väljaspool euroala), peaksid eelarvepoliitika teostamisel ELis ligikaudu 15 miljardi euro võrra. Kuna kõnealune keskenduma eelkõige tasakaalustamatuse vähendamisele. tegevuse suurendamine hõlmab laene, aktsiaid, tagatisi ja riskijagamisrahastut, mõjub see positiivselt erasektori täiendavate investeeringute finantsvõimendusele. Euroo- pa Investeerimispanga esitatud pakett aitab kahe järgmise Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava

Eelarve stimuleerimine peab olema hästi keskkonnas, kus on üldiselt krediidipiirangud. Nad kavandatud ja tuginema järgmistele põhimõtetele. võivad aidata saada üle lühiajalise käibekapitali puudusest, mis on praegu paljude ettevõtete jaoks 1) See peaks olema õigeaegne, ajutine, suunatud ja probleem; kooskõlastatud Liikmesriikide eelarveid stimuleerivate meetmete paketid • hästi kavandatud finantsalgatused (nt energiatõhususega peaksid olema: seotud algatused), et kiirendada majanduse kohandamist pikaajaliste selliste probleemidega nagu kliimamuutused. • õigeaegsed, et väikese nõudluse ajal saaks kiiresti toetada majandustegevust, sest viivitused pakettide • madalamad maksud ja sotsiaalkindlustusmaksed: rakendamisel võivad tähendada seda, et rahaline tööandjate makstavate sotsiaalkindlustusmaksete määra impulss antakse alles siis, kui majandus on juba vähendamisel võib olla positiivne mõju töökohtade toibumas; säilitamisele ja loomisele, samal ajal kui töötulu väiksem maksustamine võib suurendada eelkõige • ajutised, et vältida eelarveseisundi alalist halvenemist, madalapalgaliste ostujõudu; mis vähendaks stabiilsust ja nõuaks rahastamist maksude püsiva suurendamise kaudu tulevikus; • ühtse käibemaksumäära ajutine vähendamine on kiiresti kehtestatav ja võib anda fiskaalse impulsi tarbimise • suunatud majandusprobleemide tekkeallikale toetamiseks. (suurenev töötuse määr, ettevõtete/majapidamiste krediidipiirangud, jne) ja struktuurireformide 421 toetamisele, sest see aitab maksimeerida piiratud 3) Eelarvet tuleks stimuleerida stabiilsuse ja eelarvevahendite stabiliseerivat mõju; kasvu pakti raames Eelarvepoliitikat tuleb kujundada stabiilsuse ja kasvu pak- • kooskõlastatud, nii et paketid mitmekordistavad ti raames, et luua ühine ja usaldusväärne poliitikaraamis- positiivset mõju ja tagavad jätkusuutliku eelarve pikas tik. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti läbivaatamine 2005. aastal perspektiivis. võimaldab paremini arvesse võtta tsüklilisi tingimusi ja samal ajal tugevdada eelarvedistsipliini keskpikas ja pikas 2) Eelarve stimuleerimine peaks sisaldama nii tulu- perspektiivis. Selline raamistik eeldab rangemat poliitikat kui ka kuluvahendeid headel aegadel ja võimaldab suuremat paindlikkust halba- Üldiselt arvatakse, et avaliku sektori mittekohustuslikel del aegadel. Finantskriis ja majanduslangus on tekitanud kulutustel on lühiajaliselt suurem positiivne mõju nõudlu- ebatavalise olukorra, mis õigustab eelarvepoliitika kooskõ- sele kui maksukärbetel. See on seletatav sellega, et mõned lastatud lõdvendamist ELis. Seetõttu tuleb mõnel liikmes- tarbijad võivad eelistada säästmist kulutamisele, v.a juhul, riigil võib-olla ületada eelarvepuudujäägi kontrollväärtust kui maksukärped on ajutised. Arvestades liikmesriikide eri 3% SKPst. Samas tuleb ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägiga olukordi, võiks kaaluda järgmisi meetmeid19: liikmesriikidel võtta parandusmeetmeid kooskõlas majan- duse taastumise ajalise raamistikuga. See on täielikult koos- • avaliku sektori kulutused mõjutavad nõudlust kõlas stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga ette nähtud menetlustega, lühiajaliselt. Meetmed, mida saab kiiresti kehtestada mille abil kindlustatakse, et ülemäärane eelarvepuudujääk ja suunata majanduse jahenemise tõttu kõige rohkem korrigeeritakse õigel ajal, mis tagab eelarveseisundi pikaaja- kannatavatele majapidamistele, mõjutavad tõenäoliselt lise jätkusuutlikkuse. tarbimist vahetult; need meetmed hõlmavad nt ajutisi suuremaid sotsiaaltoetusi töötutele või madala Seepärast tuleb stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti kohaldada mõist- sissetulekuga majapidamistele või töötushüvitiste likult, et tagada usaldusväärne keskpika perioodi eelarve- kestuse ajutist pikendamist. Seda aitavad saavutada ka poliitika. Antitsüklilisi meetmeid kehtestavad liikmesriigid avaliku sektori investeeringud sellistesse projektidesse, peaksid esitama ajakohastatud stabiilsus- või lähenemis- millest saavad kasu VKEd ja mis aitavad toetada avaliku programmi 2008. aasta detsembri lõpuks. Kõnealuses aja- sektori pikaajalisi eesmärke, nt infrastruktuuri toetuste kohastatud programmis tuleks esitada meetmed, mida tõhustamine või kliimamuutuste vastu võitlemine; kehtestati eelarvepuudujäägi korrigeerimiseks ja jätkusuut- likkuse tagamiseks pikas perspektiivis. Seejärel hindab ko- tagatised ja laenutoetused praeguse ebatavaliselt suure • misjon eelarvet stimuleerivaid meetmeid ning stabiilsus- ja riskipreemia neutraliseerimiseks võivad olla eriti tõhusad lähenemisprogramme lähtuvalt ajakohastatud prognoo- sidest ja annab juhiseid sobiva poliitika kohta, tuginedes 19 Käesolevas dokumendis esitatud prioriteetsete valdkondadega järgmistele eesmärkidele: seotud üldised soovitused ja konkreetsed meetmed peavad olema kooskõlas siseturu- ja konkurentsieeskirjadega, eriti riigiabi eeskirjadega. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

• lühikeses perspektiivis eelarvepuudujääki suurendavate • ettevõtete regulatiivse ja halduskoormuse vähendamine: meetmete tagasipööratavuse tagamine; sellised reformid tõstavad tootlikkust ja tugevdavad konkurentsivõimet. Kiiresti rakendatavad meetmed • keskpika perioodi eelarvepoliitika parandamine hõlmavad jätkuvaid jõupingutusi, et vähendada liikmesriikide eelarveeskirjade ja -raamistike ettevõtte asutamiseks kuluvat aega. tugevdamise abil; • pikas perspektiivis riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkuse 2.3. Meetmed Lissaboni strateegia tagamine eelkõige selliste reformide abil, mis aitaksid neljas esmatähtsas valdkonnas vähendada elanikkonna vananemisest tingitud kulude suurenemist. Selleks et saada suurimat võimalikku kasu ja saavutada taastamiskava eesmärgid, milleks on kaitsta elanikke ja 4) Eelarve stimuleerimisega peaksid kaasnema hoida ära see, et kriis juhiks tähelepanu kõrvale ELi pika- struktuurireformid, mis toetavad nõudlust ja ajalistelt huvidelt ja vajaduselt investeerida oma tulevikku, parandavad vastupanuvõimet peaksid fiskaalstiimulid olema tihedalt seotud Lissaboni Kuna kohene mõju majanduskasvule ja töökohtadele strateegia nelja esmatähtsa valdkonna (inimesed, ettevõt- lühikeses perspektiivis peab tulema majandus- ja fiskaal- ted, infrastruktuur ja energeetika, teadustegevus ja inno- poliitika stimuleerimisest, peab laiaulatuslik taastamiskava vatsioon) meetmetega, nagu on esitatud käesolevas punk- sisaldama edasipüüdlikke struktuurireformikavasid, mis tis. Selle saavutamiseks annab komisjon 16. detsembril vastavad konkreetsete liikmesriikide vajadustele ja aitavad 2008 igale liikmesriigile osana oma iga-aastasest Lissaboni 422 neil kriisist tugevamana välja tulla. Osalt on see nii seepä- paketist konkreetsed juhised, mis sisaldavad soovituste rast, et mõned struktuurireformid võivad ka aidata suu- ettepanekuid. rendada kogunõudlust lühikeses perspektiivis. Lisaks on struktuurireforme vaja selleks, et lahendada praeguse kriisi ELi poliitika ja vahendite arukas kombineerimine võib soo- teatavaid algpõhjuseid ja parandada majanduse kohane- dustada oluliste investeeringute tegemist, aidates kaasa ELi misvõimet, mida on vaja kiireks taastumiseks. tulevase jätkusuutliku jõukuse saavutamisele. Sama oluline on kehtestada stabiilsed prognoositavad raamtingimused, Vastupanuvõimeline ja paindlik majandus aitab leevenda- et suurendada usaldust, soodustada investeeringuid ja lei- da majanduskriiside negatiivset mõju. Lissaboni stratee- da ühistele probleemidele kõige soodsamad lahendused. gia on juba tugevdanud Euroopa majanduse alustalasid. Mitme käesolevas punktis kavandatud meetme eesmärk on Vastavalt vajadustele kohandatud Lissaboni strateegia suunata ELi vahendid fiskaalstiimulite edendamisse ja ai- struktuurireformid võivad olla sobivad lühiajalised polii- data liikmesriikidel oma poliitika ellu viia. Teiste meetmete tikameetmed kriisi lahendamiseks, kuna nad suurendavad eesmärk on parandada tulevaste investeeringute raamtin- majanduse vastupanuvõimet ja paindlikkust. Liikmesriigid gimusi, vähendada halduskoormust ja kiirendada innovat- peaksid kaaluma järgmisi meetmeid: siooni. Kokkuvõttes moodustavad kõnealused meetmed ühtse meetmepaketi: meetmete mõju puhul eelarvele tu- • tarbijate ostujõu suurendamine turu parema toimimise leks arvestada eelmises punktis osutatud põhimõtteid. kaudu: peamiste turgude toimimist tõhustavad meetmed võivad aidata nõudlust säilitada, kuna nad 2.3.1. Kaitsta tööhõivet ja edendada aitavad hindu alandada ja toetavad seega majapidamiste ettevõtlust ostujõudu; Peamine prioriteet on Euroopa kodanike kaitsmine fi- • konkurentsiga seotud kiireloomuliste probleemide nantskriisi kõige halvema mõju eest. Selline olukord lahendamine: liikmesriikides, kellel on probleeme mõjutab neid kui töötajaid või ettevõtjaid või nende ko- inflatsiooni ja konkurentsivõimega, tuleb kiiresti dumajapidamisi kõige esimesena. Liikmesriigid peaksid võtta meetmeid, et parandada palgamehhanismi ja tööhõivega ja finantskriisi sotsiaalse mõjuga tegelemisse tootlikkuse seost; aktiivselt kaasama sotsiaalpartnerid. • tööhõive toetamine ja tööturu üleminekute lihtsustamine: praegu on tööturu peamine probleem a) Inimesed selles, kuidas nõudluse lühiajalise ebastabiilsuse Selleks et edendada tööalast konkurentsivõimet, tagada töö tõttu kannatavad tööstusharud saaksid vältida kaotanud töötajate kiire naasmine tööturule ning vältida kulukat tööjõu vähendamist. Seoses sellega võib pikaaegset töötust, on oluline rakendada aktiivse kaasa- kasu olla paindlikumast tööajast või tõhusamatest mise ja ühtse turvalise paindlikkuse poliitikat, milles kes- tööturuasutustest; kendutakse inimeste tööturule tagasitoomise meetmetele, ümberõppele ja oskuste täiendamisele. Selles kontekstis on Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava oluline pakkuda ka asjakohast sotsiaalkaitset, mis pakub stiimuleid töötamiseks, säilitades samas ostujõu. 2. Luua nõudlus tööjõu järele • Liikmesriigid peaksid kaaluma tööandjate madala sissetulekuga tööjõu eest makstavate 1. Käivitada oluline Euroopa algatus tööhõive sotsiaalmaksude vähendamist, et edendada toetamiseks madalama kvalifikatsiooniga töötajate a) Komisjon teeb ettepaneku lihtsustada Euroopa tööalast konkurentsivõimet. Liikmesriigid Sotsiaalfondist toetuse saamise kriteeriume ja teha peaksid ka kaaluma selliste uuenduslike ettemakseid alates 2009. aasta algusest senisest lahenduste (nt teenuste ja lastehoiukupongid kiiremini, pakkudes liikmesriikidele senisest varem kodumajapidamiste toetamiseks, ajutine täiendavalt kuni 1,8 miljardit eurot, mille abil toetus haavatavate rühmade värbamiseks) tuleb teha järgmist: kasutuselevõttu, mis on mujal ELis juba andnud häid tulemusi; • kiiresti tugevdada turvalise paindlikkuse strateegiate raames eelkõige madala • nõukogu peaks enne Euroopa Ülemkogu kvalifikatsioonigatöötajate tööturule 2009. aasta kevadist kohtumist võtma vastu tagasitoomise kavasid, mis sisaldavad kavandatud direktiivi, et muuta töömahukate individuaalset nõustamist, töötajate mahukat teenuste suhtes kohaldatavad vähendatud (ümber)õpet ja kvalifikatsiooni tõstmist, käibemaksumäärad alaliseks. praktikat, subsideeritud tööhõivet ning toetust 423 füüsilisest isikust ettevõtjana töötamiseks ja ettevõtte asutamiseks; b) Ettevõtjad • muuta kõnealuseid kavu, et toetus oleks Erasektori investeeringute, majanduskasvu ja töökohtade suunatud kõige haavatavamatele, ning vajaduse loomise eeltingimus on piisav ja taskukohane juurdepääs korral võimaldada sel ajavahemikul projektide rahastamisele. Liikmesriigid peavad kasutama oma mõju, täies mahus rahastamine ühenduse vahenditest; mis kaasneb pangandussektorile pakutava olulise rahalise toetusega, et tagada pankade tavalise laenutegevuse jät- • täiustada oskuste arendamise ja parandamise kumine. Selleks et toetada väikeettevõtjaid ja ettevõtlust, jälgimist ning kooskõla olemasolevate ja peavad EL ja liikmesriigid võtma kiiresti meetmeid, et eeldatavate vabade töökohtadega. See viiakse märkimisväärselt vähendada VKEde ja mikroettevõtjate ellu tihedas koostöös sotsiaalpartnerite, riiklike halduskoormust, analüüsides selleks esmajoones komis- tööhõiveametite ja ülikoolidega; joni vastavaid ettepanekuid. Selle saavutamiseks tuleks ka Euroopa väikeettevõtluse algatust („Small Business Act”) koostöös liikmesriikidega teeb komisjon ettepane- hakata rakendama võimalikult kiiresti. ku muuta Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi kulusid, et tagada vahetute prioriteetide täitmine. ELi riigiabieeskirjad pakuvad liikmesriikidele mitmeid b) Komisjon teeb ka ettepaneku vaadata läbi võimalusi anda ettevõtjatele, piirkondadele ja töötajatele/ Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa Fondi töötutele rahalist abi ning ergutada nõudlust. Samal ajal eeskirjad, et ta saaks sekkuda senisest kiiremini tagatakse nende eeskirjadega võrdsed võimalused. Nimelt olulistesse valdkondadesse kas kaasrahastades töö tagatakse, et riigiabi antakse selliste ELi eesmärkide nagu kaotanud töötajate koolitamist ja praktikavõima- teadus- ja arendustegevus ning innovatsioon, info- ja side- lusi või hoides tööturul kvalifitseeritud töötajaid, tehnoloogia, transpordi ja energiatõhusus toetamiseks ning keda on taas vaja majanduse taastumise korral. see ei moonuta põhjendamatult konkurentsi, eelistades Komisjon vaatab seoses muudetud eeskirjade ra- teatavaid ettevõtjaid või valdkondi. Praeguste erakorralis- kendamisega läbi ka kõnealuse fondi olemasolevad te asjaolude tõttu on ettevõtjate peamiseks mureks juur- eelarvevahendid. depääs rahastamisele ning komisjon töötab välja ajutised suunised, mille kohaselt võib riik laene toetada (vt allpool). EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

3. Parandada ettevõtjate juurdepääsu 4. Vähendada halduskoormust ja edendada rahastamisele ettevõtlust • Euroopa Investeerimispank on koostanud 30 Tuginedes Euroopa väikeettevõtluse algatusele ning miljardi euro suuruse laenukava VKEdele, mida selleks et märkimisväärselt vähendada ettevõtjate on võrreldes tema tavalise laenumahuga sellele halduskoormust, edendada nende rahavooge ja ai- sektorile suurendatud 10 miljardi euro võrra; data senisest rohkematel inimestel hakata tegelema ettevõtlusega, peaksid EL ja liikmesriigid tegema • Euroopa Investeerimispank suurendab ühe järgmist: miljardi euro võrra ka laenumahtu, mis on suunatud ELi majanduse oluliseks osaks ettevõtet olevatele keskmise suurusega ettevõtjatele. • tagama, et oleks võimalik üle kogu luua Lisaks eraldab Euroopa Investeerimispank ELi kolme päeva jooksul ilma ühegi kuluta täiendavalt üks miljard eurot Euroopa ning et esimese töötaja värbamisega seotud Investeerimisfondi vahefinantseerimisrahastusse; formaalsused saaks täita ühtse kontaktpunkti kaudu; • komisjon koostab lihtsustamispaketi, et eelkõige kiirendada oma otsuste tegemist riigiabi • tühistama mikroettevõtjatele kehtestatud nõude valdkonnas. Riigiabi tuleks anda horisontaalse koostada igal aastal raamatupidamisaruanne kava alusel, mis on loodud eelkõige selliste (sellised ettevõtjad säästavad hinnanguliselt seitse 424 Lissaboni eesmärkide edendamiseks nagu miljardit eurot aastas) ning vähendama Euroopa teadustegevus, innovatsioon, koolitus, eraühingu kapitalinõude ühe euroni; keskkonnakaitse ja eelkõige keskkonnasäästlikud • kiirendama kavandatud Euroopa osaühingu tehnoloogiad, transport ja energiatõhusus. põhikirja vastuvõtmist, et alates 2009. aasta Komisjon lubab ajutiselt liikmesriikidel algusest saaks selle alusel hõlbustada VKEde subsideeritud tagatiste ja subsideeritud piiriülest ettevõtlust ning et see võimaldaks neil laenude kaudu lihtsustada ettevõtjate tegutseda kogu ELis ühiste ettevõtluseeskirjade juurdepääsu rahastamisele, et edendada alusel; investeeringuid toodetesse, mis ületavad ELi keskkonnanõudeid.20 • tagama, et ametiasutused maksavad tarnete ja teenuste eest esitatud arved ühe kuu jooksul, sealhulgas VKEdele, et leevendada likviidsuspiiranguid, ja peavad e-arveid paberkandjal esitatud arvetega samaväärseks (see võib tuua kaasa 18 miljardi euro suuruse kokkuhoiu). Samuti peaksid avalik-õiguslikud asutused tasuma varem tekkinud võlad; • vähendama patenditaotluste riigilõivu kuni 75% võrra ning säilitama ja vähendama ELi kaubamärgiga seotud kulusid poole võrra.

2.3.2. Jätkata investeerimist tulevikus Praegu on algamas oluline struktuurne muutus, mille raa- mes minnakse üle vähese süsinikdioksiidiheitega majan- dusele. See annab ELile võimaluse luua uusi ettevõtteid, tööstusi ja miljoneid uusi hästitasustatud töökohti. Osa- lema peavad kõik sektorid: näiteks eraldati hiljutise ühise 20 Selleks suurendatakse riskikapitali puhul ajutiselt põllumajanduspoliitika läbivaatamist käsitleva otsusega garantiipreemiate „safe-harbour” künnist praeguselt kolm miljardit eurot kliimasõbralikeks investeeringuteks 1,5 miljonilt eurolt 2,5 miljoni euroni ning lubatakse maaelu arengusse. Sellega seoses saavad lühiajalised meet- teatud tingimustel ja teatud ülemmäärade piires a) anda med anda nii kohest kui ka pikaajalist kasu ELile. Selleks laenutagatise vormis abi teatavatele ettevõtjatele, kellel on raskusi laenude saamisega, ning b) anda VKEdele abi kuni et investeerida senisest kiiremini, nimelt teha olulisi inf- 50% ulatuses ning suurettevõtjatele kuni 25% ulatuses sellise rastruktuuriinvesteeringuid ja hõlbustada kombineeritud investeerimislaenu viitemäärast, mis on suunatud selliste rahastamist, täpsustab komisjon õiguslikku raamistikku toodete valmistamiseks, mis vastavad juba praegu ühenduse seoses avaliku sektori ja erasektori partnerlusega. uutele standarditele, millega tõstetakse keskkonnakaitse taset ja mis ei ole veel jõustunud, või ületavad neid standardeid. Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava c) Infrastruktuur ja energeetika • Peaksid liikmesriigid kasutama selliseid Selleks et suurendada kasu ja vähendada kulusid on oluline paindlikke võimalusi ja eraldama kasutada võimalusi, et suurendada näiteks hoonete, val- kiirkorras vahendeid, suurendades seega gustuse, jahutus- ja küttesüsteemide ning muude tehno- ühendusepoolset rahastamist. loogiate nagu sõidukid ja masinad energiatõhusust. Olulist positiivset mõju saab lühikese aja jooksul tekitada nii ko- • Soovitab komisjon mitmeid muidki dumajapidamistele kui ka ettevõtjatele. meetmeid suuremate investeeringuprojektide kiiremaks käivitamiseks, sealhulgas Samal ajal peab Euroopa senisest kiiremini investeerima finantskorraldusvahendite kasutamise oma infrastruktuuri, eelkõige üle-euroopalistesse võrku- hõlbustamine, riigiabi raames väljamakstavate desse kuuluvatesse keskkonnasäästlikesse transpordilii- ettemaksete käsitlemise lihtsustamine ja kidesse, kiiret andmevahetust pakkuvatesse info- ja side- kõigi fondide abikõlblike kulutusvõimaluste tehnoloogia võrgustikesse, energiavõrkude sidumisse ning laiendamine ühtse määra alusel. üleeuroopalistesse teadusuuringute infrastruktuuri. Infra- Rõhutab komisjon vajadust võtta need ettepanekud struktuuriinvesteeringute kiirendamine ei leevenda mitte vastu võimalikult kiiresti. ainult probleeme ehitussektoris, mille kasv on enamikes liikmesriikides järsult pidurdunud, vaid see suurendab ka Euroopa pikemaajalise jätkusuutliku kasvu potentsiaali. • Enne 2009. aasta märtsi lõppu kuulutab Eelkõige energeetikasektoris aitaksid mitmed kõrgetase- komisjon välja üleeuroopaliste 425 melised üleeuroopalised projektid suurendada ELi ener- transpordiprojektide (TEN-T) konkursi mahus giavarustuse kindlust ning integreerida senisest rohkem 500 miljonit eurot, mille tulemusel algavad liikmesriike Euroopa elektrivõrku. ehitustööd enne 2009. aasta lõppu. See toob käibesse olemasolevad vahendid, mis oleksid 2010. aastal mitmeaastase TEN-T programmi 5. Suurendada investeeringuid Euroopa vahekokkuvõtte alusel ümber jaotatud. infrastruktuuri ajakohastamiseks • Samaaegselt suurendab Euroopa • Vähemalt kahe järgneva aasta jooksul ei Investeerimispank märgatavalt ehk kuni 6 kasutata tõenäoliselt kõiki finantsraamistikus miljardi euro võrra aastas kliimamuutuse, sätestatud ELi eelarvelisi vahendeid. Seega energiavarustuskindluse ja infrastruktuuriga teeb komisjon teeb ettepaneku suunata 2009. seotud investeeringute rahastamist, kiirendades ja 2010. aastal täiendavalt 5 miljardit eurot samas koostöös komisjoniga väljatöötatud üleeuroopalistesse energiaühendustesse ja kahe innovatiivse rahastamisvahendi lairiba-infrastruktuuri projektidesse. Selle rakendamist (riskijagamisrahastu teadus- ja teostumiseks peavad nõukogu ja parlament arendustöö toetamiseks ning TEN-T projektide olema nõus finantsperspektiivi muutmisega laenutagamisvahendid erasektori aktiivsemaks jooksva eelarve piirides. kaasamiseks). • Ajavahemikuks 2007–2013 kavandatud rohkem • Euroopa Rekonstruktsiooni- ja Arengupank kui 347 miljardi euro suurune rahastamispakett enam kui kahekordistab oma panuse on ühtekuuluvuspoliitika raames oluline energiavarustuskindluse tagamisse, täiendus avalikele investeeringutele nii kliimamuutuse leevendamisse ning liikmesriikide kui ka piirkondlikul tasandil. omavalitsuste ja infrastruktuuriteenuste Kuid on oht, et surve riigieelarvetele aeglustab rahastamisse. See võib erasektori ka kavandatud investeerimistempot. Et aidata mobiliseerimise kaasabil tähendada koheselt kaasa majanduse taaselustamisele, investeeringuid 5 miljardi euro ulatuses. tuleks kiirendada struktuurifondide kasutusse võtmist. Sel eesmärgil: • Teeb komisjon ettepaneku suurendada omapoolset programmide eelrahastamist ning teha 2009. aasta esimesel poolel kättesaadavaks kuni 4,5 miljardit eurot. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

6. Parandada ehitiste energiatõhusust 7. Aidata kaasa „roheliste toodete” levikule Liikmesriigid ja ELi institutsioonid peaksid koos- • Komisjon teeb ettepaneku vähendada roheliste töös võtma kiiresti meetmeid, et parandada elamu- toodete ja teenuste käibemaksu, mis on fondi ja avalike hoonete energiatõhusust ning aidata suunatud eelkõige ehitiste energiatõhususe kaasa „roheliste” toodete levikule. suurendamisele. See julgustab liikmesriike pakkuma tarbijatele uusi stiimuleid • Liikmesriigid peaksid võtma kohustuse keskkonnahoidlike toodete nõudluse tagada avalike hoonete ja nii era- kui ka kasvatamiseks. sotsiaalmajade vastavus kõige rangematele • Samuti peaksid liikmesriigid kehtestama energiatõhususe Euroopa normidele ning nende keskkonnatoimega seotud nõuded energiatõhususe korrapärase sertifitseerimise. välistoiteallikatele, elektrikulule oote- või Liikmesriigid peaksid oma sisenormide väljalülitatud režiimis, digiboksidele ja täitmise eesmärgil kaaluma energiatõhusate luminofoorlampidele. ehitiste puhul kinnisvaramaksu vähendamist. Komisjon esitas hiljuti oma ettepanekud21 • Komisjon koostab lähemal ajal ehitiste energiatõhususpõhimõtete põhjalikuks meetmed, mis käsitlevad teisi väga suure uuendamiseks ning palub nõukogul ja energiasäästupotentsiaaliga tooteid, nagu parlamendil need võimalikult kiiresti vastu televiisorid, koduvalgustus, külmikud ja 426 võtta. sügavkülmikud, pesumasinad, boilerid ja kliimaseadmed. • Lisaks peaksid liikmesriigid läbi vaatama struktuurifondide rakenduskavad, et eraldada rohkem vahendeid d) Teadus- ja arendustegevus investeeringuteks energiatõhususse, sealhulgas sotsiaalelamumajanduses. Lisavõimaluste Finantskriis ja sellega kaasnev rahaliste vahendite nappus loomiseks selles suunas kavandab komisjon nii avalikus kui ka erasektoris võib anda põhjuse lükata muudatusettepanekut struktuurifondide edasi või suurel määral kärpida kavandatud investeeringuid eeskirjadesse ning rõhutab vajadust muudatused teadus- ja arendustegevusse ning haridusse, nagu see on kiiresti vastu võtta. majanduse jahtudes Euroopas varemgi juhtunud. Nüüd ta- gasi vaadates on selliste otsustega tehtud korvamatut kahju • Komisjon teeb koostööd Euroopa nii kapitali liikumisele kui ka teadmiste valdkonnas ning Investeerimispanga ja mitmete riiklike neil on olnud väga halb mõju Euroopa majanduskasvule arengupankadega aastani 2020 toimiva energia-, ja tööhõivele keskpikas ja pikaajalises perspektiivis. Kuid kliimamuutuste ja infrastruktuurivajadusi Euroopas ja sellest väljaspool on ka näiteid riikide kohta, teenindava fondi loomiseks, et rahastada kellel on olnud ettenägelikkust suurendada majanduslikult omakapitalil või kvaasikapitalil põhinevaid rasketel aegadel kulutusi teadus- ja arendustegevusele ning projekte. haridusele, millega loodi alus edasisele tugevale positsioo- • Komisjon kutsub liikmesriike ja tööstusharu nile innovatsioonivallas. üles töötama viivitusteta välja innovatiivsed rahastamismudelid, näiteks põhjalike uuendustööde rahastamine energiasäästust 8. Suurendada investeeringuid teadus- ja tulenevatest tagasimaksetest mitme aasta arendustegevusse, innovatsiooni ning jooksul. haridusse Liikmesriigid ja erasektor peaksid suurendama ha- riduse ning teadus- ja arendustegevuse valdkonnas kavandatavaid investeeringuid (kooskõlas oma riigi teadus- ja arendustegevuse eesmärkidega), et ergu- tada majanduskasvu ja tootlikkust. Samuti peaksid nad kaaluma võimalusi suurendada erasektori tea- dus- ja arendustegevuse investeeringuid, näiteks pakkudes rahalisi stiimuleid ja/või toetusi. Liikmes- riigid peaksid jätkama investeerimist hariduse kvali- teedi parandamisse.

21 KOM(2008) 755, 13.11.2008. Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava

9. Arendada auto- ja ehitustööstuses • Selleks et suurendada tehnoloogia kasutamist keskkonnahoidlikke tehnoloogiaid tootmises, tuleks luua „tuleviku tehaste algatus”, mille eesmärk oleks aidata ELi eri sektoritel, toetada innovatsiooni tööstuses, eelkõige Selleks et eelkõige VKEdest tootjatel kohaneda ülemaailmse ehitus- ja autotööstuses , kus nõudlus on viimasel konkurentsisurvega, suurendades ELi tootmise ajal majanduskriisi tagajärjel järsult vähenenud ja tehnoloogiabaasi. Selleks tuleks arendada ja kus tuleb teha märkimisväärseid jõupingutusi kesk- kaasata sobivaid tulevikutehnoloogiaid, nagu konnahoidlikule majandusele üleminekuks, teeb inseneritehnoloogia kohanemisvõimeliste avaliku ja erasektori va- komisjon ettepaneku luua masinate ja tööstusprotsesside väljatöötamiseks, hel 3 olulist partnerlust . info- ja sidetehnoloogia ning täiustatud materjalitehnoloogia. Nende meetmete • Autotööstuses tuleks luua „Euroopa hinnanguline eelarve on 1,2 miljardit eurot. energiasäästlike autode algatus”, mille raames uuritaks eri tehnoloogiate kasutamise 10. Kõigile kättesaadav Interneti kiirühendus võimalust ja aruka energia infrastruktuure, Interneti kiirühendus edendab tehnoloogia kiiret le- mis on vajalikud taastuvate ja saastevabade vikut, mis omakorda tekitab nõudlust uuenduslike energiaallikate kasutamiseks ning ohutuse ja toodete ja teenuste järele. Tänapäeval on Euroopa liikluse sujuvuse vallas läbimurde saavutamiseks. varustamine moodsa infrastruktuuriga sama täh- Partnerlust rahastaksid ühendus, EIP, tööstus tis, kui 19. sajandil oli raudtee ehitamine. Selleks 427 ja liikmesriigid kogusummas vähemalt et edendada traat- ja traadita side teenuste levikut 5 miljardit eurot. EIP annaks autotootjatele Euroopas ja kiirendada lisandväärtust pakkuvate tee- ja tarnijatele kulutustel põhinevaid laene, et nuste arendamist, peaksid komisjon ja liikmesriigid rahastada innovatsiooni, eelkõige tehnoloogiate tegema koostööd sidusrühmadega, et töötada välja puhul, millega parandatakse autode ohutust ja lairibateenuste strateegia, mille abil kiirendada võr- keskkonnasäästlikkust, nt elektriautod. Algatusse kude ajakohastamist ja laiendamist. Strateegiat toe- tuleks kaasata ka nõudlusega seotud meetmed, tatakse avaliku sektori vahenditest, et pakkuda lairi- nagu liikmesriikidepoolne registreerimis- ja bateenuseid ka alateenindatud ja suuremaid kulusid ringlusmaksude vähendamine väiksemate nõudvates piirkondades, kus turg ei ole konkurent- heitkogustega autode puhul ja vanade autode sivõimeline. Eesmärk peaks olema, et aastaks 2010 vanametalliks muutmine. Lisaks toetab oleks kogu Euroopas tagatud Interneti kiirühendus. komisjon piirkondlike ja kohalike omavalitsuste Olemasoleva võrgu toimimise tõhustamiseks peaksid hankevõrgustiku arendamist, selleks et katta liikmesriigid edendama konkurentsivõimelisi inves- ühiselt nõudlust keskkonnahoidlike busside ja teeringuid kiudoptilistesse võrkudesse ja heaks kiitma muude liiklusvahendite järele ning kiirendada komisjoni ettepanekud vabastada teatav spektriosa algatuse CARS21 rakendamist. traadita lairibasideks. Meetme 5 all nimetatud vahen- • Ehitussektoris tuleks luua „Euroopa deid kasutades suunab komisjon täiendavad 1 miljar- energiatõhusate ehitiste” algatus, et edendada dit eurot aastatel 2009–2010 võrkudesse tehtavatesse loodushoidlike tehnoloogiate ja energiatõhusate investeeringutesse. süsteemide ja materjalide kasutamist nii uute kui ka renoveeritavate ehitiste puhul, vähendades seeläbi oluliselt ehitiste energiatarbimist ja süsinikdioksiidi heitkoguseid22. Algatuse puhul 3. Ülemaailmsete lahenduste tuleks arvesse võtta reguleerimise ja standardimise saavutamine aspekti ja sellega peaks kaasnema piirkondlike ja kohalike omavalitsuste hankevõrgustiku loomine. Kõnealuse partnerluse hinnanguline ELi probleemid on osa ülemaailmsetest makromajandus- eelarve on 1 miljard eurot. Algatust toetataks ka likest probleemidest, mida arutati hiljuti Washingtonis infrastruktuuri ja energiatõhususe meetmete 5 ja toimunud finantsturge ja maailmamajandust käsitleval 6 all kavandatavate erimeetmete kaudu. tippkohtumisel. Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava on osa ELi tegevusest tihedama rahvusvahelise makromajan- dusliku koostöö (sealhulgas kiirelt areneva majandusega riikidega tehtav koostöö) suunas, mille eesmärk on taasta- da majanduskasv, vältida negatiivset doominoefekti ja toe- tada arengumaid. EL on viimastel aastakümnetel saanud 22 Ehitiste osakaal energiatarbimises on praegu 40%. märkimisväärset kasu suurenenud piiriülestest kapitali- ja EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kaubandusvoogudest, mis tulenevad koostööst arenenud Vahemere Liitu ja oma plaane uue idapartnerluse riikidega ja üha enam ka kiiresti areneva majandusega rii- loomiseks; kidega. Finantskriis näitas, et tänapäeva maailmas on riigid • tugevdada jõupingutusi uute ja julgete eesmärkidega muutunud üksteisest äärmiselt sõltuvaks. See, mil määral vabakaubanduslepingute sõlmimiseks teiste ja kui kiiresti ühes maailma osas kaotatud usaldus mõju- kaubanduspartneritega; tas finantsturge ja kandus üle kogu maailma majandusele, paneb mõtlema. Tänapäeval on üht süsteemi seisukohast • luua Ameerika Ühendriikide uue valitsusega olulist finantsturgu tabav vapustus ülemaailmne probleem tihedad koostöösidemed, sealhulgas transatlantilise ja seda tuleks ka vastavalt käsitleda. Seepärast peab ELi majandusnõukogu kaudu. Tõhusamat kooskõlastatud vastus majanduslangusele tingimata sisal- regulatiivkoostööd võiks arendada ka teiste tähtsamate dama tihedamat koostööd rahvusvaheliste partnerite ja or- tööstusriikidega, näiteks Kanada ja Jaapaniga; ganisatsioonidega, et tegutseda ühiselt riigisiseste ja -väliste probleemide lahendamise nimel, sealhulgas arengumaades, • jätkata dialoogi tähtsaimate kahepoolsete partneritega, kus kriisi mõju on enim tuntav. nagu Hiina, India, Brasiilia ja Venemaa, ning kasutada seda dialoogi ühtlasi riigihangete, konkurentsi ja Maailmakaubanduse jätkumise tagamine intellektuaalomandi küsimuste käsitlemiseks.

Euroopa majanduse taastumine sõltub meie ettevõtjate Kliimamuutus võimest kasutada võimalusi, mida pakuvad ülemaailmsed 428 turud. Samuti sõltub Euroopa tagasipöördumine kind- Majanduskriis tekkis ajal, kui toimumas on äärmiselt oluli- la majanduskasvu juurde tema ekspordivõimest. Avatus ne liikumine vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitava majan- kaubandussidemetele ja investeerimisvõimalustele on ka duse suunas. Kliimamuutusega võitlemise eesmärgi võib üks parimaid viise, kuidas vähendada kriisi ülemaailmset ühendada uute majanduslike võimalustega arendada uusi mõju, sest maailmamajanduse taastumine sõltub suurel tehnoloogiaid, luua töökohti ja suurendada energiavarus- määral kiiresti areneva majandusega riikide ja arengumaa- tuse kindlust. de jätkusuutlikest majandustulemustest. Detsembris kohtunud Euroopa Ülemkogu ja Euroopa Seepärast peame me kindlaks jääma avatud turgude polii- Parlamendi kokkulepe ELi-sisese kliimamuutuse strateegia tikale, hoides omaenda turu võimalikult avatud ja nõudes kohta annab ELile 2009. aastal Kopenhaagenis peetaval ka kolmandatelt riikidelt samasugust poliitikat, eelkõige ÜRO kliimamuutuste raamkonventsiooni konverentsil kinnipidamist WTO eeskirjadest. Selle eesmärgi saavuta- juhtrolli ja ülesande tagada edasipüüdliku kliimamuutust miseks peaks Euroopa võtma uusi meetmeid, et: käsitleva rahvusvahelise lepingu sõlmimine.

• jõuda WTO Doha voorus kokkuleppele ülemaailmse Arengumaade toetamine kaubanduslepingu osas. Pärast 15. novembri Washingtoni tippkohtumisel võetud uusi kohsutusi Praegune kriis tekitab lisaprobleeme arengumaadele, kel- kiirendasid komisjon ja WTO partnerid oma lel on enamasti vähim võimalusi nendega toimetulekuks. jõupingutusi, et saavutada enne aasta lõppu kokkulepe Seda olulisem on, et EL ja teised riigid täidaksid aastatu- lepingu üksikasjades. Kui Doha voor on edukas, saadab hande arengueesmärkides võetud kohustusi. Arenenud see lühemas perspektiivis kogu maailmale tugeva riigid ja piirkonnad, nagu EL, peavad tõenäoliselt leidma signaali usaldusväärsuse paranemise kohta. Aja jooksul uusi, paindlikke ja innovatiivseid vahendeid, et aidata toob see kogu maailma tarbijatele ja ettevõtjatele kasu arengumaadel toime tulla kriisi tagajärgedega, näiteks võib madalamate hindade näol, sest oluliste partnerite tuua ELi hiljutise toiduabi. turgudel seni kehtinud kõrgeid tariife kärbitakse; Kiiresti areneva majandusega riikide ja arengumaade abis- • jätkata kandidaatriikide ja Lääne-Balkani riikide tamine teel jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu suunas on oluli- majandusliku ja sotsiaalse olukorra parandamise ne teema ka 29. novembrist 2. detsembrini Dohas toimuva toetamist ELi ja kogu piirkonna huvides. Selleks arengu rahastamise rahvusvahelise konverentsi ettevalmis- on komisjon ette näinud 120 miljoni euro suuruse tamisel. Sellel konverentsil kinnitab EL, kes 2007. aastal „kriisipaketi” ja 500 miljoni euro suuruse laenu oli endiselt ülemeremaade arenguabi suurim rahastaja, rahvusvahelistelt finantsasutustelt; oma kindlameelsust saavutada ülemeremaade arenguabi • luua oma naabruskonnas laiaulatuslike ja põhjalike sihtmärgid, s.t 2010. aastaks 0,56% ja 2015. aastaks 0,7% vabakaubanduslepingute võrgustik, mis oleks samm RKT tase. EL kutsub ka teisi rahastajaid nende eesmärkide edasi integreerituma piirkondliku turu suunas. nimel pingutama. Naabruspoliitikale toetudes saab EL edasi arendada Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava

Majanduskriisi ajal on säästva arengu toetamine nii üle- parandamiseks ülemaailmseid lahendusi ja edendada meremaade arenguabi sihtmärkide ja aastatuhande aren- majanduse taastumist. gueesmärkide saavutamise kaudu kui ka üldiste valitsemis- probleemide lahendamise abil eriti oluline. Jätkusuutlikust majanduskasvust saadava kasu jagamine, kliimamuutusega võitlemine, energia- ja toiduohutus ning head valitsemista- vad on omavahel tihedalt seotud ja nende küsimuste lahen- damisel on oluline osa ka rahvusvahelistel finantsasutustel, nii nagu teistelgi rahvusvahelistel asutustel.

4. Järeldused

ELil seisavad lähikuudel ees rasked ajad, sest maailma- ja Euroopa majanduse aeglustumine mõjutab negatiivselt nii töökohti kui ka nõudlust. Siiski saavad liikmesriigid ja Euroopa institutsioonid ühiselt tegutsedes võtta meetmeid tarbijate ja ettevõtjate usalduse taastamiseks, laenamise taasalustamiseks ja majandusse investeerimise stimuleeri- 429 miseks, luues uusi töökohti ja aidates töötutel tööd leida. Käesolevas teatises esitatud Euroopa majanduse taastami- se kava eesmärk on luua alus, millele toetudes saaksid liik- mesriigid jõuda kiirele kokkuleppele Euroopa majandus taaskäivitada.

Euroopa Komisjon kutsub Euroopa Parlamenti üles Eu- roopa majanduse taastamise kava täielikult toetama.

Samuti kutsub ta 11. ja 12. detsembril 2008 kohtuvaid rii- gi- ja valitsusjuhte üles:

• kiitma heaks Euroopa majanduse taastamise kava; • taotlema, et Euroopa Komisjon ja nõukogu teeksid koostööd tagamaks, et riigi ja ELi tasandil võetavate meetmetega saavutataks vähemalt 1,5% SKP tase; • tagama, et uuendatud stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogramme, sealhulgas riikide meetmeid, hinnatakse kooskõlas stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga ettenähtud menetlustega, kasutades aga täielikult ära pakti võimaldatavat paindlikkust; • kiitma heaks Euroopa majanduse taastamise kavas nimetatud 10 meedet; õhutama nõukogu ja parlamenti kiirendama nende meetmete rakendamiseks vajalikke seadusandlikke menetlusi; • jõudma aruande põhjal, mille komisjon koostab enne 2009. aasta kevadist Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumist ja milles hinnatakse kava rakendamisel saavutatud edu, kokkuleppele määrata ELi ja liikmesriikide tasandil kindlaks täiendavad taastamist toetavad meetmed; • jätkama tihedat koostööd rahvusvaheliste partneritega, et leida maailmas toimuva üle otsustamise

Finantskriisist taastumine: Euroopa tegevusraamistik

KOMISJONI TEATIS BRÜSSEL, 29. OKTOOBER 2008 KOM(2008) 706

Kooskõlastatud tegevus ELi EL peaks sellele edule toetudes tegelema ühiselt ja kooskõ- lastatult kriisi järgmiste etappidega, muutes need väljakut- 431 tasandil sed võimalusteks, lisades majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsit- levasse Lissaboni strateegiasse valitud lühiajalisi meetmeid. Ennenägematu kriis rahvusvahelistel finantsturgudel on Käesolevas teatises esitatakse kolmes osas lähenemisviis, ELi jaoks tõsine väljakutse. Kõigi 27 liikmesriigi kooskõ- mis töötatakse välja üldiseks ELi taastusmeetmete kavaks lastatud tegevus ELi tasandil võimaldas Euroopa pangan- või raamistikuks: dussüsteem stabiliseerida. Finantssüsteemi jaoks väga vaja- liku likviidsuse taastamiseks peab meetmete rakendamine • Uus finantsturu ülesehitus ELi tasandil toimuma kiiresti. Kuid finantskriis ei ole veel läbi ja süven- dab juba suurt langust, mis mõjutab majandust laiemalt, • Tegelemine reaalmajandusele avalduvate mõjudega sealhulgas majapidamisi, ettevõtjaid ja töökohti. Euroopa • Üleilmne vastus finantskriisile majandust tabavad vapustused vähendavad tõenäoliselt keskmise pikkusega perioodil potentsiaalset kasvumäära Käesolev teatis esitatakse komisjoni panusena ELi sees käi- ning kahandavad aastatel 2009 ja 2010 märkimisväärselt mas olevasse ja rahvusvaheliste partneritega peetavasse aru- tegelikku majanduskasvu. Kuna investeerimisel ei olda ris- tellu, milles käsitletakse viise, kuidas tulla võimalikult hästi kialtid, avaldab see kahjulikku survet tootlusele ja kannata- toime praeguse kriisi ja selle järelmõjudega. 26. novembril da võivad uuendused. esitab komisjon majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsitleva Lis- saboni strateegia raames üksikasjalikuma taastamismeet- Euroopa tugevus seisneb ühtekuuluvuses ja võimes koos meid käsitleva ELi raamistiku, millesse koondatakse mitu tegutseda. Erineval moel ja määral, mõjutab kriis kõiki konkreetset lühiajalist algatust, mille eesmärk on hõlbusta- liikmesriike ja on tõenäoline, et suureneb töötus, nõudlus da laiemate majandusmõjude neutraliseerimist ning Lissa- väheneb ning riigi rahandusolukord halveneb. Ühismeet- boni strateegia keskmiste ja pikaajaliste meetmete kohan- med on vastusena tõhusamad ja usaldusväärsemad. Kui iga damist kriisist lähtuvalt. liikmesriik tegutseks omaette, ei kannaks nende jõupingu- tused vilja. Ka võib see avaldada ebasoovitavat kõrvalmõju teistele liikmesriikidele. 1. Uus finantsturu ülesehitus ELi tasandil Asjaolu, et EL oli võimeline kollektiivselt tegutsema pan- gandussektori stabiliseerimise nimel, kui surve finantstur- gudel oli suurim, oligi edu võtmeks. Õigeks lähenemis- Euroopa finantssektori juhtimine kriisist viisiks osutus riiklike meetmete kooskõlastamine selgete välja ELi põhimõtete alusel, mida täiendasid ELi otsemeetmed. Neid meetmeid täiendas otsustav, kooskõlastatud ja tõhus Tihedas koostöös on liikmesriigid ja komisjon leppinud tegevus, mida ELi tasandil juhtisid nõukogu eesistujariik kokku mitmes kiirmeetmes, et kaitsta kodanike säästusid Prantsusmaa, komisjon ja Euroopa Keskpank, ning riikli- ja päästa raskustesse sattunud panku. Esialgne reaktsioon kul tasandil liikmesriigid koostöös Euroopa Parlamendiga. eri meetmetele krediiditurgudel on olnud soodne, kuid EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

need meetmed tuleb kiiresti rakendada ja nende mõju Komisjon on esitanud ettepanekud, mis käsitlevad hoius- pidevalt hinnata. ELi konkurentsipoliitika moodustab te tagamist ja kapitalinõudeid ning protsüklilisuse ohtu kooskõlastatud tegevuse põhialuse, säilitades liikmesriikide seoses reguleerimise mõjude ja raamatupidamisstandardi- võimaluse sekkuda vastavalt riiklikele tingimustele ja vaja- tega. Komisjon esitab varsti ettepanekud, mis käsitlevad dusele23. Komisjon tagab ausa konkurentsi riigiabi saajate krediidireitinguagentuure ja ettevõtete juhtivtöötajate ja mittesaajate vahel nagu varemgi. tasustamist. Samuti on käivitatud töö kapitaliturgude jä- relevalve ja riskijuhtimise, sealhulgas tuletisinstrumenti- Siiski on üleilmse finantssüsteemi olukord ebakindel ja de, riskimaandusfondide ja riskikapitali nõuetekohasuse laenuraha järsu vähenemise oht püsib. Strateegiat Euroo- kontrollimiseks. Komisjon julgustab nõukogu ja Euroopa pa finantssektori juhtimiseks kriisist välja tuleb rakendada Parlamenti neid ettepanekuid eelisjärjekorras käsitlema, et kohe. EL peab jätkama kooskõlastatud tegevust, et krii- tõhustatud õigusloomet ja järelevalvet saaks rakendada või- sist võimalikult kiiresti ja edukalt välja tulla. Eelkõige on malikult ruttu ja seeläbi taastada usaldust finantssüsteemi oluline: vastu.

• finantssüsteemide jätkuv tugev toetamine Euroopa Nende meetmete abil tegeletakse tuvastatud puudujääki- Keskpanga ja muude keskpankade vahenditest. dega ja need aitavad taastada usaldust süsteemi vastu ter- Keskpangad on näidanud muljetavaldavat paindlikkust vikuna. Me peame uuesti määratlema ELi finantssektori ja leidlikkust pangandussektorile piisava likviidsuse õigusliku ja järelevalvemudeli, eelkõige suurte piiriüleste pakkumisel ja selle tagamisel, et kriis ei leviks finantsinstitutsioonide puhul. ELi praegune riigipõhine 432 finantssüsteemi muudele osadele. ELi järelevalvekord piirab tõhusa makrousaldatavusnõue- tele vastava järelevalve ulatust. Komisjon on De Larosière • Liikmesriikide koostatud pankade päästeplaanide rühma24 kaasamise kaudu käivitanud töö tulevikunõuetele kiire ja järjepidev rakendamine. See on vajalik ELi vastava järelevalvesüsteemi väljatöötamiseks. pangandussektori usaldusväärsuse kiireks taastamiseks ja seeläbi majandusliku kahju piiramiseks, samuti kiire ja jätkusuutliku taastumise tingimuste 2. Tegelemine reaalmajandusele loomiseks. Järjepidevus on vajalik, et optimeerida ELi päästeplaanide kogumõju, vältida siseturu avalduvate mõjudega: killustumist ja säilitada aus konkurents riigiabi saajate taastamismeetmete raamistik ja mittesaajate vahel. • Otsustavad meetmed kriisi leviku tõkestamiseks Laenuraha järsu vähenemise mõju laiemale majandusele liikmesriikide vahel. Finantskriis on nüüd hakanud annab ennast tunda läbi kasvava töötusetaseme ja vähe- mõjutama hiljuti ühinenud Kesk- ja Ida-Euroopa nenud nõudluse igas suuruses ettevõtjate kaupade ja tee- liikmesriike. Selleks et seda ohtu hajutada, on EL nuste järele. Poliitikavahendid tööhõivega tegelemiseks koos Rahvusvahelise Valuutafondiga valmis andma ja nõudluse suurendamiseks on peamiselt liikmesriikide märkimisväärset keskmise pikkusega finantsabi neile kätes. Siiski annab ELi mõõde riiklikele meetmetele lisa- liikmesriikidele, kes tunnevad survet maksebilansile või väärtuse. Nagu Lissaboni strateegia positiivsed tulemused suurt ohtu finantsstabiilsusele. on näidanud, saab saavutada märkimisväärset lisakasu, kui liikmesriigid ja komisjon teevad majanduskasvu ja tööhõi- Tõhustatud õigusloome ja järelevalve ve suurendamiseks koostööd. tagamine Siiski peab EL praegust kriisi arvestades kohandama Lis- Samaaegselt kriisi stabiliseerimisega on tarvis liikuda pan- saboni strateegia keskmisi ja pikaajalisi meetmeid. Struk- gandussektori ümberkorraldamise poole ja tulevikus pan- tuurireformi kavasse tuleb lisada lühiajalised meetmed, gad erasektorile tagastada. Komisjon teeb vahetut koostööd jätkates samas panustamist tulevikku: liikmesriikidega, et tagada pangandussektori osaline üm- berkorraldamine viisil, mis tagab tulevikus selles sektoris 24 Rühma ülesandeks on kaaluda Euroopa finantsinstitutsioonide eluterve konkurentsi. Eraisikutel ja -ettevõtjatel on tarvis ülesehitust, et tagada usaldusväärsus, turgude korrapärane kindlat ja stabiilset pangandussüsteemi, et nad saaksid oma toimimine ja tugevam Euroopa tasandi koostöö investeerimisplaane rahastada ja et kogu ühiskond saaks finantsstabiilsusest ülevaate saamise, varase hoiatamise kasu meetmetest, mõistlike krediidivõimaluste tagamiseks. mehhanismide ja kriisiohje valdkondades, sealhulgas piiri- ja valdkonnaüleste ohtudega tegelemisel. Samuti jälgib rühm koostööd ELi ja muude peamiste jurisdiktsioonide 23 Komisjon on võtnud vastu teatise, mis käsitleb riigiabi vahel, et aidata tagada finantsstabiilsust üleilmsel tasandil. eeskirjade kohaldamist meetmete suhtes, mida on võetud Rühma liikmed on Jacques de Larosičre (eesistuja), Leszek seoses finantsasutustega praeguse ülemaailmse finantskriisi Balcerowicz, Otmar Issing, Rainer Masera, Callum McCarthy, olukorras (ELT C 270, 25.10.2008, lk 8). Lars Nyberg, José Perez Fernandez, Onno Ruding. Finantskriisist taastumine: Euroopa tegevusraamistik

• suurendades investeeringuid teadus- ja arendustegevuse toetamise kaudu lühiajalised stabiliseerimisvajadused ja innovatsiooni ja haridusse; pikaajalise struktuurireformiga seotud nõuded. Pakti ra- kendamine peaks tagama selle, et mis tahes liikmesriigi • edendades kaitstud paindlikkuse kui viisi, mille abil finantsseisundi halvenemisega kaasnevad olukorrale vas- saab töökohtade asemel kaitsta inimesi ja neile uusi tavad struktuurireformimeetmed, kus juures tagatakse oskusi anda; jätkusuutlikku seisundi taastamine. Eelarvepoliitika peaks • kergendades ettevõtjate, eelkõige VKEde täielikult arvesse võtma asutamislepingus ja läbivaadatud halduskoormust, et arendada riiklikke ja rahvusvahelisi stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktis lubatud paindlikkust ning arves- turge; tama järgmisi põhimõtteid: • muutes Euroopa konkurentsivõime suurendamise • eelarvepoliitika peaks jätkama jätkusuutlikku suunda, kaudu meie majandust keskkonnasõbralikumaks, et vastata ootustele kriisi läbimõeldud lahendamise luues nii uusi töökohti ja tehnoloogiaid, ületades suhtes; energiavarustuskindlusega seotud piirangud ja saavutades keskkonnaalaseid eesmärke. • kaaluda võiks võimalust arvestada erinevusi riikide eelarvega seotud manööverdamisruumi suuruses Mida kooskõlastatumalt Euroopa tegutseb, seda suure- tingimusel, et riiklikud eelarvepädevad institutsioonid mad on nende meetmete positiivsed mõjud. Tuginedes ja keskpika perioodi eelarveraamistik on tugevad ja Lissaboni strateegiale omasele partnerlust pooldavale lähe- usaldusväärsed; nemisviisile, kutsume me liikmesriike uute väljakutsetega võitlemiseks üles nõustuma kooskõlastatusega kõrgemal • struktuurireformikava ulatuse puhul peaks pöörama 433 tasandil. tähelepanu eelkõige neile reformidele, mis tugevadavad taastumisvõimet ja tõhustavad jätkusuutlikkust pikema Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakt aja vältel; • reformid, millega toetatakse lühiajalist nõudlust, Võttes arvesse vapustuste kõiki liikmesriike hõlmavat ole- peaksid olema täpselt ajastatud, suunatud ja ajutised. must ja asjaolu, et inflatsioonisurve on vähenemas, võib rahandus- ja fiskaalpoliitika aidata kaasa nõudluse suuren- Ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust tuleks vaadel- damisele. Kahaneva tulu tõttu halveneb valituste eelarvesei- da vastastikuse toetusena, mille abil on võimalik ületada sund tulevaste aastate jooksul tõenäoliselt oluliselt. Kui osa praegused raskused ja tagada pikaajaline jätkusuutlikkus. tulude vähenemisest on seotud majandustegevuse aeglus- Tuleb teha selget vahet poliitikavigadest tulenevate eelar- tumisega, siis sellel osal, mis on seotud teatavate sektorite, veliste tagajärgede vahel ja tsükliliste mõjude, sealhulgas nt liigsuure kinnisvarasektori kohandamisega, on tuludele finantskriisi päästepakettide tagajärgede vahel. Eelkõige püsivam mõju. Prognoositakse, et kogu ELis väheneb eel- võetakse päästeplaanide tõttu suurenenud võlataset arvesse arve järgmise aasta jooksul üle ühe protsendipunkti SKTst, järelevalveprotsessis. kusjuures liikmesriigiti on olukord väga erinev. See võib lühiajaliselt osaliselt pehmendada majanduse aeglustumi- Reformi ja investeeringute kiirendamine sega kaasnevat lööki, kuid seda eelarveseisundi halvenemi- se hinnaga juba enne seda, kui finantssektori päästeplaane Euroopa majandust tabanud vapustused vähendavad tõe- arvesse jõutakse võtta. Siiski võib oodata, et peamiselt tänu näoliselt võimalikku kasvumäära ja suurendavad töötust, stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti rakendamisele jääb ELi eelarve- vähendades seetõttu nõudlust. Struktuurireformid on see- puudujääk eelkõige euroalas alla 3% SKTst. ga olulised nõudluse lühiajaliseks säilitamiseks ning hõl- bustavad lühikese ja keskpika perioodi vältel liikumist töö- Kui suuremal osal finantsstabiilsuse toetuseks võetavatest turul ja tööturule sisenemist ning suurendavad pikaajalist meetmetest (tagatised) ei ole eelarvepuudujäägile otsest kasvupotentsiaali. mõju, tekivad siiski tegelikud eelarvekulud selles ulatuses, milles antakse riiklikke tagatisi. Samal ajal suurendavad On eriti oluline tagada investeeringute suunatus parima võlataset ka meetmed, mida võetakse pankade rekapitali- tulemuse saavutamisele. See tähendab ettevõtjatele anta- seerimiseks. Eelarvetasakaalu struktuurilist halvenemist ar- vat ELi ja riigisektori toetust topeltmõju saavutamiseks vestades, on põhjust muretseda riigi rahanduse pikaajalise – nõudluse langust tasakaalustatakse lühiajaliselt viisil, jätkusuutlikkuse üle, seda eelkõige riikides, mida kriis on mis aitab kaasa reformidele ja ajakohastamisele pikemas kõige enam kahjustanud. perspektiivis. Olemasolevate reformiprioriteetide seas, mis on määratud kindlaks Lissaboni strateegia raames, peavad Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakt näeb ette sobiva poliitikaraa- liikmesriigid esikohale seadma võtmetähtsusega reformid, mistiku, mille abil tasakaalustada kohandamisprotsessi mis on mõeldud innovatsiooni ja tootlust suurendavate EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

investeeringute toetamiseks, koos aeglustavad need inflat- • Maksude vähendamise ja muude sihipäraste siooni ja toetavad majapidamiste sissetulekuid suunatud fiskaalmeetmete abil suurendatakse nõudlust sotsiaalkaitsemeetmete kaudu, millega toetatakse nõudlust. energiatõhusate kaupade ja teenuste järele. • ELi ettevõtjatele, sealhulgas VKEdele luuakse uusi Lisaks tuleks tegeleda küsimustega, kuidas rahastada inno- ekspordivõimalusi, kasutades selleks proaktiivset vatiivseid tehnoloogiaid, säilitada Euroopa tööstuse rah- turgude avamise kava, k.a kaubanduslepingute vusvahelist konkurentsivõimet ja rahastada VKEsid, kuna sõlmimist ja ühenduse turulepääsustrateegiat. finantssüsteemi iseloomustab pikaajaline võlgade vähenda- mise protsess ja oodata on muutusi pangandussektori ris- • Riiklikku ja ELi konkurentsipoliitikat, samuti kivalmiduses. Endiselt on vajalik keskenduda kolmandate tarbijakaitsepoliitikat tuleb kasutada turgude tõhusama riikide turgude avamisele Euroopa ettevõtjate, sealhulgas toimimise, tarbijahindade langetamise ja ühtse turu VKEde jaoks. eeliste kasutamise saavutamiseks. Tehes partneritena koostööd ja kooskõlastades oma tege- Komisjon arutab liikmesriikidega järgmisi meetmeid: vust saavad liikmesriigid ja Euroopa institutsioonid koon- dada olulised rahalised vahendid väga vajalike investeerin- • Pärast eelmisel kuul toimunud majandus- ja gute kiirendamiseks, et EL suudaks sellest kriisist väljuda rahandusministrite nõukogu mitteametlikku istungit endisest tugevamana. koostas Euroopa Investeerimispanga grupp 30 miljardi euro suuruse kava laenude andmiseks Euroopa 434 VKEdele kommertspankade kaudu. See kujutab endast Tööhõive ja sotsiaalsete mõjudega selles sektoris tavapärasest märkimisväärselt suuremat tegelemine laenu, kuid oluline on see kiiresti rakendada. Majanduslangus mõjutab perekondi, majapidamisi ja kõi- • Tihedas koostöös komisjoniga saab EIP kiirendada ge haavatavamaid inimesi meie ühiskonnas. See hakkab tööd kliimamuutuste, energiavarustuskindluse töötuse kujul juba tunda andma. EL peab tegema tööd, ja (eelkõige piiriüleste) infrastruktuuriprojektide et minimeerida mõju töökohtadele ja vältida nende ka- rahastamisel. Võib tekkida vajadus tugevdada EIP dumist, samuti peab ta kasutama oma valduses olevaid kapitalibaasi näiteks kapitali suurendamise kaudu enne vahendeid sotsiaalsete mõjude pehmendamiseks. Kuigi järgmist kavakohast suurendamist aastal 2010. peamine vastutus lasub liikmesriikidel, on ühenduse ja • Euroopa Rekonstruktsiooni- ja Arengupangal on riiklike meetmete vaheline kooskõlastatus kasulik. Komis- tähtis roll finantssektori reformis ja uute liikmesriikide jon teeb koostööd sotsiaalpartneritega, et leida kriisile pa- erasektori rahastamisel. Praeguses finantskeskkonnas rim lahendus. Julgustada tuleks valdkondi, milles töökoh- võiks tema tegevust nendes riikides tõhustada. tade loomine kasvab – isiku-, tervishoiu ja sotsiaalteenuste valdkonnas on võimalik luua palju töökohti ning see tagab • Üle 350 miljardi suuruse rahastamispaketiga juurdepääsu tööturule ja teenistusvõimalused. ajavahemikuks 2007−2013 toetatakse ühtekuuluvuspoliitika raames märkimisväärselt ELi Euroopa on juba kannatanud selle all, et ei suutnud kohal- liikmesriikide ja piirkondade riiklikke investeeringuid. dada aktiivseid tööturumeetmeid, mille kaudu aidata kaa- Komisjon kaalub koos liikmesriikidega võimalusi sa ümberõppele, uute töökohtade leidmisele ja loomisele. investeerimisprojektide kiirendamiseks ja Nüüd on pakilisem vajadus toetada liikumist tööturul ja liikmesriikidele tehtavate väljamaksete varasemaks tööturule sisenemist, nõudluse suurendamist tööjõu järele muutmiseks; ning sellele vastamist, samuti tööjõu tootlikkuse suuren- • Hulgale infrastruktuuriprojektidele, sealhulgas damist. See tähendab Lissaboni strateegia alusel loodud transpordi-, energeetika- ja kõrgtehnoloogiavõrgud, meetmete kohaldamist. Muu hulgas tuleks: otsitakse innovatiivseid rahastamisvõimalusi näiteks riigi ja erasektori partnerluste parema kasutamise vähendada töötuse mõju, pakkudes liikmesriikidele võima- kaudu; lust Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi rahastamise ümberkavandami- seks, et toetada meetmeid, mille abil töötuid kiiresti taas • Edendatakse energiatõhusust ja keskkonnasõbralikku tööturule integreerida; tehnoloogiat, näiteks ehitistes ja ökoloogiliselt puhastes autodes, mis võib pakkuda majandusele, sealhulgas • läbi vaadata Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa VKEdele uusi võimalusi, aidates samal ajal ELil täita Fondi tõhusus; kliimamuutustega seonduvaid eesmärke. • abistada töötuid uute ettevõtete kiirel ja odaval loomisel; Finantskriisist taastumine: Euroopa tegevusraamistik

• jälgida kriisi mõju eri sektoritele, mida mõjutavad parandamisega üleilmsel tasandil, vaadata läbi rahvusva- struktuurikohandused ja kasutada riigiabi andmise heliste institutsioonide roll finantsturgude järelevalves ja korda asjakohase õigeaegse, sihipärase ja ajutise toetuse kohandada tulevikus üleilmseid valitsemisstruktuure. Ko- andmiseks; misjon on aktiivselt toetanud rahvusvahelisi jõupingutusi üleilmsete investeerimisküsimustega tegelemiseks vajaliku • liikuda kaitstud paindlikkuse saavutamise suunas: ühtse raamistiku pakkumiseks, sealhulgas Rahvusvahelise eelkõige aktiivsete tööturupoliitika meetmete Valuutafondi üldiselt kokkulepitud põhimõtteid ja tavasid kasutamise, maksude ja toetuste reformimise ning seoses riiklike investeerimisfondidega. oskuste ja töökohale esitatavate nõudmiste parema vastavusseviimise kaudu. Olukord on ilmselt eriti raske tööturu vähemtasustatud osas, kus on eriti oluline Et vähendada finantskriisi ohtu tulevikus, tuleks võtta kergendada vältimatut ümberkorraldamist ja pakkuda meetmeid üleilmse finantssektori ülesehituse reformimi- sissetulekut ning sihipärast sotsiaalkaitsetoetust. seks. Meetmed peaksid üldjoontes olema seotud järgmiste valdkondadega:

3. Üleilmne vastus finantskriisile • õigusnormide, sealhulgas reformide rakendamise rahvusvahelise ühtsuse ja kvaliteedi tugevdamine Kriis on mõjutanud kõiki maailma piirkondi ja ükski neist (ECOFINi teekaartide ja finantsstabiilsuse foorumi ei tule selle mõjudega tegelemisel toime üksi. On selgeid soovituste kohaselt) ning nende laiendamine üleilmsele märke, et kriis laieneb uutele arenevatele turgudele ja tasandile; 435 suurendab arenguriikide juba olemasolevaid pingeid. On • finantskontrolli teostajate vahelise rahvusvahelise oluline, et kriisi edasist levikut tõkestatakse ja Rahvusva- kooskõlastatuse parandamine; heline Valuutafond on valmis sekkuma, pakkudes vajadu- sel erakorralist rahastamist. Euroopa teeb Rahvusvahelise • makromajandusliku järelevalve ja kriiside ärahoidmise Valuutafondiga koostööd ja kasutab eelkõige oma naaber- parandamine makro- ja mikrousaldatavusnõuete riikide aitamiseks makromajandusliku finantsabi vahendit. koondamise, finantsstabiilsuse tõhustamise ning varase Euroopa osaleb praegu aktiivselt kooskõlastatud üleilmses hoiatamise süsteemide väljatöötamise kaudu; ning tegevuses ja teeb seda ka edaspidi. • riikliku, piirkondliku ja mitmepoolse tasandi suutlikkuse tõstmine finantskriisiga tegelemiseks ja selle Praegune finantskriis on enam kui kunagi varem rõhu- lahendamiseks. tanud makromajandusliku poliitika ja finantsturgude vastastikust mõju maailmamastaabis. Sellega tegelemine Finantsstabiilsuse saavutamiseks on vajalik ka asjaomaste nõuab õigusloome ja järelevalve valdkonnas tehtud vigade institutsioonide tegevuse läbivaatamine. Ainult sel moel parandamist, samuti praeguse kriisi algpõhjuste sekka kuu- saame me jätkusuutlikul viisil kasutada üleilmsete finants- luva makromajanduse ja valuutakursi tasakaalustamatuse kriisi käsitlevate tippkohtumiste tulemusi. Kuigi praegune likvideerimist. kriis on paljastanud teatavaid puudujääke Euroopa õigus- likus raamistikus, on Euroopa just õigel positsioonil, et Finantskriis on seoses üleilmse valitsemistavaga tekita- osaleda aktiivselt uue üleilmse ülesehituse kujundamises nud küsimusi, mis ulatuvad väljaspoole finantssektorit. ja selle tõhusas toimimises. Selle töö puhul tuleks järgida Üleilmse tasakaalustamatuse küsimus on küll esiplaanile järgmisi üldpõhimõtteid: tõusnud, kuid seda tuleks vaadelda laiemas kontekstis: EL peab säilitama kohustused seoses kaubandus- ja teenus- • tõhusus: otsuste kiiruse ja kvaliteedi tagamiseks on teturgude avatusega ning tihedama mitmepoolse koos- vajalik ülemäärase sekkumiseta saavutatav tasakaal; tööga, EL peab võitlema protektsionistlike suundumuste vastu ja püüdlema soodsa tulemuse poole Maailma Kau- • läbipaistvus ja usaldusväärsus: uued või reformitud bandusorganisatsiooni Doha vooru läbirääkimistel. Peale organisatsioonid peavad olema nõuetekohaselt selle tuleb jätkusuutlikust majanduskasvust saadavat kasu vastutusvõimelised, et soodustada rakendamist ja jagada arenguriikidega, eelkõige ajal, mil toorainehinnad jõustamist; on muutlikud, ning vastata sellistele väljakutsetele nagu • esindamine: üleilmsed ühingud peaksid kaasama kliimamuutused, üleilmne heaolu ja aastatuhande aren- peamisi arenguriike, et parandada otsustamisprotsessi gueesmärkide saavutamine. õiguspärasust. ELi üldise tõhususe ja mõju suurendamiseks tuleb tegeleda Euroopa riikide ja Komisjoni osalusel käivitatud ELi algatust järgides kor- euroala esindatuse killustatusega. raldavad Ameerika Ühendriigid 15. novembril esime- se rahvusvahelise finantskriisi käsitleva kohtumise. Üks tippkohtumise eesmärke on teha algust kooskõlastatuse EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Ohud ja võimalused

EL peab kriisile vastamiseks võtma tõhusaid meetmeid. Need meetmed peavad olema arukad, et kutsuda meie ma- janduses esile õigeid muutusi, mille abil tagada, et väljume kriisist, olles valmis täielikult kasutama majanduskasvu taastumist. EL saab seda teha parimal viisil, kui haarame võimalusest ja jätkame oma majanduse ümberkorralda- mist, koolitame oma kodanikke uutele väljakutsetele vas- tama ja anname neile selleks vahendid, hoolitsedes samal ajal ühiskonna kõige haavatavamate liikmete eest, nagu on sätestatud asutamislepingu artiklis 2. Teame minevikuko- gemustest, et meie edu põhineb majanduslikust natsiona- lismist eemaldumisel ja et Euroopa majanduskasv tugineb liikmesriikidevaheliste takistuste eemaldamisele ning sise- turu ulatuse ja tugevate külgede kasutamisele.

EL on oma ajaloo vältel seisnud silmitsi mitmesuguste kriisidega ja tal on neist alati õnnestunud väljuda tugeva- 436 ma ning ühtsemana. Oleme juba näidanud, et kui meie 27 liikmesriiki ja Euroopa institutsioonid otsustavad te- gutseda koos, oleme me võimelised saavutama tulemusi ja täitma kodanike ootusi. Praegune kriis võib samuti olla võimalus Euroopa jaoks ja käeolevas dokumendis visanda- tud meetmed näitavad, kuidas me saaksime teha koostööd ELi taastumise nimel. Euroopa majanduse elavdamine

TEATIS KEVADISELE EUROOPA ÜLEMKOGULE BRÜSSEL, 4. MÄRTS 2009 KOM(2009) 114

1. Sissejuhatus normaalsete laenutingimuste taastamise eeltingimus. Vaja on suuri jõupingutuste, sest taastumine võtab aega. 437 Viimase kuue kuu jooksul on Euroopa saanud tunda üleilmse majanduskriisi enneolematut survet. See on pan- Finantsturgude stabiliseerimine ei ole veel tulemusi and- nud proovile ELi võime tegutseda paindlikult ja kiiresti. nud, et vähendada laenuraha nappust ja panna laenud ette- Olukord on tekitanud ka 27 liikmesriigis kooskõlastus- võtjate ja majapidamiste jaoks taas liikuma. Seetõttu peab probleeme ja tugevdanud vajadust nende vahelise solidaar- ka EL jätkama samas tempos finantssektori reformimist, suse järele. Eelmisel sügisel võttis EL vajalikud meetmed korraldades ümber reguleerimistegevuse ja püüdes luua tu- finantsturgude kokkuvarisemise vältimiseks. Detsembris leviku jaoks järelevalvekorra, mis oleks paremini kooskõlas nõustus EL koostama Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava tänapäeva piiriülese majanduse tegelikkusega. (edaspidi „EERP”), et peatada majanduslangus ja luua tin- gimused majanduse olukorra parandamiseks. Komisjon Laenuandmise jätkuv nappus kammitseb ka nõudluse ja ja liikmesriigid on vastanud kriisivastaste ja majanduse tarbijate usalduse suurendamiseks tehtavaid pingutusi. elavdamist ette valmistavate meetmete võtmise vajadusele Pärast elavdamiskava vastuvõtmist detsembris algas kok- positiivselt. kulepitud stiimulite paketi rakendamine. Ehkki positiiv- sete tulemuste ilmnemine majandussüsteemis võtab aega, Nüüd kus on alanud nimetatud meetmete rakendamine, genereerib fiskaalmeetmete maht (umbes 3,3% ELi SKPst hakkab endast märku andma vajadus suurema kooskõlas- ehk üle 400 miljoni euro) uusi investeeringuid, toetab tatuse järele, et maksimeerida meetmete piiriülest mõju. töötajaid ja nende perekondi ning suurendab nõudlust. Käesoleva teatise eesmärk on näha ette järgmised sammud Alanud on ka meetmete sidumine pikaajalise eesmärgiga kriisi lahendamiseks ja ELi majanduse elavnemise saavu- ehitada ELis üles konkurentsivõimeline ja jätkusuutlik tamiseks. Teatis sisaldab ambitsioonikat finantssektori re- majandus, nagu on sätestatud majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet formikava, selles antakse ülevaade nõudluse hoidmiseks, käsitlevas Lissaboni strateegias. See tagab, et EL ei võitle ai- investeerimise hoogustamiseks ja töökohtade säilitamiseks nult praeguse majanduslangusega, vaid teeb ettevalmistusi või loomiseks võetavatest meetmetest ning sätestatakse tulevikuvõimaluste maksimaalseks ärakasutamiseks. mais toimuva tööhõivealase tippkohtumise ettevalmis- tusprotsess. ELi sisesed jõupingutused asetatakse teatises Samal ajal on laienenud kriisi mõju töökohtadele. Üksik- samuti eelseisva G20 tippkohtumise valguses laiemasse isikute raskuste leevendamiseks ja väärtuslike oskuste ka- konteksti. EL peaks nimetatud tippkohtumisel esitama dumise vältimiseks on vaja sihtotstarbelisi meetmeid. Saab rahvusvahelise finantsjuhtimissüsteemi reformimise am- ja tuleb astuda samme inimeste tööhõive säilitamiseks ma- bitsioonika tegevuskava. janduslanguse ajal ning kasutada loomingulisi lahendusi jätkuvaks püüdlemiseks kõrgema kvalifikatsiooniga tööjõu Maailmamajanduse languse jätkudes väheneb nõudlus ja arendamise eesmärgi suunas. töökohtade arv, mis mõjutab kogu ELi ettevõtjaid, pere- kondi ja kogukondi. Usalduse tase on finantssektoris en- Praegune kriis on üleilmne ja sellest ei toibuta täielikult diselt madal. Ilmneb uusi puudusi ja neile tuleb reagee- enne, kui maailmamajanduse suurimad tegijad hakkavad rida kooskõlastatult. Pangandussüsteemi puhastamine on taas kasvama ja omavahel kauplema. ELis astutud sammud EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

on eeskujuks üleilmsetele partneritele ja need on aidanud pangandustööstuse kokkuvarisemise ning aitasid teataval saavutada üksmeelt, mis peaks peegelduma konkreetsetes määral taastada pankadevahelisel turul likviidsuse. meetmetes G20 eelseisval kohtumisel Londonis. On aeg hakata jälgima finantssektori toetuspakettide ellu- Kriisi arenedes on ELi mõõtme olulisus üha selgemaks viimist, et tagada nende tulemuslik rakendamine. Piiriüles- saanud. Ühisturg on olnud viimased 15 aastat ELi majan- te finantsasutuste puhul on suurel määral nii kodu- kui ka duskasvu alustala, kasvu stimuleerija, mis on loonud miljo- vastuvõtjariigi ametiasutuste huvides säilitada makroma- neid töökohti, muutes Euroopa konkurentsivõimelisemaks janduslik stabiilsus, tagades kohalike pangasüsteemide ra- ja tõhusamaks. Ühisturu tulemusena on kujunenud välja hastamine ja stabiilsus ning järgides kapitali vaba liikumise enneolematu vastastikune sõltuvus, mis tähendab seda, et põhimõtet. kaubandusettevõtjad, tarnijad, tootjad ja tarbijad on tuge- vamini seotud kui iial varem. Kõik liikmesriigid kauple- Komisjon on juba esitanud õigusloomealased ettepanekud vad omavahel rohkem kui ülejäänud maailmaga. Seetõttu pankades hoiustajate kaitse tõhustamiseks, krediidireitin- on parim viis majanduse turgutamiseks kasutada ära seda gute usaldusväärsuse suurendamiseks, väärtpaberistamis- vastastikust sõltuvust, vältides katseid elavdamismeetmete turgude stiimulite korrastamiseks ning pankade ja kind- mõju kunstlikult piirata. lustusseltside usaldatavuse ja järelevalve tugevdamiseks. Kiiresti lepiti kokku raamatupidamiseeskirjade muudatus- See rõhutab kooskõlastamise tähtsust. Ehkki liikmesriiki- tes, et tagada Euroopa finantsasutustele nende rahvusvahe- de sotsiaalne ja majanduslik olukord on erinev, on igaühel liste konkurentidega võrdsed tegutsemistingimused. Need 438 neist lai valik hoobasid oma konkreetse olukorra mõjuta- meetmed aitavad luua tuleviku jaoks tugevama ja usaldus- miseks. Need hoovad annavad kõige rohkem tulemusi, kui väärsema süsteemi. neid kasutatakse selge ELi raamistiku kohaselt. Riiklikel nõudluse suurendamise meetmetel on näiteks tihti posi- Kuid usalduse tase pangandussektoris on endiselt ma- tiivne piiriülene mõju kaupadele ja teenustele muudes liik- dal. Pangad ja muud finantsasutused tegelevad ikka veel mesriikides ning seega annavad need oma panuse Euroopa võlgade vähendamisega, ega ole naasnud oma tavapärase kui terviku majanduse elavdamisse. rolli juurde hulgi- ja jaeturgudel. Nad on jätkuvalt väga konservatiivsed laenude andmisel. Esmane prioriteet on ELi majanduslik jõud on pikemas perspektiivis tohutu. laenuvoogude taastamine reaalmajandusele, et vähendada Säilitades tugeva positsiooni maailma eksporditurgudel, on majanduskasvu edasist piiramist. ta näidanud oma konkurentsivõimet üleilmastumise ajas- tul. Euroopa tööjõud on kõrgelt kvalifitseeritud ja äärmi- On aeg tegutseda, et murda väheneva usalduse ja laenu- selt tugev majandussurve on tõendanud tema ühiskondlike andmissoovimatuse tsükkel. Mõningatel juhtudel tähen- mudelite väärtust, mis kaitsevad kõige haavatavamaid sot- dab see otsest sekkumist pankade bilansside aktivapoolde, siaalseid rühmi. ELil on eriti head eeldused üleminekuks et kaotada ebakindlus seoses edaspidise kahjumi allikate vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitavale majandusele ja kindlakstegemise ja hindamisega. Et taastada usaldus toimetulekuks kliimamuutusega võitlemise tehnoloogilise pangandussektori kui terviku vastu, peaksid pangad, kel- väljakutsega. Ühine ja solidaarsuse vaimus toimuv võitlus le vara väärtus on langenud, avalikustama selle pädevatele kriisiga, on Euroopa jaoks parim viis, kuidas kasutada ni- ametiasutustele. metatud tugevaid külgi majanduslanguse peatamiseks ja majanduskasvu taastamiseks Toetudes juba antud suunistele riigiabi eeskirjade kohalda- mise kohta meetmete suhtes, mida on võetud finantsasu- tuste toetamiseks ja rekapitaliseerimiseks,25 esitas komisjon 2. Stabiilse ja usaldusväärse teatise26 aitamaks liikmesriikidel töötada välja meetmeid finantssüsteemi taastamine ja vara väärtuse langemisest tingitud probleemide lahenda- miseks. Võimalikud lahendused on riigipoolne ostmine, säilitamine riigi garantiid, vahetus või segatehing. Nende vahendite kasutuselevõtmise ja nende ülesehituse üle otsustavad liik- 2.1. Usalduse ja laenutegevuse mesriigid. Varalise abi meetmete maksimaalse tulemuslik- taastamine kuse aitab aga tagada läbipaistvuse, andmete avalikustami- se, hindamise ja koormuse jagamise põhimõtteil põhinev ühtne ja kooskõlastatud Euroopa raamistik. Stabiilne finantssektor on jätkusuutliku taastumise eel- tingimus. Eelmisel sügisel hoidsid Euroopa kooskõlas- tatud meetmed pankade rekapitaliseerimiseks ja nei- le tagatise andmiseks üle Euroopa Liidu ära Euroopa 25 ELT C 270, 25.10.2008, lk 8, ELT C 10, 15.1.2009, lk 2. 26 K(2009) 1345 (veel avaldamata). Euroopa majanduse elavdamine

Raamistik tagab pankadele võrdsed tegutsemistingimused, Eelmise aasta novembris tegi komisjon kõrgetasemelisele hõlbustab riigiabi eeskirjade järgimist, piirab mõju riigi töörühmale eesotsas Jacques de Larosière’iga ülesandeks rahandusele ja valmistab ette sektori vajaliku ümberkorral- esitada soovitused nimetatud reformide jaoks, pöörates damise. Komisjon annab peagi täpsemaid juhiseid lähene- erilist tähelepanu järelevalvele. Komisjon kiidab heaks misviisi kohta, mida ta kasutab riigiabi eeskirjade raames 25. veebruaril 2009 esitatud aruande ja nõustub töörüh- üksikpankade ümberkorraldamise ja nende elujõulisuse ma analüüsiga finantskriisi põhjuste kohta. Töörühma 31 taastamise kavade hindamisel. Et tagada Euroopa pangan- soovitust pakuvad kõikehõlmavaid konkreetseid lahendusi dussektori pikaajaline elujõulisus ja taastada selle tavapära- regulatiiv-, järelevalve- ja üldisteks parandusmeetmeteks. ne toimimine hindab ta iga juhtumit eraldi, võttes arvesse kogu abisummat, mis on saadud rekapitaliseerimise, ga- Töörühma arvukad soovitused regulatiivsete paranduste rantiide või varalise abi kaudu. kohta aitavad suurendada konsensust muutmist vajavate valdkondade üle ja peegeldavad peamiste osaliste, sh Eu- Laenutingimuste parandamise eesmärgil on EKP koos roopa Parlamendi tõstatatud küsimusi. Komisjon on juba muude keskpankadega andnud euroala jaoks märkimis- teinud konkreetseid algatusi sellistes valdkondades nagu väärsel hulgal käibevahendeid. Pangad on juba alandanud krediidireitingu agentuurid, kindlustus, kapitalinõuete lä- intressimäärasid ja EKP on andnud mõista, et need võivad bivaatamine Basel II lepingu alusel, väärtpaberistatud too- veelgi langeda. Võib eeldada, et fiskaalstiimul, mis loob ted, päevakasumi süsteemi käsitlevad raamatupidamisees- nõudluse laenude järele, suurendab ka pankade usaldust ja kirjad ja regulatiivmeetmete protsüklilisuse kõrvaldamine. laenuandmissoovi. Seetõttu tuleks laenuvooge lähikuudel Sektor on soostunud komisjoni ettepanekuga viia 31. juu- hoolikalt jälgida tagamaks, et riigi ulatuslikul sekkumisel liks 2009 Euroopa üksuste ja nende indeksite krediidiriski 439 finantssektorisse oleks Euroopa majapidamiste ja äriühin- ülekandetehingud üle loodavate tsentraliseeritud arveldus- gute jaoks tõepoolest kergendav mõju. platvormile, mida reguleeritakse ja mille suhtes teostatakse järelevalvet Euroopa tasandil. Komisjon esitab lähikuudel 2.2. Rahaturgude vastutustundlikkus ja esimesel võimalusel oma ettepanekud muudes valdkon- usaldusväärsus tulevikus dades, nagu riskimaandusfondide ja muude pangaväliste investeerimisfondide juhtimine, tuletisväärtpaberiturgude läbipaistvus ja täiustatud raamatupidamiseeskirjad. Kriis on paljastanud rahvusvahelise ja Euroopa finantstur- gude praeguses juhtimises lubamatuid riske, mis on raskete häirete tulemusena reaalseteks või süsteemseteks muutu- Erilist huvi pakub töörühma soovitus töötada välja kogu nud. Sektori stabiilsuse taastamiseks võetavate pretseden- ELis kohaldatavad ühtsed põhinõuded. Tuvastada ja kõr- ditute meetmetega peab kaasnema otsustav reform teada- valdada tuleb eranditest, riiklikul tasandil tehtud lisandus- olevate puuduste kõrvaldamiseks ning uute kitsaskohtade test ja kehtivate direktiivide ebaselgetest sätetest tulenevad tuvastamiseks ja vältimiseks tulevikus. Euroopa äriühingud olulised erinevused riiklikes õigusaktides. Seetõttu käivitab ja kodanikud peavad saama suhtuda finantsinstitutsiooni- komisjon nimetatud valdkonnas olulise algatuse. Ka puu- desse kui usaldusväärsetesse partneritesse, kes muudavad dused, mis töörühm tuvastas sanktsioonide alal, osutavad nende säästud investeeringuks – see on majanduse pika- vajadusele uute jõupingutuste järele. ajalise tervise jaoks keskne. Olulist rolli tarbijate usalduse taastamisel jaepankade vastu mängivad turuseire ning le- Järelevalvevaldkonnas jäävad riikliku tasandi järelevalve- pinguliste ja äritavade järgimise tagamine. mudelid turutegelikkusest maha, sest üha enam panku ja kindlustusseltse tegutseb piiriüleselt. Komisjon on juba 2009. aasta jooksul teeb komisjon ettepaneku Euroopa fi- teinud ettepaneku asutada järelevalveasutuste kolleegiu- nantssüsteemi ulatuslikuks reformimiseks, mida on kirjel- mid, et hõlbustada piiriüleste pankade ja kindlustusseltsi- datud allpool ning üksikasjalikumalt käesoleva dokumendi de suhtes järelevalvet teostavate asutuste koostööd. Kolme I lisas. Reform määrab ELi jaoks kindla kursi ja kujundab Euroopa järelevalveasutuste komitee tegevuse kooskõlasta- üleilmseid muutusi, eriti G20 töö kaudu. Samal ajal jät- mine oli märkimisväärne samm edasi, kuid sellel on oma kab komisjon raamistiku kasutamist, mis käsitleb nii kiire piirid. Komisjon on muutnud komiteede volitusi, mis pa- päästmisabi andmist pankadele kui ka pankade elujõulisu- randab nende tõhusust ja tulemuslikkust ning kehtestanud se pikaajalist taastamist, rakendades olemasolevaid riigiabi otsustamise kvalifitseeritud häälteenamusega ja põhimõtte suuniseid. „täida või põhjenda täitmata jätmist”. Eelarvepädevates institutsioonides on parajasti arutlusel ettepanek rahastada paremini komiteede tegevust. Reform tagab kõigi asjaomaste osaliste ja igat liiki finants­ instrumentide asjakohane juhtimine ja järelevalve. Selle aluseks on sellised väärtused nagu vastutus, ausus, läbi- De Larosière’i töörühma aruandes juhitakse tähelepanu paistvus ja järjepidevus. olemasolevatele lünkadele kriiside vältimises, ohjamises ja lahendamises ning riiklike järelevalveasutuste vahelise EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

koostöö, kooskõlastamise, ühtsuse ja usalduse puudumi- Kõnealustel ametiasutustel võiks olla järelevalve- ja lõplik sest tingitud raskustele. Mitme erineva süsteemi järgimine otsustusõigus piiriüleste kontsernide suhtes järelevalvet tekitab äriühingutele täiendavat haldus- ja regulatiivset teostavate kolleegiumide puhul; kohustuse tagada ühtsus koormust. Komisjon nõustub töörühma järeldusega, et ja head tavad, kehtestades ühised ranged nõuded ja nähes hiljutised kogemused on paljastanud suuri puudusi nii ette järelevalvetegevusele esitatavate nõuete ühtsed tõlgen- selles, kuidas järelevalveasutused käsitlevad konkreetseid dused, ning võtmeroll varase hoiatamise mehhanismides ja juhtumeid, kui ka nende lähenemises finantssüsteemile kriisiohjes koostöös asutusega, mis on loodud sektori kui tervikuna. terviku jälgimiseks.

Makromajanduslike usaldatavusnormatiivide täitmise järe- Komisjon arendab de Larosière’i töörühma soovitustele levalve seisukohast tervitab komisjon eriti töörühma ideed toetudes edasi ettepanekuid Euroopa uue finantsjäreleval- luua EKP egiidi all ning komisjoni ja Euroopa järelevalve- ve süsteemi loomiseks. Arvestades liikmesriikide, praeguste asutuste komiteede osavõtul uus Euroopa asutus, et kogu- komiteede, Euroopa Parlamendi, EKP ja muude sidusrüh- da ja hinnata teavet kõigis finantssektorites neid tervikuna made väljendatud seisukohti, valmistab komisjon mõju ähvardavate riskide kohta. Sellisel asutusel oleks head eel- hindamise alusel ette oma ettepanekud, järgides parema dused tuvastada süsteemseid riske Euroopa tasandil ja anda õigusloome põhimõtet. riskihoiatusi. Olulised oleksid kohustuslikud järelmeetme- te ja järelevalve vahendid ning võimalus edastada teavet üleilmsetele varase hoiatamise mehhanismidele. Et tagada tulevikus finantsturgude vastutustund- 440 likkus ja usaldusväärsus, pakub komisjoni välja uue Üksikute äriühingute järelevalveks soovitab töörühm asu- ambitsioonika reformikava, millel on viis peamist tada Finantsjärelevalve Euroopa Süsteemi (ESFS). Esime- eesmärki: ses etapis tugevdataks kolme Euroopa järelevalveasutuste komiteed ja riiklikke järelevalveasutusi ning kehtestataks • Luua ELile järelevalveraamistik, mis ühtlasemad järelevalvevolitused ja sanktsioonid. Teises suudab võimalikke riske varakult tuvastada, etapis muudetaks komiteed asutusteks, mis täidavad tea- kõrvaldada need tulemuslikult ja enne, kui tavaid ülesandeid Euroopa tasandil, toetudes üksikute need jõuavad mõju avaldada, ning tulla toime äriühingute igapäevases järelevalves järelevalveasutuste keerukate probleemidega rahvusvahelistel kolleegiumidele ja riiklikele järelevalveasutustele. Kolme rahaturgudel. Komisjon esitab enne 2009. aasta tegutsemisaasta järel vaadatakse läbi vajadus ESFSi edasise mai lõppu Euroopa finantsjärelevalvega tugevdamise järele. seotud meetmepaketi, mille üle otsustatakse juunis toimuval Euroopa Ülemkogu Komisjon nõustub töörühma järeldusega, et olemasolevate istungil. Muudatused õigusaktides nende komiteede (kelle roll on saavutanud õigusliku lae) ülesehi- ettepanekute rakendamiseks järgnevad sügisel tus ei ole piisav finantsstabiilsuse tagamiseks ELis ja tema ja tuleks aegsasti vastu võtta, et uuendatud liikmesriikides ning et praeguse ülesehituse ebatõhusus tu- järelevalvekord hakkaks toimima 2010. aasta leks kõrvaldada nii kiiresti kui võimalik. Samuti osutab ko- jooksul. Pakett sisaldab kahte komponenti: misjon sellise süsteemi eelistele, mis tsentraliseerib teatavad • Makromajanduslike usaldatavusnormatiivide ülesanded Euroopa tasandil, kuid säilitab selge rolli riiklike täitmise järelevalveks meetmeid, et luua järelevalveasutuste jaoks, kes on äriühingute igapäevatege- Euroopa tasandi asutus, mis vaatleks vusele kõige lähemal. finantssüsteemi kui terviku stabiilsust

Komisjon on seisukohal, et meetmeid on vaja kohe ja teeb • Mikromajanduslike usaldatavusnormatiivide ettepaneku kiirendada töörühma järelduste rakendamist. täitmise järelevalveks ettepanekuid Euroopa Ühendades töörühma pakutud kaks etappi, peaks olema finantsjärelevalve süsteemi ülesehituse kohta võimalik kiiremini parandada järelevalve kvaliteeti ja üht- • Täita lüngad Euroopa või riikide õigusaktides sust Euroopas ning muuta kolm olemasolevat komiteed lähtudes turvalisuse põhimõttest. Komisjon teeb Euroopa finantsjärelevalve süsteemi raames toimivateks ettepaneku: asutusteks. Kahe või enama nimetatud ametiasutuse ühen- damise võimalikkust tuleks vaadelda järelevalve ühtsuse maksimeerimise ning panganduse, kindlustuse ja turgu- de järelevalve asjatundjate tegevuse sidususe ja koostoime laiendamise seisukohast. Euroopa majanduse elavdamine

• Koostada kõikehõlmav õigusakt, millega • Esitab uue soovituse tasustamise kohta kehtestataks riskimaandusfondide, finantsteenuste sektoris (aprill 2009), millele eraaktsiakapitali ja muude süsteemselt oluliste järgnevad õigusloomealased ettepanekud turuosaliste jaoks ühtsed regulatiivsed ja usaldatavusnormatiivide täitmise järelevalve järelevalvestandardid (aprill 2009) kohaldamiseks ka tasustamissüsteemide suhtes (sügis 2009) • Avaldada valge raamat kriisi ärahoidmiseks mõeldud varase sekkumise vahendite kohta • Tagada mõjuvamad sanktsioonid väärkäitumise (juuni 2009) eest turul. Selleks kavatseb komisjon: • Käivitada tuletisväärtpaberite ja • Vaadata läbi turu kuritarvitamise direktiivi muude keeruka ülesehitusega toodete (oktoober 2009) kasutamise aruande alusel asjakohased • Teha ettepanekuid, kuidas sanktsioone algatused läbipaistvuse suurendamiseks ja ühtlustatult rangemaks muuta ja paremini finantsstabiilsuse tagamiseks (juuni 2009) jõustada (sügis 2009) • Esitada seadusandlikud ettepanekud, et suurendada kauplemisportfelli tehingute jaoks vajaliku usalduskapitali kvaliteeti Komisjon kutsub kevadist Euroopa Ülemkogu üles kiitma ja kvantiteeti ning võidelda keeruka see reform heaks enne G20 tippkohtumist Londonis. See 441 väärtpaberistamisega (juuni 2009), ning näitaks Euroopa Liidu soovi ja pühendumust võtta G20 et piirata likviidsusriski ja laenukapitali Washingtoni tegevuskava rakendamiseks ambitsioonikaid ülemäärast kasutamist (sügis 2009) meetmeid. Euroopa Parlament ja nõukogu tuleks kutsuda üles käsitlema komisjoni eelseisvaid ettepanekuid asjako- • Jooksev tegevuskava oluliselt järjekindlamate hases eelisjärjekorras. järelevalveeeskirjade koostamiseks (mis tuleb käivitada 2009. aastal) • Tagada, et Euroopa investorid, tarbijad ja 3. Reaalmajanduse toetamine VKEd võiksid olla kindlad oma säästudes, laenu kättesaadavuses ja õigustes seoses Maailmamajandust on praegu tabanud viimaste aastaküm- finantstoodetega. Selleks teeb komisjon nete kõige suurem langus. Maailmakaubandus on äkitselt ettepaneku: pidurdunud. 2008. aasta lõpus tööstuslik tootmine vähe- • Avaldada jaeinvesteerimistooteid käsitlev nes kiiresti. Nii Ameerika Ühendriikides kui ka Jaapanis teatis, et tugevdada turunduskaitset (aprill on SKP märkimisväärselt kahanenud ja Hiina majandus- 2009) kasv on maailmakaubanduse drastilise languse tõttu mada- laim alates 2001. aastast. • Võtta täiendavad meetmed pankades hoiustajate, investorite ja Selline üleilmne langus mõjutab paratamatult ka ELi ma- kindlustuspoliisiomanike kaitsmiseks (sügis jandust. Oluline langus on praegu tabanud nii euroala kui 2009) ka ELi kui terviku majandust. Raskeima löögi on saanud • Võtta meetmeid vastutustundliku tootmine ja ehitus, kus aastane kahju ulatub ligikaudu laenuandmise ja laenuvõtmise tagamiseks 150 miljardi euroni. Ainuüksi autotööstuse kasv vähenes (sügis 2009) 32,3% võrra, tõmmates langusesse kaasa mitmeid teisigi valdkondi. ELi tööstustoodangu eksport kolmandatesse • Parandada finantsettevõtjateriskihaldust ja riikidesse vähenes 2008. aasta novembri ja detsembri jook- viima palgastiimulid kooskõlla jätkusuutliku sul 5,8% võrra ning ELi sisese kaubanduse maht oli eelmi- toimimisega. Selleks komisjon: se aastaga võrreldes 13,7% võrra väiksem. • Karmistab oma 2004. aasta soovitusi haldus-, juhtiv- või järelevalveorgani liikmete Kuigi reaalne SKP peaks prognooside kohaselt 2009. aas- 27 tasustamiskorra kohta (aprill 2009) tal vähenema ligi 2% võrra , peaks ta 2010. aastast järk- järguliselt taastuma ligikaudu 0,5% võrra, osaliselt tänu Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava kohaselt Euroopa ja riiklikul tasandil võetavate poliitikameetmete mõjule.

27 Komisjoni 2009. aasta jaanuari prognoos. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

3.1. Euroopa majanduse elavdamise Kõnealuste meetmete tõhus ja kiire rakendamine on krii- kava rakendamine tilise tähtsusega ja seda tuleb täiendada ettevõtluskeskkon- da arendava tegevusega. ELi huvides on säilitada tugev ja konkurentsivõimeline tööstusbaas, samal ajal kui ta aren- Detsembris 2008 lepiti komisjoni ettepanekute alusel kok- dab teadmistepõhist ja vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid teki- ku ambitsioonikas Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kavas. tavat majandust. Arvestades kaasaegse tööstusliku toot- Kava keskmes on ühised jõupingutused, et hoogustada fis- mise keerulist laadi ning võimalusi, mida siseturg pakub kaalstiimulite kaudu kiiresti Euroopa majandust ja suunata mastaabisäästuks ja tootmise mitmekesistamiseks, on EL investeeringud Euroopa majanduse tugevdamisse, et tulla viimaste aastate jooksul töötanud välja tööstusele suunatud toime eesseisvate pikaajaliste väljakutsetega. Kavas tunnis- horisontaalse toetuspoliitika. Selle raames võib teadus- ja tatakse, et erasektori nõudluse vähenemine on muutnud arendustegevust, innovatsiooni, keskkonna- ja uusi teh- avaliku sektori kulutused lühikeses perspektiivis senisest noloogiaid ning koolitust nii ELi kui ka riiklikul tasandil veelgi olulisemaks. rahastada kui toetus- ja arendusmeetmeid. Selliseid hori- sontaalmeetmeid saab võtta erinevates ELi majandussekto- Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava täielik mõju selgub rites, mida hiljuti näitas 25. veebruaril komisjoni esitatud lähikuudel, kuid esimesed märgid stiimulite ulatuse ja ELi raamistik autotööstusele29. reformide suuna seisukohalt on positiivsed. Enamik liik- mesriike on praeguseks võtnud fiskaalstiimulitega seotud Liikmesriigid peavad esmatähtsaks ka väikeste ja keskmi- meetmeid või teatanud nende võtmisest. Ajavahemikul se suurusega ettevõtjate vajadusi, sest just nemad tagavad 2009–2010 pakutakse maksupoliitika kaudu piirkonna 442 suure osa üldisest tööhõivest ELis. Ühtlasi kutsutakse majandusele abi 3,3% ulatuses SKPst ehk rohkem kui 400 liikmesriike üles kiirendama Euroopa väikeettevõtluse al- miljardit eurot, millest võib olla suurt tuge kogu ELi ma- gatuse („Small Business Act”) rakendamist. Lähiajal esitab janduskasvule ja tööhõivele. komisjon õigusloomealase algatuse, et tõhustada hilinenud maksete küsimuse lahendamist. Lisaks tuleks täielikult ära Suur osa seda liiki toetusest tuleneb just ELis eriti tugevate kasutada parema õigusloome potentsiaali, eelkõige vähen- automaatsete stabilisaatorite toimimisest. Samuti tuleneb dada halduskoormust. see Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava kohaselt liikmes- riikide endi heaks arvamisel võetud fiskaalstiimulitega seo- Meetmed oskuste parandamiseks, teadusesse suunatud tud meetmetest, mis moodustavad 1,2% SKPst, kuigi sel- investeeringute ergutamiseks, innovatsiooni jaoks vajalike liste pakettide ulatus on liikmesriikide erineva eelarvealase tingimuste edendamiseks, kiire Interneti-ühenduse levi- paindlikkuse tõttu väga erinev. ELi rahalistest vahenditest28 kuks, olemasoleva transpordi- ja energiainfrastruktuuri on täiendavalt kättesaadavaks tehtud 30 miljardit eurot, uuendamiseks, muu hulgas avaliku ja erasektori partner- mis moodustab 0,3% SKPst. Komisjon on teinud ettepa- luste senisest ulatuslikuma kasutamise abil, energiatõhusu- neku teha sihtotstarbelisi investeeringuid viie miljardi euro se parandamiseks ning taastuvate energiaallikate osakaalu ulatuses, et lahendada energiajulgeolekuga seotud prob- suurendamiseks vastavad otseselt Euroopa majanduse elav- leeme ja luua maapiirkondadesse kiire Interneti-ühendus, damise kava eesmärkidele. Selleks et hõlbustada meetme- ning teostada ühtekuuluvuspoliitika raames täiendavaid te võtmist, võetakse kiiresti vastu ühtekuuluvuspoliitikat ettemakseid 11 miljardi euro ulatuses, millest 7 miljardit käsitlevate õigusaktide kavandatud muudatused. Liik- eurot suunatakse uutele liikmesriikidele. Lisaks on Euroo- mesriike kutsutakse üles kasutama täielikult ära selliste pa Investeerimispank suurendanud 15 miljardi euro võrra muudatustega tekkivaid võimalusi oluliste investeeringute väikeste ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtjate laenuvõimalusi. kiirendamiseks. Enamik liikmesriikide võetud meetmeid on väga hästi Väga oluline on mõista ja ohjata kriisi pikaajalist mõju rii- suunatud nõudluse ergutamiseks: toetatakse majapidami- gi rahandusele ning tulla toime tagajärgedega, mida kriis si, äriühinguid ja tööhõivet ning riiklike investeeringute ja avaldab pensioni- ja tervishoiusüsteemidele. Niipea, kui infrastruktuuri ajakohastamise abil suurendatakse otseselt majandustingimused seda taas lubavad, tuleks saavutada nõudlust (vt täpsemalt II lisa). Enamik sellistest meet- selline eelarve seisund, mis võimaldaks tagada riigi rahan- metest on kooskõlas majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsitle- duse pikaajalise jätkusuutlikkuse, pidades sealjuures silmas va Lissaboni strateegia kohastes riigipõhistes soovitustes eelkõige edaspidiseid kulusid, mis tekivad elanikkonna märgitud pikemaajaliste eesmärkidega, milleks on näiteks vananemisest. Pikaajaline jätkusuutlikkus tuleks tagada tugevdada Euroopa alusteadmisi, tõhustada energiajulge- stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti raames. olekut ja kohaneda vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitava majandusega.

28 Sealhulgas mitmed uued avaliku ja erasektori partnerlused. 29 KOM(2009) 104, 25.2.2009. Euroopa majanduse elavdamine

Mõned liikmesriigid piiravad praegu oma eelarvepuudu- mikroettevõtjate raamatupidamiskoormuse vähendami- jääki, et vähendada oma sõltuvust väliskrediidi voogudest. seks31, mis võimaldab äriühingutel säästa ligikaudu kuus Pärast Ungarile ja Lätile antud õigeaegset abi on tugevda- miljardit eurot, ning ta jätkab uute algatustega kaasneva tud toetusfondi, mille raames antakse väljaspool euroala koormuse hoolikat hindamist. Teenuste direktiivi õigeaeg- olevatele liikmesriikidele maksebilansi toetamiseks kesk- ne ülevõtmine käesoleval aastal pakub täiendavaid vahen- mise tähtajaga abi. deid uut liiki majandustegevuse ja uute tööhõivevõimalus- te edendamiseks. Käesoleva kriisi puhul moodustab Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava osa majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsitle- Siseturu tugevate külgede toetamine ja samade väärtuste vast Lissaboni strateegiast. Selle kavaga on loodud õige edendamine väljaspool Euroopat annab ELile majandus- tasakaal otsese stiimuli ja vajaliku pikaajalise perspektiivi kasvu taastamiseks ainulaadse lähtekoha. Protektsionism vahel. Tänu sellele peaks Euroopa kriisist väljumisel olema ja keskendumine riiklikele turgudele toob kaasa ainult sei- senisest paremini valmis toime tulema maailmamajanduse saku, sügavama ja pikema majanduslanguse ning heaolu väljakutsetega, mis on suunatud süsihappegaasiheitmete vähenemise. vähendamisele ja innovatsioonile. Liikmesriigid peavad kriisile suunatud tegevuses arvestama Komisjon jälgib koos liikmesriikidega tähelepanelikult siseturu mõõdet. Kui mitte kõik, siis enamik liikmesriike võetud meetmete mõju ja annab juunis kohtuvale Euroopa sekkub käesolevas kriisis, et toetada oma territooriumil toi- Ülemkogule aru tehtud edusammudest. muvat majandustegevust. Parim viis tagada sellise tegevuse tõhusus on riiklike mõjutusvahendite tark kasutamine Eu- 443 3.2. Siseturg kui majanduse elavdamise roopa kontekstis. vahend Riiklikud meetmed on kõige tõhusamad juhul, kui liik- Euroopa majanduse elavdamise edukus sõltub meie suut- mesriigid on kindlad selles, et nende töö on kooskõlas likkusest kasutada maksimaalselt ära nii sise- kui ka maail- siseturu põhimõtetega. Komisjon, kes töötab partnerluses maturgu. Siseturg on olnud ELi majandusliku ja sotsiaalse liikmesriikidega, on valmis pakkuma abi, et töötada välja heaolu ning töökohtade loomise mootoriks30. Selline turg konkreetsed meetmed ja neid rakendada, edendada heade võimaldab mastaabisäästu ja tõhususe kasvu ning pakub tavade vahetamist ning jagada poliitikaalaseid kogemu- võimalust kasutada ELi tugevaid külgi. Siseturgu saab ka- si. Kooskõlastamisega saab tagada positiivse mõju leviku sutada ühe olulise majanduse elavdamise vahendina tingi- maksimeerimise. Kooskõlastamine peaks hõlmama võetud musel, et selle raames toimuv areng kooskõlastatakse tihe- meetmete alase teabe jagamist ja selliste meetmete mõju dalt Euroopa tasandil. ühist hindamist. III lisas esitatakse liikmesriikidele täienda- vad suunised selliste taastamismeetmete väljatöötamiseks, mis vastaksid ühenduse kõige olulisematele õigusaktidele. Aidates kooskõlastada vastust kriisile, on komisjon taga- nud liikmesriikidele võimaluse kasutada nõudlust toe- tavate meetmete väljatöötamisel täielikult ära ühenduse 3.3. Euroopa majanduse uuendamine kehtivate eeskirjade paindlikkust. Avalike hangete kiirme- pärast kriisi netluse kasutamine võimaldab hankelepingud sõlmida ühe kuu jooksul. Arvestades pankade piiravat laenupoliitikat, Ei ole mingit kahtlust, et käesolev kriis, millel on kaks on riigiabimeetmete ajutise raamistikuga parandatud äri- tahku (finants- ja majanduslik tahk), põhjustab Euroopa ühingute juurdepääsu rahastamisele. Liikmesriigid võivad majapidamistele ja äriühingutele tõsiseid probleeme. Ma- avalik-õiguslike üksuste kaudu pakkuda täiendavat ekspor- janduse elavdamine toimub järkjärguliselt ja selleks, et kii- dikrediidikindlustust, kui finantskriisi tõttu erasektor seda rendada Lissaboni strateegia kohaste struktuurireformide enam ei paku. rakendamist, peavad kõik osalised tegema märkimisväär- seid jõupingutusi. Ühendades oma jõupingutused ja kasu- Samal ajal peab EL jätkama oma tööd, et parandada et- tades maksimaalselt ära oma konkurentsieeliseid, eelkõige tevõtluskeskkonda ning toetada väikeseid ja keskmi- siseturu pakutavaid võimalusi, saame tagada, et Euroopa se suurusega ettevõtjaid, kes on majanduse elavnemise väljub käesolevast majanduslangusest võimalikult kiiresti. korral teejuhi rollis. Hiljuti esitas komisjon ettepanekud Järgides kindlalt ühiseid põhimõtteid ja töötades pike- maajaliste poliitikaeesmärkide nimel, valmistame praegu 30 Siseturg on kasvatanud ELi jõukust aasta aastalt 2,15% võrra käesoleva kriisi ületamiseks võetavate meetmete abil ette ELi SKPst ja lisanud 2,75 miljonit uut töökohta ajavahemikul 1992–2006. Ajavahemikul 1995–2005 kasvas ELi sisekaubanduse osakaal SKP-st 30% võrra. 31 KOM(2009) 83, 26.2.2009. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Euroopa majanduse edaspidised sujuvad muutused. Eel- kõige peaksime jätkama samas tempos jõupingutusi, et • enamik liikmesriikide meetmeid on suunatud minna üle vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitavale ma- nõudluse ergutamisele ja on kooskõlas jandusele: majandusolukorra paranedes peaksid keskkon- pikemaajaliste eesmärkidega, nagu oskuste nasäästlikud tehnoloogiad ja tooted muutuma juhtivateks parandamine, innovatsiooni suunatavate turgudeks. Praegu peame hakkama mõtlema majanduse investeeringute tõhustamine, kiire Intnereti- elavdamisele kaasa aitavate struktuuride täiustamise peale: ühenduse leviku edendamine ning olemasoleva mõned ettevõtjad korraldavad oma tegevuse ümber, teised transpordi- ja energiainfrastruktuuri mitmekesistavad oma tegevusvaldkondi ja mõned võivad uuendamine; turult lahkuda. Riigistatud äriühingute andmine eraoman- • komisjon on taganud liikmesriikidele võimaluse disse ja riigi sekkumise ulatuse viimine majanduses taas kasutada nõudlust toetavate meetmete tavapärasele tasemele nõuab hoolikat juhtimist. Ühenduse väljatöötamisel täielikult ära ühenduse konkurentsipoliitika saab toetada sellist vajalikku protsessi, eeskirjade paindlikkust. Näiteks selleks, et aidata juhtides seda avatud, tõhusate ja innovaatiliste lahenduste liikmesriike autotööstuse ümberkorraldamise leidmise suunas. toetamisel, esitas komisjon hiljuti suunised autotööstust hõlmavate meetmete võtmiseks. Kriisist saadud õppetunde tuleb arvesse võtta ka Euroopa struktuurireformi kava uuendamisel. Hiljutistele koge- Tänu siseturule saavad kõik liikmesriigid otsest ja mustele tuginedes kavatseb komisjon Lissaboni strateegia kaudset kasu kaupade ja teenuste tellimustest, mis 444 raames algatada arutelu majanduskasvu ja töökohtade loo- tulenevad nimetatud stiimulitega seotud meetme- mise komplekssete suuniste üle, mis annavad liikmesriiki- test. Siseturg on praegu ja ka tulevikus peamine ELi dele ja ühendusele juhiseid struktuurireformi programmi- majandusliku ja sotsiaalse heaolu ning töökohtade de koostamiseks. loomise vahend, mistõttu liikmesriigid peaksid sise- turu positiivse mõju leviku maksimeerimisele erilist Selleks et kasutada nimetatud arutelu tulemusi 2010. aasta tähelepanu pöörama. järgse Lissaboni strateegia väljatöötamisel, teeb komisjon tihedat koostööd liikmesriikide ja muude Lissaboni stra- Sel eesmärgil peaksid järgmised põhimõtted ole- teegia sidusrühmadega. Esmalt vaadatakse Rootsi eesistu- ma aluseks liikmesriikide tegevusele, mis toetab mise ajal läbi uuendatud Lissaboni strateegia üldküsimused reaalmajandust: ja valmistatakse ette otsused, mis võetakse vastu Hispaania eesistumise ajal 2010. aasta kevadel. • säilitada siseturu avatus, jätkates tõkete kõrvaldamist ja vältides uute loomist; • tagada mittediskrimineerimise põhimõtte Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava täielik mõju järgimine, koheldes muudest liikmesriikidest selgub lähikuudel, kuid esimesed märgid stiimu- pärinevaid kaupu ja teenuseid ELi eeskirjade ja lite ulatuse ja reformide suuna seisukohalt on EÜ asutamislepingu põhimõtete kohaselt; positiivsed: • suunata sekkumine ELi pikaajaliste • enamik liikmesriike on praeguseks vastu võtnud poliitikaeesmärkide täitmisele: hõlbustada fiskaalstiimulitega seotud meetmed või teatanud struktuurimuutusi, tugevdada pikaajalises nende võtmisest, pidades sealjuures kinni perspektiivis konkurentsivõimet ja tegeleda üldisest eesmärgist, milleks on 1,5% ELi SKPst. oluliste väljakutsetega, nagu vähem Võttes arvesse automaatsete stabilisaatorite mõju, süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitava majanduse ulatuvad majanduse elavdamiseks kättesaadavaks arendamine; tehtud maksustiimulid ligikaudu 3,3%-ni SKPst • arvestada täielikult väikeste ja keskmise ehk rohkem kui 400 miljardi euroni, mis aitab suurusega ettevõtjate suurt tähtsust, kohaldades oluliselt edendada majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet; põhimõtet „kõigepealt mõtle väikestele”; • jagada teavet ja häid tavasid, et maksimeerida üldist positiivset mõju mastaabisäästu abil; • koondada jõupingutusi ja töötada välja meetmed, mis looksid koostoime teiste liikmesriikide meetmetega. Selleks on oluline tihendada koostööd Euroopa tasandil; Euroopa majanduse elavdamine

4.1. Kriisi mõju leevendamine • kasutada vastutustundlikult uuendatud üksikisikutele stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga ette nähtud paindlikkust, mis lubab võimalikult kiiresti vähendada valitsussektori eelarve puudujääki Enamik liikmesriike on võtnud tööhõive- ja sotsiaalmeet- tasemeni, mis tagaks riigi rahanduse meid, et toetada inimesi ja leevendada kriisi mõju üksikisi- jätkusuutlikkuse, ning võidelda samal ajal kutele. Kui praegu tegelevad osutatud probleemide lahen- jõuliselt makromajandusliku tasakaalutuse damisega eelkõige liikmesriigid, annab Euroopa poliitika põhjustega; lisaväärtust, aidates liikmesriikidel välja töötada ja raken- dada tõhusaid lahendusi tööhõive ja sotsiaalse ühtekuulu- • hoida siseturgu avatuna ELi vuse parandamiseks. kaubanduspartneritele ja täita rahvusvahelisi kohustusi, eriti neid, mis on võetud Maailma Liikmesriigid on suunanud oma meetmed nelja peamise Kaubandusorganisatsiooni raames. prioriteedi saavutamisele: Vastavalt Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kavale peavad liikmesriigid praegu tagama, et fiskaalstii- • meetmed, mille eesmärk on säilitada olemasolevaid mulitega seotud meetmetega kaasneb struktuuri­ töökohti: osalise tööaja korral makstav hüvitis, reformide kiirendamine valdkondades, mis on esile sotsiaalkindlustusmaksete vähendamine, palgatoetus toodud Lissaboni strateegia riigipõhistes soovitustes. ning toetus väikestele ja keskmise suurusega See on parim viis praegu tagada kulude võimalikult ettevõtjatele; 445 kõrge tasuvus, toetades samal ajal tulevast võimalik- • meetmed, et tagada kiire (taas-)integreerumine ku majanduskasvu ja kahjustades võimalikult vähe tööturule: kutseõpe ja ebasoodsas olukorras olevate pikaajalisi eelarveväljavaateid. Samuti on oluline, inimeste toetamine, haigus- ja invaliidsushüvitiste et Euroopa kasutaks ära käesoleva kriisi pakutavaid muutmine ning uute eeskirjade kehtestamine võimalusi ning oleks kriisist väljumisel võimalikult töötushüvitise saamiseks; hästi valmistatud ette selleks, et tulla toime uue maailmamajanduse väljakutsetega, milleks on süsi­ • meetmed, et toetada kõige haavatavamaid: happegaasiheitmete vähendamine, innovatsioon, miinimumsissetuleku/-palga suurendamine, info- ja sidetehnoloogia ning tööjõu oskused. töötushüvitise ulatuse laiendamine ja kehtivusaja pikendamine, eluaseme- ja peretoetuste suurendamine, Komisjon jälgib korrapäraselt edusamme ja annab enammakstud maksusumma tagasimaksmine ja neist aegsasti aru järgmistel Euroopa Ülemkogu maksuvabastuse andmine ning meetmed ülemäärase kohtumistel. Arvestades Euroopa majanduse elav- võlgnevuse ja varade arestimise ärahoidmiseks; damise kava raames saavutatud tulemusi, kavatseb • meetmed, et tugevdada sotsiaalkaitset ning komisjon alustada ka 2010. aasta järgse Lissaboni investeerida sotsiaalsesse ja tervishoiu infrastruktuuri: strateegia ettevalmistamist. investeerimine eluasemetesse, haiglatesse, esmatasandi arstiabisse, pikaajalise hoolduse infrastruktuuri ja koolidesse ning meetmed, et aidata pensionifondidel täita nende pikaajalisi kohustusi. 4. Üksikisikute toetamine kriisis Kriisi mõju tööhõivele ja sotsiaalvaldkonnale ei ole veel täielikult avaldunud ning see on tugevam, kui enamike esi- Majanduskasvu aeglustumise mõju majapidamistele ja töö- algsete meetmete võtmisel arvati. Seega tuleb jõupingutusi tajatele üha suureneb. Kuigi olukord tööturul on viimaste kõigil tasanditel tõhustada, et lahendada töötusega seotud aastate jooksul olnud hea, halveneb see praegu kiiresti ja küsimused ning kohandada ja ajakohastada sotsiaalabi-, olulisel määral. Komisjoni prognoosi kohaselt tööhõive tervishoiu- ja rahva tervise süsteeme. Sissetulekutoetus järgmisel kahel aastal langeb. Töötus peaks järsult suurene- koos aktiivsete meetmetega ergutab nõudlust, hõlbustab ma. Ehkki olukord on liikmesriigiti erinev, prognoositakse tööturule naasmist ja hoiab ära sotsiaalse tõrjutuse. käesolevaks aastaks üldise tööhõive vähenemist 1,6% võr- ra, mis on ligikaudu 3,5 miljonit töökohta, ja ELi töötuse Selleks et toetada liikmesriike nende jõupingutustes, et määra jõudmist 10%-ni aastal 2010. tulla toime kriisiga ja rakendada taastamismeetmeid, tu- gevdatakse olemasolevaid rahastamisvahendeid. Globali- Mõne tööturu kohanduse aluseks on varasemate edukate seerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa Fondi uuendamine32 struktuurireformide mõju. Kuigi see peaks aitama kaasa võimaldab selle kiiresti kasutusele võtta, et aidata mär- majanduslanguse kiiremale taandumisele, on selge, et lü- kimisväärset hulka töökoha kaotanud töötajaid ja nende hemas perspektiivis on olukord väga raske. Raskeima löögi kogukondi. saavad tõenäoliselt noored, lühiajaliste töölepingutega ja võõrtöötajad

32 KOM(2008) 867, 16.12.2008. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi olemasolevate programmide raa- mes toetatakse igal aastal üheksat miljonit töötajat. Ai- Liikmesriike võivad asjakohaste ja tõhusate meet- nuüksi 2009. aastal on selle fondi kaudu võimalik maksta mete väljatöötamisel aidata järgmised põhimõtted: toetusi 10,8 miljardi euro ulatuses. Euroopa Sotsiaalfond suudab reageerida kriisist tulenevatele vajadustele, näiteks • säilitada inimeste tööhõive, pakkudes sel parandada tööjõu nõudluse ja pakkumise kooskõla, toeta- eesmärgil eelkõige rahalist toetust ajutisele da sotsiaalpartnerite ühisalgatusi, edendada sotsiaalset in- paindlikule tööajakorraldusele. Tööaja novatsiooni ja tööhõivealaseid partnerlusi ning tugevdada ajutine kohandamine (osaline tööaeg) riiklikke tööhõiveameteid. Fondi eeskirjade lihtsustami- tootmisvajadustele võib olla oluline tööjõu ne33 võimaldab ettemakseid kohe suurendada 1,8 miljardi paindlikumaks muutmise vahend. Hoides euro võrra. Kui peaks tekkima vajadus kohandada Euroopa ära rohke koondamise, võib selline lahendus Sotsiaalfondi programmitööd kriisist põhjustatud vajadus- leevendada kriisi mõju sotsiaalvaldkonnale, tele, tagab komisjon, et programmitöö muudatused tehak- säästa äriühinguid märkimisväärsetest se võimalikult kiiresti. koondamis- ja (uuesti) värbamise kuludest ning hoida ära konkreetsele äriühingutele vajaliku Kuigi liikmesriigid peavad koostöös sotsiaalpartneritega inimkapitali kadumise. Selliseid meetmeid kohandama täiendavaid, tööhõivet toetavaid meetmeid tuleb võtta koos meetmetega, mis toetavad iga liikmesriigi konkreetsetele majandustingimustele ja tööalast konkurentsivõimet, aitavad inimesi uute tööturu olukorrale, on oluline, et sellised meetmed oleksid töökohtade leidmisel ning julgustavad töötajaid 446 kooskõlas pikaajalise struktuurireformi vajadustega. Meet- kasutama ära uusi võimalusi, mis tekivad med peaksid hõlbustama kõige rohkem mõjutatud vald- majandusolukorra paranedes. Selleks et hoida ära kondade pikaajalist ümberkorraldamist ning suurendama negatiivse mõju levik teistesse liikmesriikidesse, nende konkurentsivõimet ja inimkapitali. Samuti peaksid tuleb kõnealused meetmed kooskõlastada; meetmed aitama toime tulla pikaajaliste oluliste väljakutse- • hoogustada tööturule tagasitoomist ja pakkuda tega, näiteks elanikkonna vananemise mõjuga tööjõu pak- piisavat sissetulekutoetust majanduskasvu kumisele, ning ära kasutada võimalusi, mida pakub vähem aeglustumisest kõige enam mõjutatud isikutele süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitav majandus. ning kasutada kooskõlas turvalise paindlikkuse lähenemisviisiga maksimaalselt ära sotsiaalkaitse Selleks et maksimeerida positiivse mõju levikut ja tulla toetusi. Riikides, kus töötuskindlustus on üheskoos senisest paremini toime kriisist tulenevate enne- ajaliselt rangelt piiratud, tuleks kaaluda sellise olematute väljakutsetega, edendab komisjon vastastikust kindlustuse ajutist pikendamist ja/või tugevdada õppimist ja heade tavade vahetamist liikmesriikide vahel. miinimumsissetulekut käsitlevaid sätteid. Tööturule naasmise stiimulid tuleks säilitada ja haavatavaid rühmi toetada vastavalt aktiivse kaasamise strateegiale; • investeerida ümberõppesse ja oskuste täiendamisse, eelkõige osalise tööajaga töötajate ja raskustes olevate valdkondade puhul. Eelistada tuleks koolitusi, mis vastavad tööturu tulevastele vajadustele, nagu keskkonnasõbralikud töökohad. Seega tuleks edendada tulevaste oskuste prognoosimist. Selleks et tööhõiveametid tuleksid toime suurenenud töötusega, tuleks neid tõhustada;

33 KOM(2008) 813, 26.11.2008. Euroopa majanduse elavdamine

4.2. Tööhõivealane Euroopa • leevendada finantskriisi otsest mõju tippkohtumine üksikisikutele erimeetmete abil, et hoida ära ülemäärane võlgnevus ja säilitada juurdepääs finantsteenustele. Riikides, kus suure osa ELi lähenemisviis võib anda lisaväärtust liikmesriikide pin- pensionisüsteemist moodustavad eelrahastavad gutustele tööhõiveprobleemi lahendamiseks, vältides samal skeemid, on oluline tagada pensionifondide ajal konkurentsi moonutavat mõju. Mais toimuv tööhõi- säilimine, et kaitsta praeguste ja tulevaste vealane Euroopa tippkohtumine annab võimaluse arenevat pensionäride sissetulekut; olukorda hinnata ja leppida kokku, milliseid täiendavaid meetmeid võtta. Tippkohtumine valmistatakse ette koos • tagada töötajate vaba liikumine siseturul, mis sotsiaalpartneritega ja toetub uuendatud sotsiaalmeetmete võib pakkuda uusi võimalusi. See võib aidata kavaga eelmise aasta jooksul saavutatud edusammudele. isegi majanduslanguse tingimustes leevendada seni tööjõu oskuste ja tööturu vajaduste vahel Tippkohtumine peaks täitma kolm eesmärki: püsinud ebakõla. Sellises kontekstis aitab lähetust käsitlev direktiiv hõlbustada töötajate • aitama kiirendada taastumist, pöörates tähelepanu vaba liikumist teenuste piiriülese pakkumise struktuurireformidele, et luua paindlikumad, valdkonnas, hoides samal ajal tõhusalt ära turvalisemad ja osalust soodustavamad tööturud; sotsiaalse dumpingu. Komisjon töötab koos liikmesriikide ja sotsiaalpartneritega direktiivi • leppima kokku kooskõlastatud lähenemisviisis kriisi 447 ühtse tõlgendamise nimel tagamaks, et direktiivi sotsiaalse mõju vähendamisel; kohaldamine, eelkõige liikmesriikide vaheline • saavutama uue konsensuse sotsiaalpartnerite ja halduskoostöö, annaks soovitud tulemusi; sidusrühmadega selles küsimuses, kuidas ajakohastada • kaaluda selliste toetavate meetmete võtmist sotsiaalpoliitikat nii töötajate kui ka tööandjate nagu kaudsete kulude vähendamine madala vastastikuseks hüvanguks. kvalifikatsiooniga töötajate puhul. Palkade Erilist tähelepanu tuleks pöörata töötusevastastele meet- arengus ja maksumeetmete puhul tuleks arvesse metele, pannes eelkõige rõhku noorte ja ebasoodsamas võtta iga liikmesriigi konkurentsivõimet ja olukorras olevate töötajate tööturule integreerimisele. tootlikkuse kasvu; Tippkohtumine peaks uurima, kuidas ELi poliitika saab • pakkuda piisavat toetust noorte töötuse ja paremini toetada liikmesriikide jõupingutusi, eriti töö- kooli pooleli jätnute probleemi lahendamiseks. turgude struktuuriliste puuduste kõrvaldamisel kooskõlas Haridussüsteemis mitte osalemisel ja majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsitleva Lissaboni strateegia noorte töötusel võib olla pikaajaline mõju. soovitustega. Arvestades, et praegused õppijad jätkavad õpinguid ja töökoha kaotanud töötajad otsivad Tippkohtumine valmistatakse ette koos sotsiaalpartnerite- ümberõppevõimalusi, peaksid liikmesriigid ga ja kõigi sidusrühmadega konsulteerides. Sisendteabe ko- olema valmis kasvavaks nõudluseks hariduse gumiseks tippkohtumise teemade ja võimalike tulemuste ja väljaõppe järele ning ergutama sellist kohta korraldab komisjon eri liikmesriikides hulga semina- nõudlust. Sellega seoses on juba võimalik re, kus saaksid kohtuda Euroopa Parlamendi, sotsiaalpart- prognoosida tulevikus kasvavaid valdkondi, nagu nerite, valitsusväliste organisatsioonide ja kodanikuühis- keskkonnasõbralikud töökohad; konna esindajad. See täiendab käimasolevat teabevahetust komisjoni ning liikmesriikide ja sotsiaalpartnerite vahel • ühendada meetmed, mille eesmärk on turvalise Euroopa sotsiaaldialoogi raames. Nimetatud laiaulatuslik paindlikkuse lähenemisviisist lähtudes vaadata ja avatud ettevalmistusprotsess peaks looma usaldusväärse läbi töökaitsealaste õigusaktide kõik aspektid, et aluse, et saavutada mai tippkohtumisel mitme konkreetse vähendada killustatust ja parandada tööturgude ülesande üle ulatuslik konsensus. toimimist. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

5. Kriisist taastumise ja Maailmapanga väljatöötatud tegevuskava abi andmise kohta, et toetada mõnede Kesk- ja Ida-Euroopa riikide edendamine kogu maailmas: panku ja soodustada laenamist. Euroopa panus G20 Arvestades ülemaailmse kriisi kaugeleulatuvat mõju ja sel- tippkohtumisel lest tulenevat majanduslangust arengumaades, tuleb ELil täita oma kohustust aidata neil kriis üle elada, kaotada Tegemist on üleilmse kriisiga. See, mil määral ja kui kii- vaesus ja tagada püsiv majanduskasv. Euroopa tugi aasta- resti šokk ühel süsteemse tähtsusega finantsturul mõjutas tuhande arengueesmärkide täitmisel on oluline, et tagada finantssüsteemi ja kandus üle kogu maailma majandu- avatud ja säästva maailmamajanduse taastumine. sele, näitab, kuivõrd maailm on muutunud vastastikku sõltuvaks. EL peab kinni pidama oma ülemeremaade arenguabiga seotud kohustustest, et arenguabi oleks võimalik kasutada Tänu ELi juhtivale tegevusele teadvustati vajadus üleilm- koos muude olemasolevate vahenditega majanduskasvu, sete lahenduste järele. ELi algatusel lepiti 2008. aasta investeeringute, kaubanduse ja töökohtade loomise stimu- novembris Washingtonis toimunud G20 tippkohtumisel leerimiseks. Komisjoni, liikmesriikide ja Euroopa Inves- kokku tegevuskavas, mille eesmärk on uuendada rahvus- teerimispanga eri vahendite kaudu peaks EL keskenduma vahelise finantsstruktuuri ülesehitust, et viia see kooskõlla sellistele valdkondadele, kus on võimalik saavutada otsene üleilmastumise tegelikkusega. antitsükliline mõju, nagu põllumajandus, kliimamuutus ja 448 infrastruktuurid. Nendele pingutustele vastukaaluks peak- EL peab ka 2. aprillil Londonis toimuval G20 tippkoh- sid arengumaad võtma endale kindla kohustuse tagada tumisel olema üksmeelne. Arvestades ELi pikaajalist ja makromajanduse ja eelarvepoliitika tõhus juhtimine. edukat kogemust piirkondliku turu integreerimisel ja tule- muslikul institutsioonide ülesehitamisel, võib Euroopa olla selles töös tugev ja mõjukas partner. Londoni tippkohtumisel peaks EL kooskõlas oma jooksvate sisepoliitiliste otsustega edendama kok- Kuna Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava rakendamine kuleppe saavutamist kõikehõlmavates konkreetsetes kogub hoogu ning Euroopa finantsturgudel toimuvad ülesannetes. Tippkohtumisel tuleks kokku leppida põhjalikud reformid, on Euroopa Liit eriti soodsas olukor- kindlas kohustuses parandada üleilmset finants- ja ras, et pakkuda välja konkreetseid lahendusi, mis võimal- regulatiivsüsteemi, et kõigi asjaomaste osaliste ja va- daksid saavutada tõhusaid tulemusi kogu maailmas. hendite suhtes kohaldataks nõuetekohast juhtimist ja järelevalvet. Need pingutused peaksid arvestama vajadust lahendada kliimamuutusega seotud probleemid kogu maailmas. Üle- • Läbipaistvuse ja aruandekohustuse parandamine: minek vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitavale majanduse- panganduse usaldatavusnormatiive ja le peaks looma uusi majanduskasvu võimalusi mitte ainult raamatupidamisstandardeid tuleks täiustada, Euroopas, vaid kogu maailmas. Seetõttu tuleks Londoni toetudes antitsüklilistele mehhanismidele tippkohtumisel kinnitada oma pühendumust saavutada ja hinnates varade väärtust õiglaselt. 2009. aasta detsembris Kopenhaagenis toimuval ÜRO Pankade kapitalinõuded peaksid paremini kliimamuutuse alastel läbirääkimistel laiaulatuslik ja kogu peegeldama likviidsusriske ja kohandama maailma hõlmav kokkulepe. väärtpaberistamisstiimuleid. Parandada tuleks rahvusvaheliste raamatupidamisstandardite Peaksime tagama, et Londoni tippkohtumisel jääks kõlama nõukogu juhtimisstruktuure. selge sõnum säilitada maailmaturgude avatus. Kuigi kogu • Põhjaliku reguleerimise täiustamine: maailmas valitseb varasemate kogemuste põhjal arusaam, reguleerimist ja järelevalvet ning eriti Baseli et protektsionism mõjub majanduslanguses katastroofili- komitee usaldatavusnormatiive tuleks laiendada selt, võidakse riiklikul tasandil avaldada tugevat survet pii- süsteemi kõigile asjaomastele osalistele – ravate meetmete kohaldamiseks. Selle ohu kõrvaldamiseks riskimaandusfondidele, eraaktsiakapitalile on oluline võtta nimetatud küsimuses selge seisukoht. ja kõikidele muudele reguleerimata krediidiasutustele. Krediidireitinguagentuuridele ELi potentsiaalsed kandidaatriigid ja naaberriigid kan- peaksid kehtima ranged nõuded, et tagada natavad samuti kriisi mõju all. Komisjonil on jätkuvalt reitingute kvaliteet, läbipaistvus ja huvide kindel soov teha koostööd Euroopa ja rahvusvaheliste fi- konfliktide puudumine. Tasustamispoliitikat nantsasutustega, et toetada nende riikide majanduslikku tuleks muuta, et vältida liigsete lühiajaliste riskide stabiilsust ja arengut. Komisjon tervitas Euroopa Rekonst- võtmist, ja see tuleks allutada järelevalvele. ruktsiooni- ja Arengupanga, Euroopa Investeerimispanga Euroopa majanduse elavdamine

• Aususe edendamine rahaturgudel: tuleks • Maailmapanga ja piirkondlike arengupankade koostada nimekiri koostööd vältivatest arendamine: pangad peaksid rakendama nende jurisdiktsioonidest ja töötada nende suhtes välja käsutuses olevaid vahendeid paindlikult, et ühised meetmed järelevalve, rahapesu vastase koondada abi selle andmiseks ettenähtud võitluse, terrorismi rahastamise ja maksunduse ajavahemiku algusesse ja leevendada kriisi valdkonnas. Panku tuleks kõrgendatud mõju, eelkõige haavatava elanikkonna puhul. usaldatavusnormatiivide ja rangemate Arengupankade tegevuseks tuleks tagada piisav läbipaistvuseeskirjade abil veenda loobuma rahastamine. tegutsemisest off-shore keskustes32. Vahendatud Tippkohtumisel tuleks toetada tasakaalustatud väärtpaberite omamise ja võõrandamise eeskirju maailmaturgude arengut, pöörates tähelepanu järg- tuleks ühtlustada kogu maailmas. mistele küsimustele. • Rahvusvahelise järelevalvealase koostöö tihendamine: luua tuleks üleilmsed • Maailma majanduse taastumise edendamine järelevalveasutuste kolleegiumid ja anda neile fiskaalmeetmete ja nende tegeliku mõju jätkuva tulemuslikuks tegutsemiseks vajalikud volitused. rahvusvahelise kooskõlastamise kaudu. EL Järelevalveasutused peaksid jagama häid tavasid annab oma panuse üleilmsesse jõupingutusse ja edendama tavade üleilmset ühtlustamist. majanduskasvu taastamiseks. Rahvusvaheline • Enne 2. aprilli tippkohtumist tuleks laiendada koostöö peaks tagama, et praegused 449 finantsstabiilsuse foorumi liikmeskonda nii, fiskaalmeetmed on kooskõlas pikaajalise eelarve et see hõlmaks ka kõiki peamisi kiiresti areneva jätkusuutlikkusega. Lisaks sellele peaksid majandusega riike ja Euroopa Komisjoni. need tagama piisava investeeringute taseme pikaajalistes poliitikavaldkondades, näiteks • Rahvusvaheliste finantsasutuste juhtimise innovatsioon, haridus, energiatõhusus ja reformimine: Londoni tippkohtumisel tuleks vähem süsihappegaasiheiteid tekitav majandus. kokku leppida Rahvusvahelise Valuutafondi Kui maailma majandus hakkab taastuma, (IMF) ja Maailmapanga juhtimise täiendava on õigustatud makromajanduslike stiimulite reformimise ajakavas. Kõnealuse kahe asutuse korrapärane ja kooskõlastatud kaotamine. juhtivtöötajate ametisse nimetamise süsteem avatud kaubanduse tuleks läbi vaadata. • Fiskaalstiimulite täienduseks soodustamine. G20 riigid peaksid püüdlema • IMFi tugevdamine: liikmesriigid peaksid veelgi avatuma maailmaturu poole. Doha vooru andma ühise panuse IMFi vahendite ajutisse kiire lõpetamine, võttes aluseks olemasolevad kahekordistamisse. IMF peaks tugevdama läbirääkimistekstid põllumajanduse ja oma järelevalvet, laiendades küsimuste ringi, tööstuskaupade küsimustes, on võtmetähtsusega. mida seoses finantssektoriga käsitletakse, Londoni tippkohtumisel tuleks vankumatult tugevdades mitmepoolset järelevalvet ja tagades kinnitada ühist protektsionismi vastast mitmepoolsete konsultatsioonide toimumise, seisukohta, mis oleks kooskõlas Washingtonis sealhulgas üleilmse tasakaalustamatuse kokkulepitud olemasoleva olukorra korrapärase kõrvaldamise. Tihendada tuleks säilitamise kohustusega ja Maailma koostööd finantsstabiilsuse foorumiga ja Kaubandusorganisatsiooni sätestatud tõhusa luua tuleks ühised tõhusad varase hoiatamise järelevalvemehhanismiga. G20 partnerid peaksid mehhanismid. IMF peaks finantsstabiilsuse väljendama oma ühist kindlat tahet tagada foorumi liikmesriike ja muid süsteemselt kõnealuse kohustuse rakendamine kõrgeimal olulisi riike korrapäraselt hindama ja sisestama poliitilisel tasandil. avastatud puudused varase hoiatamise Kaubanduse rahastamist käsitleva mitmepoolse mehhanismi. Reformida tuleks ka sisekorda • algatuse ja tagada, et IMFi järelevalve käigus tehtud käivitamine, mis tugevdaks peamised järeldused edastatakse rahvusvahelisele Maailmapanga kontserni ja muude asjaomaste valuuta- ja finantsnõukogule. mitmepoolsete arenguasutuste jõupingutusi kaubanduse rahastamisega seotud tegevuse laiendamises.

34 Komisjonil on kavas lähiajal esitada ettepanekud maksundusalase teabevahetuse ja läbipaistvuse kohta ELis ja suhetes kolmandate riikidega. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Komisjon kutsub Euroopa Ülemkogu kevadisel kohtumi- • Üleilmse arengu soodustamine on üks osa sel üles: üleilmse kriisi lahendamisest ning rahu ja stabiilsuse loomise alustala kogu maailmas. • kokku leppima vajaduses töötada välja finantssektori Londoni tippkohtumisel tuleks taas kinnitada reformimiseks uus meetmete pakett, mis sisaldaks kohustust toetada arengumaid nende püüdlustes ELi finantssektori uut järelevalveraamistikku, tagada majanduskasv ja võidelda vaesuse vastu, lähtudes Jacques de Larosière’i töörühma tulemustest, seda eelkõige aastatuhande arengueesmärkide ja otsustama kõnealuse uue raamistiku peamiste täitmise kaudu. Et muuta arengumaadele küsimuste üle juunis toimuval Euroopa Ülemkogu rahvusvahelises kaubanduses osalemine kohtumisel, võttes aluseks komisjoni täiendavad lihtsamaks, peaksid G20 riigid täitma oma ettepanekud; samuti kutsuma nõukogu ja Euroopa lubadusi kaubandusabi alal ning võimaldama Parlamenti üles tegelema eelisjärjekorras nende kõige vähem arenenud riikidele tollimaksu- ja finantsteenuste määruse ettepanekute vastuvõtmisega, kvoodivaba juurdepääs oma turgudele. mis komisjon esitab järgmiste kuude jooksul; • kutsuma liikmesriike üles võtma vajalikke meetmeid, et tagada kohe, kui majandustingimused seda 6. Kokkuvõte võimaldavad, pikaajaline finantsstabiilsus kooskõlas uuendatud stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga; 450 Käesolevas teatises on sätestatud viis, kuidas Euroopa Liit • kutsuma liikmesriike üles kiirendama oma riiklike saaks edasi arendada juba võetud meetmeid, et lahendada elavdamiskavade ja struktuurireformide rakendamist; finants- ja majanduskriisiga seotud probleemid. EL asub nüüd viima ellu oma majanduse elavdamise kava järgmist • kutsuma liikmesriike üles kohaldama punktis 3.2 etappi ja võetud meetmeid on vaja tõhusalt kooskõlastada sätestatud ühiseid põhimõtteid reaalmajanduse tagamaks, et nende mõju ettevõtjatele, majapidamistele ja tugevdamiseks mõeldud meetmete väljatöötamisel ja kogukondadele kogu Euroopas oleks võimalikult soodne. rakendamisel; Teatis peegeldab 1. märtsil 2009 toimunud riigipeade ja • kutsuma liikmesriike üles toetama kriisi ajal tõhusalt valitsusjuhtide arutelu ning selles rõhutatakse, et majan- üksikisikuid, võttes aluseks käesolevas teatises duse taastumine on lihtsam, kui ühes liikmesriigis võeta- kirjeldatud meetmed; vad meetmed on välja töötatud nii, et need tooksid kaa- sa olukorra paranemise ka teistes liikmesriikides. Tõhus • kiitma heaks mais toimuva tööhõivealase Euroopa kooskõlastamine muudab ühisturu majanduse taastumise tippkohtumise ettevalmistusprotsess; hüppelauaks. • kiitma heaks Euroopa ühine seisukoht G20 tippkohtumiseks Londonis. Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

KOMISJONI TEATIS BRÜSSEL, 3. MÄRTS 2010 KOM(2010) 2020

Eessõna näidatakse, kuidas Euroopa suudab saavutada aruka, jät- kusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu, leida viise uute töö- 451 kohtade loomiseks ning pakkuda meie ühiskonnale uut 2010. aasta peab tähistama uut algust. Soovin, et Euroopa suunda. väljuks majandus- ja finantskriisist senisest tugevamana. Euroopa liidrid on ühiselt analüüsinud kriisist saadud Finantskriisi üleilmne mõju on näidanud, et majanduse kogemusi. Oleme ühisel seisukohal, et probleeme tuleb olukord muutub kiiremini kui poliitiline olukord. Peame lahendada kiiresti. Nüüd peame hakkama seda ühiselt ka leppima sellega, et suurenenud vastastikune majanduslik tegema. Euroopal on mitmeid tugevusi: näiteks andekas sõltuvus nõuab ka senisest kindlamat ja ühtsemat tegutse- tööjõud, tugev tööstus- ja tehnoloogiline baas ning üht- mist poliitilisel tasemel. ne turg ja ühisraha, mis on aidanud meil ära hoida kõige halvema stsenaariumi. Lisaks oleme kujundanud Euroopas Kahe viimase aasta jooksul on miljonid inimesed jäänud sotsiaalse turumajanduse ja näinud, et see on end õigusta- tööta. Kriis on kaasa toonud võlakoorma, mida tuleb kan- nud. Peame uskuma oma võimesse koostada endale am- da mitu aastat, suurendanud survet meie sotsiaalsele ühte- bitsioonikas tegevuskava ja seejärel teha jõupingutusi selle kuuluvusele ja toonud selgelt esile Euroopa majanduse ees ellurakendamiseks. seisvad probleemid. Samal ajal areneb maailma majandus edasi. Euroopa tegutsemisviis määrab meie tuleviku. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku kehtestada ELile 2020. aastaks viis mõõdetavat eesmärki, mis juhivad protsessi ja mille Kriis peab meid äratama, sest peame mõistma, et tavapä- alusel seatakse riiklikud sihid. Eesmärgid seatakse tööhõi- rase tegevuse jätkamine põhjustaks järkjärgulise majandus- ve, teadusuuringute ja innovatsiooni, kliimamuutuste ja languse kuni Euroopa tähtsuse languseni uues üleilmses energeetika, hariduse ning vaesusevastase võitluse valdkon- korras. Praegu on Euroopas otsuste tegemise aeg, mil tuleb nas. Eesmärgid kajastavad soovitud arengusuunda ja või- olla jõuline ja ambitsioonikas. maldavad meil mõõta edusamme.

Meie lühiajaliseks prioriteediks on edukast väljumine krii- Kavandatud eesmärgid on auahned, kuid saavutatavad. sist, mis võtab veel aega, kuid mille me siiski saavutame. Eesmärkide saavutamise tagamiseks toetatakse neid konk- Märkimisväärseid edusamme on tehtud rämpspankadega reetsete ettepanekutega. Käesolevas dokumendis esitatud seotud probleemide lahendamisel ja finantsturgudel kor- suurprojektid näitavad, kuidas EL saab anda otsustava pa- rektsioonide tegemisel, samuti on jõutud ühisele seisuko- nuse. Meie käsutuses on tõhusad vahendid: majanduse uus hale, et euroalal on poliitikat vaja tihedalt koordineerida. juhtimisviis, mida toetavad siseturg, eelarve, kaubandus ja välismajanduspoliitika ning majandus- ja rahaliidu põhi- Jätkusuutliku tuleviku tagamiseks peame kokku leppima mõtted ja selliselt liidult saadav toetus. pikaajalistes perspektiivides. Euroopa tuleb esmalt suunata õigele teele ja seejärel teda sel teel hoida. See ongi Euroopa Selleks et saavutada edu, peavad Euroopa liidrid ja institut- 2020. aasta strateegia eesmärk. Strateegias keskendutakse sioonid end uue strateegiaga tihedalt siduma. Meie uus te- töökohtade loomisele ja elukvaliteedi parandamisele ning gevuskava eeldab Euroopalt, sealhulgas sotsiaalpartneritelt EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

ja kodanikuühiskonnalt koordineeritud tegevust. Koostöö • koolist väljalangenute osakaal peab jääma alla 10% korral suudame probleemid lahendada ja väljuda kriisist ning vähemalt 40% uuest põlvkonnast peab omandama senisest tugevamana. Meie käsutuses on uued vahendid ja kolmanda taseme hariduse; meil on uus ambitsioon. Nüüd peame hakkama tegutsema. • vaesuse ohus elavate inimeste arvu tuleks vähendada 20 miljoni (inimese) võrra. José Manuel BARROSO Need eesmärgid on omavahel seotud ja on meie üldise edu pant. Selleks et iga liikmesriik kujundaks Euroopa Strateegia „Euroopa 2020”. 2020. aasta strateegiat vastavalt oma konkreetsele olukor- rale, teeb komisjon ettepaneku ELi eesmärkide ülevõtmi- Kokkuvõte seks riiklikesse eesmärkidesse ja kavadesse.

Euroopa on üleminekuetapis. Majanduskriis on muutnud Eespool esitatud eesmärgid esindavad aruka, jätkusuutliku olematuks aastate jooksul majandus- ja sotsiaalvaldkonnas ja kaasava majanduskasvu kolme prioriteeti, kuid need ei tehtud edusammud ja toonud esile Euroopa majanduse ole ammendavad: kindlasti on nende toetamiseks vaja ter- struktuurilised nõrkused. Samal ajal liigub muu maailm vet rida meetmeid riiklikul, ELi ja rahvusvahelisel tasandil. kiiresti edasi ning pikaajalised probleemid nagu globali- Komisjon käivitab seitse suurprojekti, et kiirendada iga seerumine, ressursside vähenemine ja elanikkonna vanane- prioriteetse valdkonna edusamme: mine muutuvad üha teravamaks. Euroopa Liit peab nüüd oma tuleviku eest hoolt kandma. 452 • „Innovatiivne liit,” mille eesmärk on parandada teadustegevuse ja innovatsiooni raamtingimusi Euroopa saab edukas olla vaid siis, kui ta tegutseb ühiselt. ja rahastamist, et tagada uuenduslike ideede Meil on vaja strateegiat, mis aitaks meil kriisist tugevamana kasutuselevõtt majanduskasvu ja töökohti loovate väljuda ja muuta EL aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava ma- toodete ja teenuste arendamisel. jandusega liiduks, kus on kõrge tööhõive, tootlikkuse ja sotsiaalse ühtekuuluvuse tase. Euroopa 2020. aasta stratee- • „Noorte liikuvus,” mille eesmärk on parandada gias esitatakse Euroopa sotsiaalse turumajanduse visioon haridussüsteemide tulemusi ja lihtsustada noorte 21. sajandiks. sisenemist tööturule. • „Euroopa digitaalne tegevuskava,” mille eesmärk on Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegias on kolm vastastikku tugev- kiirendada kiire internetiühenduse kasutuselevõttu davat prioriteeti: ja võimaldada ühtsest digitaalsest turust kasu saada kodumajapidamistel ja ettevõtetel. • arukas majanduskasv: teadmiste- ja innovatsioonipõhise majanduse arendamine; • „Ressursitõhus Euroopa,” mille eesmärk on aidata kaotada majanduskasvu ja ressursside kasutamise • jätkusuutlik majanduskasv: ressursitõhusama, vaheline seos, toetada üleminekut vähem CO2- loodussäästlikuma ja konkurentsivõimelisema heiteid tekitavale majandusele, suurendada majanduse edendamine; taastuvate energiaallikate kasutamist, ajakohastada • kaasav majanduskasv: kõrge tööhõivetasemega transpordisektorit ja edendada energiatõhusust. majanduse tugevdamine, et tagada sotsiaalne ja • „Üleilmastumise ajastu uus tööstuspoliitika,” mille territoriaalne ühtekuuluvus. eesmärk on parandada ärikeskkonda, eriti VKEde EL peab selgusele jõudma, kuhu ta soovib aastaks 2020 puhul, ning toetada tugeva, jätkusuutliku ja maailma jõuda. Sellega seoses teeb komisjon ettepaneku kehtestada tasandil konkurentsivõimelise tööstusbaasi loomist. ELi jaoks järgmised peamised eesmärgid: • „Uute oskuste ja töökohtade tegevuskava,” mille eesmärk on ajakohastada tööturgusid ja julgustada • 75% elanikkonnast vanuses 20–64 aastat peab olema inimesi kogu eluea jooksul oma oskusi edasi arendama, tööga hõivatud; suurendades seeläbi nende tööturul osalemist ja viies omavahel paremini vastavusse tööjõu pakkumise ja • 3% ELi SKPst tuleb investeerida teadus- ja nõudluse, sealhulgas tööjõu liikuvuse kaudu. arendustegevusse; • „Euroopa vaesusevastase võitluse platvorm,” et tagada • täita tuleb kolm kliima- ja energiaalast eesmärki (20%, sotsiaalne ja territoriaalne ühtekuuluvus selliselt, et 20%, 20%) (sealhulgas heitkoguste vähendamise majanduskasvust ja töökohtade loomisest tõusev kasu künnise suurendamine 30%-ni, kui tingimused on jaguneks laiemalt ning võimaldaks vaesuse ja sotsiaalse sobivad); Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

tõrjutusega kokkupuutuvatel inimestel elada väärikalt majanduskasv ja pidev uute töökohtade loomine on ta- ja võtta aktiivselt osa ühiskonnaelust. gasilanguses – meie SKP vähenes 2009. aastal 4% võrra, tööstuslik tootmine langes 1990. aastate tasemele ja 23 Need seitse suurprojekti nõuavad jõupingutusi nii ELilt miljonit inimest ehk 10% meie tööealisest elanikkonnast kui ka liikmesriikidelt. ELi tasandi instrumendid, eriti on praegu ilma tööta. Kriis on olnud suureks šokiks mil- ühtne turg, finantshoovad ja välispoliitika vahendid võe- jonitele kodanikele ja näidanud meie majandussüsteemi takse täielikult kasutusele kitsaskohtade kõrvaldamiseks ja olulisi puudujääke. Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide saavutamiseks. Esmase prioriteedina kaardistab komisjon selle, mida tuleb teha usaldusväärse väljumisstrateegia väljatöötamiseks, finants- Kriis raskendab ka tulevase majanduskasvu tagamist. Meie süsteemi reformi jätkamiseks, eelarve konsolideerimiseks finantssüsteemi ebakindel olukord pärsib majanduse elav- pikaajalise majanduskasvu tagamise eesmärgil ning koos- nemist, kuna ettevõtjatel ja kodumajapidamistel on kee- kõlastamise tugevdamiseks majandus- ja rahaliidu raames. ruline vahendeid laenata, kulutada ja investeerida. Meie riikide rahandus on tõsiselt kannatada saanud ning selle tulemusena ulatub eelarvepuudujääk keskmiselt 7%-ni Tulemuste saavutamiseks on vaja majanduse paremat SKPst ja võlatase ületab 80% SKPst. Kaks aastat kestnud juhtimist. Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia tugineb kahele kriis on hävitanud kahekümne aasta jooksul eelarve kon- sambale: eespool osutatud temaatiline lähenemisviis, mis solideerimiseks tehtud jõupingutuste tulemused. Kriis on hõlmab prioriteete ja peamisi eesmärke, ning liikmesriiki- halvanud meie kasvupotentsiaali. Mitmed investeerimis- de aruandlus, mis aitab liikmesriikidel välja töötada stra- kavad, võimekused ja ideed võivad nüüd ebakindluse, vä- teegiaid jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu ja riigi rahanduse hese nõudluse ja rahastamise puudumise tõttu jääda ellu 453 taastamiseks. ELi tasandil võetakse vastu koondsuunised, rakendamata. mis hõlmavad ELi prioriteete ja eesmärke. Liikmesriikidele adresseeritakse riigipõhised soovitused. Lisaks võidakse po- liitika kohta teha hoiatusi, kui liikmesriik ei reageeri nõue- Selgunud on Euroopa struktuurilised tekohaselt. Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aruanded ning nõrkused stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti hinnang koostatakse samaaegselt, kuid kõnealused kaks instrumenti hoitakse eraldi ja taga- Esmaseks ülesandeks on kriisist väljumine, kuid olulisi- takse pakti terviklikkus. maks ülesandeks on loobuda soovist taastada kriisieelne olukord. Isegi enne kriisi oli Euroopas mitu valdkonda, Euroopa Ülemkogul lasub uue strateegia eest täielik vastu- mis võrreldes ülejäänud maailmaga ei arenenud edasi pii- tus. Komisjon jälgib eesmärkide saavutamisel tehtud edu- savalt kiiresti: samme, lihtsustab kogemuste vahetamist ja teeb vajalikke ettepanekuid tegevuse suunamiseks ja ELi suurprojektide Euroopa keskmine kasvumäär on olnud meie peamiste edendamiseks. Euroopa Parlament on juhtiv jõud koda- majanduspartneritega võrreldes struktuuriliselt mada- nike mobiliseerimisel ja kasutab oma volitusi peamiste lam ja selle peamiseks põhjuseks on tootlikkuse taseme algatuste kaasseadusandjana. Partnerlusel põhinev lähene- erinevus, mis on viimase kümne aasta jooksul aina suu- misviis peaks hõlmama ka ELi komiteesid, riiklikke par- renenud. See tuleneb suurel määral erinevustest ettevõtlus- lamente, kohalikke ja piirkondlikke ametiasutusi, tööturu struktuuris, teadus- ja arendustegevusse ja innovatsiooni osapooli, sidusrühmi ja kodanikuühiskonda, et kaasata tehtavate investeeringute väikesest mahust, teatava ühis- kõik visiooni kujundamisse. konnaosa vastumeelsusest innovatsiooni suhtes, info- ja kommunikatsioonitehnoloogiate ebatõhusast kasutami- Komisjon teeb ettepaneku, et Euroopa Ülemkogu kiidaks sest, turulepääsu tõketest ning ettevõtluskeskkonna vähe- märtsikuu kohtumisel heaks strateegia üldise lähenemisvii- sest dünaamilisusest; si ja ELi peamised eesmärgid ning annaks juunikuu kohtu- misel heakskiidu strateegia üksikasjalikele parameetritele, hoolimata tehtud edusammudest on Euroopa tööhõive- sealhulgas koondsuunistele ja riiklikele eesmärkidele. Ko- määr (20–64-aastase inimeste hulgas keskmiselt 69%) muu misjon ootab ka Euroopa Parlamendi seisukohti ja tuge, et maailmaga võrreldes siiski märkimisväärselt madalam. Kui tagada Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia edu. töötavate meeste osakaal on 76%, siis töötavaid naisi on ainult 63%. Kui Ameerika Ühendriikides ja Jaapanis töö- tab eakamatest (55–64 eluaastat) üle 62%, siis Euroopas 1. Muudatuste tegemise aeg on vastav näitaja ainult 46%. Lisaks on eurooplaste tööaeg Ameerika Ühendriikide või Jaapaniga võrreldes keskmiselt Kriis on hävitanud hiljutised edusammud 10% võrra lühem; rahvastik vananeb üha kiiremini. Kuna beebibuumi põlv- Hiljutine majanduskriis on meie põlvkonnale esime- kond jääb pensionile, hakkab ELi tööealine elanikkond ne omataoline. Viimase kümne aasta jooksul püsinud EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

alates 2013. või 2014. aastast vähenema. Üle 60 aasta va- Euroopa peab majanduslanguse nade inimeste arv suureneb praegu kaks korda kiiremini ärahoidmiseks tegutsema kui enne 2007. aastat – igal aastal suureneb see ligikaudu kahe miljoni võrra, samas kui varem suurenes see ainult Praegusest kriisist oleme saanud mitu kogemust: ühe miljoni võrra. Töötava elanikkonna vähenemine ja pensionäride osakaalu suurenemine panevad meie sotsiaal- hoolekandesüsteemidele täiendava koorma. ELi 27 majandussüsteemi on vastastikku äärmiselt sõltu- vad: kriisis alahinnati riiklike majandussüsteemide, eelkõi- ge euroala tihedaid sidemeid ja mõju levikut. Nagu on näi- Üleilmsed probleemid muutuvad aina danud hiljutised sündmused, mõjutavad ühe riigi reformid tõsisemaks või nende puudumine kõikide ülejäänud riikide olukorda. Lisaks on kriisi ja riiklike kulutuste range piiramise tõt- Samal ajal kui Euroopa peab kõrvaldama oma struktuu- tu teatavatel liikmesriikidel senisest keerulisem rahastada rilisi puudujääke, muutub maailm kiiresti ja on järgmise piisaval määral põhiinfrastruktuuri sellistes valdkondades aastakümne lõpuks praegusest sootuks erinev: nagu transport ja energeetika, et arendada nende endi ma- jandussüsteemi ja osaleda täielikult siseturul; meie majandussüsteemid on üksteisega üha enam seotud. Euroopa on ka edaspidi üks avatumaid majandussüsteeme ELi sisene koordineerimine annab tulemusi: kriisile rea- maailmas, kuid konkurents, mida pakuvad arenenud ma- geerimine näitas, et üheskoos tegutsemine annab märki- 454 jandusega ja tärkava turumajandusega riigid, on muutu- misväärselt tõhusamaid tulemusi. Seda tõestasid pangan- nud üha tihedamaks. Sellised riigid nagu Hiina ja India dussüsteemi stabiliseerimiseks võetud ühismeetmed ja teevad märkimisväärseid investeeringuid teadustöösse ja Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava vastuvõtmine. Maail- tehnoloogiasse, et nende tööstusharude koht väärtusahe- mas ei saa ükski riik üksinda tegutsedes probleeme tõhusalt las paraneks ja nad saaksid siseneda maailma majandusse. lahendada; Selline areng avaldab meie teatavatele majandussektoritele küll konkurentsisurvet, kuid pakub ka mitmeid võimalusi. EL annab rahvusvahelisel tasandil lisaväärtust. EL mõjutab Osutatud riikide arenedes avanevad uued turud paljudele üleilmseid poliitikaotsuseid ainult juhul, kui ta tegutseb Euroopa ettevõtjatele; ühiselt. ELi tugevam esindamine väljaspool liidu piire peab käima käsikäes sisemise koordineerimise suurendamisega. üleilmset rahandust on vaja veel tugevdada. Kogu maa- ilmas valitsenud hõlbus laenusaamine, lühiajaline lähe- Kriis ei ole ühekordne hoop, mis võimaldab meil jätkata nemisviis ja ülemääraste riskide võtmine finantsturgudel oma tavapärast tegevust. Liit peab lahendama problee- õhutas spekulatiivset käitumist, mis tõi kaasa pulbitseva me, mis on majanduslanguse eelse ajaga võrreldes keeru- majanduskasvu ja märkimisväärse ebavõrdsuse. Euroopa lisemad, kuid tegutsemisruum on samal ajal piiratud. Ka on kaasatud selliste üleilmsete lahenduste otsimisse, mis ülejäänud maailm otsib lahendusi. G20 suurenenud roll tagaksid finantssüsteemi tõhususe ja jätkusuutlikkuse; näitab areneva majandusega riikide majandusliku ja polii- tilise võimu kasvu. kliimaprobleemid ja ressursside nappus nõuavad drastilisi meetmeid. Suur sõltuvus fossiilkütustest (näiteks naftast) Euroopa peab tegema selge, kuid raske valiku. Ühe või- ja toorainete ebatõhus kasutamine põhjustavad meie tar- malusena tuleb asuda ühiselt lahendama majanduse ko- bijatele ja ettevõtjatele kahjulikke ja kulukaid hinnašokke, hest elavdamist takistavaid ja muid pikaajalisi probleeme, ohustades sel moel meie majanduslikku turvalisust ja soo- nagu üleilmastumine, ressursside nappus ja elanikkonna dustades kliimamuutusi. Maailma rahvastiku suurenemi- vananemine, et heastada hiljutised tagasilangused, taasta- ne kuuelt miljardilt üheksa miljardi inimeseni suurendab da konkurentsivõime, suurendada tootlikkust ja suunata üleilmset konkurentsi seoses loodusvaradega ja survet kesk- EL tagasi teele jõukuse suunas (majanduse jätkusuutlik konnale. EL peab kliimamuutuste probleemile üleilmset elavdamine). lahendust otsides kaasama ka edaspidi sellesse ülejäänud maailma ning samal ajal rakendama kogu liidu territooriu- Teise võimalusena võib jätkata aeglaseid ja suurel määral mil oma kokkulepitud kliima- ja energiastrateegiat. koordineerimata reforme ning riskida heaolu püsiva kaotu- se ja tagasihoidliku majanduskasvuga (majanduse aeglane elavdamine), mis võib kaasa tuua kõrge töötusemäära ja sotsiaalse kitsikuse ning ELi tähtsuse suhtelise languse rah- vusvahelisel tasandil (nn kaotatud aastakümme). Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

Sel viisil tegutsedes tuleb kriisist väljumisega siseneda uude Euroopa kolm võimalikku arengu- majandussüsteemi. Selleks et nii meie põlvkond kui ka teed 2020. aastani tulevased põlvkonnad saaksid edaspidigi kõrge vanuseni nautida kvaliteetset elu, mis on tagatud Euroopa unikaalse sotsiaalmudeliga, peame praegu võtma meetmeid. Selleks 1. arengutee: majanduse jätkusuutlik et muuta EL arukaks, jätkusuutlikuks ja kaasavaks majan- elavdamine dussüsteemiks, mida iseloomustab kõrge tööhõive- ja toot- Euroopa on võimeline varasema majanduskasvu likkuse määr ning sotsiaalne ühtekuuluvus, vajame stratee- täielikult taastama ja kasutama oma potentsiaali giat. Seda eesmärki täidab Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia, veel enamgi mis on mõeldud kõikidele liikmesriikidele, võttes arvesse nende erinevaid vajadusi, lähtepositsioone ja riiklikke eri- 2. arengutee: majanduse aeglane elavdamine pärasid, et edendada nende kõikide majanduskasvu. Euroopa heaolu on kestvalt vähenenud ja sel- liselt madalalt tasemelt hakatakse toetama uut majanduskasvu 2. Arukas, jätkusuutlik ja kaasav 3. arengutee: nn kaotatud aastakümme majanduskasv

Euroopa heaolu on kestvalt vähenenud ja majan- Millisena me soovime Euroopat duskasvu potentsiaal on kaotatud 2020. aastal näha? 455

Euroopa suudab edu saavutada Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegias peaksid kesksel kohal ole- ma kolm prioriteeti35: Euroopal on mitmeid tugevusi: näiteks andekas ja loov elanikkond, tugev tööstusbaas, elujõuline teenindussektor, • arukas majanduskasv – välja arendada teadmistele ja jõudsalt edenev kvaliteetne põllumajandussektor, tugevad innovatsioonile tuginev majandussüsteem; meretraditsioonid, ühtne turg ja ühisraha ning positsioon • jätkusuutlik majanduskasv – edendada senisest maailma suurima kaubandusblokina ja välismaiste otsein- ressursitõhusamat, loodussäästlikumat ja vesteeringute peamise sihtkohana. Samuti on meie tuge- konkurentsivõimelisemat majandussüsteemi; vuseks olulised väärtused, demokraatlikud institutsioonid, püüe majandusliku, sotsiaalse ja territoriaalse ühtekuulu- • kaasav majanduskasv – tugevdada kõrge vuse ning solidaarsuse poole, keskkonnasäästlikkus, kul- tööhõivemääraga ning majanduslikku, sotsiaalset tuuriline mitmekesisus ning sooline võrdõiguslikkus. ja territoriaalset ühtekuuluvust toetavat Mitmed liikmesriigid kuuluvad maailma kõige innovatiiv- majandussüsteemi. semate ja arenenumate majandussüsteemide hulka. Ometi Nimetatud kolm prioriteeti täiendavad üksteist vastas- on Euroopa edu võtmeks ühine tegutsemine liiduna. tikku ja loovad kujutluse Euroopa 21. sajandi sotsiaalsest turumajandusest. EL ja tema liikmesriigid on varemgi suutnud oluliste sünd- mustega toime tulla. 1990. aastatel käivitas Euroopa maa- Selleks et suunata oma jõupingutusi ja jälgida tehtud edu- ilma suurima, ühisrahale tugineva ühtse turu. Alles paar samme, on jõutud üksmeelsele arvamusele, et EL peaks aastat tagasi, kui uued liikmesriigid ühinesid liiduga ja ühiselt kokku leppima piiratud hulgas peamistes eesmär- teised alustasid teed liikmesuse suunas või tihendasid oma kides 2020. aastaks. Sellised eesmärgid peaksid toetama suhteid liiduga, tehti lõpp Euroopa jagunemisele. Kahe vii- arukat, jätkusuutlikku ja kaasavat majanduskasvu, olema mase aasta jooksul, st kriisi kõrghetkel Euroopa majanduse mõõdetavad ja arvestama liikmesriikide erinevat olukor- elavdamise kava raames võetud ühismeetmed aitasid ära da ning nende aluseks peavad võrdlemise eesmärgil ole- hoida majanduse kokkuvarisemise. Samal ajal aitasid meie ma piisavalt usaldusväärsed andmed. Eespool nimetatut sotsiaalhoolekandesüsteemid kaitsta inimesi veelgi suure- arvesse võttes on välja valitud järgmised eesmärgid, mille matesse raskustesse sattumise eest. saavutamine on edu saavutamiseks 2020. aastaks olulise tähtsusega: Euroopa on võimeline kriisiolukorras tegutsema ning ko- handama oma majandust ja ühiskonda. Praegu ongi eu- rooplaste jaoks muudatuste tegemise aeg, et tulla toime 35 Nimetatud prioriteete tunnustati laialdaselt komisjoni kriisi mõjuga, kõrvaldada Euroopa struktuurilised nõrku- korraldatud avaliku konsultatsiooni raames. Üksikasjad sed ja lahendada järjest tõsisemaid üleilmseid probleeme. konsultatsiooni raames esitatud arvamuste kohta on esitatud veebisaidil http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/index_en.htm EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

• 20–64-aastate inimeste tööhõivemäära tuleks puhtamatesse, vähem CO2-heiteid tekitavatesse tehnoloo- suurendada praegusest 69%-st vähemalt 75%- giatesse aitab hoida meie keskkonda, võidelda kliimamuu- ni, sealhulgas tuleks suurendada naiste ja eakate tuste vastu ning luua uusi ettevõtlus- ja tööhõivevõimalusi. tööhõivemäära ning integreerida rändajaid tööjõuturule Me peaksime kogu oma tähelepanu suunama nimetatud senisest paremini; eesmärkide saavutamisele. Selleks et saavutada nimetatud eesmärkide raames kokkuvõtlikult esitatud tulemusi, on • ELi kehtiv eesmärk on investeerida teadus- ja vaja tugevat juhtimist, pühendumist ja tõhusat rakendus- arendustegevusse 3% SKP-st. Sellise eesmärgi puhul mehhanismi, et muuta ELis hoiakuid ja tavasid. on pööratud küll tähelepanu vajadusele investeerida nii avaliku kui ka erasektori kaudu teadus- ja arendustegevusse, kuid seejuures keskendutakse Esitatud eesmärgid on näitlikud, mitte ammendavad. enam sisendile kui mõjule. On selge, et ELis on Need kajastavad komisjoni üldist seisukohta seoses soo- vaja erasektori teadus- ja arendustegevuse tingimusi vitud põhiparameetritega ELis 2020. aastal, kuid ei ole parandada, mida käesolevas strateegias kavandatud mõeldud kõigile sobima. Iga liikmesriik on erinev ja 27 meetmetega ka tehakse. Samuti on selge, et kui vaadata liikmesriigist koosnev EL on praegu mitmekesisem kui ta teadus- ja arendustegevust koos innovatsiooniga, oli 10 aastat tagasi. Komisjon on seisukohal, et hoolimata saaksime investeerida senisest rohkematesse arengutaseme ja elatustaseme erinevustest, on kavandatud valdkondadesse, mis oleks majandustegevuse ja eesmärgid asjakohased nii vanadele kui ka uutele liikmes- tootlikkuse tõukejõu seisukohast asjakohasem. riikidele. Investeerimine teadus- ja arendustegevusse ning Komisjon teeb ettepaneku säilitada kehtiv 3%-line innovatsiooni, haridusse ja ressursitõhusatesse tehnoloo- 456 eesmärk ja töötab praegu välja näitajat, mis kajastaks giatesse toob kasu nii traditsioonilistele sektoritele, maa- teadus- ja arendustegevuse ning innovatsiooni piirkondadele kui ka kõrget kvalifikatsiooni nõudvatele intensiivsust; teenustel põhinevatele majandussüsteemidele ning toetab majanduslikku, sotsiaalset ja territoriaalset ühtekuuluvust. • vähendada kasvuhoonegaaside heitkogust 1990. aasta Selleks et iga liikmesriik kohandaks Euroopa 2020. aasta tasemega võrreldes vähemalt 20% võrra või sobivate strateegiat vastavalt oma konkreetsele olukorrale, teeb ko- tingimuste korral36 30% võrra ning suurendada misjon ettepaneku sõnastada need ELi eesmärgid riiklike taastuvate energiaallikate osakaalu meie energia eesmärkidena ja strateegiatena, mis vastaksid iga liikmes- lõpptarbimises 20%-ni ja energiatõhusust 20% võrra; riigi praegusele olukorrale ja soovitud tulemustele, mida ta on võimeline saavutama ühe osana ELi laiemast jõupingu- • koolist väljalangevuse probleemi käsitlev tusest nimetatud eesmärkide suunas. Lisaks liikmesriikide haridustasemega seotud eesmärk on vähendada koolist pingutustele teeb komisjon ettepaneku võtta ELi tasandil väljalangevuse määra praegusest 15%-st 10%-ni ning mitmeid kaugeleulatuvaid meetmeid, et suunata EL uuele samal ajal suurendada kolmanda taseme haridusega teele senisest jätkusuutlikuma majanduskasvu poole. ELi 30–34-aastaste inimeste osakaalu 2020. aastaks 31%-st ja liikmesriikide jõupingutused peaksid olema üksteist vähemalt 40%-ni; tugevdavad. • allpool riiklikku vaesuspiiri elavate eurooplaste arvu tuleks vähendada 25% võrra, päästes vaesusest rohkem Arukas majanduskasv – teadmistele ja kui 20 miljonit inimest37. innovatsioonile tuginev majandussüsteem Nimetatud eesmärgid on omavahel seotud. Näiteks pa- randab parem haridustase tööalast konkurentsivõimet ja Arukas majanduskasv tähendab teadmiste ja innovatsiooni suurenenud tööhõive aitab kaasa vaesuse vähenemisele. kui meie tulevase majanduskasvu tõukejõu tugevdamist. Teadus- ja arendustegevuse ning innovatsioonisuutlikkuse Selleks tuleb parandada hariduse kvaliteeti, suurendada suurenemine kõikides majandussektorites koos ressurs- teadustöö tulemuslikkust, edendada innovatsiooni ja tead- side suurema tõhususega parandab konkurentsivõimet mussiiret üle kogu liidu, kasutada täielikult ära info- ja ja ergutab töökohtade loomist. Investeerimine senisest kommunikatsioonitehnoloogiaid ning tagada, et innova- tiivsete ideede alusel töötatakse välja uued tooted ja tee- nused, mis edendaksid majanduskasvu ja looksid kvaliteet- 36 10. ja 11. detsembril 2009. aastal toimunud Euroopa seid töökohti ning aitaksid lahendada nii Euroopa kui ka Ülemkogu jõudis järeldusele, et osana 2012. aasta järgset üleilmseid ühiskondlikke probleeme. Edu saavutamiseks perioodi käsitlevast üleilmsest kokkuleppest kordab EL tuleb tegevuses tugineda ettevõtlusele ja rahandusele ning oma tingimuslikku pakkumist vähendada 2020. aastaks kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguseid 1990. aastaga võrreldes keskenduda kasutajate vajadustele ja turuvõimalustele. 30% võrra, eeldusel et teised arenenud riigid võtavad endale võrreldavaid heitkoguste vähendamise kohustusi ning et arengumaad panustavad piisavalt vastavalt oma kohustustele ja võimalustele. 37 Riiklik vaesuspiir on 60% iga liikmesriigi keskmisest kasutada jäävast tulust. Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

Euroopa peab tegutsema järgmistes valdkondades: programm, milles keskendutakse sellistele valdkondadele nagu energiajulgeolek, transport, • innovatsioon: Euroopa suunab teadus- ja kliimamuutused ja ressursitõhusus, tervishoid ja arendustegevusse peamiselt erainvesteeringute vananemine, keskkonnasõbralikud tootmismeetodid väiksema mahu tõttu vähem vahendeid (2%) kui ja maa korraldus, ning edendada programmitööd Ameerika Ühendriigid (2,6%) ja Jaapan (3,4%). liikmesriikide ja piirkondadega; Oluline ei ole mitte ainult teadus- ja arendustegevusse • parandada ettevõtluses innovatsiooni raamtingimusi (st suunatud absoluutsumma: Euroopa peab keskenduma kehtestada ELi ühtne patent ja luua spetsialiseeritud teadusuuringutele eraldatud vahendite mõjule patendikohus, ajakohastada autoriõiguste ja ja struktuurile ning parandama ELis erasektori kaubamärkide raamistikku, parandada väikeste teadus- ja arendustegevuse tingimusi. Meie ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtjate (edaspidi kõrgtehnoloogiaettevõtjate väiksem osakaal selgitab „VKE”) intellektuaalomandi kaitset, kiirendada suuresti meie mahajäämust Ameerika Ühendriikidest; koostalitlusstandardite kehtestamist, parandada • haridus, koolitus ja elukestev õpe: ühel neljandikul juurdepääsu kapitalile ning kasutada täielikult ära kõikidest õpilastest on kehv lugemisoskus ning üks nõudlusega seotud poliitikavaldkondi, näiteks avaliku seitsmendik noortest jätab haridus- ja koolitustee sektori hangete ja aruka reguleerimise kaudu); pooleli liiga vara. Ligikaudu 50% noortest saavutavad • luua ELi ja liikmesriikide vahel Euroopa keskmise kvalifikatsioonitaseme, mis sageli ei vasta innovatsioonialased partnerlused, et kiirendada siiski tööturu vajadustele. Kõrgharidus on Euroopas tuvastatud probleemide lahendamiseks vajalike 457 vähem kui ühel kolmandikul 25–34-aastastest tehnoloogiate väljatöötamist ja kasutuselevõttu. inimestest, samas kui Ameerika Ühendriikides on Esimesed sellised partnerlused hõlmavad biomajanduse see näitaja 40% ja Jaapanis 50%. Shanghai indeksi väljaarendamist 2020. aastaks, Euroopa tööstust järgi kuuluvad ainult kaks Euroopa ülikooli maailma kujundavaid tehnoloogiaid ning tehnoloogiaid, mis 20 tippülikooli hulka; võimaldavad eakatel toime tulla kõrvalise abita ja olla • digitaalühiskond: info- ja ühiskonnas aktiivsed; kommunikatsioonitehnoloogiate üleilmse nõudluse • tugevdada ja arendada innovatsiooni toetamise turuväärtus ulatub 2 000 miljardi euroni, kuid Euroopa eesmärgil edasi ELi vahendite (näiteks ettevõtjate osa on selles ainult üks neljandik. Euroopa struktuurifondide, maaelu arengu fondide, teadus- ja mahajäämust on näha ka nii kiire interneti valdkonnas, arendustegevuse raamprogrammi, konkurentsivõime mis mõjutab tema innovatsioonisuutlikkust, eriti ja uuendustegevuse raamprogrammi, Euroopa maapiirkondades, kui ka teadmiste elektroonilises energiatehnoloogia strateegilise kava) rolli, levitamises ning kaupade ja teenuste elektroonilises sealhulgas tihendada selleks koostööd Euroopa turustamises. Investeerimispangaga, lihtsustada haldusmenetlusi, et Arukat majanduskasvu käsitleva prioriteedi raames ergu- hõlbustada eelkõige VKEde juurdepääsu rahastamisele, tatakse Euroopa innovatsioonisuutlikkust, parandatakse ning luua teerajajatele innovatsiooni stimuleerivad,

õpitulemusi, haridust pakkuvate asutuste kvaliteeti ja kõ- CO2-turuga seotud mehhanismid; nealuste asutuste tulemusi ning kasutatakse ära digitaal­ • edendada teadmuspartnerlust, tugevdada sidemeid ühiskonna majanduslikud ja sotsiaalsed hüved. Asjaomast hariduse, ettevõtluse, teadustöö ja innovatsiooni poliitikat tuleks rakendada nii piirkondlikul, riiklikul kui vahel, sealhulgas Euroopa Innovatsiooni- ja ka ELi tasandil. Tehnoloogiainstituudi kaudu, ning edendada ettevõtlust uute innovatiivsete ettevõtjate ergutamise Suurprojekt „Innovatiivne liit” kaudu. Suurprojekti eesmärk on lahendada teadus- ja arendustege- Riiklikul tasandil peavad liikmesriigid tegema järgmist: vuse ning innovatsiooni poliitika raames meie ühiskonna probleeme sellistes valdkondades nagu kliimamuutused, • reformima riiklikke (ja piirkondlikke) teadus- ja energia- ja ressursitõhusus, tervishoid ning elanikkonna arendustegevuse ning innovatsioonisüsteeme, et vananemine. Tugevdada tuleks kõiki innovatsiooniahela edendada tippteadmisi ja arukat spetsialiseerumist, lülisid alates alusuuringutest kuni turustuseni. tugevdama ülikoolide, teadlaste ja ettevõtjate koostööd, rakendama ühist programmitööd, edendama piiriülest ELi tasandil töötab komisjon selle nimel, et: koostööd valdkondades, kus EL annab lisaväärtuse, ja kohandama riiklikke rahastamismenetlusi sellele • kujundada lõplikult välja Euroopa teadusruum, vastavalt ning tagama tehnoloogiate leviku üle kogu töötada välja strateegiliste teadusuuringute ELi territooriumi; EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

• tagama piisava arvu loodusteaduste, matemaatika- ja tehnikaerialade lõpetajaid ning pöörama koolide • parandama õpitulemusi, pöörates igale õppekavades loovuse, innovatsiooni ja ettevõtlusega etapile (eelkool, esimese, teise ja kolmanda seotud aspektidele senisest enam tähelepanu; taseme haridus ning kutseharidus) tähelepanu integreeritud lähenemisviisi raames, arendades • seadma esikohale teadmistesse tehtavad investeeringud, põhioskusi ja seades eesmärgiks koolist kasutades selleks muu hulgas maksusoodustusi ja väljalangevuse määra vähendamise; muid rahastamisvahendeid, et soodustada teadus- ja arendustegevusse suunatavaid erainvesteeringuid. • suurendama haridussüsteemide avatust ja vastavust tööturu vajadustele, luues selleks riiklikud kvalifikatsiooniraamistikud ja pöörates Suurprojekt „Noorte liikuvus” õpitulemustele senisest suuremat tähelepanu; Suurprojekti eesmärk on suurendada heade tule- • parandada integreeritud meetmete, st muste ja võrdsete võimaluste kaudu kõrgharidust juhendamise, nõustamise ja praktika pakkumise pakkuvate Euroopa asutuste tulemuslikkust ja abil noorte sisenemist tööturule. muuta need rahvusvaheliselt senisest atraktiiv- semaks ning parandada ELis kõikide haridus- ja koolitustasemete üldist kvaliteeti, edendades selleks õpilaste ja praktikantide liikuvust. Suurprojekt „Euroopa digitaalne tegevuskava” 458 ELi tasandil töötab komisjon selle nimel, et: Suurprojekti eesmärk on tagada jätkusuutlik ma- janduslik ja sotsiaalne kasu, mida annab kiirele ja • integreerida ELi vahetus-, ülikooli- ja ülikiirele internetile ning koostalitusvõimelistele teadusprogramme (nagu Erasmus, Erasmus rakendustele tuginev digitaalne ühtne turg, mis või- Mundus, Tempus ja Marie Curie) ja tõhustada maldab pakkuda kõikidele eurooplastele 2013. aas- neid ning siduda osutatud programmid riiklike taks juurdepääsu lairibaühendusele ja 2020. aastaks programmide ja vahenditega; juurdepääsu veelgi kiiremale internetiühendusele (30 Mbit/s või kiirem) ning 50%-le või enamale Eu- • kiirendada kõrghariduse uuendamiskava roopa kodumajapidamistest juurdepääsu kiiremale rakendamist (õppekavad, juhtimine ja kui 100 Mbit/s internetiühendusele. rahastamine), võrreldes sealhulgas ülikoolide tulemuslikkust ja õpitulemusi üleilmsel tasandil; ELi tasandil töötab komisjon selle nimel, et: • uurida ettevõtluse edendamise võimalusi noorte spetsialistide vahetusprogrammide kaudu; • kehtestada stabiilne õiguslik raamistik, • edendada mitteformaalse ja informaalse õppimise mis soodustaks investeeringuid avatud tunnustamist; ja konkurentsivõimelisse kiire interneti koostada noorte tööhõivet käsitlev raamistik, infrastruktuuri ning sellega seotud teenustesse; milles esitatakse poliitika noorte töötuse • töötada välja tõhus spektripoliitika; vähendamiseks. Selline raamistik peaks liikmesriikide ja sotsiaalpartnerite tegevuse • hõlbustada ELi struktuurifondide kasutamist toel aitama praktika, täiendõppe või muu käesoleva strateegia elluviimiseks; töökogemuse pakkumise kaudu kaasa noorte • luua internetipõhisele infosisule ja sisenemisele tööturule, ning sisaldama kava võrguteenustele tõeliselt ühtne turg (näiteks („Sinu esimene EURESi abil saadud töö”), mille piiriülesed ja turvalised ELi veebiteenused ning eesmärk on suurendada liikuvuse soodustamise digitaalse infosisu turud, kus valitseb suur usaldus kaudu ELis noorte töövõimalusi. ja kindlus, tasakaalustatud reguleeriv raamistik Riiklikul tasandil peavad liikmesriigid tegema koos selge õiguste süsteemiga, mitut territooriumi järgmist: hõlmavate litsentside andmise edendamine, õiguste valdajate piisav kaitse ja neile piisava • tagama tõhusad investeeringud kõikidesse tasu maksmine ning aktiivne toetus Euroopa haridus- ja koolitustasemetesse (eelkoolist kuni rikka kultuuripärandi digitaliseerimisele) ning kolmanda taseme hariduseni); kujundada interneti üleilmset haldamist; Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

ja ressursside pillavat kasutamist. Samuti toetab see ma- • reformida teadus- ja innovatsioonifonde janduslikku, sotsiaalset ja territoriaalset ühtekuuluvust. ning suurendada toetust info- ja kommunikatsioonitehnoloogia valdkonnale, et Euroopa peab tegutsema järgmistes valdkondades: tugevdada Euroopa tehnoloogiaalast tugevust strateegiliselt olulistes valdkondades ning • konkurentsivõime: EL on suurendanud tänu luua tingimused suure kasvupotentsiaaliga kaubandusele oma jõukust, eksportides toodangut VKEdele uute turgude juhtimiseks, ning kogu maailma ning importides toorainet ja ergutada kõikides ettevõtlussektorites info- valmistoodangut. Kuna surve eksporditurgudele ja ja kommunikatsioonitehnoloogia alast nõudlus aina enamate toorainete järele on kasvanud, innovatsiooni; peame oma konkurentsivõimet võrreldes peamiste • laiendada juurdepääsu internetiühendusele kaubanduspartneritega tootlikkuse kasvu kaudu ja aidata kõikidel Euroopa kodanikel seda suurendama. Me peame tähelepanu pöörama oma kasutada, kehtestades selleks eelkõige digitaalset suhtelisele konkurentsivõimele nii euroalal kui ka kirjaoskust ja internetile juurdepääsu toetavad ELis laiemalt. EL oli küll üks esimesi loodussäästlike meetmed. lahenduste väljatöötajaid, kuid peamised konkurendid, nimelt Hiina ja Põhja-Ameerika, on seda edumaad Riiklikul tasandil peavad liikmesriigid tegema märkimisväärselt kahandanud. EL peaks loodussäästlike järgmist: tehnoloogiate turul oma juhtpositsiooni säilitama, kuna see on vahend ressursside tõhusa kasutamise tagamiseks 459 • koostama kiiret internetiühendust käsitlevad majandussüsteemis, ning samal ajal kõrvaldama oluliste tegevusstrateegiad ja suunama muu hulgas võrguinfrastruktuuride kitsaskohad, suurendades sel struktuurifondide kaudu erainvesteeringutega viisil meie tööstusalast konkurentsivõimet; täielikult katmata valdkondadesse riiklikud rahalised vahendid; • võitlus kliimamuutuste vastu: kliimaeesmärkide saavutamiseks on vaja heitkoguseid järgmisel • kehtestama riiklike projektide koordineerimiseks aastakümnel märkimisväärselt vähendada ja teha seda õigusliku raamistiku, et vähendada võrgu kiiremini kui eelmisel aastakümnel, ning täielikult levikuga seotud kulusid; ära kasutada uute tehnoloogiate, nagu CO2 kogumise • toetama ajakohaste kättesaadavate võrguteenuste ja sidumise potentsiaali. Ressursside kasutamise (näiteks e-valitsuse, internetipõhiste tõhustamine aitaks heitkoguseid märkimisväärselt tervishoiuteenuste, aruka kodu, digitaalsete piirata, hoida kokku vahendeid ja kiirendada oskuste ja turvalisuse) kasutuselevõttu ja majanduskasvu ning seda tuleks teha kõikides, kasutamist. mitte ainult heitemahukates majandussektorites. Samuti peame tugevdama oma majandussüsteemide vastupanuvõimet kliimaga seotud riskidele ning suurendama katastroofide ennetamise ja nendele Jätkusuutlik majanduskasv – reageerimise suutlikkust; edendada senisest ressursitõhusamat, • puhas ja tõhus energia: energiaeesmärkide loodussäästlikumat ja saavutamisega saaks nafta- ja gaasiimporti 2020. aastaks konkurentsivõimelisemat vähendada 60 miljardi euro võrra. See ei tähendaks majandussüsteemi mitte ainult rahalist kokkuhoidu, vaid oleks oluline ka meie energiajulgeoleku seisukohast. Euroopa energiaturu integreerimiseks tehtavate täiendavate Jätkusuutlik majanduskasv tähendab ressursitõhusa, jät- edusammude abil saaks SKP-d suurendada 0,6–0,8% kusuutliku ja konkurentsivõimelise majandussüsteemi võrra. Kui saavutaksime ELi eesmärgi suurendada ülesehitamist, Euroopa juhtiva rolli ärakasutamist uute taastuvate energiaallikate osakaalu meie kogu protsesside ja tehnoloogiate, sealhulgas loodussäästlike energiatarbimises 20%-ni, võiks see luua ELis rohkem tehnoloogiate väljatöötamiseks, info- ja kommunikat- kui 600 000 töökohta. Kui sellele lisaks suudetakse ka sioonitehnoloogiaid kasutavate arukate võrkude kasu- energiatõhusust suurendada 20% võrra, tähendaks see tuselevõtu kiirendamist, ELi tasandi võrgustike äraka- rohkem kui 1 000 000 töökoha loomist. sutamist ning tööstuse ja ettevõtjate, eelkõige VKEde konkurentsieeliste tugevdamist, õpetades tarbijaid Selle prioriteedi raames on vaja heitkoguste vähendamise väärtustama ressursitõhusust. Selline lähenemisviis aitab kohustusi täita viisil, millega maksimeeritakse saadav kasu

ELil olla vähem CO2-heiteid tekitavas ja piiratud res- ja minimeeritakse kulud ning mille abil levitatakse inno- surssidega maailmas edukas ning samal ajal vältida kesk- vatiivseid tehnoloogilisi lahendusi. Lisaks peaks meie ees- konnakahjustusi, bioloogilise mitmekesisuse vähenemist märgiks olema majanduskasvu ja energiatarbimise vahelise EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

seose kaotamine ning ressursside kasutamise tõhustamine, kuna see annab Euroopale nii konkurentsieelise kui ka vä- • kujundada lõplikult välja energia siseturg ja hendab tema sõltuvust toorainete ja kaupade välismaistest rakendada energiatehnoloogia strateegilist allikatest. tegevuskava. Prioriteediks oleks ka taastuvate energiaallikate ühtse turu edendamine; • esitada algatus Euroopa võrkude, sealhulgas Suurprojekt „Ressursitõhus Euroopa” üleeuroopaliste energiavõrgustike ajakohastamiseks Suurprojekti eesmärk on toetada üleminekut res- Euroopa supervõrgu, arukate võrkude ja eelkõige taastuvate energiaallikate võrguühenduste suunas sursitõhusa ja senisest vähem CO2-heidet tekitava majanduse suunas. Eesmärk on kaotada majandus- (struktuurifondide ja Euroopa Investeerimispanga kasvu ning ressursside ja energiatarbimise vaheline toel). See hõlmab olulise strateegilise tähtsusega ELi infrastruktuuriprojektide seos, vähendada CO2-heitkogust ning suurendada konkurentsivõimet ja energiajulgeolekut. edendamist Läänemere, Balkani, Vahemere ja Euraasia piirkonnas; vastu võtta läbivaadatud ELi tasandil töötab komisjon selle nimel, et: energiatõhususe tegevuskava ja rakendada seda ning edendada ressursitõhususe alast mahukat programmi (mille raames toetatakse VKEsid ning • kasutada ELi rahastamisvahendeid (näiteks kodumajapidamisi), kasutades selleks struktuuri- vahendid maaelu arenguks, struktuurifondid, ja muid fonde, et suurendada tulemuslike teadus- ja arendustegevuse programm, 460 innovatiivsete investeerimisskeemide kaudu üleeuroopalised võrgud ning Euroopa toimuvat rahastamist. See peaks aitama muuta Investeerimispank) sidusa rahastamisstrateegia tarbimis- ja tootmisharjumusi; raames, milles koondatakse ELilt ning liikmesriikide avalikult ja erasektorilt saadavad • kujundada visioon struktuuriliste ja vahendid; tehnoloogiliste muudatuste kohta, mis on vajalikud, et minna 2050. aastaks üle senisest • tugevdada raamistikku turupõhiste vahendite vähem CO -heidet tekitavale, ressursitõhusale (näiteks heitkogustega kauplemine, energia 2 ja kliimamuutustele vastupanuvõimelisele maksustamise läbivaatamine, riigiabi raamistik majandusele, mis võimaldab ELil saavutada ja avaliku sektori loodussäästlike hangete senisest heitkoguste vähendamisega ja bioloogilise ulatuslikum rakendamine) kasutamiseks; mitmekesisusega seotud eesmärke. Tuleb tagada, et • esitada ettepanekud ajakohastada katastroofide ennetamine ja nendele reageerimine

transpordisektorit ja vähendada selle CO2-heidet, ning ühtekuuluvus-, põllumajandus-, maaelu aidates sel viisil suurendada konkurentsivõimet. arengu ja merenduspoliitika aitavad eelkõige Seda saab teha erinevate meetmete, näiteks ressursside senisest tõhusamale kasutamisele infrastruktuurimeetmete kaudu, nagu tuginevate kohanemismeetmete kaudu võidelda elektritranspordi võrguinfrastruktuuride varane kliimamuutuste vastu, toetades omakorda kasutuselevõtt, arukad transpordisüsteemid, üleilmset toiduga kindlustatust. senisest parem logistika, püüd vähendada nii Riiklikul tasandil peavad liikmesriigid tegema lennundus- ja merendusvaldkonna liiklusvahendite järgmist: kui ka maanteesõidukite CO2-heidet (sealhulgas käivitada oluline Euroopa energiasäästlike autode algatus, mis aitab eri teadusuuringute kaudu • kaotama keskkonnakahjulikud toetused, piirates edendada uusi tehnoloogiaid, sealhulgas elektri- ja selleks abivajajatele tehtavaid erandeid; hübriidautosid), ühiste standardite kehtestamine • kasutama turupõhiseid vahendeid, nagu ning vajaliku infrastruktuuritoe väljaarendamine; maksusoodustused ja hanked, et kujundada • kiirendada kõrge Euroopa lisaväärtusega tootmis- ja tarbimismeetodeid; strateegiliste projektide rakendamist, et • arendama välja arukad, ajakohastatud ja kõrvaldada kriitilised kitsaskohad, eelkõige täielikult omavahel ühendatud transpordi- ja piiriülestes lõikudes ja mitmeliigilise transpordi energiainfrastruktuurid ning kasutama täielikult sõlmpunktides (linnad, sadamad, logistilised ära info- ja kommunikatsioonitehnoloogiaid; platvormid); Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

• tagama ELi põhivõrgu raames ELi tasandil töötab komisjon selle nimel, et: infrastruktuuriprojektide koordineeritud rakendamine, mis on olulise tähtsusega ELi • kehtestada tööstuspoliitika, millega üldise transpordisüsteemi tõhustamiseks; luuakse sobiv keskkond Euroopa tugeva, • tähelepanu pöörama transpordipoliitika konkurentsivõimelise ja mitmekesise linnamõõtmele, sest just selle mõõtme raames tööstusbaasi säilimiseks ja edasiarenemiseks tekib palju ummikuid ja heiteid; ning mille raames toetatakse tööstussektorite muutumist senisest energia- ja • kehtestama energiatarbimise ja ressursside ressursitõhusamaks; kasutamise vähendamiseks regulatiivseid õigusnorme ja hoonete energiatõhususe • töötada välja tööstuspoliitika horisontaalne standardeid ning kasutama turupõhiseid lähenemisviis, milles on ühendatud erinevad instrumente, nagu maksustamine, toetused ja poliitikavahendid (näiteks arukas reguleerimine, hanked, ning investeerima struktuurifondide avaliku sektori ajakohastatud hanked, abil energiatõhusatesse üldkasutatavatesse konkurentsieeskirjad ja standardimine); hoonetesse ja jäätmete senisest tõhusamasse • parandada ettevõtluskeskkonda, eelkõige ringlussevõtmisse; VKEde oma, vähendades selleks Euroopas muu hulgas ettevõtlusega seotud tehingukulusid, • õhutama energiasäästu vahendite 461 kasutamist, mis võimaldaks suurendada edendades klastreid ja suurendades taskukohast energiamahukate (näiteks info- ja juurdepääsu rahastamisele; kommunikatsioonitehnoloogiatele tuginevate) • edendada raskustes olevate sektorite sektorite tõhusust. ümberkorraldamist tuleviku tegevusalade poole, paigutades sealhulgas oskused ümber uutesse kõrge kasvumääraga sektoritesse ja turgudele ning kasutades ELi riigiabi andmise korda ja/ Suurprojekt „Üleilmastumise ajastu uus või Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Fondilt tööstuspoliitika” saadavat toetust; Majanduskriis on raskelt tabanud tööstust, eriti • edendada loodusressursside kasutamist VKEsid, ning seepärast peavad kõik sektorid la- vähendavaid tehnoloogiaid ja tootmismeetodeid hendama üleilmastumisega kaasnevaid probleeme ning suurendada investeeringuid ELi ning kohandama oma tootmisprotsesse ja tooteid loodusvaradesse; vähem CO -heiteid tekitava majandusega. Prob- 2 • edendada VKEde rahvusvahelistumist; leemide mõju on sektoriti erinev: mõned sektorid võivad taastuda, kuid teiste jaoks pakuvad sellised • tagada, et transpordi- ja logistikavõrgud pakuvad probleemid uusi ettevõtlusvõimalusi. Komisjon kogu liidu tööstusele tõhusat juurdepääsu nii teeb tihedat koostööd eri sektorite sidusrühmade- ühtsele kui ka rahvusvahelisele turule; ga (ettevõtjad, ametiühingud, akadeemilised ring- • töötada välja tõhus kosmosepoliitika, et konnad, valitsusvälised ja tarbijaorganisatsioonid) luua vahendid teatavate oluliste üleilmsete ning koostab ajakohase tööstuspoliitika raamistiku, probleemide lahendamiseks ning eelkõige et toetada ettevõtlust, juhendada ja aidata tööstust Galileo ja GMESi rakendamiseks; kõnealuste probleemide lahendamisel, suurenda- da Euroopa toorme-, tööstus- ja teenindussektori • suurendada Euroopa turismisektori konkurentsivõimet ning aidata neil kasutada üleil- konkurentsivõimet; mastumise ja loodussäästliku majanduse võimalu- si. Raamistikus käsitletakse üha rahvusvahelisema väärtusahela kõiki etappe alates juurdepääsust toor- ainetele kuni müügijärgse teeninduseni. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tuleb tagada tööhõivele elukestev juurdepääs ja seda ka või- • vaadata läbi õigusaktid, et toetada teenindus- maldada. Euroopa peab täielikult ära kasutama oma tööjõu ja tööstussektori muutumist senisest potentsiaali, et tulla toime elanikkonna vananemise ja suu- ressursitõhusamaks, sealhulgas tagada reneva ülemaailmse konkurentsi probleemidega. On vaja jäätmete senisest tõhusam ringlussevõtmine; edendada soolise võrdõiguslikkuse meetmeid, et suurenda- täiustada Euroopas standardimist, et da osalemist tööturul, mis omakorda edendaks majandus- kasutada seoses Euroopa tööstuse pikaajalise kasvu ja sotsiaalset ühtekuuluvust. konkurentsivõimega ära Euroopa ja rahvusvaheliste standardite potentsiaali. Eelkõige Euroopa peab tegutsema järgmistes valdkondades: hõlmab see võimalusi avardavate oluliste tehnoloogiate turustamise ja kasutuselevõtu • tööhõive: demograafiliste muutuste tõttu on tööjõu toetamist; arv kahanemas. Praegu on tööealisest elanikkonnast • uuendada ELi strateegiat, et suurendada tööga hõivatud vaid kaks kolmandikku. Ameerika ettevõtjate sotsiaalset vastutust kui olulist Ühendriikides ja Jaapanis on vastav näitaja aga osa töötajate ja tarbijate pikaajalise usalduse 70%. Naiste ja eakate tööhõive määr on eriti madal. tagamisel. Majanduskriis on tõsiselt mõjutanud ka noori, kelle töötuse määr on üle 21%. Esineb tugev risk, et tööst Riiklikul tasandil peavad liikmesriigid tegema eemalviibivad või sellega nõrgalt seotud isikud kaotavad järgmist: tööturuga igasuguse seose; 462 • parandama ettevõtluskeskkonda, eelkõige • oskused: ligikaudu 80 miljonil inimesel on vaid alg- innovatiivsete VKEde oma, muu hulgas või põhioskused, kuid elukestvast õppest saavad osa avaliku sektori hangete kaudu, et stimuleerida vaid parema haridustasemega inimesed. 2020. aastaks innovatsiooni; on vaja 16 miljoni uue töökoha jaoks kõrge kvalifikatsiooniga töötajaid, samal ajal kui nõudlus • parandama intellektuaalomandi õiguste väheste oskustega töötajate järele väheneb 12 miljoni jõustamise tingimusi; töökoha võrra. Töövõimelise ea pikendamine • vähendama ettevõtjate halduskoormust eeldab võimaluste loomist oskuste omandamiseks ja ja parandama ettevõtlusalaste õigusaktide arendamiseks kogu eluea jooksul; kvaliteeti; • vaesuse vastu võitlemine: enne majanduskriisi • tegema tihedat koostööd eri sektorite puhkemist elas Euroopa Liidus vaesuse ohus sidusrühmadega (ettevõtjad, ametiühingud, 80 miljonit inimest. Nendest 19 miljonit olid lapsed. akadeemilised ringkonnad, valitsusvälised ja 8% töötavast elanikkonnast ei teeni piisavalt, et vaesuse tarbijaorganisatsioonid), et tuvastada probleeme ohust väljuda. Eriti puudutab vaesuse oht töötuid. ning töötada välja ühine tegevusjuhis tugeva Selle prioriteedi raames tegutsemiseks on vaja modernisee- tööstus- ja teadmistebaasi säilitamiseks ning rida ja tugevdada meie tööhõive- ja koolituspoliitikat ning ELi juhtrolli saavutamiseks üleilmses säästvas sotsiaalkaitse süsteeme, suurendades tööturul osalemist ja arengus. vähendades struktuurset tööpuudust, ning süvendades äri- ringkondade sotsiaalset vastutust. Sellega seoses on tähtsad ka juurdepääs lastehoiuvõimalustele ja teiste ülalpeetavate Kaasav majanduskasv – kõrge hooldusele. Samuti on oluline turvalise paindlikkuse põ- tööhõivemääraga ning majanduslikku, himõtete rakendamine ja uute oskuste omandamise või- sotsiaalset ja territoriaalset maldamine, et toime tulla uute tingimuste ja võimalike ühtekuuluvust toetav majandussüsteem karjäärimuutustega. Lisaks tuleb teha suuri jõupingutusi, et võidelda vaesuse ja sotsiaalse tõrjutuse vastu ning vä- hendada tervisega seotud ebavõrdsust, et kõik saaksid ma- Kaasav majanduskasv tähendab inimeste kõrget tööhõive janduskasvust kasu. Võrdselt tähtis on ka meie suutlikkus taset, investeeringuid oskustesse, vaesuse vastu võitlemist tulla toime terve ja aktiivse vananeva elanikkonna eden- ning tööturgude, koolitus- ja sotsiaalkaitsesüsteemide damisega, mis tagaks sotsiaalse ühtekuuluvuse ja kõrgema moderniseerimist, et aidata inimestel muutusteks ette val- tootlikkuse. mistuda ja nendega toime tulla ning üles ehitada sidusam ühiskond. Samuti on tähtis, et majanduskasvust saaksid kasu kõik ELi osad, sealhulgas äärepoolseimad piirkonnad – see tugevdaks territoriaalset ühtekuuluvust veelgi. Kõigile Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

Suurprojekt: „Uute oskuste ja töökohtade • tagama, et edasiseks õppimiseks ja tööturul tegevuskava” osalemiseks vajalikud pädevused omandatakse ja neid tunnustatakse nii üld-, kutse-, kõrg- kui Eesmärk on luua tingimused tööturu modernisee- ka täiskasvanuhariduses, ning leppima hariduse/ rimiseks, et suurendada tööhõive taset ja tagada koolituse ja töö jaoks kokku ühine keel ja sotsiaalsete mudelite jätkusuutlikkus. See tähendab, töövahend: Euroopa oskuste, pädevuste ja et inimestel peab olema võimalik omandada uusi elukutsete raamistik (ESCO). oskusi, et meie praegune ja tulevane tööjõud saaks uute tingimuste ja võimalike karjäärimuutustega Liikmesriikidel peaksid riiklikul tasandil: kohaneda; ning et vähendada tööpuudust ja tõsta tootlikkust. • rakendama riiklikke turvalise paindlikkuse kavasid, nagu Euroopa Ülemkogus kokku ELi tasandil peaks komisjon: lepitud, et vähendada tööturu killustatust ning lihtsustada ühelt töölt teisele üleminekut ning • määrama koos Euroopa tööturu osapooltega aidata ühildada töö- ja pereelu; kindlaks turvalise paindlikkuse tegevuskava • vaatama läbi maksu- ja toetussüsteemide teise etapi ning seda rakendama, et selgitada tõhususe ja tegema nende üle regulaarset välja võimalused, kuidas paremini hallata järelevalvet, et töö tegemine tasuks end ära, eriti majanduslikke üleminekuid, võidelda vähese kvalifikatsiooniga töötajate puhul, ning 463 tööpuuduse vastu ja suurendada tööhõivet; kõrvaldama ühtlasi meetmed, mis ei soodusta • muutma õigusraamistikku kooskõlas aruka töötamist füüsilise isikuna; reguleerimise põhimõtetega, et kohandada • edendama töö ja eraelu ühildamise uusi vorme ja seda uue töökorralduse (nt tööaeg, töötajate aktiivse vananemise poliitikaid ning suurendama lähetamine) ning tööohutuse ja -tervishoiu uute soolist võrdõiguslikkust; ohtudega; • edendama sotsiaalse dialoogi tulemuste tõhusat • lihtsustama ja edendama tööjõu liikuvust ELis rakendamist ja tegema selle üle järelevalvet; ja tagama struktuurifondidest (eriti Euroopa Sotsiaalfondist) saadavate finantsvahendite • edendama Euroopa kvalifikatsiooniraamistiku kaudu parem seos tööjõu pakkumise ja nõudluse rakendamist asjaomaste riiklike raamistike vahel; samuti edendama tulevikkuvaatavat ja loomise kaudu; põhjalikku tööjõu rändepoliitikat, mis arvestaks • tagama, et edasiseks õppimiseks ja tööturul paindlikult tööturu prioriteetide ja vajadustega; osalemiseks vajalikud pädevused omandatakse ja • tugevdama tööturu osapoolte suutlikkust neid tunnustatakse nii üld-, kutse-, kõrg- kui ka ja kasutama probleemide lahendamisel täiskasvanuhariduses, sealhulgas ka ametlikus ja täielikult ära sotsiaalse dialoogi potentsiaali mitteametlikus õppes; kõikidel tasanditel (ELi, riiklik/piirkondlik, • looma partnerlused hariduse/koolituse ja majandusharu ja ettevõtte tasand) ning töömaailma vahel, kaasates hariduse ja koolituse edendama tugevdatud koostööd tööturu kavandamisse eelkõige tööturu osapooli. institutsioonide, sealhulgas liikmesriikide tööturuasutuste vahel; • andma tugeva tõuke kõiki sidusrühmi hõlmava haridus- ja koolitusalase koostöö strateegilise raamistiku elluviimiseks. Selle tulemuseks peaks eelkõige olema elukestva õppe põhimõtete rakendamine (koostöös liikmesriikide, tööturus osapoolte ja ekspertidega), samuti paindlike õppimisvõimaluste loomine eri haridus- ja koolitussektorite ning tasandite vahel, suurendades seejuures kutsehariduse ja koolituse atraktiivsust. Euroopa tasandi tööturu osapooltega tuleb konsulteerida eesmärgiga, et nad töötaksid ise välja algatuse kõnealuses valdkonnas; EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Suurprojekt: „Euroopa vaesusevastase 3. Puuduvad ühenduslülid ja võitluse platvorm” kitsaskohad Eesmärk on tagada majanduslik, sotsiaalne ja ter- Strateegia eesmärkide saavutamiseks on vaja kasutusele ritoriaalne ühtekuuluvus, arendades edasi tänavuse võtta kõik ELi poliitikavaldkonnad ja õigusaktid, samuti Euroopa vaesuse ja sotsiaalse tõrjutuse vastase võit- rahastamisvahendid. Komisjon kavatseb täiustada Euroo- luse aasta ideed, tõsta teadlikkust ja tunnistada vae- pa 2020. aasta eesmärkide saavutamiseks peamisi poliiti- suse ja sotsiaalse tõrjutuse all kannatavate inimeste kavaldkondi ja vahendeid, näiteks ühtset turgu, eelarvet ja põhiõigusi, andes neile võimaluse inimväärseks ELi välismajandustegevuskava. Euroopa 2020. aasta stra- eluks ja aktiivseks osalemiseks ühiskonnas. teegia lahutamatu osa on konkreetsed ettepanekud nende vahendite täieliku panuse tagamiseks strateegiasse. Komisjon teeb ELi tasandil tööd, et: 3.1. Ühtne turg 21. sajandil • muuta sotsiaalse tõrjutuse vastane ja sotsiaalkaitse avatud koordineerimismeetod koostöö, vastastikuse teavitamise ja Tugevam, sügavam ja laiem ühtne turg on ülioluline ma- konsulteerimise ning heade tavade vahetamise janduskasvu ja töökohtade loomise jaoks. Kuid praegused platvormiks ja avaliku ja erasektori osapoolte arengusuunad näitavad integratsioonist väsimise ja ühtses turus pettumise märke. Kriis on lisanud majandusnatsio- 464 sotsiaalse tõrjutuse vähendamisele pühendumise edendamise vahendiks ning võtta konkreetseid nalismi ahvatlusi. Triivimise lagunemise suunas on hoid- meetmeid, sealhulgas andes sihtotstarbelist nud ära komisjoni valvsus ja liikmesriikidega jagatud vas- abi struktuurifondidest, eelkõige Euroopa tutus. Ühtse turu elustamiseks on vaja uut hoogu – tõelist Sotsiaalfondist; poliitilist pühendumust, käivitades kiiresti järgnevalt kir- jeldatud algatused. Selline poliitiline pühendumus nõuab • töötada välja ja rakendada programme mitme­suguseid meetmeid ühtse turu lünkade täitmiseks. kõige ebasoodsamas olukorras olevatele inimrühmadele suunatud sotsiaalse Ettevõtjad ja kodanikud puutuvad iga päev kokku piiri- innovatsiooni, väljaõppe ja töövõimaluste ülest tegevust takistavate asjaoludega, mis püsivad vaata- edendamiseks puudustkannatavates mata ühtse turu de jure olemasolule. Nad märkavad, et kogukondades, võidelda (näiteks puudega võrgustikud ei ole omavahel piisavalt ühendatud ja et ühtse inimeste) diskrimineerimise vastu ning töötada turu eeskirjade rakendamine on ikka veel ebaühtlane. Sa- välja uus rändajate integreerimise tegevuskava, geli peavad ettevõtjad ja kodanikud puutuma ikka veel ühe et võimaldada neil oma potentsiaali täielikult ära ja sama tehingu puhul kokku 27 erineva õigussüsteemiga. kasutada; Ajal mil meie ettevõtjaid takistab ikka veel tegutsemast ees- • viia läbi sotsiaalkaitse ja pensionisüsteemide kirjade killustatus ja lahknevus, saavad nende konkuren- asjakohasuse ja jätkusuutlikkuse hindamine ning did Hiinas, Ameerika Ühendriikides või Jaapanis kasutada teha kindlaks, kuidas tagada tervishoiuteenuste täielikult ära oma suure koduturu eeliseid. parem kättesaadavus. Ühtsele turule pandi alus enne seda, kui loodi internet, kui Riiklikul tasandil peavad liikmesriigid: info- ja kommunikatsioonitehnoloogia muutus üheks pea- miseks majanduskasvu tõukejõuks ning kui teenused muu- • edendama jagatud kollektiivset ja individuaalset tusid Euroopa majanduse oluliseks osaks. Uute teenuste vastutust võitluses vaesuse ja sotsiaalse (näiteks sisu- ja meediateenused, terviseteenused, ener- tõrjutusega; giatarbimise arukas mõõtmine) ilmumine näitab tohutut potentsiaali, kuid Euroopa saab seda kasutada ainult siis, • määrama kindlaks ja rakendama meetmed kui ta saab üle killustatusest, mis takistab praegu võrgusisu riskirühmade (näiteks ühe vanemaga perede, levikut ning tarbijate ja ettevõtjate juurdepääsu. eakate naiste, vähemuste, romide, puudega inimeste ja kodutute) olukorra kergendamiseks; Selleks et kasutada Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide saavu- • rakendama täiel määral oma sotsiaalkaitse tamiseks ühtset turgu, on vaja hästi toimivaid ja ühenda- ja pensionisüsteeme, et tagada piisav tud turge, kus konkurents ja tarbijate juurdepääs ergutab sissetulekutoetus ja arstiabi kättesaadavus. majanduskasvu ja innovatsiooni. Teenuste direktiivi alusel tuleb luua avatud ja ühtne teenusteturg ja tagada samal ajal tarbijatele osutatavate teenuste kvaliteet. Teenuste di- rektiivi täielik rakendamine võiks suurendada äriteenuste Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia osutamist 45% ja välismaiseid otseinvesteeringuid 25%, tarbijalepingute ühtlustatud vorme, ELi näidislepingu mis tooks kaasa SKP 0,5–1,5% kasvu. sätteid ja saavutades edu valikulise Euroopa lepinguõiguse loomisel; Parandada tuleb VKEde juurdepääsu ühtsele turule. Et- • muuta lepingute jõustamise ning kohtuotsuste ja tevõtlust tuleb arendada konkreetsete poliitikaalgatuste, dokumentide tunnustamise saavutamise muudes ELi sealhulgas äriõiguse lihtsustamisega (pankrotimenetlused, riikides ettevõtjate ja tarbijate jaoks lihtsamaks ja eraühingu põhikiri jne), ja algatustega, mis võimaldavad odavamaks. ettevõtjatel ebaõnnestumise järel taasalustada. Kodanikke tuleb kaasata osalema ühtsel turul täiel määral. Selleks on 3.2. Investeerimine majanduskasvu: vaja suurendada nende suutlikkust ja julgust osta tooteid ja ühtekuuluvuspoliitika, ELi eelarve teenuseid teistest liikmesriikidest, eelkõige interneti kaudu. ja erasektori rahalist vahendite kasutusele võtmine Konkurentsipoliitika rakendamisega tagab komisjon, et ühtne turg jääb avatud turuks, mis säilitab ettevõtjatele Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia keskmeks jääb majanduslik, võrdsed võimalused ja võitleb riikliku protektsionismiga. sotsiaalne ja territoriaalne ühtekuuluvus, tagamaks, et kogu Kuid konkurentsipoliitika teeb Euroopa 2020. aasta ees- energia ja võimed suunataks strateegia prioriteetide saavu- märkide saavutamiseks rohkemgi. Konkurentsipoliitika ta- tamisele. Ühtekuuluvuspoliitika ja selle struktuurifondid, gab, et turud pakuksid sobivat keskkonda innovatsioonile, ehkki olulised ka omaette, on peamised rakendusmeh- näiteks vältides patentide ja omandiõiguste kuritarvitamist. hanismid aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu 465 Turu kuritarvitamise ja ettevõtjate konkurentsivaenulike prioriteetide saavutamiseks liikmesriikides ja piirkondades. kokkulepete ärahoidmine stimuleerib innovatsiooni. Eu- roopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide saavutamisele võivad ak- tiivselt ja positiivselt kaasa aidata ka riigiabipoliitika, mille Finantskriisil on olnud suur mõju Euroopa ettevõtjate ja abil käivitatakse ja toetatakse algatusi innovaatilisema, tõ- valitsuste võimele rahastada investeeringuid ja innovatsioo- husama ja loodussäästlikuma tehnoloogia loomiseks, ning niprojekte. Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide saavutamiseks hõlbustatakse samal ajal riikliku toetuse saamist investee- on vaja regulatiivset keskkonda, mis tagaks finantsturgude ringuteks, riskikapitaliks ning teadus- ja arendustegevuse tõhususe ja turvalisuse. Euroopa peab lisaks tegema kõik rahastamiseks. võimaliku, et kasutada oma rahalisi vahendeid, otsida uusi viise era- ja riikliku rahastamise kombineerimiseks ja lei- da vajalike investeeringute rahastamiseks innovaatilisi la- Komisjon teeb ettepaneku meetmete võtmiseks võitluseks hendusi, näiteks avaliku ja erasektori vaheline partnerlus. ühtse turu kitsaskohtadega: Euroopa Investeerimispank ja Euroopa Investeerimisfond saavad aidata toetada „positiivset mõjuringi”, kus saaks • tugevdada struktuure ühtse turu meetmete, sealhulgas koos paljude juba riiklikul tasandil toimivate algatuste ja võrkude reguleerimise, teenuste direktiivi ning kavadega rahastada kasumlikult innovatsiooni ja ettevõt- finantsturgude seadusandliku ja järelevalvepaketi lust alates varase staadiumi investeeringutest kuni väärt­ õigeaegseks ja nõuetekohaseks rakendamiseks, nende paberibörsil noteerimiseni. tulemuslikuks jõustamiseks ja probleemide tekkimisel nende kiireks lahendamiseks; Pikaajalise majanduskasvu prioriteete peab peegeldama ka • jõuliselt arendada aruka reguleerimise tegevuskava, ELi mitmeaastane finantsraamistik. Komisjonil on kavat- kaaludes sealjuures direktiivide asemel määruste laiemat sus tõstatada kokkulepitud prioriteedid oma järgmise mit- kasutamist, korraldades olemasolevate õigusaktide meaastase finantsraamistiku kohta käivates ettepanekutes, järelhindamist, tegeledes turuseirega, vähendades mis on vaja esitada järgmiseks aastaks. Arutelu teemaks ei halduskoormust, kõrvaldades maksutõkkeid, peaks olema ainult rahastamise tasemed, vaid ka see, kui- parandades ärikeskkonda, eelkõige VKEde jaoks, ja das peaksid olema korraldatud erinevad rahastamisvahen- toetades ettevõtlust; did, nagu struktuurifondid, maaelu arendamise fondid, teadusuuringute raamprogramm ning konkurentsivõime • kohandada ELi ja liikmesriikide õigust digitaalajastuga, ja uuendustegevuse raamprogramm, et saavutada Euroopa et edendada infosisu ringlust koos tarbijate ja 2020. aasta eesmärgid, maksimeerida nende mõju, tagada ettevõtjate suure usaldusega. See nõuab kohustusi, nende tõhusus ja ELi lisaväärtus. Oluline on leida viisid, garantiisid, tarneid ja vaidluste lahendamisi käsitlevate kuidas suurendada ELi eelarve mõju – isegi kui eelarve on eeskirjade ajakohastamist; väike, võib sel õigesti suunatuna olla oluline katalüütiline • muuta lepingute sõlmimise muudes ELi riikides mõju. asuvate partneritega ettevõtjate ja tarbijate jaoks lihtsamaks ja odavamaks, eelkõige pakkudes EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Komisjon teeb ettepaneku võtta meetmed innovaatiliste Osa Euroopa majanduskasvust peab järgmise aastakümne rahastamislahenduste väljatöötamiseks Euroopa 2020. aas- jooksul tulema tärkava turumajandusega riikidest, kuivõrd ta eesmärkide saavutamiseks: nende keskklass areneb ning nad impordivad kaupu ja teenuseid, mille pakkumisel on Euroopa Liidul suhteline • kasutada täielikult ära võimalused praeguse ELi eelis. ELi kui maailma suurima kaubandusbloki õitseng eelarve tulemuslikkuse ja tõhususe suurendamiseks tuleneb maailmale avatusest ning arenenud ja tärkava tugevama prioriteetide seadmise kaudu ELi kuludes majandusega riikide käitumise tähelepanelikust vaatlemi- ja nende parema kooskõlastamise kaudu Euroopa sest tulevikusuundumuste prognoosimiseks või nendega 2020. aasta eesmärkidega, et lahendada ELi kohandumiseks. rahastamisvahendite praegune killustatuse probleem (näiteks teadus- ja arendustegevus ning innovatsioon, Peamine eesmärk peaks olema tegutsemine WTO raames põhilised investeeringud piiriüleste energia- ja ja kahepoolselt, et tagada ELi ettevõtjatele, sealhulgas

transpordivõrgustike infrastruktuuri, vähem CO2- VKEdele turul suurem edu ja võrdsed võimalused meie heiteid tekitava tehnoloogia). Samuti tuleks täielikult väliskonkurentidega. Peale selle peaksime keskenduma ära kasutada finantsmääruse läbivaatamise võimalus, oma õigusloomealastele dialoogidele ja neid sujuvamaks et arendada innovaatiliste rahastamisvahendite muutma, eriti sellistes uutes valdkondades nagu kliima ja potentsiaali, ning tagada samal ajal usaldusväärse loodussäästlik majanduskasv, laiendades võimaluse korral finantsjuhtimine; meie haaret maailmas ning edendades võrdväärsust, vas- tastikust tunnustamist ja vaadete ühtlustamist peamistes • luua uusi rahastamisvahendeid, eelkõige 466 olulistes õiguslikes küsimustes, samuti meie eeskirjade ja koostöös Euroopa Investeerimispanga / Euroopa standardite kasutuselevõtmist. Investeerimisfondi ja erasektoriga, rahuldades vajadusi, mida ettevõtjad ei ole seni rahuldanud. Tulevase teadustegevuse ja innovatsiooni kava osana kavatseb Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia ei ole oluline vaid Euroopa komisjon kooskõlastada Euroopa Investeerimispanga Liidu piires, vaid võib pakkuda arvestatavat potentsiaali / Euroopa Investeerimisfondiga algatuse, mille abil kandidaat- ja naaberriikidele, aidates kaasa nende reformi- hankida täiendavat kapitali innovaatiliste ja kasvavate püüetele. ELi eeskirjade kohaldamisala laiendamine loob ettevõtjate rahastamiseks; uusi võimalusi nii Euroopa Liidule kui ka tema naabritele.

• muuta reaalsuseks tõhus Euroopa riskikapitaliturg, Peale selle on paaril lähiaastal üheks meie peaeesmärkidest hõlbustades seeläbi oluliselt ettevõtjate otsepääsu strateegiliste suhete arendamine tärkava turumajandusega kapitaliturgudele ja uurides võimalusi stimuleerida riikidega, et arutada ühist huvi pakkuvaid küsimusi, eden- erasektori fonde, mille vahendid tehakse kättesaadavaks dada õiguslikku ja muud koostööd ja lahendada kahepool- alustavatele äriühingutele ja innovaatilistele VKEdele. seid probleeme. Nimetatud suhteid toetavad struktuurid peavad olema paindlikud ja nende eesmärgid peavad olema 3.3. Välispoliitiliste vahendite pigem poliitilised kui tehnilised. ärakasutamine Komisjon koostab 2010. aastal Euroopa 2020. aasta kau- Ülemaailmne majanduskasv avab Euroopa eksportijatele bandusstrateegia, mis hõlmab: uusi võimalusi ja konkurentsivõimelise juurdepääsu olulis- tele importressurssidele. Euroopa majanduskasvu edenda- • rõhu asetamist käimasolevate mitme- ja kahepoolsete miseks kogu maailma avatud ja õiglastel turgudel osalemise kaubandusläbirääkimiste, eriti suurima majandusliku kaudu, tuleb kasutusele võtta kõik välispoliitilised vahen- potentsiaaliga läbirääkimiste lõpuleviimisele ja did. See kehtib ka mitmesuguste sisepoliitika valdkondade olemasolevate lepingute paremale jõustamisele, (näiteks energeetika, transport, põllumajandus, teadus- ja keskenduses mittetariifsetele kaubandustõketele; arendustegevus) välisaspektide, kuid eelkõige kaubandus- • eriti algatusi laiendada kaubandust ja rahvusvahelise makromajanduspoliitika kooskõlastamise tulevikuperspektiiviga sektoritele, nagu kohta. Parim viis globaliseerumise eeliste ärakasutamiseks keskkonnasäästlikud tooted ja tehnoloogiad, ning seeläbi majanduskasvu kiirendamiseks ja tööhõive kõrgtehnoloogilised tooted ja teenused, ning edendamiseks, on eeskirjadepõhises rahvusvahelises raa- rahvusvaheliste standardite kehtestamist eelkõige mistikus toimiv avatud Euroopa. Samal ajal peab EL end kiiresti kasvavates valdkondades; tulemuslikumalt kehtestama maailma tasandil, mängides juhtivat rolli tulevase maailmamajanduse korra kujunda- • ettepanekuid kõrgetasemeliste strateegiliste dialoogide misel G20 kaudu ja Euroopa huvide kaitsmisel kõigi meie pidamiseks peamiste partneritega, et arutada käsutuses olevate vahendite aktiivse kasutamise teel. strateegilisi probleeme alates turulepääsust, õiguslikust raamistikust, ülemaailmsest tasakaalustamatusest, Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

energeetikast ja kliimamuutusest ning tooraine 4.1. Usaldusväärse väljumisstrateegia kättesaadavusest kuni ülemaailmse vaesuse, hariduse määratlemine ja arenguküsimusteni. Komisjon teeb tööd ka selleks, et tugevdada Atlandi-ülest majandusnõukogu USAga Võttes arvesse säilivat ebakindlust finantssektori majandus- ja kõrgetasemelist majandus- ja kaubandusdialoogi like väljavaadete ja haavatavate külgede suhtes, tuleks abi- mehhanismi Hiinaga ning süvendada suhteid Jaapani meetmed lõpetada alles siis, kui majanduse elavnemist võib ja Venemaaga; pidada jätkusuutlikuks ja finantsstabiilsus on taastatud38. • alates 2011. aastast igal aastal enne kevadist Euroopa Ajutiste kriisimeetmete lõpetamine peab olema kooskõlas- Ülemkogu aruandeid kaubandus- ja investeerimistõkete tatud ja selle juures tuleks võtta arvesse nii liikmesriikide kohta, milles tuvastatakse võimalused turulepääsu ja kui ka erinevate poliitiliste vahendite võimalikku negatiiv- regulatiivkeskkonna parandamiseks ELi ettevõtjate set vastastikust mõju. Riigiabi eeskirjade täitmine tuleks jaoks. taastada, alustades ajutise riigiabi raamistiku kaotamisega. Selline kooskõlastatud lähenemisviis peab rajanema järg- Euroopa Liit on globaalne osaleja, kes suhtub oma rah- mistel põhimõtetel: vusvahelistesse kohustustesse tõsiselt. EL on arendanud tõelist partnerlust arenguriikidega vaesuse kõrvaldami- • fiskaalstiimuli eemaldamine peaks algama niipea, kui seks, majanduskasvu edendamiseks ja aastatuhande aren- elavdamisele on pandud kindel alus. Ajastus võib riigiti gueesmärkide saavutamiseks. Meil on eriti tihedad suhted erineda ja seepärast on vaja tugevat kooskõlastamist Aafrika riikidega ja me peame püüdma arendada tihedaid Euroopa tasandil; suhteid edasi ka tulevikus. See toimub arenguabi suu- 467 rendamiseks ja meie abikavade tõhustamiseks tehtavate • lühiajalise tööhõivetoetuse maksmise järkjärgulise laiemate jõupingutuste raames, eelkõige liikmesriikidega vähendamisega peaks alustama alles siis, kui SKP sisseseatava tõhusa tööjaotuse kaudu ja arengueesmär- tõusulepöördumist võib pidada kindlalt juurdunuks kide parema kajastamise kaudu Euroopa Liidu muudes ja seega peaks tööhõive hakkama teatava viivitusega poliitikavaldkondades.. kasvama; • valdkondlike abikavade järkjärguline vähendamine peaks algama varakult, sest need on eelarvele suureks 4. Kriisist väljumine: esimesed koormuseks, nende eesmärgid loetakse suurel määral sammud 2020. aasta saavutatuks ja neil võib olla ühtsele turule moonutav eesmärkide suunas mõju; • rahastamisele juurdepääsu toetus peaks jätkuma seni, Võitluses kriisiga kasutati poliitilisi vahendeid otsustavalt ja kuni ilmnevad selged märgid sellest, et ettevõtjate jõuliselt. Fiskaalpoliitikat rakendati võimaluse korral eks- rahastamise normaalsed tingimused on enam-vähem pansiivselt ja antitsükliliselt; intressimäärasid alandati aja- taastunud; looliste miinimumtasemeteni, samal ajal kui finantssektori • finantssektori toetamise lõpetamine, alustades valitsuse likviidsust suurendati enneolematul määral. Mikromajan- garantiikavadest, sõltub majanduse üldisest seisust ja duslikul tasandil andsid valitsused pankadele suuri toetusi eriti finantssektori stabiilsusest. kas garantiide, rekapitaliseerimise või bilansi „puhastami- se” kaudu langenud väärtusega varast; muid majandussek- 4.2. Finantssüsteemi reform toreid toetati ajutise ja erandliku riigiabi raamistiku kaudu. Kõik need meetmed olid ja on ka praegu õigustatud. Kuid Äärmiselt oluline lühiajaline prioriteet on tugeva, stabiil- need ei saa olla igavesed. Avaliku sektori võla kõrget taset ei se ja terve, reaalmajandust rahastada suutva finantssektori või hoida igavesti. Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide poole taastamine. See nõuab G20 raames võetud kohustuse täie- püüdlemine peab põhinema ühest küljest usaldusväärsel likku ja kiiret täitmist. Eriti on vaja saavutada viis eesmärki: väljumisstrateegial eelarve- ja rahanduspoliitika jaoks ning teisest küljest valitsuste poolt majandussektoritele, eelkõige • finantssektori järelevalve kokkulepitud reformide finantssektorile, antavatel otsetoetustel. Oluline on kriisist elluviimine; väljumiste ajastamine. Eduka üldise väljumise peaks taga- ma majanduspoliitika rangem kooskõlastamine, eelkõige • regulatiivsete tühimike täitmine, edendades euroalal. läbipaistvust, stabiilsust ja vastutust eelkõige tuletisinstrumentide ja turu infrastruktuuri puhul;

38 Euroopa Ülemkogu 10.–11. detsembri 2009. aasta järeldused. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

• usaldatavusnormatiivide, raamatupidamis- ja käsikäes maksusüsteemi „kasvusõbralikumaks” muut- tarbijakaitse-eeskirjade tugevdamise lõpuleviimine misega. Näiteks tuleks vältida tööjõumaksude tõstmist, Euroopa ühtse eeskirjade kogumikuna, mis hõlmaks mida on varem suure töökohtade kaotuse hinnaga teh- sobival viisil kõiki finantssektori osalejaid ja turge; tud. Pigem peaksid liikmesriigid püüdma nihutada mak- sukoormust maksu­süsteemide „rohelisemaks” muutmise • finantsasutuste juhtimiskultuuri tugevdamine, et raames tööjõult energiatarbimisele ja keskkonnale aval- kõrvaldada finantskriisi ajal ilmnenud puudused datavale mõjule. riskituvastamise ja juhtimise valdkonnas; • kaugelenägeliku poliitika kasutuselevõtmine, mis Eelarve konsolideerimine ja pikaajaline rahanduslik võimaldab meil võimalikke finantskriise tulevikus jätkusuutlikkus peavad käima käsikäes oluliste struk- paremini ohjata ning mis – võttes arvesse finantssektori tuurireformidega, eelkõige pensioni-, tervishoiu-, sot- konkreetset vastutust praeguses kriisis – jälgiks, et ka siaalkindlustus- ja haridussüsteemis. Avalik haldus peaks finantssektor annaks piisava panuse. kasutama olukorda ära kui võimalust tõhustada teenin- dust ja parandada selle kvaliteeti. Riigihangete poliitika 4.3. Eelarve arukas konsolideerimine peab tagama riiklike vahendite kõige tõhusama kasutu- pikaajalise majanduskasvu se ja riigihangete turud peavad olema avatud kogu ELi eesmärgil jaoks.

Riigi rahanduse usaldusväärsus on jätkusuutliku majan- 4.4. Kooskõlastamine majandus- ja 468 duskasvu ja tööhõive taastamiseks äärmiselt oluline ning rahaliiduga seepärast on meil vaja laiahaardelist väljumisstrateegiat. See hõlmaks lühiajalise kriisiabi järkjärgulist lõpetamist Ühine vääring on toiminud seda kasutavates liikmes- ja keskmise tähtajaga kuni pikaajaliste reformide läbivii- riikides väärtusliku kaitsena vahetuskursside kõikumise mist, mis edendavad riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkust ja vastu. Kuid kriis on paljastanud ka euroala majanduste parandavad majanduskasvu väljavaateid. vastastikuse sõltuvuse, eelkõige finantsvaldkonnas, ning vastastikune mõju on muutunud käegakatsutavamaks. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakt pakub sobivat raamistikku fis- Erinevad kasvumustrid põhjustavad mõnel juhul valit- kaalsete väljumisstrateegiate rakendamiseks ning liikmes- sussektori võlgade kuhjumist, mis avaldab ühisele väärin- riigid koostavad selliseid strateegiaid oma stabiilsus- ja gule survet. Seetõttu on kriis võimendanud euroala mõ- lähenemisprogrammides. Enamiku riikide puhul peaks ningaid probleeme, näiteks kahjustanud riigi rahanduse eelarve konsolideerimine algama 2011. aastal. Eelarve- ja majanduskasvu potentsiaali jätkusuutlikkust ning või- puudujääkide vähendamine alla 3% SKPst tuleks lõpule mendanud tasakaalutuse ja konkurentsivõime erinevuse viia 2013. aastaks. Ometi võib konsolideerimine alata destabiliseerivat mõju. mitmes riigis enne 2011. aastat, mis tähendab, et ajutise kriisiabi lõpetamine ja eelarve konsolideerimine võib neil Nimetatud probleemide lahendamine euroalal on äär- juhtudel toimuda samaaegselt. miselt oluline ja kiire ülesanne stabiilsuse ning tööhõivet loova majanduskasvu tagamiseks. Nimetatud probleemi- ELi majanduskasvu potentsiaali ja sotsiaalmudelite jät- de lahendamine nõuab tugevamat ja tihedamat poliitika kusuutlikkuse toetamiseks tuleb eelarve konsolideerimi- kooskõlastamist, sealhulgas: sel stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti raames seada prioriteete ja teha raskeid valikuid: kooskõlastamine ELi tasandil võib • euroala riikide põhjalikuma seire raamistikku: aidata liikmesriikidel selle ülesandega ja liikmesriikide te- lisaks fiskaaldistsipliini tugevdamisele peaksid gevusest tuleneva vastastikuse mõjuga hõlpsamini toime majanduse seire lahutamatuks jälgimisobjektiks tulla. Lisaks on tähtis valitsemissektori kulude struktuur olema makromajandusliku tasakaalutuse ja kvaliteet: eelarve konsolideerimise programmides tu- ja konkurentsivõime areng, et hõlbustada leks prioriteediks seada sellised majanduskasvu soodusta- kohandamispoliitikat; vad tegurid nagu haridus ja oskusteave, teadus- ja aren- dustegevus ning innovatsioon, investeeringud võrkudesse • raamistikku terve euroala finantsstabiilsust (kiire internetiühendus, energeetika- ja transpordivõrku- ähvardavate ohtude kõrvaldamiseks; de vastastikune sidumine), mis on Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia peamised teemavaldkonnad. • euroala piisavat välist esindatust, et lahendada jõuliselt globaalseid majandus- ja finantsprobleeme. Oluline on ka eelarve tuludepool ja erilist tähelepanu Komisjon teeb ettepanekuid nimetatud ideede arenda­ tuleks pöörata maksusüsteemi kvaliteedile. Seal kus mak- miseks. sud võivad tõusta, peab see toimuma võimaluse korral Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

5. Tulemuste saavutamine: struktuurireformid majanduskasvu takistavate kitsaskohta- de kõrvaldamiseks. Mõlemad nimetatud programmid, mis jõulisem juhtimine peavad sisaldama vajalikke ristviiteid, tuleb esitada komis- jonile ja muudele liikmesriikidele aasta viimases kvartalis. Põhjaliku muutuse saavutamiseks peab Euroopa 2020. aas- Euroopa Süsteemsete Riskide Nõukogu peaks regulaarselt ta strateegia olema fokuseeritum, sel peavad olema selged aru andma makrofinantsilistest riskidest: need aruanded sihid ja edu hindamise jaoks vajalikud läbipaistvad võrd- on oluline panus üldisesse hindamisse. Komisjon hindab luskriteeriumid. See nõuab tugevat juhtimisraamistikku, kõnealuseid programme ja koostab aruande nende raken- mis kasutaks talle kättesaadavaid vahendeid õigeaegse ja damise edukuse kohta. Erilist tähelepanu pööratakse ma- tulemusliku rakendamise tagamiseks. jandus- ja rahaliidu probleemidele.

5.1. Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide See annab Euroopa Ülemkogule kogu otsuste tegemiseks saavutamise kavandatud struktuur vajaliku teabe. Selles sisalduks majandusliku ja tööhõive olukorra analüüs, üldine ülevaade eelarve seisust, makrofi- Strateegia keskmeks peaks olema temaatiline lähenemisviis nantsilisest olukorrast ja temaatiliste tegevuskavade raken- ja riikide süvendatum seire. Kasutatakse juba olemasole- damise seisust liikmesriigiti; ühtlasi antaks ülevaade kogu vaid tõhusaid koordineerimisvahendeid. Konkreetsemalt: ELi majanduse üldisest olukorrast. Koondsuunised • temaatiline lähenemisviis keskenduks 2. jaos 469 esitatud teemadele, eelkõige viie peamise eesmärgi Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia kinnitatakse institutsiooni- saavutamisele. Peamine vahend oleks Euroopa liselt väikestes Euroopa 2020. aasta koondsuunistes (mis 2020. aasta strateegia ja selle suurprojektid, mis sisaldavad tööhõive ja majanduspoliitika üldsuuniseid), nõuavad tegutsemist nii ELi kui ka liikmesriikide mis asendavad 24 olemasolevat suunist. Uued suunised tasandil (vt 2. jagu ning 1. ja 2. lisa). Temaatiline peegeldavad Euroopa Ülemkogu otsuseid ja sisaldavad lähenemisviis peegeldab ELi mõõdet, näitab selgesti kokku lepitud eesmärke. Vastavalt Euroopa Parlamendi liikmesriikide majanduste vastastikust sõltuvust ja arvamusele tööhõivesuuniste kohta, nagu nähakse ette asu- võimaldab suuremat selektiivsust konkreetsete algatuste tamislepingus, tuleks suunised enne nõukogus vastuvõt- puhul, mis arendavad strateegiat edasi ning aitavad mist poliitiliselt heaks kiita Euroopa Ülemkogus juunikuu saavutada ELi ja liikmesriikide peamisi eesmärke; kohtumisel. Kui suunised on vastu võetud, peaksid need • riiklik aruandlus toetaks Euroopa 2020. aasta kuni 2014. aastani põhiosas stabiilsena säilima, et tagada eesmärkide saavutamist, aidates liikmesriikidel keskendumine nende rakendamisele. kavandada ja rakendada väljumisstrateegiad, taastada makromajanduslikku stabiilsust, tuvastada kitsaskohti Poliitilised soovitused riigis ning suunata oma majandus jätkusuutliku Poliitilised soovitused suunatakse liikmesriikidele nii riik- majanduskasvu ja rahanduse rajale. See ei hõlmaks liku aruandluse kui ka Euroopa 2020. aasta temaatilise ainult fiskaalpoliitikat, vaid ka majanduskasvu ja lähenemisviisi raames. Riikide seire otstarbel esitatakse konkurentsivõimega seotud makromajanduslikke need vastavalt nõukogu määrusele (EÜ) nr 1466/97 arva- tuumprobleeme (s.o makromajanduslikku mustena stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide kohta koos tasakaalutust). See peaks tagama ühtse lähenemise majanduspoliitika üldsuuniste raames antavate soovitus- poliitika kujundamisele ja rakendamisele ning see tega (majanduspoliitika üldsuunised, artikli 121 lõige 2). on ülioluline nende valikute toetamiseks, mida Temaatiline osa hõlmaks tööhõivesoovitusi (artikkel 148) liikmesriikidel tuleb teha oma rahanduse pingelisuse ja riigipõhiseid soovitusi muudes temaatilistes küsimustes leevendamiseks. Erilist tähelepanu tuleb pöörata (näiteks ärikeskkond, innovatsioon, ühtse turu toimimine, euroala toimimisele ja liikmesriikide vastastikusele energeetika/kliimamuutus jne), ent kõnealuseid küsimusi sõltuvusele. võidakse käsitleda ka majanduspoliitika üldsuuniste raa- Et seda saavutada, toimub Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia mes antavates soovitustes, kui neil on makromajandus- ning stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti aruandlus ja hindamine sa- lik mõju. Selline soovituste esitamise kord aitab tagada maaegselt, et ühitada vahendid ja eesmärgid. Tegemist on makromajandusliku/fiskaalse raamistiku ja temaatiliste siiski kahe eri instrumendi ja menetlusega ning seega sta- tegevuskavade ühtsust. biilsuse ja kasvu pakti terviklikkus säilib. See tähendab, et igal aastal esitatakse samaaegselt stabiilsus- ja lähenemis- Riigi seire raames antavad soovitused on suunatud prob- programmid ning ühtlustatud reformikavad, mille liikmes- leemidele, millel on makromajanduslikust ja riigi rahan- riigid koostavad, et määrata kindlaks meetmed aruandmi- duse seisukohast oluline tähendus. Temaatilise lähenemis- seks edusammudest eesmärkide saavutamisel ja olulised viisi raames antavad soovitused sisaldavad üksikasjalikke EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

nõuandeid mikromajanduslike ja tööhõivega seotud prob- Komisjon esitab aastaaruande Euroopa 2020. aasta stra- leemide lahendamiseks. Nimetatud soovitused on piisavalt teegia täitmise kohta, keskendudes peamiste kokkulepitud täpsed ja näevad üldjuhul ette ajavahemiku (näiteks kaks eesmärkide saavutamisele, ja hindab riikide aruandeid ning aastat), mille jooksul asjaomane liikmesriik peab tegutse- stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogramme. Selle protsessi käigus ma. Seejärel määrab liikmesriik kindlaks soovituse raken- annab komisjon soovitusi või hoiatusi, teeb poliitilisi et- damiseks võetavad meetmed. Kui liikmesriik ei ole nõuko- tepanekuid strateegia eesmärkide saavutamiseks ja esitab gu poliitilisele soovitusele ettenähtud ajavahemiku jooksul eraldi hinnangu euroalal saavutatud edu kohta. asjakohaselt reageerinud või kujundab poliitikat soovituse vastaselt, võib komisjon esitada poliitilise hoiatuse (artikli Euroopa Parlament 121 lõige 4). Euroopa Parlament peaks mängima strateegia elluviimi- 5.2. Ülesannete jagamine sel olulist rolli, mitte ainult kaasseadusandjana, vaid ka kodanike ja riikide parlamentide tegutsema innustajana. Parlament võiks näiteks oma järgmisel kohtumisel riikide Koostöö nimetatud eesmärkide saavutamiseks on väga parlamentidega arutada oma panust Euroopa 2020. aasta tähtis. Meie omavahel seotud majandussüsteemides on strateegia rakendamisse ja esitada koos nendega oma vaa- võimalik taastada majanduskasv ja tööhõive ainult juhul, ted kevadisel Euroopa Ülemkogul. kui kõik liikmesriigid liiguvad selles suunas, võttes arves- se oma erijooni. Meil tuleb saavutada suurem isevastutus. Riiklikud, piirkondlikud ja kohalikud Euroopa Ülemkogu peaks komisjoni ettepanekute põhjal ametiasutused 470 andma strateegia jaoks üldiseid suuniseid, lähtudes ühest kindlast põhimõttest: selge ELi lisandväärtus. Sellega seo- Kõik riiklikud, piirkondlikud ja kohalikud ametiasutused ses on Euroopa Parlamendi roll eriti tähtis. Samuti tuleb peaksid tegema tihedat koostööd parlamentide, sotsiaal- rohkem kaasata riiklikke ja piirkondlikke sidusrühmasid partnerite ja kodanikuühiskonna esindajatega, andes pa- ning tööturu osapooli. Ülevaate Euroopa 2020. aasta stra- nuse riiklike reformikavade väljatöötamisse ja elluviimisse. teegia poliitilisest tsüklist ja ajakavast leiab 3. lisast. Valitsuse erinevate tasanditega käivitatava püsiva dialoogi Euroopa Ülemkogu täielik vastutus kaudu tuuakse Euroopa Liidu prioriteedid kodanikele lä- hemale ning tugevdatakse Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia Euroopa Ülemkogu peaks, vastupidiselt praegusele olu- rakendamiseks vajalikku isevastutust. korrale, kus ta on strateegilise otsustamisprotsessi viimane element, strateegiat juhtima, sest ta on organ, mis tagab poliitikavaldkondade integratsiooni ning haldab liikmes- Sidusrühmad ja kodanikuühiskond riikide ja Euroopa Liidu vastastikust sõltuvust. Koostöösse tuleb tihedamalt kaasata ka Majandus- ja Sot- siaalkomitee ning Regioonide Komitee. Heade tavade va- Euroopa Ülemkogu võiks Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia hetamine, võrdlemine ja võrgustike loomine, mida mitu elluviimise horisontaalse järelevalve teostajana, võiks kes- liikmesriiki juba edendab, on osutunud kasulikuks vahen- kenduda oma tulevastel kohtumistel konkreetsetele teema- diks isevastutuse ja dünaamilisuse tugevdamiseks reformi- dele (näiteks teadusuuringud ja innovatsioon, oskused), de elluviimisel. pakkudes juhiseid ja vajalikke impulsse. Seepärast sõltub uue strateegia edukus suurel määral sel- Euroopa Liidu Nõukogu lest, et Euroopa Liidu institutsioonid, liikmesriigid ja piir- konnad selgitaksid arusaadavalt, milleks reforme on vaja Nõukogu asjaomased koosseisud peaksid töötama Euroopa ning miks need on meie elukvaliteedi säilitamiseks ja meie 2020. aasta strateegia rakendamise ja nende vastutusalasse sotsiaalsete mudelite kindlustamiseks vältimatud, samuti kuuluvate eesmärkide saavutamise nimel. Liikmesriike seda, kuhu Euroopa Liit ja tema liikmesriigid soovivad kutsutakse suurprojektide raames üles tõhustama nõukogu 2020. aastaks jõuda ning millist panust nad ootavad koda- eri koosseisudes poliitilise teabe vahetamist heade tavade nikelt, ettevõtjatelt ja neid esindavatelt organisatsioonidelt. kohta. Tunnistades vajadust võtta arvesse riikide erijooni ja tava- sid, teeb komisjon ettepaneku luua ühise teavitusvahendite Euroopa Komisjon kogumi.. Euroopa Komisjon jälgib olukorda igal aastal näitajate alu- sel, mis iseloomustavad üldist seisu tööhõive, tootlikkuse ja sotsiaalse ühtekuuluvuse kõrget taset tagava aruka, loo- dussäästliku ja kaasava majanduse eesmärgi saavutamisel. Euroopa 2020. aastal Aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegia

6. Euroopa Ülemkogule arutelu teadusuuringute ja innovatsiooni teemal võiks toimuda komisjoni panuse alusel ülemkogu oktoobri otsustamiseks kohtumisel.

Komisjon teeb ettepaneku, et Euroopa Ülemkogu oma 2010. aasta kevadisel kohtumisel:

• lepiks kokku Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia temaatilistes prioriteetides; • sätestaks viis peamist eesmärki, mis on välja pakutud käesoleva dokumendi 2. jaos: investeeringud teadus- ja arendustegevusse, haridus, energeetika/ kliimamuutus, tööhõive ja vaesuse vähendamine, ning määraks kindlaks, kuhu Euroopa peaks 2020. aastaks jõudma; kutsuks liikmesriike üles dialoogile Euroopa Komisjoniga, et sõnastada need ELi eesmärgid riiklike eesmärkidena otsuste tegemiseks juuni Euroopa Ülemkogul, võttes arvesse riikide erijooni ja erinevaid lähtepunkte; 471 • kutsuks komisjoni üles esitama nõukogule (ja selle koosseisudele) suurprojektide ettepanekuid ja taotlusi võtta vastu vajalikke otsuseid nende projektide rakendamiseks; • nõustuks tugevdama majanduspoliitika kooskõlastamist, et edendada positiivset vastastikust mõju ja aidata tulemuslikumalt lahendada Euroopa Liidu probleeme; selleks kiidaks ta heaks käesolevas teatises välja pakutud temaatilised ja riigikohased hinnangud, säilitades samal ajal rangelt pakti terviklikkuse; samuti pööraks ta erilist tähelepanu majandus- ja rahaliidu tugevdamisele; • kutsuks kõiki osalisi ja sidusrühmi (näiteks riikide/ piirkondade parlamente, piirkondlikke ja/või kohalikke ametiasutusi, sotsiaalpartnereid ja kodanikuühiskonda ning loomulikult Euroopa kodanikke) üles aitama strateegiat rakendada partnerluses, võttes meetmeid nende vastutusalas; • paluks komisjonil jälgida edusamme ja esitada igal aastal kevadisele Euroopa Ülemkogule aruanne, milles antakse ülevaade edusammudest eesmärkide saavutamisel, mis sisaldaks eri riikide võrdlust ja milles kajastataks suurprojektide elluviimise seisu. Oma järgnevatel kohtumistel Euroopa Ülemkogu:

• kiidaks pärast Euroopa Parlamendi arvamuse saamist heaks, välja pakutud koondsuunised, mis moodustaksid strateegia institutsioonilise toe; • kinnitaks riiklikud eesmärgid pärast seda, kui ühtsuse tagamiseks on läbi viidud vastastikune kontrollimine; • arutaks konkreetseid teemasid, hinnates Euroopa hetkeseisu ja seda, kuidas arengut kiirendada. Esimene

Nõukogu määrus, millega luuakse Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanism

BRÜSSEL, 9. MAI 2010 KOM(2010) 2010

EUROOPA LIIDU NÕUKOGU, säilitada finantsstabiilsus Euroopas. Selline mehha- nism peaks võimaldama Euroopa Liidul tegutseda 473 võttes arvesse Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingut, eriti selle koordineeritult, kiiresti ja tõhusalt, et aidata konk- artikli 122 lõiget 2, reetsel euroala liikmesriigil suuri raskusi ületada. võttes arvesse komisjoni ettepanekut (6) Võttes arvesse käesoleva määruse kohaselt tehtavate Euroopa Liidu rahalise abi andmist käsitlevate otsuste ning arvestades järgmist: erilist rahanduslikku mõju, tuleks nendega seotud ra- kendusvolitused anda nõukogule. (1) Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 122 lõikega 2 on ette nähtud, et kui mõni liikmesriik on raskustes (7) Kõnealuse mehhanismi rakendamisel seatakse ran- või kui tal on tõsine oht sattuda suurtesse raskustes- ged majanduspoliitilised tingimused, et säilitada se, mida põhjustavad temast olenematud erandlikud asjaomase liikmesriigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkus ja juhtumid, võib temale anda rahalist abi. taastada tema suutlikkus kaasata rahalisi vahendeid finantsturgudelt. (2) Sellised raskused võivad olla tingitud rahvusva- helise majandus- ja rahanduskeskkonna olulisest (8) Komisjon peaks korrapäraselt läbi vaatama, kas Eu- halvenemisest. roopa Liidu finantsstabiilsust ohustavad erandlikud asjaolud ikka kehtivad. (3) Enneolematu ulatusega ülemaailmne finantskriis ja majanduslangus, mis on mõjutanud maailma vii- (9) Nõukogu määrusega (EÜ) nr 332/2002 kehtestatud mase kahe aasta jooksul, on oluliselt pärssinud ma- keskmise tähtajaga rahalise abi süsteem, mida kohal- janduskasvu ja kahjustanud finantsstabiilsust ning datakse euroalasse mittekuuluvate liikmesriikide suh- seega järsult halvendanud liikmesriikide eelarve- ja tes, jääb kehtima, võlaseisundit. ON VASTU VÕTNUD KÄESOLEVA MÄÄRUSE: (4) Süvenev finantskriis on euroala mitme liikmesriigi ra- hastamistingimusi halvendanud oluliselt rohkem, kui Artikkel 1 see on põhjendatud fundamentaalsete majandusnäi- Eesmärk ja reguleerimisala tajatega. Kui praeguses olukorras ei võeta viivitamata Euroala kui terviku stabiilsuse, ühtsuse ja terviklikkuse säi- meetmeid, võib see tugevasti ohustada kogu euroala litamiseks, nähakse käesoleva määrusega ette tingimused stabiilsust, ühtsust ja terviklikkust. ja menetlused, mille alusel antakse Euroopa Liidu raha- list abi euroalasse kuuluvale liikmesriigile, kes on suurtes (5) Selleks et võtta meetmeid sellises liikmesriikidest majandus- või finantsraskustes, mida põhjustavad temast olenematus erandlikus olukorras, tuleks viivitamata olenematud erandlikud juhtumid, või kellel on tõsine oht luua Euroopa Liidu finantsstabiilsusmehhanism, et sellistesse raskustesse sattuda. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Artikkel 2 3. Otsus laenu andmise kohta sisaldab järgmist: Euroopa Liidu rahalise abi vorm a) summa, keskmine tagasimaksetähtaeg, hinnakujun- 1. Käesoleva määruse kohaldamisel antakse asjaomase- dusviis, osamaksete maksimaalne arv, Euroopa Liidu le liikmesriigile Euroopa Liidu rahalist abi laenu või rahalise abi kättesaadavuse periood ja muud üksik- krediidiliinina. asjalikud eeskirjad, mida on vaja abi rakendamiseks, sealhulgas artiklis 3 osutatud garantii rakendamiseks; Selleks volitatakse vastavalt artikli 4 kohasele nõuko- gu otsusele komisjoni sõlmima Euroopa Liidu nimel b) Euroopa Liidu rahalise abiga seotud üldised majan- laenulepinguid kapitaliturgudel või finantsasutustega. duspoliitilised tingimused, mille eesmärk on taastada asjaomases liikmesriigis kindel majanduslik ja rahan- 2. Vastavalt artiklile 3 piiratakse praeguse stabiilsusmeh- duslik olukord ning tema suutlikkus kaasata rahalisi hanismi kohaselt antavate laenude ja krediidiliinide vahendeid finantsturgudelt; põhisummat maksete assigneeringutute puhul kohal- datava omavahendite kogusumma ülemmäära piires- c) heakskiit kohandamise programmi kohta, mille abi se jääva varuga. saav liikmesriik koostas Euroopa Liidu rahalise abiga seotud majanduslike tingimuste täitmiseks. Artikkel 3 Garantiid 4. Otsus krediidiliini avamise kohta sisaldab järgmist: 474 1. Artikli 2 lõikes 2 osutatud ülemmäära ületavatele lae- nudele ja krediidiliinidele antakse euroala liikmesrii- a) summa, krediidiliini kättesaadavuse tasu, rahaliste kide ühine ja proportsionaalne garantii. vahendite eraldamisel kohaldatav hinnakujundusviis, Euroopa Liidu rahalise abi kättesaadavuse periood ja 2. Euroala iga liikmesriik garanteerib lõikes 1 osutatud muud üksikasjalikud eeskirjad, mida on vaja abi ra- ülemmäära ületavat summat vastavalt Euroopa Kesk- kendamiseks, sealhulgas artiklis 3 osutatud garantii panka sissemakstud kapitali oma osale. rakendamiseks;

3. Käesoleva artikliga hõlmatud juhtudel võib komisjon b) Euroopa Liidu rahalise abiga seotud üldised majan- kasutada euroalasse kuuluvate liikmesriikide võlaasu- duspoliitilised tingimused, mille eesmärk on taastada tuste teenuseid ning selleks annavad liikmesriigid kõ- asjaomases liikmesriigis kindel majanduslik ja rahan- nealused asutused komisjoni käsutusse. duslik olukord;

4. Garantiid ei anna liikmesriik, kes saab rahalist abi c) heakskiit kohandamisprogrammi kohta, mille abi käesoleva määruse kohaselt nõukogu poolt tehtud saav liikmesriik koostas Euroopa Liidu rahalise abiga otsuse alusel. Teiste liikmesriikide antav garantii arvu- seotud majanduslike tingimuste täitmiseks. tatakse vastavalt ümber. 5. Komisjon ja asjaomane liikmesriik sõlmivad pärast 5. Liikmesriigid võtavad vajalikke meetmeid tagamaks, majandus- ja rahanduskomitee arvamuse saamist et garantii antakse kümne päeva jooksul pärast artikli vastastikuse mõistmise memorandumi, milles täp- 4 kohase nõukogu otsuse tegemist. sustatakse nõukogu kehtestatud üldised majanduspo- liitilised tingimused. Komisjon edastab vastastikuse Artikkel 4 mõistmise memorandumi Euroopa Parlamendile ja Menetlus nõukogule.

1. Euroopa Liidu rahalist abi taotlev liikmesriik hindab 6. Komisjon vaatab lõike 3 punktis b ja lõike 4 punktis koos komisjoni ja Euroopa Keskpangaga oma rahalisi b osutatud üldised majanduspoliitilised tingimused vajadusi ning esitab komisjonile ning majandus- ja ra- läbi vähemalt iga kuue kuu tagant ja arutab asjaomase handuskomiteele esialgse majandusliku ja rahandusli- liikmesriigiga muudatusi, mida tuleks kohandamis- ku kohandamise programmi. programmis teha.

2. Euroopa Liidu rahalise abi andmise kohta teeb ot- 7. Nõukogu teeb komisjoni ettepanekul kvalifitseeri- suse nõukogu komisjoni ettepanekul kvalifitseeritud tud häälteenamusega otsuse algsetes üldistes majan- häälteenamusega. duspoliitilistes tingimustes kavandatud mis tahes Nõukogu määrus, millega luuakse Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanism

muudatuste kohta ja kiidab heaks abi saava liikmes- Artikkel 7 riigi koostatud muudetud kohandamisprogrammi. Laenutehingud 1. Artiklis 2 osutatud laenutehingud tehakse eurodes. 8. Kui asjaomane liikmesriik kavatseb kaasata Euroo- pa Liidu väliseid rahastamisallikaid (eelkõige Rah- vusvahelist Valuutafondi), mille kaasamisel seatakse 2. Abi saav liikmesriik ja komisjon lepivad omavahel majanduspoliitilisi tingimusi, peab ta eelnevalt nõu kokku nende järjestikuste osamaksete laadis, mida pidama komisjoniga. Komisjon uurib Euroopa Liidu Euroopa Liit rahalise abi süsteemi alusel teeb. rahalise abi süsteemi raames olevaid võimalusi ning kavandatud majanduspoliitiliste tingimuste kooskõla 3. Pärast seda, kui nõukogu on teinud otsuse laenu koh- kohustustega, mida asjaomane liikmesriik on võtnud, ta, on komisjonil volitus võtta laenu kapitaliturgudelt et rakendada nõukogu määruseid ja otsuseid, mis on või finantsasutustelt kõige sobivamal ajal kavakohaste vastu võetud ELi toimimise lepingu artiklite 121, väljamaksete vahel, et optimeerida rahastamiskulu- 126 ja 136 alusel. Komisjon teavitab majandus- ja sid ja säilitada oma maine Euroopa Liidu emitendi- rahanduskomiteed. na kõnealustel turgudel. Kaasatuid, kuid veel välja maksmata rahalisi vahendeid hoitakse kogu aeg sel- Artikkel 5 leks ettenähtud arveldus- või väärtpaberikontol, mida Laenu väljamaksmine käsitletakse vastavalt eelarveväliste tehingute suhtes kohaldatavatele eeskirjadele, ning neid ei kasutata 1. Reeglina makstakse laen välja osamaksetena. muuks, kui rahalise abi andmiseks liikmesriigile kõ- 475 nealuse mehhanismi alusel. 2. Komisjon kontrollib korrapäraste ajavahemike järel seda, kas abi saava liikmesriigi majanduspoliitika on 4. Kui liikmesriik saab laenu, millel on varasema tagasi- kooskõlas tema kohandamisprogrammiga ja artikli 4 maksmise klausel, ja otsustab seda võimalust kasuta- lõike 3 punkti b kohaselt nõukogu sätestatud tingi- da, astub komisjon selleks vajalikud sammud. mustega. Selleks esitab kõnealune liikmesriik komis- jonile kogu vajaliku teabe ja teeb komisjoniga täielik- 5. Abi saava liikmesriigi taotlusel ja kui asjaolud või- ku koostööd. maldavad laenu intressimäära parandamist, võib komisjon oma esialgse laenu täielikult või osaliselt 3. Sellise kontrolli tulemuste põhjal teeb komisjon pä- refinantseerida või vastavad rahastamistingimused rast majandus- ja rahanduskomitee arvamuse saamist restruktureerida. otsuse järgnevate osamaksete tegemise kohta. 6. Majandus- ja rahanduskomiteed teavitatakse lõikes 5 Artikkel 6 osutatud tehingute arengust. Rahaliste vahendite eraldamine Artikkel 8 1. Asjaomane liikmesriik teatab komisjonile ette kavat- Kulud susest kasutada krediidiliini vahendeid. Üksikasjali- kud eeskirjad sätestatakse artikli 4 lõikes 4 osutatud Kulud, mis Euroopa Liidul tekkivad iga tehingu sõlmimi- otsuses. sel ja läbi viimisel, kannab abi saav liikmesriik.

2. Komisjon kontrollib korrapäraste ajavahemike järel Artikkel 9 seda, kas abi saava liikmesriigi majanduspoliitika on Laenude haldamine kooskõlas tema kohandamisprogrammiga ja artikli 4 lõike 4 punkti b kohaselt nõukogu sätestatud tingi- 1. Komisjon kehtestab koos Euroopa Keskpangaga lae- mustega. Selleks esitab kõnealune liikmesriik komis- nude haldamiseks vajaliku korra. jonile kogu vajaliku teabe ja teeb komisjoniga täielik- ku koostööd. 2. Abi saav liikmesriik avab oma riigi keskpangas Eu- roopa Liidult saadud keskmise tähtajaga rahalise abi 3. Sellise kontrolli tulemuste põhjal teeb komisjon pä- haldamiseks erikonto. Kõnealune liikmesriik kannab rast majandus- ja rahanduskomitee arvamuse saamist laenu põhisumma ja intressid kontole Euroopa Kesk- otsuse rahaliste vahendite eraldamise kohta. pangas neliteist TARGET2 tööpäeva enne vastavat maksetähtpäeva. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

3. Ilma et see piiraks Euroopa Keskpankade Süsteemi ja Euroopa Keskpanga põhikirja artikli 27 kohaldamist, on Euroopa Kontrollikojal õigus teostada abi saavas liikmesriigis finantskontrolli ja auditeid, mida ta peab seoses kõnealuse abi haldamisega vajalikuks. Eelkõige komisjonil, sealhulgas Euroopa Pettustevastane Ame- til, on õigus saata oma ametnikke või nõuetekohaselt volitatud esindajad abi saavasse liikmesriiki, et teos- tada finantskontrolli ja auditeid, mida ta peab seoses kõnealuse abi haldamisega vajalikuks.

Artikkel 10 Läbivaatamine ja muutmine 1. Komisjon esitab majandus- ja rahanduskomiteele ning nõukogule kuue kuu jooksul pärast käesoleva määruse jõustumist ja seejärel vajaduse korral iga kuue kuu tagant aruande käesoleva määruse rakendamise ja selliste erandlike juhtumite jätkumise kohta, millega 476 on põhjendatud käesoleva määruse vastuvõtmine.

2. Vajaduse korral lisatakse aruandele käesoleva määru- se muudatusettepanekud, et kohandada rahalise abi andmise võimalusi, ilma et see mõjutaks juba vastu- võetud otsuste kehtivust.

Artikkel 11 Jõustumine Käesolev määrus jõustub järgmisel päeval pärast selle aval- damist Euroopa Liidu Teatajas.

Käesolev määrus on tervikuna siduv ja vahetult kohaldatav kõikides liikmesriikides.

Brüssel,

Nõukogu nimel

eesistuja Majanduspoliitika koordineerimise edendamine

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, ÜLEMKOGULE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA KESKPANGALE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE NING REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE BRÜSSEL, 12. MAI 2010 KOM(2010) 250 „Euroala valitsemist ja majanduspoliitika koordineerimist tuleb parandada. See hõlmab nii majandusjärelevalvekordade sü- vendamist kui ka laiendamist, et anda pikaajalisest perspektiivist lähtuvaid fiskaalpoliitilisi suuniseid kogu tsükli jooksul ning samal ajal vähendada majanduskasvu, inflatsiooni ja konkurentsivõime erinevusi”. (Komisjoni teatis: „EMU@10: majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat 7. mai 2008 – IP/08/716)

1. Sissejuhatus ja liikmesriikide tegevusest tuleneva vastastikuse mõjuga hõlpsamini toime tulla. 477 Ülemaailmne majanduskriis on pannud proovile majan- duspoliitika koordineerimise praegused mehhanismid ja Hiljutine finantskriis ja surve Euroopa finantsstabiilsuse- toonud välja Euroopa Liidu nõrkused. Majandus- ja ra- le on selgemalt kui kunagi varem esile toonud, kuivõrd haliidu toimimine on olnud suure surve all, kuna on esi- üksteisest sõltuvad on ELi majandused eriti euroalal. nenud tõrkeid eeskirjade ja põhimõtete järgimisel. Praegu Liikmesriikidele oli kasulik kuuluda ELi, kus on 500 mil- kehtivad järelevalvemenetlused ei ole olnud piisavalt laia­ jonit inimest ühendav tugev siseturg ja ühisvääring 16 liik- ulatuslikud. Käesolevas teatises tehakse ettepanekud meet- mesriigis. Olemasolevad koordineerimisvahendid ja -mee- mete kohta, mida tuleks olukorra leevendamiseks lähemal todid võimaldasid ELil ühendada majanduse elavdamiseks ajal võtta vastavalt Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingule. tehtavad jõupingutused ja seista kriisile koos vastu. Seda ei oleks ükski liikmesriik üksi suutnud. Hiljutised sünd- Hiljutine majanduskriis on meie põlvkonnale esimene mused tõid välja praeguse süsteemi puudused ja nõrkused ning osutasid sellele, et poliitikat tuleb ulatuslikumalt ja omataoline. Viimase kümne aasta jooksul püsinud majan- ennetavalt kombineerida ning et on vaja täiendavaid enne- duskasv ja pidev uute töökohtade loomine on asendunud tavaid ja korrigeerivaid mehhanisme ja euroala liikmesrii- tagasilangusega ning kriis on toonud esile meie majandu- kide kriisilahendamise mehhanismi. se fundamentaalsed nõrkused. Kriisile eelnevate aastate fiskaalne ja makromajanduslik tasakaalustamatus muutis kriisi puhkedes ja majanduslanguse tekkides ELi majan- Kriisist tingitud kohese vajaduse rahuldamiseks on võe- duse haavatavaks. Mõju riikide rahandusele on olnud suur, tud kiireloomulisi meetmeid, mis kulmineerus 9. mail, puudujääk on keskmiselt 7% SKPst ja võlatase üle 80% mil erakorraline majandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõuko- SKPst, mis mõlemad selgelt ületavad asutamislepingus sä- gu otsustas luua Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanismi ja leppis testatud kontrollväärtusi 3% SKPst ja 60% SKPst. kokku kohustustes kiirendada vajaduse korral eelarvete konsolideerimist. Kriisist tuleb õppida ja võtta meetmed, et tugevdada tulevikule mõeldes ELi majandusjuhtimise Avaliku sektori võlga ei või igavesti hoida kõrgel tasemel. süsteemi. Käesolevas teatises tutvustatakse majanduspo- Selleks et järgida strateegiat „Euroopa 2020. aastal”, mille liitika koordineerimise tugevdamise kolmesambalist lähe- Ülemkogu kiitis heaks märtsis, tuleb rakendada usaldus- nemisviisi. Enamik ettepanekuid käsitlevad ELi tervikuna, väärset väljumisstrateegiat. Lähematel aastatel seisavad ELi kuid euroala jaoks on kavandatud põhjalikum lähenemis- ees suured probleemid – on vaja konsolideerida eelarveid viis, mis põhineb Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artiklil ja samal ajal soodustada jätkusuutlikku kasvu. Stabiilsuse 136. ja kasvu paktiga on ette nähtud raamistik kriisist nõuete- kohaselt väljumiseks. Kuid selleks et toetada ELi majan- duse kasvupotentsiaali ja sotsiaalsete süsteemide jätku- Teatises rõhutatakse vajadust kasutada täielikult ära asu- suutlikkust, on riikide rahanduse konsolideerimisel vaja tamislepingu kohaseid järelevalveinstrumente. Kui vaja, seada prioriteedid ja teha raskeid otsuseid. Koordineerimi- tuleks olemasolevaid instrumente muuta või täiendada. ne ELi tasandil võib aidata liikmesriikidel selle ülesandega Teatises kutsutakse liikmesriike üles veelgi paremini järgi- ma stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ning laiendama järelevalvet EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

nii, et see hõlmaks ka makromajanduslikku tasakaalusta- 1999. aastal olid jooksevkontod tasakaalus ning pärast seda matust. Selleks tehakse ettepanek luua majanduspoliitika on ülejääk euroalal pidevalt suurenenud, jõudes 2007. aas- koordineerimiseks nn Euroopa poolaasta, et liikmesriigid taks 7,7%ni SKPst, samas kui kogupuudujääk suurenes saaksid varasest Euroopa tasandil koordineerimisest kasu, 3,5%-lt SKPst 1999. aastal 9,7%-le SKPst 2007. aastal39. kui nad koostavad riigi stabiilsus- või lähenemisprogram- Majandus- ja finantskriisi tõttu on jooksevkontod osaliselt me, sealhulgas eelarveid ja riigi reformikavu. Peale selle tasakaalustunud. Sellel on siiski ainult osaliselt struktuur- kehtestatakse teatisega põhimõtted, mis peaksid toetama sed põhjused. Selleks et kulusid, palku, struktuurireforme tugevat euroala liikmesriikide kriisijuhtimise raamistikku. ning tööjõu ja kapitali ümberjagamist kohandada vastavalt vajadustele, tuleb poliitikat väga palju muuta. Need on suuri eesmärke seadvad ja vajalikud ideed, mil- le kohta komisjon palub liikmesriikidel, Euroopa Parla- Kreekas on lõdva fiskaalpoliitika, kuhjuvale tasakaalus- mendil ja sidusrühmadel avaldada arvamust. Komisjon tamatusele sobimatu reageerimise, struktuursete prob- teeb nende ideede rakendamiseks lähematel kuudel õigus- leemide ja statistiliste valeandmete koosmõju tekitanud aktide ettepanekud. riigivõla enneolematu kriisi. Halastamatult sai selgeks, et aluseks olev riigi rahanduse olukord oli osaliselt tingitud varem esitatud valeandmetest, kuid peamiselt ebasobivast 2. Ülemaailmne finantskriis fiskaalpoliitikast. Isegi kui sellise olukorra tekkimine oli võimalik kehtiva järelevalveraamistiku puuduste tõttu, on välja toonud Euroopa näitas see selgelt, kui oluline on tagada eeskirjade tõhus 478 majanduse probleemid ja neid täitmine. Seistes silmitsi riigivõla ennenägematu kriisiga, mille lahendamiseks puudusid euroalal vahendid, leppisid võimendanud liikmesriigid Euroopa finantsstabiilsuse säilitamiseks kok- ku meetmete paketis40. Käesoleva teatise eesmärk on ot- Viimase kümne aasta jooksul ei ole riigid oma võlgu pii- sustavalt tugevdada meie järelevalvesüsteemi, et ennetada savalt vähendanud. Eelarvete konsolideerimise nimel ei veel mõne liikmesriigi sattumist sellisesse olukorda. Kuid pingutatud piisavalt, seda eriti headel majandusaegadel. kriis rõhutab ka vajadust sobivate vahendite järele, mis Mõnes liikmesriigis suurendati ajutiselt tulusid tegevuste- aitavad toime tulla euroala finantsstabiilsust ohustavate ga, mis andsid suuremat maksutulu ning mille aluseks olid olukordadega. lühiajalised finantsteenuste, kinnisvara-, ja ehitusbuumid. Kuna sellised makrofinantsilised tasakaalustamatused suu- renesid kriisi tõttu teravalt, vähenes asjaomastes riikides 3. Majanduspoliitika maksutulu, mistõttu eelarvepositsioon kujunes prognoo- situst märksa nõrgemaks. Euroopa Liidu riikide eelarved koordineerimise edendamine langesid 2007. aasta peaaegu tasakaalupositsioonist (-0,8% SKPst kogu ELis ja -0,6% euroalal) 2010. aastaks hinnan- 3.1. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti parem guliselt 7%-lisse puudujääki SKPst. Riikide võlad jätkasid järgimine ja fiskaalpoliitika suurenemist. Komisjoni talituste kõige viimase prognoo- tõhusam koordineerimine si kohaselt jõuab 2011. aastal riikide võlg 84% tasemele SKPst (88% euroalal), millega nullitakse ära 20 aasta kon- Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti nõuded ja põhimõtted on asja- solideerimise tulemused. Lisaks elanikkonna vananemise- kohased ja siduvad. ga seotud pikaajalistele eelarveprobleemidele teevad muret Ometi ei õnnestunud liikmesriikidel suured tingimuslikud kohustised, mis on seotud finants- hoolimata paktist luua headel aegadel piisavad puhvrid. sektori päästemeetmetega, mis moodustavad omakorda Eelarvejärelevalve ennetava mõõtme tugevdamine peab 25 protsendipunkti ELi SKPst. olema fiskaalpoliitika tõhusama koordineerimise loo- mulik osa. Samuti tuleb parandada eeskirjade täitmist ning pöörata suuremat tähelepanu riikide rahanduse Muud makromajanduslikud ja finantsilised tasakaalusta- jätkusuutlikkusele. matused muutsid haavatavamaks eriti euroala majanduse. Euroalal ohustavad pikka aega püsivad konkurentsivõime Pakti raames tehtava ennetava töö keskmes on sta- erinevused ja makromajanduslikud tasakaalustamatused biilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide ettevalmistamine majandus- ja rahaliidu toimimist. Kriisile eelnevatel aas- tatel soodustasid madalad finantseerimiskulud vahendite eraldamist sageli väheproduktiivseteks eesmärkideks, mis 39 Siin esitatud jooksevkonto ülejääk kajastab Saksamaa, mõnes liikmesriigis viis tarbimise jätkusuutmatule tase- Luksemburgi, Madalmaade, Austria ja Soome ülejääke. Jooksevkonto puudujääk kajastab Iirimaa, Kreeka, Hispaania, mele, tekitas kinnisvaramulle ning akumuleeris välis- ja Küprose ja Portugali puudujääke. sisevõlga. Konkurentsilõhe oli kõige suurem enne kriisi. 40 Majandus- ja rahandusküsimuste nõukogu 9. mai 2010. aasta järeldused. Majanduspoliitika koordineerimise edendamine ja hindamine. Selle mõju ja tõhusust tuleks otsustavalt arvesse võla ja puudujäägi vastastikust mõju, et suurendada tõsta, suurendades protsessi ennetavat mõõdet ja muu- stiimuleid rakendada ettevaatlikku poliitikat. Liikmesriiki- tes selle paremini suunatuks. Esimesele neist aitab kaasa de suhtes, kelle võla suhe ületab 60% SKPst, tuleks kohal- allpool (punktis III.3) kirjeldatud nn Euroopa poolaasta dada ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust, kui teatava kasutuselevõtmine. Teine eesmärk oleks näiteks saavutatav, perioodi jooksul ei vähene võlg kindlaksmääratud määral. kui lisanduks võimalus nõuda sobimatut fiskaalpoliitikat Eriti peaksid komisjon ja nõukogu kontrollima, kas eel- rakendavatelt liikmesriikidelt intressi tootva hoiuse depo- arvepuudujääk on kooskõlas valitsemissektori võla pideva neerimist, kui nad ei liigu headel majandusaegadel piisa- ja märkimisväärse vähenemisega. Otsestest ja kaudsetest valt kiiresti keskpika perioodi eelarve-eesmärkide suunas. kohustistest tulenevaid fiskaalriske tuleks olulise tegurina Selleks oleks vaja muuta teiseseid õigusakte. arvesse võtta. Samal ajal tuleks ülemäärase eelarvepuudu- jäägi menetluse tühistamine nende liikmesriikide puhul, Liikmesriikide fiskaalraamistikud peavad paremini kajas- kelle võlatase ületab kontrollväärtuse 60% SKPst, muuta tama ELi eelarvejärelevalve prioriteete. Liikmesriike tu- sõltuvaks võla muutumise ja riskide hindamisest. See lä- leks julgustada võtma riigi rahandust käsitlevad asutamis- henemisviis on täielikult kooskõlas ELi toimimise lepin- lepingus sätestatud eesmärgid üle siseriiklikku õigusesse. gu artikliga 126 ning nõuab teiseste õigusaktide teatavat Siseriiklik fiskaalraamistik on elementide kogum, mis on muutmist. riikliku eelarvejuhtimise aluseks, st riigipõhised institutsio- naalsed poliitikapõhimõtted, mis mõjutavad riiklikul ta- Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti nõuete parema täitmise tagami- sandil fiskaalpoliitika kujundamist. Et oleks selgem, kuidas seks tuleks suuremat tähelepanu pöörata ELi eelarve ka- ELi fiskaalraamistik ja riiklikud fiskaalraamistikud üksteist sutamisele. Praegu on ühtekuuluvusfondi maksete, millele 479 täiendavad, täpsustatakse õiguslikult siduvate vahenditega ainult piiratud arvul liikmesriikidel on õigus, peatamine ELi toimimise lepingu protokolli nr 12 kohustust, mille võimalik üksnes ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetluse kohaselt liikmesriigid peavad kehtestama eelarvemenetlu- hilises järgus (ELi toimimise lepingu artikli 126 lõige 8). sed, millega tagatakse eelarvedistsipliini käsitlevate asuta- mislepingu kohaste kohustuste täitmine. Selliste vahen- Kui hakatakse ette valmistama otsuseid järgmise finants­ dite puhul oleks vaja, et riiklikud raamistikud kajastaksid raamistiku kohta, võiks ELi eelarvekulude kasutamise mitmeaastast eelarvemenetlust, et tagada eelarve keskpika laiendamist kaaluda nõuete täitmise stiimulina. Eesmärk perioodi eesmärkide saavutamine. peaks olema luua õiglased, õigeaegsed ja tõhusad stiimulid stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti nõuete täitmiseks. Pärast ülemää- Ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlus on stabiilsuse rase puudujäägi olemasolu kindlakstegemist võiks näiteks ja kasvu pakti korrigeeriva osa aluseks. Kuid ülemäära- toetada tingimuslikkust või paluda liikmesriikidel suunata se eelarvepuudujäägi menetluse korrigeeriv mõõde tuleb vahendid ümber riigi rahanduse kvaliteedi parandamisesse mängu liiga hilja, et olla liikmesriikidele piisavaks stiimu- (vastavalt ELi toimimise lepingu artikli 126 lõikele 6). liks eelarve suureneva tasakaalustamatuse vähendamiseks. Ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust saaks parandada, Struktuuri- ja ühtekuuluvusfondidel peaks olema sel- kiirendades menetlust eelkõige riikides, kus pakti nõu- gem roll liikmesriikide tegevuse toetamisel, et lahendada deid eiratakse korduvalt. Selleks on vaja muuta teiseseid struktuurse tasakaalustamatuse ning konkurentsivõimega õigusakte. seotud probleeme. Peatses viiendas ühtekuuluvusaruandes esitatakse sellega seoses ettepanekud, mille peamine ees- Suuremat tähelepanu tuleks pöörata valitsemissektori märk on tugevdada institutsionaalset võimekust ja avaliku võlale ja jätkusuutlikkusele. Hiljutised sündmused ei ole halduse tõhusust. toonud esile mitte üksnes nende liikmesriikide haavata- vuse, kes peavad teenindama valitsemissektori väga suurt Praeguse finantsraamistiku kehtimise ajal võiks kaaluda võlga, vaid ka tõenäolise piiriülese negatiivse mõju. Kõrge ühtekuuluvusfondi kohustuste peatamisklausli karmimat võlatase mõjutab keskpika ja pika perioodi kasvupotent- ja eeskirjadel põhinevat rakendamist juhul, kui pakti nõu- siaali aga lase riikidel võtta usaldusväärseid antitsüklilisi deid eiratakse korduvalt. meetmeid siis, kui neid on kõige rohkem vaja. Eelkõige kehtib see riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkusega seotud üha suurenevate ohtude kohta, sealhulgas selliste ohtude koh- ta, mis tulenevad hiljutistest pangapäästepakettidest, aga ka elanikkonna vananemisest.

Ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetluse raames keh- testatud võlakriteeriumi tuleks rakendada rangelt. Üle- määrase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlus peaks võtma rohkem EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

esitama 2010. aasta juuniks ettepanekud, et tugevdada Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti olemasolevate koordineerimist euroalal, kasutades selleks uusi majandu- mehhanismide toimimise parandamine se koordineerimise vahendeid, mida toetab ELi toimimise • stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide hindamise lepingu artikkel 136. tõhustamine eelneva parema koordineerimise abil Suurte ja püsivate makromajanduslike tasakaalusta- matuste akumuleerumine euroala liikmesriikides võib • liikmesriikide fiskaalraamistikud, mis järgivad nõrgestada euroala ühtsust ja takistada majandus- ja ra- ELi eelarvejärelevalve prioriteete paremini haliidu sujuvat toimimist. Selleks et ennetada suurte ta- Valitsemissektori suure võla vähendamine sakaalustamatuste tekkimist, on oluline muuta analüüsid ning pikaajalise fiskaalse jätkusuutlikkuse põhjalikumaks ja laiendada majandusjärelevalvet lisaks eel- tagamine arvele ka muudele valdkondadele, et vähendada ka muid makromajanduslikke tasakaalustamatuseid, sealhulgas la- • asutamislepingus sätestatud võlakriteeriumi hendama probleeme, mis on seotud konkurentsivõimega suurem tähtsustamine ja struktuursete tegevustega. On tehtud ettepanek muu- ta makromajanduslike tasakaalustamatuste vastastikune • võla ja puudujäägi vastastikuse mõju arvestamine kontroll, mida praegu teostab Eurogrupp, euroala liikmes- Paremad stiimulid ja sanktsioonid seoses riikide struktureeritud järelevalveraamistikuks ELi toimi- stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti nõuete täitmisega mise lepingu artikli 136 alusel. Selle raamistikuga kaasneb 480 põhjalikum järelevalve, tõhusam poliitiline koordineeri- • sobimatu fiskaalpoliitika rakendamise korral mine ja rangemad järelmeetmed, kui strateegias „Euroopa intressi tootvate hoiuste kehtestamine 2020. aastal” on kõigi liikmesriikide jaoks kavandatud. • ELi vahendite rangem ja tingimuste täitmisest Nagu ELi eelarveraamistiku puhulgi, mida samuti kohal- sõltuv kasutamine, et tagada stabiilsuse ja kasvu datakse kõigi liikmesriikide suhtes, kehtivad euroala liik- pakti nõuete parem järgimine mesriikide suhtes rangemad nõuded.

• pakti nõuete korduva mittetäitmise korral kiirem Järelevalve hõlmab tulemustabelit, millest nähtub, mil- reageerimine ja ühtekuuluvusfondi määruse lal on vaja meetmeid võtta. Nii riigiväliste kui ka -siseste rangem rakendamine muutuste kohta koostatakse tulemustabel, mida jälgitakse korrapäraselt. See hõlmaks olulisi indikaatoreid ja kajastaks muu hulgas jooksevkonto muutusi, välisvarade puhasväär- 3.2. Euroala makromajanduse ja tust, tootlikkust, tööjõukulu ühiku kohta, tööhõive määra konkurentsivõime arengu laiem ning reaalseid efektiivseid vahetuskursse, aga ka valitsemis- järelevalve sektori võlga, erasektori laenude maksumust ning varade hindu. Eriti oluline tundub olevat varade hindade ülemää- Majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet käsitlev laiaulatuslik stratee- rase tõusmise ja laenude ülemäärase kasvamise avastamine gia „Euroopa 2020. aastal” keskendub makrofinantsilis- varases järgus, et ennetada fiskaalsete ja väliste tasakaalus- tele ja struktuursetele tasakaalustamatustele. „Euroopa tamatuste kulukat korrigeerimist hilisemas järgus. Selline 2020. aastal” hõlmab suurte eesmärkidega laiahaardelist analüüs oleks aluseks soovitusele võtta ennetavaid ja kor- strateegiat, mille eesmärk on ELi majanduse intelligentne, rigeerivaid meetmeid asjaomases liikmesriigis või -riikides. jätkusuutlik ja kõikehõlmav kasv. Kriisi taustal on tähe- lepanu keskmesse tõusnud Euroopa makrofinantsiliste ja Euroala puhul hindab komisjon makromajanduslike ta- struktuursete probleemide järelevalvega seotud puuduste sakaalustamatuste muutumist ja väljavaateid tervikuna. kõrvaldamine. Võttes arvesse majanduse ja rahanduse ti- Vaadates euroala tervikuna ja iga riiki eraldi, hindab ko- hedat vastasmõju euroalal, kutsutakse strateegias „Euroopa misjon euroala nõuetekohast toimimist ohustavatest iga 2020. aastal” liikmesriike üles välja töötama spetsiaalset liiki makromajanduslikest tasakaalustamatustest tulenevat euroala poliitikaraamistikku, et kõrvaldada makromajan- riski. Selleks analüüsib komisjon põhjalikumalt tekkinud duslikud tasakaalustamatused41. Sellega seoses kutsus Eu- tasakaalustamatusega seotud riski. Kõnealune analüüs on roopa Ülemkogu 2010. aasta märtsis komisjoni üles poliitiliste suuniste koostamise aluseks. Nõukogu, kus hääletavad üksnes euroala liikmesriigid, kutsub asjaomast liikmesriiki või -riike üles võtma olukorra lahendamiseks 41 Komisjon on põhjalikuma ja laiahaardelisema koordineerimise vajalikke meetmeid. Juhul kui liikmesriik või -riigid ei vajadust euroalal varem korduvalt rõhutanud, sealhulgas suuda kindlaksmääratud tähtajaks võtta ülemäärase tasa- 2009. aasta aruandes euroala kohta ja 2008. aasta teatises kaalustamatuse korrigeerimiseks asjakohaseid meetmeid, „EMU@10 – majandus- ja rahaliidu edusammud ja ülesanded võib nõukogu selleks, et tagada majandus- ja rahaliidu pärast kümmet tegutsemisaastat”. Majanduspoliitika koordineerimise edendamine nõuetekohane toimimine, algatada asjaomase liikmes- eelarvepoliitikat käsitlevate soovituste sõnastamisel sta- riigi suhtes järelevalvemenetluse ja otsustada komisjoni biilsuse ja kasvu pakti raames. Eriti just suure makroma- ettepaneku alusel, kas esitada täpsed majanduspoliitilised jandusliku tasakaalustamatuse tekkimise korral võib olla soovitused. Vajaduse korral kasutab komisjon oma õigust vaja seada veelgi suuremad eelarve-eesmärgid. Samuti võ- edastada varajased hoiatused otse euroala liikmesriigi- taks komisjon tõsise tasakaalustamatuse riski hindamisel le. Soovitused võib vajaduse korral suunata ka otse kogu ja sobiva poliitilise vastumeetme üle otsustamisel arvesse euroalale. Euroopa Süsteemsete Riskide Nõukogu asjakohast tööd. Euroopa Süsteemsete Riskide Nõukogu hoiatusi ja soovi- Paljudes poliitikavaldkondades võib olla vaja võtta en- tusi ühele või mitmele liikmesriigile käsitletaks ühist huvi netavaid korrigeerivaid meetmeid, et tõhusalt kõrvalda- pakkuva küsimusena. Lisaks sellele avaldaks ka teised liik- da makromajanduslikud tasakaalustamatused ja nende mesriigid survet korrigeerivate meetmete võtmiseks. Integ- aluseks olevad struktuursed põhjused. Majanduspoliitika reeritud järelevalvetsükkel Euroopa poolaasta raames aitaks mõju välise tasakaalustamatuse muutumisele on erinevalt suurendada majandusjärelevalve eri aspektide sünergiat ja selle mõjust ülemäärase puudujäägi kõrvaldamisele pigem parandada nendevahelist ühtsust. kaudne ja hilisem. Seega võiks asjaomase liikmesriigi ma- janduse spetsiifilistest probleemidest sõltuvalt olla polii- Ennetamine on korrigeerimisest tõhusam. Majandusjäre- tilised soovitused suunatud nii fiskaalpoliitika tulude kui levalve praeguse tsükli korral toimub hindamine peamiselt ka kulude poolele (stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti kontekstis), tagantjärele, kuivõrd majanduspoliitika järgib stabiilsuse ja kuna kriis on näidanud, et valitsemissektori tulude koos- kasvu pakti ning majanduspoliitika üldsuuniseid. Praegu seisu muutumine on samuti võimaliku tasakaalustamatuse eelarve- ja majandusjärelevalves puuduv eelnev mõõde või- 481 oluline indikaator. Seepärast võiksid soovitused kooskõlas maldaks sõnastada kogu Euroopa tasandist lähtuvad reaal- majanduspoliitika ja tööturu üldsuunistega käsitleda töö-, sed suunised, ning kanda need üle iga liikmesriigi poliitika toote- ja teenusteturu toimimist. Need peaksid kooskõlas kujundamisse. Riigipõhiste soovituste varasem koostami- Euroopa Süsteemsete Riskide Nõukogu tulevase analüü- ne oleks kasulik nii struktuurse kui ka eelarve- ja makro­ siga käsitlema ka makrotasandil usaldatavusnormatiivide finantsjärelevalve seisukohast. täitmise aspekte, et ennetada või ohjata laenude ülemäärast kasvamist või varade hindade ülemäärast tõusmist. Riikide eelarvete vastastikuse varajase läbivaatamise süs- teem aitaks avastada vasturääkivused ja ilmneva tasakaa- lustamatuse. Selleks et tagada andmete õigsus ja täpsus, Euroala makromajandusliku arengu on kõigepealt vaja tugevdada Eurostati volitusi auditeerida järelevalve tugevdamine ja laiendamine riikide statistikat vastavalt hiljutistele komisjoni ettepane- • Strateegia „Euroopa 2020. aastal” põhjal töötada kutele. Oluline on jõustada kõnealune ettepanek kiiresti, euroala liikmesriikide jaoks välja tugevam ja kuna see parandab riigi rahanduse olukorda käsitlevate laiaulatuslikum makromajandusliku järelevalve aruannete kvaliteeti. Tekkivate fiskaaltasakaalustamatuste süsteem vastavalt ELi toimimise lepingu artikli varajane vähendamine lihtsustaks nende kõrvaldamist ja 136 kohasele määrusele. aitaks vältida nende muutumist tõsiseks ohuks makroma- janduslikule stabiilsusele ja fiskaalsele jätkusuutlikkusele. • töötada välja indikaatorite tulemustabel, et Stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammid tuleks esitada aasta määratleda tõsise tasakaalustamatuse künnised esimesel poolel ja mitte aasta lõpupoole, nagu seda praegu tehakse. Võttes täielikult arvesse riikide parlamentide eelis- • sõnastada riigipõhised soovitused õigust, annaks vastastikune eelnev läbivaatamine suuniseid • tugineda ametlikele nõukogu õigusaktidele, riikide eelarvete ettevalmistamiseks järgmisel aastal. mille puhul nõukogus hääletavad üksnes euroala liikmed Euroalal tuleks fiskaalpoliitika horisontaalne hindamine viia läbi riikide stabiilsusprogrammide ja komisjoni prog- nooside alusel. Erilist tähelepanu tuleks pöörata kogu po- 3.3. ELi majanduspoliitika integreeritud liitikale, kui euroalal on tuvastatud suur majanduslik surve koordineerimine: Euroopa poolaasta ning kui üksikute liikmesriikide suures mahus võetud fis- kaalpoliitilised meetmed võivad mõjutada teisi riike. Juhul kui järgmise aasta eelarvekavad on selgelt ebasobivad, saaks Selleks et saavutada majanduspoliitika integreeritum esitada soovituse vaadata kavad läbi. Eurogrupil võiks uues järelevalve, on algatuse „Euroopa 2020. aastal” raames parandatud koordineerimise süsteemis olla oluline roll tehtud ettepanek sünkroniseerida ELi liikmesriikide ning vajaduse korral peaks tal olema õigus teha ametlikke eelarve- ja struktuuripoliitika hindamine. Laiaulatusli- otsuseid, nagu on sätestatud Lissaboni lepingus. kum makromajanduslik järelevalve peaks kajastuma ka EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Eelarve- ja struktuuripoliitikajärelevalve tsüklid võiks probleemide teistesse liikmesriikidesse ülekandumise riski liita üheks Euroopa poolaastaks. See algaks aasta algu- ja seadis ohtu euroala üldise finantsstabiilsuse. ses horisontaalse läbivaatamisega, mille käigus Euroopa Ülemkogu teeb komisjoni analüüsile tuginedes kindlaks Selleks et säilitada euroala finantsstabiilsus keskpikas ja ELi ja euroala peamised majandusprobleemid ning sõnas- pikas perspektiivis, on vaja euroala liikmesriikidele fi- tab poliitika strateegilised suunised. Liikmesriigid võtak- nantstoetuse andmise selget ja usaldusväärset korda. sid kõnealuse horisontaalse arutelu järeldusi stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide ning riiklike reformikavade koos- Tingimusliku finantsabi täpselt kavandatud raamistik tamisel arvesse. Stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammid ning peaks aitama tugevdada euroala finantsstabiilsust, välti- riiklikud reformikavad esitataks samal ajal, mis võimaldaks des samas moraalseid riske. Euroala kriisilahendusmehha- reformide mõju majanduskasvule ja eelarvele kajastada nismide kõige tähtsamad elemendid on range tingimuslik- eelarvestrateegias ja -eesmärkides. Liikmesriike julgusta- kus ja intressimäärad, mis loovad stiimuli pöörduda tagasi taks siseriiklikke eeskirju ja menetlusi täielikult järgides turupõhise rahastamise juurde, tagades samas, et finants- kaasama kõnealusesse protsessi ka riigi parlamenti, enne toetus on tõhus. Juhul kui kriisi ei õnnestu ennetada ja kui stabiilsus-ja lähenemisprogrammid ning riiklikud re- selle tulemuseks on objektiivne vajadus rahastamise järele, formikavad esitatakse ELi tasandil mitmepoolse järelevalve oleks abi andmine viimaseks pääseteeks, et tagada kogu teostamiseks. Komisjoni hinnangu põhjal esitaks nõukogu euroala finantsstabiilsus. Sellega kaasneks üksikasjalik ja seejärel oma hinnangu ja suunised sel ajal, kui eelarvet kä- range poliitiline tingimuslikkus, millega tagataks, et abi- sitlevad olulised otsused on siseriiklikul tasandil alles ette- perioodi kasutatakse vajalike (fiskaalsete ja struktuursete) 482 valmistamisel. Sellega seoses tuleks vajalikul määral kaasata kohandamiste tegemiseks, et tagada pikaajaline maksevõi- ka Euroopa Parlament. melisus ja võimalikult kiire tagasipöördumine turupõhise rahastamise juurde. Euroopa poolaasta paremini integreeritud Finantsabi tuleks anda laenuna. Laenu andmine euroala fiskaalpoliitika eelneva koordineerimise jaoks liikmesriigile (vastandina võla ülevõtmisele) ei ole vastu- • ühtlustatakse stabiilsus- ja olus ELi toimimise lepingu artikliga 125. Poliitikaprog- lähenemisprogrammide ning riiklike ramm ja tingimuslikkus tuleks sätestada vastavalt ELi reformikavade esitamise ja arutelu toimumise toimimise lepingu artiklile 136. Mitte-euroala liikmesriiki- aeg, et hinnata majanduse üldist olukorda dele antud ELi maksebilansiabi kogemuse põhjal ühendab ja parandada ajalist kattumist riiklike ühtne raamistik, mille alusel EL annab hädaabilaenude eelarvetsüklitega rahastamiseks laenu, juhtimise suhtelise tõhususe ja nõu- kogupoolse poliitilise kontrolli. • tagatakse, et komisjoni hinnangul põhinevad Euroopa Ülemkogu ja nõukogu poliitilised Poliitilise tingimuslikkuse peamine eesmärk peab olema nõuanded on tõhusad ja õigeaegsed kõrvaldada asjaomase liikmesriigi tasakaalustamatus, et • tõhusam integreeritud järelevalve koos kõigi tagada majandus- ja rahaliidu sujuv toimimine. Tingi- vastastikuse läbivaatamise eelistega muslikkus hõlmab tavapäraselt nii eelarve konsolideerimist kui ka selle juhtimise (sh maksupoliitika) tugevdamist ja finantssektori stabiliseerimist, kui finantssektori problee- 3.4. Euroala liikmesriikide kriisijuhtimise mid on tingitud riigi rahanduse probleemidest, ning laie- tugev raamistik mat poliitilist sekkumist, et taastada makromajanduslik stabiilsus ja väline elujõulisus. Lisaks eelarveküsimustele tuleks esmajärjekorras vähendada makromajanduslikke Kreeka kriis tõi esile, et on vaja euroala liikmesriikide tasakaalustamatuseid, sealhulgas lahendada probleeme, kriisijuhtimise tugevat raamistikku. mis on seotud konkurentsivõimega ja seda mõjutavate struktuursete teguritega. See eeldab tõhusamat järeleval- Tõepoolest võivad ühe liikmesriigi finantsprobleemid vet, rangemat poliitilist koordineerimist ja tugevamaid ohustada kogu euroala makromajanduslikku stabiilsust. järelmeetmeid, et tagada vajalike struktuurireformide kiire Kriis on näidanud, et eespool nimetatud ennetamis-, ko- rakendamine. handamis- ja järelevalvevahendeid on vaja täiendada krii- sijuhtimise tugeva raamistikuga. ELi maksebilansiabi oli Komisjoni ettepaneku alusel otsustas ECOFIN 9. mail oluliseks toeks euroalasse mittekuuluvatele finantsprob- luua ajutise Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanismi, et reageerida leemidega liikmesriikidele. Ebakindlus seoses Kreekale otseselt kriisist tingitud probleemidele. See oli osa suure- antava finantsabi kättesaadavuse ja tingimustega suurendas mast paketist, millega kaasneb eelarve konsolideerimi- se range kohustus ning milles Maailmapank osaleb oma Majanduspoliitika koordineerimise edendamine tavapäraste vahendite kaudu kooskõlas Euroopa program- midega, mis on hiljuti vastu võetud.

Kõnealune mehhanism loodi, et reageerida praegustele erakorralistele oludele ning see hõlmab üldist finantstoe- tust kuni 500 miljardi euro ulatuses. Finantsabi antakse rangete tingimuste täitmise korral ELi ja Maailmapanga ühise toetuse raames ning seda antakse Maailmapanga tin- gimustega sarnastel tingimustel ja samaks ajaks. Kõnealust mehhanismi rahastatakse kahest täiendavast allikast. Esi- mene tugineb nõukogu määrusele, mis põhineb artikli 122 lõikel 2, ning see võib moodustada kuni 60 miljardit eurot. Lisaks on euroala liikmesriigid valitustevahelise lepingu alusel valmis täiendama kõnealuseid allikaid eriotstarbe- lise rahastamisvahendi kaudu. Kõnealune eriotstarbeline rahastamisvahend võimaldaks osaleva liikmesriigi finants- garantiid kasutades võtta laenu kuni 440 miljardit eurot.

See mehhanism järgib üldiselt tugeva alalise kriisila- hendusmehhanismi põhimõtteid. Seepärast on komis- 483 jon seisukohal, et nüüd tuleb esmajärjekorras muuta see mehhanism täielikult toimivaks. Komisjonil on kavas selle mehhanismiga saadavate kogemuste põhjal teha keskpikas kuni pikas perspektiivis ettepanek alalise kriisilahendus- mehhanismi loomise kohta.

4. Järgmised sammud

Komisjon töötab käesolevas teatises esitatud reformide ettepanekud välja kooskõlas ELi toimimise lepingus sä- testatud kohustustega. Ta peab oluliseks teha kiiresti edu- samme seoses käesolevas teatises esitatud reformikavaga. Majanduse praegune olukord nõuab viivitamatut tegut- semist, et rakendada kavandatud meetmed, mille eesmärk on parandada ELi ja euroala majandusjuhtimist. Esimene Euroopa poolaasta peaks algama 2011. aasta alguses.

Komisjon on valmis kiiresti esitama õigusaktide ettepa- nekud, sealhulgas muutma õigusakte, millele stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakt toetub, et parandada makromajanduslike tasa- kaalustamatuste ennetamist ja kõrvaldamist euroalal, ning luua kriisijuhtimise alaline raamistik.

Majanduspoliitika parem koordineerimine aitab suurendada stabiilsust, elavdada majanduskasvu ja luua enam töökohti – ELi majandusjuhtimise tõhustamise hoovad

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, EUROOPA ÜLEMKOGULE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA KESKPANGALE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE NING REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE BRÜSSEL, 30. JUUNI 2010 KOM(2010) 367

Euroopa Liit on saanud rahandus- ja majanduskriisilt mitu Eelöeldu taustal keskendutakse käesolevas teatises head õppetundi. Näeme selgelt, kuidas tihedalt lõimunud järgmisele: 485 ELis ja eelkõige rahaliidus on eri riikide majandus ja ma- jandusedu omavahel põimitud. Kriis on näidanud, et ehk- • Komisjoni 12. mai teatises majanduspoliitika ki hoovad majanduspoliitika koordineerimiseks on ELil koordineerimise edendamise kohta on nähtud olemas, ei ole neid täiel määral kasutatud ning praeguses ette majanduspoliitika parem koordineerimine ja juhtimissüsteemis on mitmeid lünki. On olemas laiapõh- järelevalve, mis tuleb vormistada konkreetseteks jaline poliitiline kokkulepe seda olukorda muuta ning va- ettepanekuteks. Selleks kavandatakse järgmisi samme: rustada EL tulevase õitsengu ja elatustaseme tõusu poole (i) parandada järelevalvet makromajanduspoliitika liikumiseks mitmekesisemate ja tõhusamate vahenditega. üle, sealhulgas häire- ja karistusmehhanismide abil; (ii) tugevdada liikmesriikide eelarveraamistikku EL on võtnud kriisi ületamiseks ja kriisist õppimiseks ja kehtestada selleks siseriiklike eelarveraamistike mitmeid söakaid ja ulatuslikke sidusaid meetmeid. Majan- miinimumnõuded, lisaks soovitakse minna eelarve duslanguse talitsemiseks võeti 2008. aastal vastu Euroopa üheaastaselt kavandamiselt üle mitmeaastasele tsüklile; majanduse elavdamise kava. Majandus- ja rahandusliidu (iii) karmistada stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti, keskendudes stabiilsuse tagamiseks andis EL liikmesriikidele, kes seda eelkõige laenukoorma kasvu pidurdamisele, aga ka vajasid, vajalikku abi. Finantssüsteemi järelevalveks ja re- ülemäärasele puudujäägile. guleerimiseks on kavandatud nii ELis kui väljaspool seda • Selleks et tagada liikmesriikide püsimine ELi hulk meetmeid, mille üle praegu läbi räägitakse. Paika on tasandil kokku lepitud raamistikus, tuleb kehtestada pandud Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia raamistik ning ka- tõhus sunnimehhanism. Et vältida seda, et mõnes vas on teha hulk algatusi, et kasutada ära Euroopa Liidus liikmesriigis tekkinud olukord võib seada kahtluse alla majanduskasvu taastamiseks ja uute töökohtade loomiseks liidu kui terviku arengu, pannakse ette hulk ennetavaid leiduvad võimalused. ja korrigeerivaid meetmeid, sealhulgas karistused rikkumiste puhuks. Eelkõige vajab EL selget kava, kuidas toetada majanduse elavdamist, asetada liikmesriikide rahandus tagasi tugevale • Et anda liikmesriikides tehtavatele otsustele Euroopa alusele, innustada jätkusuutlikku majanduskasvu ja võimal- tasandil ühine alus, on vaja algatada üleeuroopaline dada uute töökohtade loomist. Selline on Euroopa Ülem- majanduspoliitika koordineerimisprotsess „Euroopa kogul hiljuti heaks kiidetud Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia poolaasta”, mis võimaldab jõuda juba kavandamisjärgus juhtmõte. Tuleb tagada, et otsused oleksid sidusad, vastak- tegevuse tõhusama eelkoordineerimiseni, ning selgitada sid väljakuulutatud eesmärkidele ning neid rakendataks ja seda protsessi ennast ja selle ajakava. Samuti on vaja jõustataks pärast vastuvõtmist korrapäraselt, mistõttu on selgitada struktuurireformide ning Euroopa 2020. aasta vaja kõik asjaomased instrumendid ühte koondada. ELi strateegia majanduskasvu hoogustamise jõujooni. kodanikele uue, jätkusuutliku kasvukava loomiseks tuleb Käesolevas teatises käsitletavad ettepanekud on kõik või- majanduspoliitikat senisest enam koordineerida. malik vastu võtta Lissaboni lepingu alusel. Need on ad- resseeritud 27 liikmesriigile, ehkki mõne ettepaneku mõni EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

aspekt puudutab ainult euroalasse kuuluvaid liikmesriike. kahjuliku makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse üle ja Ettepanekute juures on silmas peetud ühtlasi stabiilsuse seda korrigeerida. Komisjon paneb selleks ette kahe eta- ja kasvu pakti ja Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia raames piga mehhanismi: toimuvat riikide seire ühildamist ning vajadust tagada, et Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide valdkondlik jälgimine tu- • ennetustegevus, mille puhul on keskmes gineks rangele majandus- ja eelarvepoliitikale. Ettepaneku- makromajanduse tasakaaluhälvete ohu korrapärane tega arendatakse komisjoni 12. mai 2010. aasta teatises42 (iga-aastane) hindamine ning mis hõlmab ka esildatud ideid ning see tugineb Euroopa Ülemkogul 17. häiremehhanismi; juunil 2010. aastal kokku lepitud suunistel, mis peegelda- vad majanduse juhtimise töökonna seniseid edusamme. • korrigeeriv tegevus, millega rakendatakse abinõusid Samuti on need vastuseks Euroopa Ülemkogul töökonnale makromajanduse kahjulike tasakaaluhälvete ilmnedes. ja komisjonile tehtud üleskutsele jätkata tööd suunistega ja muuta need kasutuskõlblikuks. Ennetustegevus: häiresüsteem Võttes arvesse riikide majanduslikku ja finantsilist seotust, Üheskoos annavad ettepanekud nii ELi kui ka liikmesrii- eelkõige euroalas, hindab komisjon Euroopa 2020. aasta kide tasandil kindlustunde poliitikakujundamise ja otsuse- strateegia raames toimuva riikide makro-struktuurilise jä- tegemise kvaliteedi suhtes ning võimaldavad kiiresti jälile relevalve raamistikus iga riigi puhul seda, kas riigil ei ole saada, kui olukord mõnes liikmesriigis käest ära on läinud. makrostruktuurilisi nõrkusi, kas riigi konkurentsivõime See lubaks liikmesriikidel suurendada liitu kuulumisest ei ole vähenenud ja kas riigil ei ilmne makromajanduse 486 tulenevat positiivset sünergiat. Kollektiivsem protsess on tasakaaluhälbeid. läbipaistvam ja suurendab vastastikkust usaldust. Samuti vähendab see negatiivseid kõrvalmõjusid, kui liikmesriik Häiremehhanism põhineks tulemustabelil, milles on rida ei pea kinni kokkulepitud piirmääradest, ning võimaldab näitajaid väliste ja siseste tasakaaluhälvete avastamiseks, lõpuks karistada neid, kes seavad jätkusuutmatu poliiti- ning millele lisandub kvalitatiivne eksperdianalüüs. Näita- kaga ohtu ühised hüved. Liites stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti jate kasutamine võib anda olulist teavet, kuid see ei tähen- ning Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia ühte, saab EL käsitada da, et meetmeid võetaks automaatselt tulemustabeli alusel. kohustuslikke konsolideerimismeetmeid pikaajalise kasvu­ strateegia osana, et muuta ELi majanduspoliitika aruka- maks, jätkusuutlikumaks ja kaasavamaks. Oluliste riskidega riikide puhul tehakse süvaanalüüs. Kui kartused leiavad kinnitust, teeb komisjon ettepaneku ad- resseerida asjaomasele riigile nõukogu soovitus, et leida võimalusi makromajanduse kahjulikku tasakaalustamatust 1. Laiaulatuslikum vähendada. Komisjon võib anda asjaomasele liikmesriigile makromajanduslik järelevalve ka otse varajase hoiatuse.

EL vajab liikmesriikide üle rangemat makromajanduslik- Sõltuvalt liikmesriigis tuvastatud tasakaaluhälbe laadist, ku järelevalvet, mis hõlmaks kõiki asjakohaseid valdkondi. võivad soovitused hõlmata laia ringi valdkondi makro- Makromajanduslikku tasakaalustamatust tuleb vaadelda majanduspoliitikast, palga- ja tööturupoliitikani, aga ka koos eelarvepoliitika ja majanduskasvu edendamiseks teh- kaupade ja teenuste turu toimimist ja makrousaldatavuse tud struktuurireformidega. Eesmärk on tagada makroma- poliitikat. Need koondatakse ühte riigispetsiifiliste soo- janduslik stabiilsus, vältida kahjulikke tasakaaluhälbeid ja vituste kimpu, mille esitamise kohta komisjon igal aastal kehtestada avarad makromajanduslikud raamtingimused, ettepaneku teeb, lisades neile allpool kirjeldatud struktuu- mis lubavad jätkusuutlikku ja jõulist kasvu. rireformide valdkondliku järelevalvega seotud soovitused.

1.1. Järelevalve makromajanduse See mehhanism kujutab endast Euroopa 2020. aasta tasakaaluhälvete üle strateegias ette nähtud liikmesriikide makromajandusli- ku (mitte-eelarvelise) parandatud järelevalve keskset osa. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti alusel toimuva eelarvejäreleval- Suur makromajanduslik tasakaalustamatus, sealhulgas ve kõrval peetava makromajandusliku järelevalve eesmär- suured lõhed konkurentsivõime suundumustes osu- giks on tagada stabiilne makromajanduskeskkond, mis tusid kriisi puhkedes ELile ja eriti eurole hävitavaks. viiks majanduskasvu ja suure tööhõiveni, võttes sealjuures Seetõttu on oluline arendada uusi struktureeritud meh- täiel määral arvesse liikmesriikide majanduse vastastikust hanisme, et pidada kõigis liikmesriikides järelevalvet seotust, eelkõige euroalas. See tagab Euroopa 2020. aas- ta strateegia raames sidususe, võimaldades teha kindlaks 42 KOM(2010) 250 majanduspoliitika koordineerimise makromajanduslikud ja eelarvepiirangud, millest lähtudes edendamise kohta. MAJANDUSPOLIITIKA PAREM KOORDINEERIMINE AITAB SUURENDADA STABIILSUST, ELAVDADA MAJANDUSKASVU JA LUUA ENAM TÖÖKOHTI – ELi MAJANDUSJUHTIMISE TÕHUSTAMISE HOOVAD peab iga liikmesriik struktuurireforme rakendama ja võib Korrigeeriv tegevus Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia kohaselt majanduskasvu edendamisse investeerida. Tasakaalustamatuse järelevalve raamistik hõlmab ka sun- nimehhanismi. Kui liikmesriigil ilmnevad olulised riskid, Eriti rasketel juhtudel soovitab komisjon teha otsuse, teeb nõukogu komisjoni soovitusel otsuse, et sel on üle- määrane tasakaaluhälve. Arvesse võetakse ka hoiatusi ja et liikmesriigil on ülemäärane tasakaaluhälve. See toob soovitusi, mida on teinud Euroopa Süsteemsete Riskide kaasa eespool nimetatud mehhanismi alusel korrektsioo- Nõukogu makrorahanduse stabiilsuse kohta. nimeetmete kasutamise. Sellisel juhul võib komisjon anda asjaomasele liikmesriigile ka otse varajase hoiatuse. Liikmesriigi suhtes, kellel on ülemäärane tasakaaluhäl- ve, kohaldatakse rangemat järelevalvet. Nõukogu annab Makromajanduse tasakaaluhälvete häiremehhanis- (Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 121 lõike 4 ja mi peamised omadused euroala riikide puhul lisaks artikli 136 alusel) poliitilised soovitused ning liikmesriigil tuleb soovitatud reformide rakendamisel tehtud edusammudest majandus- ja rahan- Häiremehhanism aitab teha kindlaks, kas mõnel dusministrite nõukogule ja eurorühmale korrapäraselt (st liikmesriigil võib esineda makromajanduslik tasakaa- esimest korda kuue kuu jooksul alates soovituse esitamisest luhälve ja kas oleks vaja teha põhjalikum riigispetsii- ja edaspidi üks kord kvartalis) aru anda. filine analüüs. Seda mehhanismi kohaldatakse kõigi liikmesriikide suhtes. 487 Häiremehhanismi peamiseks osaks on näitajate tu- Nagu ELi eelarveraamistiku puhulgi, mida samuti kohal- lemustabel, millele lisatakse kvalitatiivne analüüs. datakse kõigi liikmesriikide suhtes, kehtivad euroala liik- Näitajad hõlmavad välismajandusmeetmeid, hindade mesriikidele rangemad nõuded. Võttes arvesse majandus- ja kulude konkurentsivõimelisust ning sisenäitajaid. ja rahandussüsteemi tihedat vastastikust seotust euroalas ja Sisenäitajate kasutamist õigustab see, et väline tasa- selle mõju ühisrahale, tuleks euroala liikmesriikide jaoks kaalustamatus põhineb alati mingil sisemisel tasakaa- ette näha asjakohane sunnimehhanism, mida rakenda- luhälbel. Näiteks võivad sellisesse tulemustabelisse da juhul, kui liikmesriik eirab korduvalt soovitusi asuda kuuluda jooksevkonto jääk, välisvarade puhasväärtus, kõrvaldama makromajanduse kahjulikku tasakaaluhäl- tööjõuühiku kulul põhinev tegelik kasutatav vahe- vet, mis võib seada ohtu majandus- ja rahaliidu sujuva tuskurss, SKP deflaator, kinnisvara reaalhinna tõus, toimimise. valitsemissektori võlakoorem ning erasektori laenude suhe SKPsse. Seda, kui tasakaaluhälvete seire raames antud soovitusi pii- Häiretasemed määratakse ja tehakse teatavaks iga savalt arvesse ei võeta, loetakse stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti alusel antavas eelarvehinnangus raskendavaks asjaoluks. näitaja puhul eraldi. Piirväärusi võib arvutada lihtsa ja läbipaistva statistilise valemi järgi. Kasutada võib näiteks iga muutuja (riigiti ja ajas) variatsioonireal va- Septembri lõpuks esitab komisjon ametlikud õigusloo- hemikku 75-protsentiili kuni 25-protsentiili, millest meettepanekud, et kehtestada Euroopa Liidu toimimise le- väljumisel on vaja teha olukorra põhjalikum analüüs. pingu artikli 121 ja artikli 136 alusel raamistik ülemäärase Tuleb siiski meeles pidada, et absoluutsetel piirväär- tasakaalustamatuse probleemiga tegelemiseks. Ettepane- tustel on üksikute muutujate suhtes üksnes piiratud kutes sätestatakse häiremehhanismi toimimine; komisjoni, majanduslik tähendus ning neid tuleb täiendada ma- liikmesriikide ja nõukogu roll ja kohustused; soovituste janduslike argumentidega, kuna tasemed võivad riigi andmise menetlus; ning eraldi eeskirjad ja sunnimehhanis- majandusolukorrast johtuvalt varieeruda. mi euroalasse kuuluvate liikmesriikide jaoks.

Õigustatud on kasutada eraldi tulemustabeleid eu- 1.2. Valdkondlik järelevalve roala jaoks ja väljapoole euroala jäävate riikide jaoks. struktuurireformide üle Kuna vahetuskursi mehhanism ja majandussüsteemi omadused on riigiti erinevad, käitub mõni näitaja Jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu juurde tagasipöördumiseks euroala riikide puhul hoopis teisiti kui euroalast väl- ja konkurentsivõime parandamiseks peavad liikmesriigid japoole jäävate riikide puhul. See sunnib kasutama taastama makromajandusliku stabiilsuse ja riigi rahandu- euroalasse kuuluvate ja euroalast väljapoole jäävate se usaldusväärsuse. Samal ajal tuleb neil keskendada jõu- liikmesriikide puhul erinevaid häiretasemeid. Kuna pingutused Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia eesmärkide ja rahaliidu sees puudub nominaalne vahetuskurss, va- Euroopa Ülemkogul kokku lepitud viie peamise eesmär- jab euroala erianalüüsi tegelikult kasutatava reaalse gi saavutamisele. Arvestades riikide rahandust valitsevaid vahetuskursi kohta. piiranguid, on äärmiselt tähtis kujundada ja rakendada meetmeid kompleksselt. Valdkondliku järelevalve oluli- seks osaks on kindlaks teha kitsaskohad, mis takistavad või EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

lükkavad edasi Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia eesmärkide 2. Riiklikud eelarveraamistikud saavutamist. Eelarveraamistiku paindlikkus ja tõhusus on konsolidee- Struktuurireformide valdkondlikul järelevalvel on seega rimise ja riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikuna hoidmise juures kaks tahku: väga tähtis. Ehkki liikmesriikide erivajadusi ja eelistusi on vaja arvestada, tuleb teatava kvaliteeditaseme ja ELi ees- i) Tuleb lihtsustada Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia eesmär- kirjadega kooskõla tagamiseks astuda mõningaid samme44. kide ja eelkõige viie peamise eesmärgi43 saavutamist. See hõlmab meetmeid tööhõive, sotsiaalse kaasatuse, teadus­ 1) Esiteks on ühtsete kvaliteedistandardite jaoks vajalik uuringute ja innovatsiooni, hariduse, energeetika ja klii- tagada, et aruandlus oleks ühistel alustel (ELi tasandi mamuutuste valdkonnas ning samuti meetmeid, mille abil eelarvejärelevalve jaoks on vajalik aruandlussüsteemi tegeleda muude teguritega, mis pidurdavad liikmesriikide ESA95 järgimine); riikide statistikaametid peavad majandusarengut ja -kasvu. suutma järgida ELi andme- ja aruandlusnõudeid; samuti peab majanduse prognoosimine toimuma ii) Tuleb tagada struktuurireformide ambitsioonikas el- viisil, mis võimaldab esitada usaldusväärseid ja kal- luviimine viisil, mis oleks kooskõlas makromajanduslike lutamata kasvu- ja eelarveprognoose. Ideaalis tu- piirangutega. leks võrdlusalusena kasutada komisjoni prognoose. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku selgitada välja, kui suurel Järelevalve peab toimuma Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepin- määral on vastavuses riiklikud kassaandmed ja ESA95 488 gu artiklite 121 ja 148 ning Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia alusel saadud andmed, võrreldes igakuiselt kassapõ- koondsuuniste kohaselt. Komisjon hindab liikmesriikide hiselt esitatavaid andmeid ESA95-andmetega, mis reformikavade põhjal, kuidas üks või teine riik oma kitsas- esitatakse korra kvartalis. Ka eelarve suhtes kasutata- kohtadega toime on tulnud ning kuidas kulgeb liikumine vaid prognoosimismeetodeid ja makromajanduslikke Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia eesmärkide suunas. eeldusi oleks vaja asjakohaselt hinnata.

Juhul kui edasiminek ei ole piisav või meetmed ei ole 2) Teiseks tuleks liikmesriikidel kehtestada riiklikud eel- koondsuunistega (st majandus- ja tööhõivepoliitika arvereeglid, et tagada siseriikliku eelarveraamistiku koondsuunised) piisavalt kooskõlas, annab nõukogu vas- vastavus ELi toimimise lepinguga võetud kohustuste- tavalt riigispetsiifilise või euro-ala soovituse. le. Riiklikud eeskirjad peaksid tagama kinnipidamise ELi toimimise lepingus sätestatud puudujäägi ja võla Juhul kui mõne liikmesriigi majanduspoliitika ei ole koos- kontrollväärtusest ning olema kooskõlas keskpika pe- kõlas majanduspoliitika üldsuunistega või kui on oht, et rioodi eelarve-eesmärgiga. Riiklikus õigussüsteemis see võib pärssida kogu majandus- ja rahaliidu tegevust, esi- tuleks kehtestada asjakohased eelarvereeglid ja usal- tab komisjon asjaomasele liikmesriigile otse hoiatuse. dusväärne sunnimehhanism.

Riigispetsiifilise seire põhjal koostab komisjon üldise hin- 3) Kolmandaks tuleks riikliku eelarveraamistiku refor- nangu ELi viie peamise eesmärgi poole liikumisel tehtud miga edendada üleminekut eelarve mitmeaastasele edusammudest, hindab saavutusi peamiste (rahvusvahelis- kavandamisele. Iga-aastased eelarve-eesmärgid peak- te) kaubanduspartneritega võrreldes ning uurib edusam- sid tuginema mitme-aastasele raamistikule, mis hõl- mude vähesuse korral selle põhjuseid. Hindamise käigus maks kavandatavate tulude ja kulude jaotust ning peab komisjon silmas ka seda, kuidas läheb ELis ja rahvus- viiteid selle kohta, mille arvelt kavatsetakse liikumine vahelisel tasandil Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia suurpro- eesmärkide suunas saavutada. jektide rakendamine, kuna need toetavad ja täiendavad kõ- nealuste eesmärkide saavutamiseks tehtavaid jõupingutusi. 4) Lõpuks peaks riiklik eelarveraamistik olema laiapõh- jaline ja hõlmama kogu valitsemissektori finants- Komisjon esitab igal aastal kevadisele Euroopa Ülemkogu- süsteemi. Eriti oluline on see detsentraliseeritud le aruande ja paneb ette spetsiifilisi suuniseid, mille abil pa- majanduse puhul. Eelarvepädevuse jagunemine valit- randada reformimeetmete rakendamist. Nende soovituste sussektori tasandite vahel peab olema selge ning keh- alusel annab komisjon juuli alguses igale liikmesriigile rii- testada tuleb asjakohased seire- ja sunnisätted. gispetsiifilisi soovitusi.

43 Vt eesmärke järgmisel aadressil: http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/ 44 Vt ka majandus- ja rahandusministrite nõukogu 18. mai 2010. pdf/council_conclusion_17_june_en.pdf aasta istungi järeldusi eelarveraamistiku kohta. MAJANDUSPOLIITIKA PAREM KOORDINEERIMINE AITAB SUURENDADA STABIILSUST, ELAVDADA MAJANDUSKASVU JA LUUA ENAM TÖÖKOHTI – ELi MAJANDUSJUHTIMISE TÕHUSTAMISE HOOVAD

Komisjon teeb septembris õigusloomeettepanekud, et muid näitajaid, mis kajastavad võlakoorma suurenemise näha ette liikmesriikide eelarveraamistike miinimum- ohtu ning rahastamishälbeid, nagu: nõuded, ning menetlus- (aruandlus-)eeskirjad nõuetele vastavuse kontrollimiseks. Kavandatava õigusakti õigusli- • võla tähtajastruktuur ja vääring; kuks aluseks on Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 126 lõige 14 ning sellega püütakse edendada lepingule • korporatsioonidele, finantsasutustele ja majapidamistele lisatud, ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust käsitleva antud tagatised; protokolli nr 12 kohaldamist. Kui liikmesriigid nõudeid • kogutud reservid ja muud valitsuse varad; rikuvad, võib alustada rikkumismenetlust. • varjatud kohustused, eelkõige seoses elanikkonna vananemisega; 3. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktis • erasektori võla tase ja selle muutus, kuna see võib pööratakse suuremat muutuda valitsuse varjatud kohustuseks; tähelepanu riigivõlale ja riigi • tegurid, mis on võla taseme muutuse taga (esmane eelarvepositsioon, inflatsioon, majanduskasv, rahanduse jätkusuutlikkusele intressimäärad, ühekordsed meetmed);

Stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktis tuleks rohkem arvesse võtta puu- • võlakoorma ja eelarvepositsiooni suhet mõjutavad dujäägi ja võlakoorma vastastikust seotust ning suurendada muud tehingud. 489 stiimuleid ettevaatliku eelarvepoliitika edendamiseks. Kui liikmesriik ei suuda soovitusi järgida, tuleks kohaldada karistusi. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetussätete alusel teeb komis- jon ettepaneku, et liikmesriigid, kellel on suur võlakoo- Septembris teeb komisjon nende põhimõtete elluviimiseks rem või võlakoorma kiire kasvu oht, püüaksid kiirendada ettepaneku muuta nii stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetavaid kekspika perioodi eelarve-eesmärgi saavutamist, ehk siis (määrus (EÜ) nr 1466/97) kui ka korrigeerivaid sätteid liikuda valitsemissektori eelarve sellise positsiooni suunas, (määrus (EÜ) nr 1467/97). millel oleks kontrollväärtuse 3% SKPst suhtes teatav varu ning mis võimaldaks viia eelarvepoliitika jätkusuutlikule tasemele. 4. Majandusjärelevalve Korrigeerivate sätete alusel teeb komisjon ettepaneku ka- tõhustamine asjakohaste sutada ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi võlakriteeriumi hin- karistuste ja stiimulite abil damisel lihtsaid ja arusaadavaid numbrilisi kontrollväär- tusi, millega määrata kindlaks võlakoorma vähendamise ELi toimimise lepingus ning stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktis rahuldav tempo. Liikmesriikide suhtes, kelle võlakoorem sätestatud eeskirjad ja koordineerimismeetmed ei ole ta- ületab 60% SKPst, tuleks kohaldada ülemäärase eelarve- kistanud mitmel liikmesriigil eelarvepoliitika rakendami- puudujäägi menetlust, kui teatava perioodi jooksul ei vä- sel praegust raamistikku rikkumast. Seega tuleb ELi eel- hene võlg kindlaksmääratud määral (võla tegeliku taseme arvejärelevalve raamistiku usaldusväärsust parandada ning ja kontrollväärtuse 60% SKPst vahe teatav osa). Samuti ei rakendada karistusi eeskirjakesksemalt. Et tegevus oleks pruugi ülemäärase puudujäägi menetluse lõpetamiseks pii- tõhusam, tuleb karistusi ja stiimuleid mitmekesistada ning sata puudujäägi vähendamisest allapoole taset 3% SKPst, kasutada neid preventiivsemalt ja juba varasemas etapis. kui võlakoorem ei ole hakanud jätkusuutlikuma taseme Soovist vältida rahalisi karistusi peab saama piisav stiimul suunas kahanema. Täpsed näitajad sätestatakse stabiilsuse selleks, et liikmesriigid eeskirjadest kinni peaksid. ja kasvu paktile lisatavas tegevusjuhendis. Juhuks, kui liikmesriik ei järgi ELi suuniseid, on Euroopa Tegelikult sõltub valitsussektori võlakoorem palju rohkem Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 126 lõikes 11 ette nähtud kui puudujääk valitsuse otsese pädevuse alt välja jäävatest mitut laadi karistusi. Need hõlmavad nõuet avaldada li- teguritest (nt inflatsioon, intressimäärad, majandustsüklist sateavet, üleskutset Euroopa Investeerimispangale vaadata tulenevad asjaolud), mistõttu tuleb enne ülemäärase puu- läbi oma laenupoliitika asjaomase riigi suhtes, nõuet anda dujäägi menetluse alustamist olukorras selgusele jõuda. sobiva suurusega intressivaba tagatis, kuni ülemäärane Tuleb anda laiapõhjaline hinnang, milles võetakse arvesse puudujääk on korrigeeritud, ning võimalust määrata vaja- tervet hulka asjaolusid. Muu hulgas tuleb silmas pidada, liku suurusega trahve. kui kaugele võla tase kontrollväärtusest 60% SKPst jääb ning ega võlg ei ole ajutine ega/või erakorraline; samuti EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Võimalike rahaliste stiimulite toimet ja ulatust fikseerides kulukategooriaid ja programme sel eesmärgil kasutada, on tähtis ja vajalik püüda saavutada tõhusat tulemust ning paneb komisjon ette järgmised kriteeriumid: kohelda liikmesriike võrdselt. Proportsionaalsuse tagami- seks võiks ELi eelarvega seotud rahalisi karistusi arvestada • kas asjaomase abisumma tulemuslikkus sõltub asjaomase liikmesriigi RKT või SKP protsendina ja kinni- eelarvepoliitika usaldusväärsusest; tada kõigi liikmesriikide jaoks ühise ülempiiri. Ülempiir aitaks tagada, et kõigi liikmesriikide suhtes on võimalik • kas abisumma on selgelt omistatav liikmesriigile, kes karistusi tegelikult kohaldada. Lisaks sellele kohaldatakse ei ole stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktist või muudest nõuetest asjaomast ülempiiri juhul, kui mingile liikmesriigile eral- kinni pidanud; datud kulukohustused või tehtavad maksed peatatakse ja/ • kas abisummat kavandatakse ja rakendatakse jagatud või tühistatakse ning tühistatav või peatatav summa arves- juhtimise alusel, st abisumma haldamine kuulub tatakse proportsionaalselt esialgsest summast. esmajoones liikmesriikide pädevusse või seisneb abistamine liikmesriigis tehtud kulutuste hüvitamises; Uude karistuskomplekti kuulub seega erisuguseid ka- ristusi ja stiimuleid, mida kasutatakse vastavalt olukorra • kas summa on piisavalt suur, et kujutada usutavat asjaoludele ja raskusele. Olemasoleva sunnimehhanismi karistust või stiimulit; kavandatud parendused nõuavad stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti • kas sellel võib olla mõju riigi kulutuste kvaliteedile ja ennetavate sätete (määrus 1466/97) ja korrigeerivate sätete struktuurse puudujäägi vähendamisele. (määrus 1467/97) muutmist ning tuginemist ELi õigus­ 490 aktides sätestatud kulukavadele. Need kriteeriumid on täidetud enamiku ühtekuuluvuspo- liitika ja ühise põllumajanduspoliitika (EAGF ja EAFRD) Ennetustegevuse puhul (st olukorras, kus liikmesriik ei alusel ning kalandusfondist (EKF) tehtavate maksete pu- liigu soodsas majandusolukorras piisavalt kiiresti keskpi- hul. Ühise põllumajanduspoliitika ja kalandusfondi pu- ka perioodi eesmärgi suunas) pannakse ette kaks rühma hul välistatakse need juhud, kus abisumma vähendamine stiimuleid/karistusi. vähendaks põllu- ja kalameeste sissetulekut. Seega tuleks nende puhul kõne alla üksnes ELi hüvitised liikmesriiki- de eelarvesse: liikmesriigid jätkavad põllumeestele toetu- Euroalasse kuuluvate liikmesriikide jaoks seisneb karistus se maksmist, aga kulutuste hüvitamise ELi eelarvest võib intressi kandvas tagatises, mille liikmesriik, kes ei tee eel- (osaliselt) peatada. arve konsolideerimisel piisavalt edusamme, peab ajutiselt andma. Üks võimalus oleks määrata asjaomase riigi kesk- pika perioodi eesmärgi suunas liikumiseks lihtne kuluree- Juhul kui eeskirjadest kinni ei peeta, võib stiimul seisneda gel. Kõrvalekaldumist sellest kulureeglist käsitaks komisjon selles, et peatatakse või tühistatakse osa praegusi või tule- ebapädeva eelarvepoliitikana ja annaks kooskõlas Euroopa vasi ELi eelarvest eraldatavaid assigneeringuid. Tühistatud Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 121 lõikega 4 hoiatuse. assigneeringud peaksid jääma ELi eelarvesse. Korduva rikkumise korral nõuaks nõukogu intressi kandva tagatise andmist kuni rikkumiste katkemiseni. Kui olu- ELi toimimise lepingu artikli 126 lõike 11 sätete kõrval kord, mis tagatise andmise vajalikuks muutis, on möödas, võib niisiis ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetluse raa- tagatis vabastatakse. mes kavandada veel kahte sorti rahalisi karistusi.

Teiseks teeb komisjon ennetustegevuse poolelt ettepaneku • I etapp – tuvastatakse ülemäärane puudujääk (ELi toimi- seada ühtekuuluvuspoliitika tulemuslikkuse ja tõhususe mise lepingu artikli 126 lõige 6) ning mitmeaastaste prog- parandamiseks ühtekuuluvuspoliitika raames antava toetu- rammide kulukohustuste kohaldamine peatatakse. Kulu- se väljamaksmine sõltuvusse sellega tihedalt seotud struk- kohustuste kohaldamise peatamisel ei oleks otsest mõju tuuri- ja institutsiooniliste reformide tegemisest. tehtavatele maksetele, mistõttu see jätaks liikmesriigile aega tõhusal viisil reageerida. Liikmesriigilt võib nõuda rii- Korrigeeriva tegevuse vallas (st kui liikmesriigi suhtes ko- gi rahanduse kvaliteedi parandamiseks abisumma ümber- haldatakse ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust) teeb suunamist. Samamoodi võib ühise põllumajanduspoliitika komisjon ettepaneku luua trahvide ja tagatiste kõrvale uus alusel antava abi puhul (EAGF) otsustada peatada teataval rahaliste karistuste ja stiimulite süsteem. See muudaks ELi tähtpäeval tehtavad väljamaksed. Kohe kui liikmesriik asub eelarve täiendavaks hoovaks, millega tagada stabiilsuse ja täitma nõukogu soovitusi, saab abisumma uuesti eelarvesse kasvu pakti peamistest makromajanduslikest tingimus- lisada. test kinnipidamine. Karistused ei tohiks kahjustada lõp- likke abisaajaid, vaid neid tuleks kohaldada maksetele, • II etapp – liikmesriik ei järgi esialgset soovitust kõrvalda- mis tehakse liikmesriigile endale või mille puhul liikmes- da ülemäärane puudujääk (ELi toimimise lepingu artikli riik tegutseb vahendajana. Et määrata kindlaks, milliseid 126 lõige 8), mistõttu aasta n kulukohustused tühistatakse. MAJANDUSPOLIITIKA PAREM KOORDINEERIMINE AITAB SUURENDADA STABIILSUST, ELAVDADA MAJANDUSKASVU JA LUUA ENAM TÖÖKOHTI – ELi MAJANDUSJUHTIMISE TÕHUSTAMISE HOOVAD

Samamoodi tühistatakse ühise põllumajanduspoliitika raa- Parem ja lõimitum järelevalve. Koordineerimisprotsess mes aastas n antav abi (EAGF). See tähendab, et asjaomane hõlmab majandusliku järelevalve kõiki aspekte, sh meet- liikmesriik kaotab toetuse lõplikult. meid eelarvedistsipliini ja makromajandusliku stabiilsuse parandamiseks ning majanduskasvu edendamiseks koos- Võimalikud on ka muud algatused, sh kaasrahastamise kõlas Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegiaga. Praegu stabiilsuse määrade muutmine või liidu tulemuslikkusreservi loomi- ja kasvu pakti ning majanduspoliitika üldsuuniste alusel ne, et premeerida ranget eelarvepoliitikat. Reservi kogutaks toimuv seire ja kooskõlastamine jäävad juriidiliselt eral- raha eespool kirjeldatud II etapi meetmete alusel tühista- diseisvaks, kuid nende ajakava ühtlustatakse koordinee- tud kulukohustuste arvelt. rimisprotsessi omaga. Liikmesriigid esitavad stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammid ning riiklikud reformikavad ning Ka ELi eelarve rahastamine aitab tagada eeskirjadest pa- komisjon hindab neid ühe korraga. remat kinnipidamist. Praeguse omavahendite süsteemi puhul on ette nähtud, et trahvid, mida liikmesriigid üle- Stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide sisu tuleb viia vas- määrase eelarvepuudujäägi menetluse raames maksavad, tavusse koordineerimisprotsessi vajadustega. See ei tähen- vähendavad automaatselt ülemäärase puudujäägita liik- da, et liikmesriikidelt nõutakse, et enne oma parlamendile mesriikide panust eelarvesse (vastavalt nende osakaalule esitamist peavad nad esitama täiemahulise eelarve ELile osalevate liikmesriikide kogu RKTst). See süsteem tagab, heakskiitmiseks. Kuid programmid peaksid sellele vaata- et trahvitud liikmesriikide panus eelarvesse tegelikult suu- mata sisaldama piisavalt teavet, et võimaldada kavandamis- reneb ja teiste panus väheneb. Seega hindab komisjon ka järgus mõttekat arutelu eelarvepoliitika üle. Programmid seda, kas ELi eelarve tulupoolt saab täiel määral kasutada peaksid hõlmama vähemalt järgmist: 491 kui eeskirjade järgimise parandamise stiimulit. • täiemahuline uuendatud makromajandusstsenaarium; Vajalikud muudatused lisatakse komisjoni 2011. aasta • konkreetsed viited aasta t+1 plaanide kohta; ettepanekusse järgmise mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku kohta. Ühtlasi tehakse septembri lõpuks ELi toimimise le- • kavandatava poliitika kirjeldus; pingu artikli 136 alusel ettepanek luua samasuguse mõjuga • keskpika perioodi prognoos peamiste valitsemissektori uued karistused euroalasse kuuluvate liikmesriikide jaoks. rahandusnäitajate kohta; Komisjon uurib, kuidas saaks neid karistusi ja stiimuleid laiendada võimalikult kiiresti kõigile liikmesriikidele • hinnang eelarvepoliitika kohta aastal t-1; • uuendatud eelarveplaan jooksva aasta kohta. 5. Koordineerimisprotsess Koordineerimisprotsess. Tsükkel algab jaanuaris, kui ko- „Euroopa poolaasta” misjoni korraldab iga-aastase majanduskasvu analüüsi (AGS), mille käigus vaadeldakse ELi ja euroala majandus- probleeme tervikuna. Veebruari lõpuks annab Euroopa Euroopa majanduse koordineerimisprotsessi „Euroopa Ülemkogu strateegilised suunised, mida liikmesriigid ap- poolaasta” algatamine toob kokku majanduspoliitika ku- rillis esitatavate stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide ning jundamise erinevad tasandid ning võimaldab majanduspo- riiklike reformikavade juures arvesse võtavad. Juuli alguses liitika paremat eelkoordineerimist juba kavandamisjärgus. annab nõukogu liikmesriikidele punktis 1 osutatud riigi­ spetsiifilised suunised. Aasta teises pooles võtavad liikmes- Majanduspoliitika eelkoordineerimine. Ettepaneku kesk- riigid vastu riikliku eelarve. Järgmise aasta majanduskasvu ne eesmärk on alustada ELis ja euroalal majanduspoliitika analüüsi käigus hindab komisjon, kas liikmesriigid on ELi eelkoordineerimist juba kavandamisjärgus. Koordineeri- suuniseid arvesse võtnud. misprotsessi raames saavutatakse enne, kui liikmesriigid teevad järgneva aasta eelarve suhtes lõpliku otsuse, Euroo- Koordineerimisprotsessi alusel antavad suunised. Soo- pa tasandi riiklike majanduspoliitikakavade omavaheline vitused on otsesõnalised ja konkreetsed. Eelarvepoliitikas sobivus. Euroalal tuleks eelarvepoliitika horisontaalsel hin- keskendutakse eriti aastale t+1 ning järelevalve käigus saab damisel võtta aluseks riikide stabiilsusprogrammid ja ko- selgeks, kas kavandatud eesmärgid ja nendega seotud po- misjoni prognoosid. Kui euroalal ilmneb suur majanduslik liitika on asjakohane. Majanduskasvu edendamiseks ja surve ning üksikute liikmesriikide mahukad eelarvemeet- makromajanduslike ohtude vähendamiseks keskendutakse med võivad mõjutada teisi riike, tuleks pöörata erilist tähe- soovitustes piiratud arvule esmatähtsatele reformidele ning lepanu liikmesriikide eelarvete koondpositsioonile. Juhul kehtestatakse tähtpäevad nende rakendamiseks. kui järgmise aasta eelarvekavad on selgelt ebasobivad, saaks esitada soovituse vaadata kavad läbi. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Euroopa Parlamendi suurem kaasamine. Komisjon esitab 6. Kokkuvõte ja pilguheit iga aasta jaanuaris majanduskasvu analüüsi tulemused Eu- roopa Parlamendile. tulevikku

Liikmesriikide parlamendid. ELi tõhustatud majandus- Komisjon teeb teatises osutatud õigusloomeettepanekud juhtimise üheks trumbiks on liikmesriikide parlamentide septembri lõpuks – vt lisa. varajane ja laialdane kaasamine koordineerimisprotsessi ning intensiivsem dialoog Euroopa Parlamendiga. Komisjon kutsub majandus- ja rahandusministrite nõuko- gu üles oma 13. juuli istungil kiitma heaks koordineerimis- Varajane rakendamine. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku alus- protsessi käivitamise alates 2011. aasta jaanuarist ning kin- tada koordineerimisprotsessiga 2011. aastal. Stabiilsus- ja nitama läbivaadatud stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide lähenemisprogrammide praeguse tegevusjuhendi45 muu- tegevusjuhendi käesolevale teatisele lisatud kujul. datused, sealhulgas stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide esitamise tähtpäeva muutmine, esitatakse heakskiitmiseks majandus- ja rahandusministrite nõukogule. Õigusaktide muutmine ei näi olevat praegu vajalik.

Koordineerimisprotsessile üleminek. Komisjon esitab suunised riiklike reformikavade sisu kohta juulis. Samu- 492 ti teeb komisjon ettepaneku alustada liikmesriikidega 2010. aasta sügisel kahepoolset dialoogi, mille käigus aru- tada järgmist:

• liikmesriikide keskpika perioodi makromajandusstsenaarium, mille alusel kujundatakse kuni 2015. aastani poliitikakavad, sealhulgas kasvuootused ja laiem eelarvesuundumus; • Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia viie peamise eesmärgi alusel seatud riiklike eesmärkide kinnitamine. Liikmesriigid peaksid iga eesmärgi puhul viitama meetmetele, mida nende saavutamiseks on kavas võtta, ja riiklikele investeeringutele, mida selleks on vaja teha; • kuidas saada üle kitsaskohtadest, mis takistavad liikmesriikidel oma eesmärke ja Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia raames seatud üldisi eesmärke saavutamast.

45 Selle täispealkiri on „Täpsustused stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti rakendamise kohta ning suunised stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide sisu ja vormi kohta”. Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve

KOMISJONI TEATIS BRÜSSEL, 29. JUUNI 2011 KOM(2011) 500

Täna teeme oma valikud ajavahemikuks 2014–2020. Eessõna 493

Euroopa Liit on iga päev 500 miljoni inimese teenistuses. ELi uue eelarvega ei kaasne maksumaksjatele suuremaid Usun, et ta suudab nii Euroopas kui ka kogu maailmas olla kulutusi kui praegu, kuid vastu saavad nad rohkem. Aja- otsustav jõud väga konkurentsivõimelise sotsiaalse turuma- kohastame ELi eelarvet, et säästa teatud valdkondades ning janduse taaselustamisel. Selleks on aga vaja uuenduslikku kasutada rohkem vahendeid esmatähtsates valdkondades. eelarvet – eelarvet, mis on kohandatud üleilmastumise va- Esitan paljutõotava eelarve nendes valdkondades, kus Eu- jadustele ning milles arvestatakse tänaste probleemidega ja roopa Liit suudab palju ära teha. Eelarvel on tõeline üleeu- luuakse võimalusi tulevikuks. roopaline mõõde: selle keskmes on valdkonnad, kus on vahendite koondamise teel võimalik ära kasutada koosmõ- ju, ning see aitab rahastada meetmeid, mille rahastamine See on uuenduslik eelarve. Kutsun teid vaatama kaugemale riiklikul tasandil oleks kulukam. traditsioonilistest eelarverubriikidest ja keskenduma sellele, kuidas kogu eelarves on kesksel kohal Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia eesmärgid, mis me ühiselt kindlaks määrasime. Uus eelarve on lihtsam, läbipaistvam ja õiglasem. Eelarve See on põhjus, miks peame loobuma isiklike nõudmiste projekt sisaldab võimalust kaasata ka erasektori rahalised kesksest mõtteviisist, mille kohaselt teatavad ametiasutu- vahendid. Samuti teeme ettepaneku, et eelarve rahasta- sed arvavad, et võivad kasutada raha, nagu soovivad. Nüüd mine muutub seoses uute tuluallikate tekkega, et osaliselt peab iga taotlus olema selgelt seotud ühiselt kokkulepitud asendada liikmesriikide kogurahvatulul põhinevad osa- eesmärkide ja prioriteetidega. Nii täidab iga kulutatud euro maksed. Usume, et see on parem lahendus nii tavainimeste mitut eesmärki. Üks euro võib suurendada ühtekuuluvust, kui ka valitsuste jaoks. Nii saab sellest tõeline Euroopa eel- aidata kaasa energiatõhususele, võitlusele kliimamuutuse- arve, integratsiooni toetav eelarve, eelarve, kus hoidutakse ga, edendades samal ajal sotsiaalseid eesmärke. Sellel võib liikmesriikide kulutusi dubleerimast ning millega kaasneb olla võimendav mõju mitmes valdkonnas. lisaväärtus tänu selliste meetmete koosmõjule, milles lepi- takse kokku Euroopa tasandil ja mida ei ole võimalik ra- kendada ilma Euroopa mõõdet arvesse võtmata. Kogu Euroopas teevad nii valitsused, ettevõtjad kui ka ta- vainimesed raha kulutades hoolikalt läbimõeldud valikuid. On aeg mõelda sellele, kus kokku hoida ja kus investeerida Suur hulk eelarve vahenditest on ette nähtud selleks, et tulevikku. Peame olema kokkuhoidlikud ja samal ajal in- luua töökohti ja soodustada majanduskasvu, nagu see on vesteerima Euroopa majanduskasvu. eesmärgiks Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegias, milles käsit- letakse arukat, jätkusuutlikku ja kaasavat majanduskasvu. Euroopa ühendamise rahastamisvahendit kasutatakse sel- Euroopa Liit ei tohi kulutada üle oma võimaluste, kuid leks, et rahastada puuduvaid lülisid energia-, transpordi- ja peab investeerima ka tulevikku. Meie eelarve on suhteli- infotehnoloogiavõrkudes, tugevdades nii siseturu ühtsust, selt väike: see moodustab ainult umbes 1% ELi kogurah- sidudes ida läänega ja põhja lõunaga ning tagades tõeli- vatulust ja ühe viiekümnendiku liikmesriikide eelarvetest. se territoriaalse ühtekuuluvuse meie kõikide hüvanguks. Peame nende vahenditega palju saavutama ja kasutama iga Eelarvest toetatakse andekaid eurooplasi tänu suurema- eurot nii, et sellest saaks võimalikult suurt kasu. tele summadele, mis eraldatakse haridusele, koolitusele, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

teadusele ja innovatsioonile. Nimetatud valdkonnad on tõelise Euroopa vaimu, siis usun, et jõuame kokkuleppele Euroopa konkurentsivõime seisukohalt otsustava tähtsuse- kõrgelennulises ja uuenduslikus eelarves, mis aitab paran- ga, et suudaksime luua töökohti ja genereerida uusi ideid. dada inimeste igapäevaelu. Maailmas, kus valitseb tihe konkurents, on Euroopa pa- rim võimalus koondada meie käsutuses olevad vahendid, Jose Manuel Durão Barroso et suudaksime tagada väga konkurentsivõimelise sotsiaalse turumajanduse, mis vastab Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia Euroopa Komisjoni president eesmärkidele. Kõikide riikide majandus sõltub teiste omast rohkem kui kunagi varem ning seetõttu on meie huvides iga liikmesriigi majanduse elavdamine. 1. Taust Põllumajandusele eelarvest ettenähtud vahenditega toe- Valmistades ette oma ettepanekuid Euroopa Liidu tulevase tatakse tõelist Euroopa ühist strateegilise tähtsusega po- eelarve kohta, on komisjon pidanud lahendama problee- liitikavaldkonda, kus üle 70% rahastamisest ei tule enam mi, kuidas rahastada järjest kasvavat arvu poliitikavald- liikmesriikidelt ja ELi poolne rahastamine on vähem ku- kondi, milles EL saab tõhusamalt tegutseda ELi tasandil, lukas kui 27 erinevat põllumajanduspoliitikat. Ühist põl- olukorras, kus liikmesriigid peavad rakendama kokkuhoiu- lumajanduspoliitikat ajakohastatakse, et toota ohutut ja meetmeid ja tegelema eelarve konsolideerimisega. Selle tervislikku toitu, kaitsta keskkonda ja tuua väiketalunikele tulemusel on komisjon teinud ettepaneku eelarve kohta, suuremat kasu. See näitab piltlikult, kuidas üks euro võib millel on tugev üleeuroopaline mõõde ja mille eesmärk 494 teenida ja peab teenima mitut eesmärki. on toetada Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegiat. Ettepanek on innovatiivne ja seda nii kulusid käsitlevate ettepanekute Maailm muutub üha väiksemaks. Muutuvad jõuvahekor- kvaliteedi kui ka selle poolest, kuidas ELi eelarvet tulevikus rad ja esilekerkivad uued jõud sunnivad Euroopat tegema rahastada. Loodetavasti saab eelarvest tõeline Euroopa eel- rohkem selleks, et olla kuuldav. Rohkem rahalisi vahendeid arve ning see vähendab ka survet liikmesriikide eelarvetele. investeeritakse sellesse, et Euroopa maailmapoliitikasse pa- remini kaasata. Rohkem raha eraldatakse naabruspoliitika Euroopa Liit on võtnud pärast majandus- ja finantskrii- jaoks ning meie kohustuste täitmiseks maailma vaeseimate si märkimisväärseid meetmeid, et parandada majanduse aitamisel. Kuigi meil on praegu raske aeg, on neil veelgi juhtimise koordineerimist, toetades seeläbi majanduse raskem. taaselustamist. Euroopa Parlament ja liikmesriigid on tead- vustanud, kui kasulik on hallata ELi liikmesriikide vastas- Solidaarsus on ettepanekus kesksel kohal – solidaarsus kõi- tikust sõltuvust struktureeritud strateegia kaudu, mis nähti ge vaesemate liikmesriikide ja piirkondadega, solidaarsus ette majanduspoliitika koordineerimise Euroopa poolaas- rändeprobleemide lahendamisel, solidaarsus energiajulge- tal. Järgmine finantsraamistik peab seda protsessi toetama. oleku alal ja solidaarsus kolmandate riikidega. Selles vaadeldakse Euroopa majandust pikaajalises pers- pektiivis, mis ulatub kaugemale mõne liikmesriigi praegus- Üldine ettekujutus, et ELis kulutatakse enamik rahast test rahanduspoliitilistest raskustest. ELi eelarve ei tähenda teenistujatele ja hoonetele, ei oma tõepõhja. Nimetatud Brüsseli eelarvet – see on eelarve ELi kodanike jaoks. Selle kulutused moodustavad ainult 6% eelarvest. Kuid ma ar- maht on väike ja sellest investeeritakse liikmesriikidesse, et van, et ajal, mil kõikjal tuleb säästa ja tegutseda võimalikult tuua kasu kogu Euroopa Liidule ja selle kodanikele. Eel- tõhusalt, peaksid ka Euroopa institutsioonid üles näitama arve on ELi jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu strateegia alu- solidaarsust Euroopa kodanikega. Seetõttu ei suurendata seks, sest see on tõhus stimulaator, eriti kui seda kasutada halduskulusid ja vähendatakse järgmise seitsme aasta jook- Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia eesmärkide saavutamiseks. sul töötajate arvu 5% võrra. Ettepaneku põhiteema on arukas, jätkusuutlik ja kaasav Usun, et esitame kõrgelennulised, kuid vastutustundlikud majanduskasv. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku suurendada tea- ettepanekud. Vähendame kulutusi teatavates valdkondades dustegevusele ja innovatsioonile ning haridusele ja VKE- ja suurendame esmatähtsates valdkondades. Suutsime vas- de arendamisele eraldatavaid summasid. Samuti teeb ta tu panna kiusatusele teha väikseid kohandusi, mille tule- ettepaneku kasutada paremini ära ühtse turu potentsiaali, musel eelarve ei oleks eriti muutunud. Meie eesmärk on varustades turu 21. sajandile kohase taristuga. Veel teeb eelkõige tagada Euroopa kodanikele kulutuste tasuvus. komisjon ettepaneku muuta ühine põllumajanduspoliitika ressursitõhusamaks, nii et selle kaudu mitte ainult ei too- Euroopa Parlament, liikmesriigid ja komisjon peavad detaks kvaliteetset toitu, vaid oleks ka võimalik majandada nüüd ühiselt jõudma esitatud ettepanekute suhtes kokku- keskkonda ja võidelda kliimamuutusega. Ettepanekus on leppele. Tõenäoliselt ootavad meid lähikuudel ees paljud olulisel kohal ka solidaarsuse teema: solidaarsus vaesei- rasked vaidlused, kuid kui kõik osalised suudavad säilitada mate liikmesriikide ja piirkondadega, suunates suurima Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve osa ühtekuuluvuspoliitika kuludest nende vajadustele, mispingutusi. Austades eri institutsioonide rolli ja vajadust solidaarsus rändeprobleemide ühisel lahendamisel ja loo- täita Euroopa eesmärke, [...] tagada, et Euroopa tasandil dusõnnetuste tagajärgede likvideerimisel, solidaarsus ener- tehtavad kulutused saaksid seda tööd asjakohaselt toetada.” giajulgeoleku vallas ning solidaarsus nende kolmandate riikide inimestega, kes vajavad meie abi oma esmaste hu- Komisjon on veendunud, et kulude kandmine ELi tasandil manitaarvajaduste täitmiseks ja pikaajaliseks arenguks. annab lisaväärtust. Praeguse mitmeaastase finantsraamisti- ku kulud moodustavad ainult pisut üle 1% ELi kogurah- Komisjon jagab Euroopa Parlamendi muret,46 et „viis, vatulust, mis on väike summa võrreldes Euroopa Parla- kuidas omavahendite süsteem on arenenud [...], asetab mendi ja nõukogu korrapäraselt esitatavate üleeuroopaliste ebaproportsionaalselt suure rõhu liikmesriikide vahelisele vajadustega. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku finantsraamistiku netobilansile ning kahjustab seega Euroopa ühishuvi ja ei- kohta, milles kulukohustused moodustaksid 1,05% kogu- rab suurel määral Euroopa Liidu lisaväärtust”. Kõnealuste rahvatulust (mis tähendab, et 1% maksetest tuleks ELi eel- ettepanekute tegemisel soovib komisjon muuta ELi rahan- arvest). Täiendavad 0,02% väljaspool finantsraamistikku duse kurssi. Eesmärk on minna seni peamiselt liikmesrii- kantavaid kulusid ja 0,04% väljaspool eelarvet kantavaid gi kogurahvatulul põhinevatest osamaksudest koosnevalt kulusid teevad kulukohustuste kogusummaks 1,11%. Selle eelarvelt üle omavahenditel põhinevale eelarvele. See oleks hulka kuuluvad ettenägematute kriiside ja hädaolukordade paremini kooskõlas aluslepinguga, milles nähakse ette, et lahendamiseks mõeldud summad (nagu humanitaarsek- eelarvet rahastatakse täielikult omavahenditest. kumised) ning kulud, mis kaetakse ühekordsete makse- tega liikmesriikidelt (näiteks Euroopa Arengufond, mille Järgmise mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku kohta ettepaneku rahalise toetuse kriteeriumid erinevad ELi eelarve puhul 495 koostamisel on komisjon uurinud seniste kulude kandmise kasutatavatest). Tehes ettepaneku sellise raamistiku kohta, vahendite ja programmide mõju, konsulteerinud laialda- on komisjon püüdnud saavutada õige tasakaalu soovide ja selt sidusrühmadega47 ning analüüsinud võimalusi töötada reaalsuse vahel, võttes arvesse eelarveläbirääkimiste toimu- uue mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku alusel välja vahendeid mise aega. ja programme48. Kooskõlas mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku väljakujunenud tavaga esitab komisjon ettepanekus rahalised kohustused, 2. Kavandatav mitmeaastane mida ta võtta kavatseb. Samuti näeb ta ette oodatava mak- serütmi, et tagada parem prognoositavus. See on eriti oluli- finantsraamistik ne eelarve konsolideerimise seisukohast, mis nõuab ranget maksete kontrolli järgmise perioodi alguses. Tehes otsust selle kohta, millist kogusummat järgmise mit- meaastase finantsraamistiku jaoks kavandada, on komisjon Komisjon on otsustanud teha ettepaneku järgmise mitme- võtnud arvesse Euroopa Parlamendi seisukohta, „et järgmi- aastase finantsraamistiku (2014–2020) kohta:: se mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku külmutamine 2013. aas- ta tasemel [...] ei ole arvestatav võimalus [...] ja et järgmise mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku vahendite tase peaks [...] olema vähemalt 5% suurem”49. Samuti on komisjon arves- 3. ELi eelarve rahastamine se võtnud Euroopa Ülemkogu järeldusi,50 mille kohaselt on oluline, et „tulevane mitmeaastane finantsraamistik Finantsraamistiku ajakohastamise vajadus ei kehti ainult kajastaks liikmesriikide poolt puudujäägi ja võlataseme kuluprioriteetide ja nende kindlaksmääramise, vaid ka ELi jätkusuutlikumale teele viimiseks tehtavaid konsolideeri- eelarve rahastamise kohta, mille põhimõtteid on viimaste aastate jooksul järjest enam kahtluse alla seatud. Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingus rõhutatakse algset põhimõtet, et 46 Euroopa Parlamendi 8. juuni 2011. aasta resolutsioon tulevikku ELi eelarvet rahastatakse täielikult omavahenditest. Reaal- investeerimise ning uue mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku kohta ne olukord on aga see, et rohkem kui 85% ELi rahasta- konkurentsivõimelise, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava Euroopa nimel 47 Vt näiteks enne ülevaadatud ELi eelarve vastuvõtmist peetud misest tugineb kogurahvatulust ja käibemaksust lähtuvalt konsultatsioonid, http://ec.europa.eu/budget/reform/issues/ tuletatud statistilistele koondandmetele. Neid makseid read_en.htm nähakse kui liikmesriikide osamaksusid, mida tuleks kind- 48 Komisjoni hinnang 2007.–2013. aasta mitmeaastase lasti vähendada. See on netorahastajate hulgas tekitanud finantsraamistiku alusel kantud kuludele ja käesoleva ettepaneku mõju analüüs on esitatud teatisele lisatud „tahan oma raha tagasi” hoiaku, mis moonutab ELi eelarve komisjoni talituste töödokumendis SEK(2011) 868. loogikat ja paneb kahtluse alla liidu üheks alustalaks oleva 49 Euroopa Parlamendi 8. juuni 2011. aasta resolutsioon, mis solidaarsuse põhimõtte. Samuti on see kaasa toonud liigse käsitleb tulevikku investeerimist, ning uus mitmeaastane keskendumise netomaksetele ja bilansile ning takistanud finantsraamistik konkurentsivõimelise, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava Euroopa nimel. ELi eelarvel oma rolli täitmist ELi lisaväärtuse tagamisel. 50 Euroopa Ülemkogu 29. oktoobri 2010. aasta järeldused. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

On aeg viia ELi rahastamine kooskõlla autonoomia, läbi- väike, mis võimaldab keskenduda sellele, mis toob kaasa paistvuse ja õigluse põhimõttega ning anda ELile võimalus kõige rohkem ELi lisaväärtust54. ELi eelarvest ei rahastata saavutada kokkulepitud poliitikaeesmärgid. Uute oma- meetmeid, mida liikmesriigid saavad ise rahastada. Selle vahendite kasutuselevõtu eesmärk ei ole suurendada ELi eesmärk on toetada meetmeid, mida tuleb rahastada ELi kogueelarvet, vaid vältida „tahan oma raha tagasi” hoiakut toimimise tagamiseks või mida on võimalik ELi eelarvest ja muuta süsteem läbipaistvamaks. See ei tähenda ELile rahastades rakendada säästlikumalt ja tõhusamalt. ELi eel- maksualase sõltumatuse andmist, vaid tagasipöördumist arve eesmärk on: rahastamismehhanismide juurde, mis vastavad paremini aluslepingute algsetele eesmärkidele. Seepärast kaasneks 1) rahastada ühist poliitikat, mille puhul liikmesriigid komisjoni ettepanekuga liikmesriikide eelarvetest maksta- on kokku leppinud, et seda tuleb teha ELi tasandil vate otseste osamaksude vähendamine. (näiteks ühine põllumajanduspoliitika);

Eelarve läbivaatamisel51 koostas komisjon mittetäieliku 2) väljendada solidaarsust kõikide liikmesriikide ja piir- nimekirja võimalikest rahastamisvahenditest, mis võiksid kondade vahel ning toetada nõrgimate piirkondade järk-järgult asendada liikmesriikide osamaksud ja vähenda- arengut, mis võimaldab ELil toimida ühtse majan- da koormust riikide eelarvetele. Samuti loetleti mitu kritee- dusruumina (näiteks ühtekuuluvuspoliitika kaudu); riumi, mida nende rahastamisvahendite puhul kohaldada. 52 Komisjon on neid võimalusi põhjalikult analüüsinud ja 3) rahastada meetmeid siseturu väljakujundamiseks, otsustanud teha ettepaneku uue omavahendite süsteemi mida isegi kõige jõukamad liikmesriigid ei jõua ise- 496 kohta, mis põhineks finantstehingumaksul ja uutel käibe- seisvalt rahastada. ELi eelarvet tuleb vaadelda üleeu- maksupõhistel omavahenditel. Uutest omavahenditest ra- roopalisest perspektiivist, mitte üksnes liikmesriikide hastataks ELi eelarvet osaliselt ja nendega võiks täielikult perspektiivist (näiteks võimaldab see rahastada üleeu- asendada olemasolevad keerukad käibemaksupõhised oma- roopalisi investeeringuid taristusse). Samuti võimal- vahendid, millest komisjon soovitab loobuda, ja vähendada dab see ära hoida kulukat dubleerimist liikmesriiki- kogurahvatulul põhinevate vahendite osakaalu. Komisjoni de rahastamiskavade vahel, millel on osaliselt samad ettepanek uusi omavahendeid käsitleva nõukogu otsuse eesmärgid; kohta on esitatud teatisele lisatud seadusandlikus ettepane- 53 kus . Sellega seoses toetab komisjon Euroopa Parlamendi 4) tagada koostoime ja mastaabisääst, hõlbustada koos- üleskutset korraldada liikmesriikide parlamentidega küsi- tööd ja pakkuda ühiseid lahendusi küsimustele, mida muse arutamiseks parlamentidevaheline konverents. liikmesriik ei saa üksi lahendada (näiteks maailmata- semel teadustegevus ja innovatsioon, koostöö siseasja- Eespool nimetatud põhjustel teeb komisjon ka ettepane- des, rände- ja õigusküsimustes); ku lihtsustada märkimisväärselt tagasimaksete ja korrekt- sioonide küsimust. Liikmesriikide poolt ELi eelarvesse 5) reageerida pidevatele ja tekkivatele probleemidele, tehtavate osamaksude erinevuse vähendamine ja ELi ku- mis vajavad ühist üleeuroopalist lahendamist (näiteks lusid käsitlevate erinevate tegevuspõhimõtete rakendamine keskkond, kliimamuutus, humanitaarabi, demograa- moonutavad eelarvet ja kahjustavad selle suutlikkust pak- filised muutused ja kultuur). kuda lisaväärtust. Sellepärast teeb komisjon ettepaneku, mis on kooskõlas 1984. aasta Fontainebleau Ülemkogu järeldustega, piirata nende liikmesriikide osamakse, kelle Seda arvesse võttes on komisjon järgmist mitmeaastast eelarvekoormus oleks muidu nende suhtelist jõukust ar- finantsraamistikku kavandades rakendanud 2010. aastal vestades ülemäärane. toimunud eelarve läbivaatamisel väljatoodud põhimõtteid: • keskenduda poliitikavaldkondade prioriteetide raames 4. ELi eelarve aluspõhimõtted tulemuste saavutamisele; • keskenduda ELi lisaväärtusele; ELi eelarve erineb liikmesriikide eelarvetest. EL ei rahas- • keskenduda mõjule ja tulemustele; ta otseselt tervishoidu või haridust. Ta ei rahasta politseid ega kaitsejõude, nagu seda tehakse liikmesriikide eelarve- • tagada kasu kogu Euroopa Liidule. test. ELi eelarve on üleeuroopaline. See on mahult üsna ELi eelarve väljendab poliitikat arvude kaudu. See tä- hendab, et rahastamine peab olema kooskõlas asjaomases 51 KOM (2010) 700. 52 Vt teatisele lisatud komisjoni talituste töödokument SEK (2011) 876. 54 ELi kulude lisaväärtuse kohta leiab näiteid teatisele lisatud 53 KOM (2011) 510. komisjoni talituste töödokumendist SEK (2011) 867. Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve valdkonnas kehtiva regulatiivse raamistiku ja poliitikavald- suurendada ELi kasvupotentsiaali. Eelkõige Euroopa kondade prioriteetidega. Rahastamine peab kaasa tooma Investeerimispanga grupi ning liikmesriikide ja eeldatava tulemuse: riigiasutustel ei ole õigust kasutada rahvusvaheliste avaliku sektori finantseerimisasutustega saadud vahendeid vastavalt oma soovile, vaid nad saavad tehtud töö on olnud positiivne ja seda arendatakse ELi rahalisi vahendeid selleks, et täita kokkulepitud ELi järgmises mitmeaastases finantsraamistikus edasi. eesmärke. Seepärast on käesolevas mitmeaastase finants- Tagatised ja riskide jagamise kord võimaldavad raamistiku ettepanekus käsitletud programmid ja vahendid finantssektoril investeerida rohkem omakapitali ja ümber kavandatud, tagamaks, et nende tulemused ja mõju laenata rohkem raha innovatiivsetele ettevõtjatele aitavad saavutada ELi poliitikavaldkondade prioriteete. või taristuprojektide jaoks. Nii aitavad nimetatud Järgmiste rahastamisprogrammide ja vahendite puhul kes- finantsvahendid kaasa kriisijärgsete finantsturgude kendutakse esmajoones tulemustele, enamate tingimuste üldisele arengule. seadmisele ja eeskirjade lihtsustamisele. 5. Olulisemad uuendused • Tulemused seotakse selgelt Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia rakendamise ja selle eesmärkide saavutamisega. See tähendab, et programmides Komisjon soovib järgmise ELi eelarve puhul kulutamist keskendutakse piiratud arvule olulisematele muuta, pannes rohkem rõhku tulemustele ja tõhususele prioriteetidele ja meetmetele, mis saavutavad ning keskendudes Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia eesmär- kriitilise massi. Vältida tuleb meetmete killustamist kide saavutamisele. Enam tähelepanu pööratakse ühte- ja koordineerimise puudumist. Võimaluse korral kuuluvuspoliitika tingimuste täitmisele ja põllumajandus- 497 olemasolevad programmid ühendatakse (näiteks tootjatele makstavate otsetoetuste keskkonnahoidlikumaks sellistes valdkondades nagu siseasjad, haridus muutmisele. Uut eelarvet tuleks ajakohastada, suunates ja kultuur) ja/või kavandatakse ümber (näiteks vahendeid ümber prioriteetsetele valdkondadele, nagu teadustegevus ja ühtekuuluvus), et tagada integreeritud üleeuroopaline taristu, teadustegevus ja innovatsioon, ha- programmitöö ning ühine rakendamis-, aruandlus- ja ridus ja kultuur, ELi välispiiri kindlustamine ning välis- kontrollimehhanism. suhete poliitika prioriteedid, nagu ELi naabruspoliitika. Eelarves käsitatakse selliseid teemasid, mis on prioriteedid • Lihtsustamine: seniseid rahastamiseeskirju arendati kõigis valdkondades, nagu näiteks keskkonnakaitse ja võit- mitte ainult selleks, et parandada ELi vahendite lus kliimamuutusega, kõigi peamiste õigusaktide ja meet- kasutamisest aruandmist, vaid ka tekkinud probleemide mete olulise osana. Igas poliitikavaldkonnas rakendatava lahendamiseks. Tulemuseks olid komplekssed ja strateegia üksikasjad on esitatud käesoleva teatise II osas. keerukad eeskirjad, mida on raske rakendada ja Järgmises jaos esitatakse põhilised muudatused, mida on mille järgmist raske kontrollida. Keerukus toob nii kavas teha peamistes kuluvaldkondades. abisaajatele kui ka komisjonile ja liikmesriikidele kaasa suure halduskoormuse, mis mõjutab negatiivselt 5.1. horizon 2020: teadustegevuse, programmide rakendamises osalemist ja toob innovatsiooni ja tehnoloogia arengu rakendamisel kaasa viivitusi. Praegu tehakse tööd selle nimel, et lihtsustada nii üldeeskirju (finantsmäärus) kui ühine strateegiline raamistik ka valdkondlikke eeskirju. ELi ähvardab innovatsioonialane mahajäämus,55 mis tuleb • Tingimuste seadmine: selleks et keskenduda rohkem likvideerida, kui EL tahab konkureerida arenenud riikide tulemustele kui sisenditele, peavad programmid ja ja tärkava majandusega arenguriikidega. EL tervikuna on vahendid vastama teatavatele tingimustele. See on eriti Jaapanist ja Ameerika Ühendriikidest maha jäänud mitme oluline ühtekuuluvuspoliitika ja põllumajanduse suurte olulise näitaja poolest, nagu registreeritud patentide arv, kulude seisukohast, millega seoses peavad liikmesriigid kõrg- ja kesktehnoloogiliste toodete eksport ning teadus- ja abisaajad tõendama, et saadud vahendeid ja arendustegevuse kulude osakaal SKPst. kasutatakse ELi poliitikavaldkondade prioriteetide saavutamiseks. Laiemalt võttes tagab komisjon ELi Teadustegevus ja innovatsioon aitavad luua töökohti, üldise majanduspoliitika ja ELi eelarve sidususe, saavutada heaolu ja parandada elukvaliteeti. Kuigi EL on eelkõige selleks, et vältida olukordi, kus ELi-poolse mitmes tehnoloogiavaldkonnas ülemaailmne liider, pa- rahastamise tõhusust kahjustab ebausaldusväärne kuvad senised konkurendid ja tärkava majandusega riigid makromajanduspoliitika. talle üha enam konkurentsi. Ühisprogrammid koondavad • Investeeringute finantsvõimendus:innovatiivsete teadustegevuse alaseid jõupingutusi, mistõttu on võimalik finantsvahendite vallas erasektoriga koostöö tegemine saavutada tulemusi, mida liikmesriigid üksi ei suudaks. võimaldab suurendada ELi eelarve mõju, sest nii saab teha rohkem strateegilisi investeeringuid ja 55 Vt innovatiivse liidu konkurentsivõime aruanne, SEK (2011) 739. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Kogu ELis tuleb edendada investeeringuid teadus- ja aren- 5.2. Solidaarsus ja investeeringud dustegevusse, et saavutada Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia püsiva majanduskasvu ja tööhõive üks peamine eesmärk, nimelt investeeringute 3% osakaal tagamiseks SKPst. EL peab ka suutma muuta oma teaduslikult põh- jendatud teadmised patenteeritud protsessideks ja toode- teks, mida saab kasutada mitte ainult kõrgtehnoloogilises Ühtekuuluvuspoliitika abil saab väljendada solidaarsust tööstuses, vaid ka traditsioonilistes sektorites, kus see võib ELi vaeseimate ja nõrgimate piirkondadega, kuid mitte osutuda veelgi olulisemaks. Selleks peavad koostööd tege- ainult. Üks ELi suurimaid saavutusi on kõigi kodanike ma nii riigiasutused, erasektor kui ka teadusringkonnad. elustandardi parandamine. Seda ei tehta üksnes vaesema- Komisjon on alustanud ELi teadustegevuse juhtimise te liikmesriikide ja piirkondade arengu ja majanduskasvu struktuuride põhjalikku ümberkorraldamist, luues Euroo- toetamisega, vaid ka siseturu integreerimise kaudu, sest pa Teadusnõukogu, kelle töö on olnud tulemuslik. Komis- selle suurus võimaldab luua turge ja tagab mastaabisäästu jon teeb ettepaneku seda tegevust jätkata ning korraldada kõikidele ELi piirkondadele, sõltumata nende suurusest ümber teadustegevuse ja innovatsiooni rahastamise vahen- ja jõukusest. Komisjoni hinnang senistele kuludele pakub did (eelkõige teadustegevuse ning konkurentsivõime ja palju näiteid lisaväärtusest ning majanduskasvust ja töö- uuendustegevuse raamprogrammid), et luua tugevam side kohtade loomisest, mis on saavutatud otseselt ELi eelarve kindlaksmääratud poliitikaeesmärkidega ning lihtsustada toetusega. Tulemused näitavad siiski ka teatavat hajutatust nende rakendamise menetlusi. See leevendab ka abisaajate ja prioriseerimise puudumist. Ajal, mil ELi vahendeid halduskoormust. napib ja majanduskasvu suurendavaid investeeringuid on vaja rohkem kui kunagi varem, on komisjon otsustanud 498 teha ühtekuuluvuspoliitikas olulisi muudatusi. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku, et tulevikus põhineks teaduste- gevuse ja innovatsiooni rahastamine kolmel peamisel tegu- ril, millel on kindel koht Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegias: Ühtekuuluvuspoliitikal on tähtis roll kogu ELis Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide ja sihtide saavutamisel. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku keskenduda rohkem ühtekuuluvuspolii- • teadusbaasi tugevdamine; tika tulemustele ja säästlikule kulude kandmisele, sidudes • ühiskondlike probleemide lahendamine; ühtekuuluvuspoliitika süsteemsemalt Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkidega. Lisaks teeb komisjon ettepaneku võtta ka- • tööstuse valdkonnas juhtpositsiooni saavutamine ja sutusele uus piirkonnakategooria, nimelt „üleminekupiir- konkurentsivõime suurendamine. konnad“, millega asendada praegune toetuste järkjärgulise Ühine strateegiline raamistik (Horizon 2020) hoiab ära kasutuselevõtu ja kaotamise süsteem. Sellesse kategooriasse killustatuse ja tagab sidususe, sealhulgas liikmesriikide tea- kuuluvad kõik piirkonnad, mille SKP elaniku kohta jääb dusprogrammidega. See on tihedalt seotud valdkondliku 75% ja 90% vahele ELi 27 liikmesriigi keskmisest. poliitika peamiste prioriteediga, nagu tervishoid, toiduga kindlustatus ja biomajandus ning energeetika ja kliima- Tööpuuduse ja jätkuvalt kõrge vaesuse määraga tuleb muutus. Programmis Horizon 2020 osaleb ka Euroopa võidelda nii ELi kui ka liikmesriikide tasandil. Kuna Tehnoloogiainstituut, kes mängib olulist rolli, ühenda- ELi ohustab üha enam oskuste nappus, aktiivsete töötu- des teadmis- ja innovatsiooniühenduste kaudu teadmiste rumeetmete ja haridussüsteemi kesised tulemused, mar- kolmnurga kolm külge: haridus, innovatsioon ja teadus- ginaliseeritud ühiskonnarühmade sotsiaalne tõrjutus ja tegevus. Teadustegevuse rahastamise uue strateegia üks tööjõu vähene liikuvus, on vaja nii poliitikaalgatusi kui ka tunnus on innovatiivsete finantsvahendite aktiivsem kasu- konkreetseid toetusmeetmeid. Paljusid neid probleeme on tamine, järgides riskijagamisrahastu edukat eeskuju. süvendanud finants- ja majanduskriis, demograafilised ja rändesuundumused ning tehnoloogia kiire areng. Kui neid ei suudeta lahendada, osutuvad need märkimisväärseteks Komisjon teeb ettepaneku eraldada teadusuurin- takistusteks sotsiaalsele sidususele ja konkurentsivõimele. gute ja innovatsiooni ühise strateegilise raamistiku Seepärast peavad majanduskasvu suurendavad investee- jaoks 2014.–2020. aastaks 80 miljardit eurot. ringud taristu, piirkondliku konkurentsivõime ja äritege- vuse edendamisse käima koos meetmetega, mis on seotud Seda summat täiendatakse struktuurifondidest tööturupoliitika, hariduse, koolituse, sotsiaalse kaasatuse, teadustegevuseks ja innovatsiooniks eraldatava töötajate, ettevõtete ja ettevõtjate kohanemisvõime ning märkimisväärse toetusega. Näiteks kulutati 2007.– haldussuutlikkusega. 2013. aastal ligikaudu 60 miljardit eurot Euroopa eri piirkondades teadustegevusele ja innovatsioonile Siin on oluline roll Euroopa Sotsiaalfondil. Liikmesriigid ning samalaadseid kulusid on oodata ka tulevikus. peavad täpsustama, kuidas aitavad erinevad rahastamisva- hendid kaasa Euroopa 2020. aasta peamiste eesmärkide Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve saavutamisele, ning kehtestama miinimumosa, mille vahendid suunatakse piiratud arvu prioriteetide täitmiseks: ulatuses tuleb struktuurifondidest sotsiaalfondi iga piir- konkurentsi- ja üleminekupiirkonnad kulutaksid eelarve­ konnakategooria kohta toetust eraldada. (25% lähene- eraldised, v.a. sotsiaalfondi eraldised, peamiselt energiatõ- mispiirkondadele, 40% üleminekupiirkondadele, 52% hususele, taastuvenergeetikale, VKEde konkurentsivõime konkurentsipiirkondade, lähtudes sellest, et ühtekuuluvus- suurendamisele ja innovatsioonile, samas kui lähenemi- fond moodustab jätkuvalt ühe kolmandiku ühtekuuluvus- seesmärgipiirkonnad keskenduksid rohkematele priori- poliitika rahaeraldisest rahastamiskõlblikes liikmesriikides, teetidele (vajaduse korral ka institutsionaalse suutlikkuse ja jättes kõrvale territoriaalse koostöö). Nimetatud osade suurendamisele). kohaldamise tulemusena on sotsiaalfondi minimaalne ko- guosa 25% ühtekuuluvuspoliitikale ettenähtud summa- Paremate tulemuste saavutamiseks kehtestatakse uued tin- dest, st 84 miljardit eurot. Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi kuuluvad gimusi käsitlevad sätted, et tagada, et ELi vahendeid kasu- ka muud komisjoni hallatavad vahendid, nagu programm tatakse kavandatud tulemusteni jõudmiseks, ja luua liik- PROGRESS ja Euroopa tööturuasutuste võrgustik EURES. mesriikidele stiimuleid Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide ja sihtide saavutamiseks ühtekuuluvuspoliitika kaudu. Tingi- Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa Fond on paind- mused kehtestatakse nii eeltingimuste (mis tuleb täita enne lik vahend, mis jääb finantsraamistikust väljaspoole, ja rahaliste vahendite eraldamist) kui ka järeltingimuste kujul mille kaudu toetatakse töötajaid, kes on kaotanud töö (mille puhul peavad tulemused nõuetele vastama enne maailma kaubanduse struktuuriliste muutuste tagajärjel, täiendavate vahendite eraldamist). Kui tulemused ei vasta ja aidatakse neil võimalikult kiiresti uus töö leida. Vajali- nõuetele, peatatakse või lõpetatakse vahendite andmine. kud summad erinevad aastast aastasse, mistõttu komisjon 499 teeb ettepaneku jätta kõnealune fond finantsraamistikust Tingimused põhinevad tulemustel ja stiimulitel, millega väljaspoole. Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa edendatakse reformide rakendamist finantsvahendite tõ- Fondi saab kasutada ka nende põllumajandusega tegeleva- husa kasutamise tagamiseks. Et keskenduda rohkem tule- te inimeste toetamiseks, kelle toimetulekut võib mõjutada mustele ja Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide saavutamisele, globaliseerumine. pannakse 5% ühtekuuluvuspoliitikale ettenähtud eelarvest kõrvale ja eraldatakse pärast vahekokkuvõtte tegemist nen- Selleks et suurendada ELi kulude säästlikkust ja kooskõlas dele liikmesriikidele ja piirkondadele, kelle programmid Lissaboni lepingu territoriaalse lähenemisviisiga, teeb ko- on jõudnud Euroopa 2020. aasta sihtide ja eesmärkidega misjon ettepaneku luua kõikide struktuurifondide jaoks seotud vahetulemusteni. Vaheeesmärgid määratletakse ühine strateegiline raamistik, mille kaudu muuta Euroo- kooskõlas ühtekuuluvuspoliitika määrustega. pa 2020. aasta eesmärgid investeerimisprioriteetideks. See annaks uue hingamise Lissaboni lepinguga ettenähtud ter- Senise finantsraamistikuga saadud kogemus näitab, et pal- ritoriaalse ühtekuuluvuse eesmärgile. Konkreetsemalt teeb judel liikmesriikidel on raskusi kõigi ELi vahendite ära- komisjon ettepaneku sõlmida iga liikmesriigiga partnerlus- kasutamisega piiratud ajavahemiku jooksul. Projektide, leping. Lepingus nähakse ette partnerite kohustused riigi ja kohustuste ja kulude ettevalmistamise viibimine on põh- piirkonna tasandil seoses neile eraldatud vahendite kasuta- justanud praeguse rahastamisperioodi lõpuks kasutamata misega Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia rakendamiseks ning assigneeringute kuhjumise. Lisaks on teatavate liikmesrii- tulemuslikkuse raamistik, mille põhjal saaks kohustuste kide eelarveseisund teinud raskemaks vahendite eraldamise täitmist hinnata. liikmesriikide kaasrahastamise tagamiseks. Vahendite pare- maks kasutamiseks soovitab komisjon järgmist: Seepärast peab leping olema tugevalt seotud liikmesrii- kide koostatud reformiprogrammide ning stabiilsus- ja • kehtestada ühtekuuluvuspoliitika eraldiste lähenemisprogrammide ja riigipõhiste soovitustega, mille ülemmääraks 2,5% SKPst; nõukogu nende põhjal vastu võtab. Selle tagamiseks, et ühtekuuluvuspoliitika kulude säästlikkust ei kahjustaks • võimaldada ajutiselt suurendada kaasrahastamise ebausaldusväärne makromajanduspoliitika, täiendatakse määra 5–10 protsendipunkti, kui liikmesriik saab uue majandusjuhtimisega seotud tingimuste seadmist igas rahalist abi kooskõlas Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu lepingus sätestatud konkreetsete eeltingimustega. artikliga 136 või 143, vähendades seeläbi eelarve konsolideerimise ajal survet liikmesriikide eelarvetele, kuid säilitades samal ajal ELi-poolse rahastamise üldise Lepingus nähakse ette selged eesmärgid ja näitajad, keh- taseme; testatakse piiratud arv tingimusi (nii eeltingimused kui ka tulemuste saavutamisega seotud tingimused, et nende • lisada partnerluslepingutesse teatavad tingimused täitmist oleks võimalik kontrollida) ning sellesse lisatakse haldussuutlikkuse parandamise kohta. kohustus anda saavutatud tulemustest igal aastal aru üh- tekuuluvuspoliitikat käsitlevas aastaaruandes. Rahalised EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Järgmiseks mitmeaastaseks finantsraamistikuks teeb ko- 2014–2020 tuleb üleeuroopalisse transpordivõrku inves- misjon ettepaneku suunata suurim osa ühtekuuluvuspo- teerida 540 miljardit eurot ja IKT-sse 250 miljardit eurot. liitika vahenditest vaeseimatele piirkondadele ja liikmes- Kuigi siseturul on võimalik teha enamik vajalikke inves- riikidele. Samuti teeb ta ettepaneku aidata piirkondi, mis teeringuid, tuleb ületada turutõrked: kõrvaldada puudused kaotavad lähenemiseesmärgi piirkonna staatuse, piirates ja kitsaskohad ning tagada piisavad piiriülesed ühendused. abi osatähtsuse vähendamist, mida kohaldataks juhul, Kogemus näitab siiski, et liikmesriikide eelarvetes ei prio- kui need saavutaksid kohe konkurentsipiirkonna staatuse. riseerita mitut riiki hõlmavaid piiriüleseid investeeringuid, Seepärast teeb komisjon ettepaneku, et need piirkonnad et tagada ühtsele turule vajalik taristu. See on järjekordne peaksid järgmiseks mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku perioo- näide ELi eelarve pakutavast lisaväärtusest. Sellega kindlus- diks säilitama kaks kolmandikku seni saadud eraldistest. tatakse selliste üleeuroopaliste projektide rahastamine, mis Need piirkonnad koos muude samalaadse SKP tasemega ühendavad keskust ja äärealasid ning pakuvad üldist huvi. (75–90% ELi SKPst) piirkondadega moodustaksid uue kategooria: üleminekupiirkonnad. Seepärast on komisjon otsustanud teha ettepaneku luua Euroopa ühendamise rahastu, et kiirendada ELi vajadus- tele vastava taristu arendamist. Kõnealused majanduskasvu Komisjon teeb ettepaneku eraldada ühtekuuluvuspo- suurendavad ühendused võimaldavad paremat pääsu sise- liitika vahendite kulude jaoks 2014.–2020. aastaks turule ja lõpetavad teatavate majanduspiirkondade isolat- 376 miljardit eurot. siooni. Näiteks nende ELi piirkondade energiavarustus, mis ei ole veel ühendatud peamistesse elektri- ja gaasivõr- 500 Sellest summast nähakse ette: kudesse, sõltub teistes liikmesriikides tehtud investeerin- gutest. Euroopa ühendamise rahastu on ülimalt oluline • 162,6 miljardit eurot lähenemiseesmärgi ka energiajulgeoleku seisukohast, tagades kogu Euroopas piirkondade, võimaluse kasutada nii liidu kui ka kolmandate riikide al- likaid ja tarnijaid. Samuti aitab see rakendada Lissaboni le- • 38,9 miljardit eurot üleminekupiirkondade, pinguga ettenähtud uut territoriaalse ühtekuuluvuse mõis- • 53,1 miljardit eurot konkurentsipiirkondade, tet. Kui kiired IKT võrgud ja teenused on kättesaadavad kõikjal Euroopas, aitab see vähendada siseturu killustatust • 11,7 miljardit eurot territoriaalse koostöö ning ja võimaldab VKEdel laieneda väljaspoole oma koduriigi • 68,7 miljardit eurot Ühtekuuluvusfondi jaoks. turgusid.

40 miljardit eurot nähakse ette Euroopa ühendamise Euroopa ühendamise rahastust rahastatakse eelnevalt rahastu jaoks (vt jagu 5.3). kindlaks määratud ja ELi huvide seisukohast prioriteetseid transpordi-, energia- ning info- ja kommunikatsiooniteh- Euroopa Sotsiaalfond (lähtudes valemist 25/40/52 noloogia taristuid ning nii füüsilist kui ka infotehnoloogia iga piirkonnakategooria kohta) moodustab vähemalt taristut, võttes arvesse säästva arengu kriteeriume. Käesole- 25% ühtekuuluvuspoliitika vahenditest, arvestamata vale ettepanekule on lisatud kavandatavate taristute loetelu Euroopa ühendamise rahastut, st 84 miljardit eurot. (puuduvad lülid).

Väljaspool finantsraamistikku nähakse ette: Euroopa ühendamise rahastut hallatakse keskselt ja seda rahastatakse eriotstarbelisest eelarvest ning Ühtekuulu- • 3 miljardit eurot Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise vusfondis transpordi jaoks ettenähtud summadest. ELi Euroopa Fondi jaoks ja eelarvest kaasrahastamise määr on lähenemiseesmärgi piir- kondades investeerimise puhul kõrgem kui konkurentsi- • 7 miljardit eurot Euroopa Solidaarsusfondi jaoks. piirkondades investeerimisel. Kohalikud ja piirkondlikud taristud ühendatakse ELi esmatähtsate taristutega, mis ühendavad kogu ELi kodanikke ja mida saab (kaas)rahasta- 5.3. Euroopa ühendamine da struktuurifondidest (Ühtekuuluvusfond ja/või Euroopa Regionaalarengu Fond sõltuvalt iga liikmesriigi/piirkonna Täielikult toimiv ühtne turg sõltub modernsest hästi toi- olukorrast). Võttes arvesse uute liikmesriikide puudulik- mivast infrastruktuurist, mis ühendab Euroopat eelkõige ku taristut, on komisjon otsustanud teha ettepaneku jätta transpordi, energeetika ning info- ja kommunikatsiooni- Ühtekuuluvusfondi puhul eraldised enam-vähem samaks. tehnoloogia (IKT) valdkonnas. See aitab suurendada transpordiinvesteeringute tegemist abikõlblikes piirkondades ja toetab nende ühendust üle- Hinnanguliselt on üleeuroopaliste energiavõrkude loo- jäänud ELiga. miseks vaja ligikaudu 200 miljardit eurot ning aastatel Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve

Euroopa ühendamise rahastu pakub võimalusi kasutada eelarvet mitte ainult põllumajanduse tootlikkuse suuren- innovatiivseid rahastamisvahendeid enamate investeerin- damiseks, põllumajandusega tegeleva rahvastikuosa rahul- gute tegemise kiirendamiseks ja kindlustamiseks, kui seda dava elatustaseme tagamiseks, turgude stabiliseerimiseks, oleks võimalik saavutada üksnes riiklikest vahenditest ra- toodete ja teenuste kättesaadavuse tagamiseks ja selle kind- hastamise korral. Komisjon teeb tihedat koostööd Euroopa lustamiseks, et need jõuaksid tarbijani mõistliku hinnaga, Investeerimispanga ja teiste avaliku sektori investeerimis- vaid ka selleks, et toetada loodusvarade jätkusuutlikku ma- pankadega, et kombineerida nimetatud projektide rahas- jandamist, kliimameetmete võtmist ning tasakaalustatud tamist. Eelkõige ergutab komisjon ELi projektivõlakir- territoriaalset arengut kogu Euroopas. Euroopa 2020. aas- jade56 kasutamist, et edendada nende tähtsate projektide ta strateegia kolm alustala – arukas, jätkusuutlik ja kaasav realiseerimist. majanduskasv – lõimitakse tihedalt ühise põllumajandus- poliitika arendamise järgmise etapiga. Mõned ELile huvi pakkuvad taristuprojektid peavad hõl- mama ka naaberriike ja ühinemiseks valmistuvaid riike. Komisjoni kavandatavad muudatused peaksid kaasa tooma Komisjon teeb ettepaneku lihtsustada nende projektide kogu ELi hõlmava õiglasema toetuste süsteemi, mis kaasaks omavahel ühendamist ja nende rahastamise lihtsustamist põllumajandus- ja keskkonnapoliitika maapiirkondade uue rahastu kaudu, et tagada sise- ja välisvahendite sidusus. jätkusuutlikku majandamisse ja tagaks, et põllumajandus See eeldab ühiseeskirju, nii et asjakohaseid projekte saaks aitab kaasa maapiirkondade elujõulise majanduse kindlus- rahastada ELi eelarve erinevatest rubriikidest. tamisele. Aastate jooksul on ühisesse põllumajanduspo- liitikasse lisatud kohustusi ja ülesandeid, mis õigupoolest peaksid kuuluma muudesse poliitikavaldkondadesse. Ko- 501 Komisjon teeb ettepaneku eraldada Euroopa ühen- misjon kasutab uue mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku puhul damise rahastu jaoks 2014.–2020. aastaks 40 mil- võimalust suunata ühine põllumajanduspoliitika selle põ- jardit eurot, mida täiendaks Ühtekuuluvusfondis hitegevuse juurde ja lisada ka uusi tegevusvaldkondi. Näi- sellega seotud transpordiinvesteeringuteks ette näh- teks on toiduohutuse jaoks ettenähtud vahendid paiguta- tud 10 miljardit eurot. tud ümber eelarve rubriiki 3 ning tulevikus rahastatakse enim puudust kannatavatele inimestele antavat toiduabi Sellest summast nähakse ette 9,1 miljardit eurot rubriigist 1, mis on selleks Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia energeetikasektori, 31,6 miljardit eurot (sh 10 mil- vaesuse vähendamise eesmärgi kohaselt parem vahend. jardit eurot Ühtekuuluvusfondist) transpordi ning Komisjon teeb ettepaneku suurendada Globaliseerumisega 9,1 miljardit eurot info- ja kommunikatsiooniteh- Kohanemise Euroopa Fondi kasutusala, et see hõlmaks ka noloogia jaoks. abi põllumajandustootjatele, kelle toimetulekut võib glo- baliseerumine mõjutada.

5.4. Ressursitõhus ühine Ühise põllumajanduspoliitika kahesambaline struktuur põllumajanduspoliitika säilitatakse. Komisjoni kavandatavad peamised muudatu- sed on järgmised. Ühine põllumajanduspoliitika on tõeliselt ELi-ülene ühi- ne poliitika. Selle kaudu tagatakse Euroopa jätkusuutlik Otsetoetuste keskkonnahoidlikumaks muutmine: taga- põllumajandussektor: suurendatakse selle konkurentsivõi- maks, et ühine põllumajanduspoliitika aitaks ELil saavuta- met, kindlustatakse piisav ja turvaline toiduga varustatus, da keskkonna- ja kliimameetmetega seotud eesmärke, mis hoitakse keskkonda ja maapiirkondi ning tagatakse põllu- lähevad praegu kehtivatest nõuetest kaugemale, seatakse majandusega tegeleva rahvastikuosa rahuldav elatustase. 30% otsetoetustest sõltuvaks keskkonnahoidlikust tegevu- Sellisena asendab see 27 erinevat riiklikku põllumajandus- sest. See tähendab, et kõik põllumajandustootjad peavad poliitikat ja toob liikmesriikide eelarvete jaoks kaasa sääs- rakendama keskkonnasäästlikke meetmeid, mis määratak- tu, sest põllumajandustootjatele makstakse otsetoetusi ELi se kindlaks õigusaktides ja mida on võimalik kontrollida. eelarvest ilma riikliku kaasrahastamiseta. Sellest tulenevalt saaks põllumajandussektori areng jätku- suutlikuma suuna: põllumajandustootjaid toetatakse, et nad varustaksid kaaskodanikke avalike hüvedega. Tehes ettepaneku ühise põllumajanduspoliitika rahasta- mise muutmiseks, viib komisjon põllumajanduspoliitika rahastamise paremini kooskõlla Euroopa 2020. aasta stra- Maksete võrdsem jaotus: selleks et tagada otsetoetuste teegiaga ja tagab ühtlasi Euroopa põllumajandustootjatele võrdsem jaotus, võttes ühtlasi arvesse siiani eksisteerivaid stabiilse sissetuleku. Tulevikus ei kasutata põllumajanduse palga- ja sisendkulude erinevusi, kohandatakse otsetoetus- te määra hektari kohta järk-järgult. See saavutatakse järg- miselt: kõik liikmesriigid, kelle otsemaksed on alla 90% 56 Vt teatisele lisatud komisjoni talituste töödokument SEK (2011) 868. EL 27 keskmisest, vähendavad teatava aja jooksul ühe EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kolmandiku võrra lõhet nende praeguse taseme ja 90% va- millega reageerida kriisiolukordadele (näiteks toiduohu- hel ELi otsetoetuste keskmisest tasemest. Seda lähenemist tuse probleemidele), ja Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise rahastavad proportsionaalselt kõik liikmesriigid, kelle otse- Euroopa Fondi kasutusala laiendamine. toetuste tase ületab ELi keskmist taset. Samuti vaadatakse objektiivsemate kriteeriumide alusel üle maaelu arengu vahendite jaotus ja viiakse see paremini kooskõlla poliiti- Komisjon teeb ettepaneku eraldada 2014.– kaeesmärkidega. Sellega tagatakse ühe ja sama tegevusalaga 2020. aastaks ühise põllumajanduspoliitika esimese põllumajandustootjate õiglane kohtlemine. Et ühine põl- samba jaoks 281,8 miljardit eurot ja maaelu arengu lumajanduspoliitika aitaks tõhusamalt lahendada 21. sa- jaoks 89,9 miljardit eurot. Lisaks nendele summa- jandil Euroopa põllumajanduse ees seisvaid majanduslikke, dele tuleks eraldada täiendavad 15,2 miljardit eurot, sotsiaalseid, keskkonna ja geograafiliste eripäradega seotud millest: probleeme ning aitaks kaasa Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmär- kide saavutamisele, teeb komisjon ettepaneku võimaldada • 4,5 miljardit eurot nähakse ette toiduga paindlikkust kahe samba vahel. kindlustatuse, biomajanduse ja kestliku põllumajandusega seotud teadusuuringute Otsetoetustele tuleb kehtestada ülemmäär, piirates suur- ja innovatsiooni jaoks (teadusuuringute ja tele põllumajandustootjatele makstavate otseste sissetule- innovatsiooni ühises strateegilises raamistikus), kutoetuste baasmäära, võttes arvesse suurte struktuuride • 2,2 miljardit eurot nähakse ette toiduohutuse mastaabisäästu ja nende loodavaid töökohti. Komisjon jaoks rubriigis 3, 502 teeb ettepaneku, et säästud suunataks põllumajanduse arengu eelarveeraldistesse ja need jääksid nende liikmesrii- • 2,5 miljardit eurot nähakse ette toiduabiks kide assigneeringute hulka, kust need pärinevad. vaeseimatele inimestele rubriigis 1, • 3,5 miljardit eurot nähakse ette uues Komisjon leiab, et neid uusi tegureid on võimalik ühise põllumajandussektori kriisiabireservis ja põllumajanduspoliitika praeguse kahesambalise struktuuri raames arvesse võtta. Seepärast sisaldab tulevane ühine põl- • kuni 2,5 miljardit eurot nähakse ette lumajanduspoliitika keskkonnahoidlikumat ja võrdsemalt Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa jaotatud esimest sammast ning teist sammast, mis kesken- Fondis. dub rohkem konkurentsivõimele ja innovatsioonile ning kliimamuutusele ja keskkonnale. Poliitika täpsem suu- namine peaks kaasa tooma rahaliste vahendite tõhusama 5.5. Investeerimine inimkapitali kasutamise. Ühise põllumajanduspoliitika teine sammas, mis hõlmab maaelu arengut, aitab ka edaspidi täita riiki- Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärke suurendada kolmanda ta- de ja/või piirkondade spetsiifilisi vajadusi, võttes seejuu- seme haridust ja vähendada koolist väljalangemist ei ole res arvesse ELi prioriteete, ning selle suhtes kohaldatakse võimalik saavutada, investeerimata rohkem inimkapitali. samu Euroopa 2020. aasta tulemustega seotud tingimusi ELi eelarvesse eraldab kõige rohkem vahendeid inimes- käsitlevaid sätteid nagu muude struktuurifondide suhteski. tesse investeerimiseks Euroopa Sotsiaalfond. Lisaks peaks Pärast 2013. aastat lisatakse Maaelu Arengu Euroopa Põl- olema võimalik suurendada ELi toetust kõikide formaal- lumajandusfond kõigi struktuurifondide ühisesse strateegi- hariduse ja -koolituse (kool, kõrgharidus, kutseharidus, lisse raamistikku ning kõigi liikmesriikidega sõlmitavatesse täiskasvanuharidus) tasandite ning ka vabahariduse ja mit- partnerluslepingutesse. Rõhutades sotsiaal-majandusliku teformaalse hariduse ja koolituse puhul. Praeguste prog- arengu territoriaalset mõõdet ja ühendades kõik kättesaa- rammide – elukestva õppe programm, Erasmus Mundus ja davad ELi vahendid ühte lepingusse, on tulevikus võimalik „Noored” – üks peamisi positiivseid külgi on õppega seo- ELi maapiirkondade majandusarengut paremini toetada. tud riikidevahelise liikuvuse kasv. Oskuste parandamiseks ja selleks et võidelda mitmes liikmesriigis esineva noorte Samuti teeb komisjon ettepaneku ümber struktureerida töötuse kõrge määraga, edendatakse järgmises mitmeaas- turumeetmed, mis kuuluvad praegu ühise põllumajandus- tases finantsraamistikus praegu Leonardo programmist poliitika esimesse sambasse. Euroopa põllumajandus peab toetatavaid meetmeid. Nende abil saavad inimesed teistes praegu lahendama mitmesuguseid probleeme, mille hul- ELi riikides õppida ja koolitustel käia, näiteks omanda ka kuuluvad vajadus reageerida ettenägematutele asjaolu- kutsealusharidust, ning edendatakse innovatsioonipolii- dele ja hõlbustada rahvusvaheliste kaubanduslepingutega tika arendamist ja innovatsioonialaste tegevuspõhimõtete nõutavate kohanduste tegemist. Seepärast teeb komisjon jagamist liikmesriikide vahel. Neile, kes soovivad oman- ettepaneku luua kaks vahendit ka väljaspool mitmeaastast dada magistrikraadi mõnes teises liikmesriigis, on praegu finantsraamistikku, mille suhtes kohaldatakse sama kiirme- ette nähtud väga vähe rahalisi toetusi. Komisjon teeb ette- netlust nagu hädaabireservi suhtes: uus kriisiabisüsteem, paneku arendada koostöös Euroopa Investeerimispangaga Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve välja innovatsiooniprogramm, mille kaudu toetada võõrsil Siseküsimustega seotud poliitika olulisust on kinnitatud õppivaid magistrante. Seepärast teeb komisjon ettepaneku Stockholmi programmis57 ja selle tegevuskavas58. tugevdada ühenduse haridus- ja koolitusprogramme ning suurendada sellealasele tegevusele eraldatavaid rahalisi Idee luua sisepiirideta ala, kus ELi kodanikud ja ELi sise- vahendeid. nemise ja seal elamise õigusega kolmandate riikide kodani- kud võivad vabalt liikmesriikidesse siseneda, nende vahel Kultuuri- ja massiteabevahendite jaoks ettenähtud ELi va- reisida, neis elada ja töötada, täie kindlusega, et nende õi- henditega toetatakse eurooplaste ühist kultuuripärandit ja gusi austatakse ja et nende turvalisus on tagatud, on ELi suurendatakse Euroopa loomingu liikumist nii ELi sees kui poliitikas ülisuure tähtsusega. Samas on inimesed hakanud ka väljaspool. Praegused programmid on äärmiselt oluli- rohkem muret tundma ebaseadusliku sisserände ja integ- sed, sest nendega stimuleeritakse riikidevahelist koostööd, ratsiooniprobleemide üle. Tulevikku suunatud seadusliku edendatakse üksteiselt õppimist ja muudetakse asjaomased sisserände ja integratsioonipoliitika on ELi konkurentsi- sektorid professionaalsemaks. Kultuuri ja loometööstuse võime suurendamise ja sotsiaalse ühtekuuluvuse edenda- roll majanduses üha kasvab, mis on kooskõlas Euroopa mise seisukohalt äärmiselt oluline, kuna see rikastab meie 2020. aasta strateegiaga. ühiskonda ja aitab kõigile uusi võimalusi luua. Turvalisema ja tõhusama, meie väärtushinnanguid kajastava Euroopa Praegu on programmide ja vahendite struktuur killustu- ühise varjupaigasüsteemi arendamine on jätkuvalt priori- nud. Palju on väikeprojekte, millest osal puudub pikaaja- teetne. See on kindlasti valdkond, kus ELi eelarve kasuta- lise mõju saavutamiseks piisav haare. Ka mõned meetmed mine annab ilmselget lisaväärtust. kattuvad, mis on suurendanud halduskulusid ja ajanud 503 segadusse potentsiaalseid projektide esitajaid. Järgmiseks mitmeaastaseks finantsraamistikuks teeb ko- misjon ettepaneku lihtsustada kuluvahendite struktuuri, Seepärast soovitab komisjon praegust struktuuri ratsio- vähendades programmide arvu ja luues kahesambalise naliseerida ja lihtsustada, tehes ettepaneku luua hariduse, struktuuri: rände- ja varjupaigafond ning sisejulgeoleku koolituse ja noortega seotud valdkonnas üks integreeritud fond. Mõlemal fondil oleks välismõõde ja nendega taga- programm, milles keskendutaks inimkapitali oskuste ja lii- taks rahastamise järjepidevus alates EList kuni kolmandate kuvuse arendamisele. Samal põhjusel edendatakse ka kul- riikideni, näiteks seoses pagulaste ümberasustamise, taga- tuuriga seotud programmide sünergiat. sivõtmise ja piirkondliku kaitse programmidega. Samuti näeb komisjon ette liikuda iga-aastaselt programmide Projektide esitamise ning nende kontrollimise ja hinda- kavandamiselt mitmeaastase kavandamise poole, mis vä- mise menetlust lihtsustatakse, näiteks hakkavad projekte hendaks komisjoni, liikmesriikide ja lõplike abisaajate haldama liikmesriikide asjaomased asutused. töökoormust.

Lissaboni leping näeb ette ELi sisese koostöö nii kuritegeli- Komisjon teeb ettepaneku eraldada 2014.– ke võrgustike, inimkaubanduse, relvade ja narkootikumide 2020. aastaks hariduse ja koolituse valdkonnas 15,2 salakaubaveo vastase võitluse kui ka kodanikukaitse vallas, miljardit eurot ja kultuuri valdkonnas 1,6 miljardit et tagada inimeste ja keskkonna parem kaitse suuremate eurot. loodusõnnetuste ja inimtegevusest tingitud õnnetuste pu- hul Kuna Euroopa kodanikke mõjutavate õnnetuste hulk Seda summat täiendatakse struktuurifondidest hari- on suurenenud, tuleks Euroopa tasandil süstemaatilisemalt duseks ja koolituseks eraldatava märkimisväärse toe- meetmeid võtta. Seetõttu teeb komisjon ettepaneku paran- tusega. Näiteks kulutati 2007.–2013. aastal ligikau- dada ELi suurõnnetustele reageerimise tõhusust, sidusust du 72,5 miljardit eurot Euroopa eri piirkondades ja nähtavust. haridusele ja koolitusele ning samalaadseid kulusid on oodata ka tulevikus. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku eraldada 2014.– 2020. aastaks siseküsimuste valdkonnas 8,2 mil- 5.6. Reageerimine rändeprobleemidele jardit eurot ning kodanikukaitse ja Euroopa häda- olukordadele reageerimise suutlikkuse jaoks 455 miljonit eurot. Siseküsimustega seotud poliitika, mis hõlmab julgeolekut, rännet ning välispiiride haldamist, on viimastel aastatel üha olulisemaks muutunud. Selles valdkonnas on Lis- saboni lepingu kohaselt ka olulisi muudatusi toimunud. 57 Nõukogu dokument 17024/09. 58 KOM(2010) 171. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

5.7. ELi ülemaailmne roll ning võimaldada ELil reageerida kiirelt ja tõhusalt loo- dusõnnetustele ja inimeste põhjustatud õnnetustele kogu Väljaspool ELi piire toimuv võib teinekord ELi kodanike maailmas. EL panustab rahaliselt võetud kliimamuutuse ja jõukust ja turvalisust otseselt mõjutada. Seetõttu on ELi bioloogilise mitmekesisuse alaste rahvusvaheliste kohustus- huvides tegeleda aktiivselt meid ümbritseva maailma mõ- te täitmisesse. 2003. aastal väliskulude vahendeid ratsiona- jutamisega, sh rahalisi vahendeid kasutades. liseeriti ja sellest alates on saavutatud rohkem tulemusi. Komisjon ei leia, et järgmise mitmeaastase finantsraamis- tiku jooksul tuleks õiguslikku struktuuri oluliselt muuta, Lissaboni leping tähistab ELi ja muu maailma suhetes uut kuigi teatavaid väiksemaid parandusi siiski kavandatakse ja algust. Uus ametikoht – kõrge esindaja, kes on ühtlasi ko- investeerimist üldiselt tõhustatakse. misjoni asepresident ja täidab koordineerivat rolli – loodi soovist, et meie suhted rahvusvaheliste partneritega raja- neksid ühtsel ja tõhusal alusel, mis põhineks demokraatia, Selleks et võtta arvesse rahvusvahelisi muutusi, teeb komis- õigusriigi, inimõiguste ja põhivabaduste, inimväärikuse jon ettepaneku suunata arenevate riikide ja tööstusriikide ning võrdsuse ja solidaarsuse põhimõttel ning järgiks Ühi- programmide rahastamise vahendid ümber ja luua selle ase- nenud Rahvaste Organisatsiooni põhikirjas ja rahvusvahe- mel uus partnerlusvahend, et toetada meie majandushuvi- lises õiguses sätestatud põhimõtteid. EL edendab ja kaitseb sid mujal maailmas. See aitaks suurendada ELi ettevõtjate jätkuvalt inimõigusi, demokraatiat ja õigusriigi põhimõt- võimalusi kaubandus- ja õigusnormide lähendamise kaudu teid väljaspool Euroopa Liitu. See on ELi välistegevuse juhtudel, kus rahalised vahendid saavad kaasa aidata ELi ja juures Euroopa väärtushinnangute kaitsel oluline aspekt. muu maailma majandussuhete tugevdamisele. Samuti ai- 504 taks see tagada, et ELi ettevõtjad saavad kasu paljudes maa- ilma paikades toimuvast majanduse ümberkujundamisest, Üks olulisemaid prioriteete on täita 2015. aastaks ELi millega kaasnevad enneolematud võimalused, kuid kus ka ametlikult võetud kohustus eraldada 0,7% SKTst ülemere- konkurents on äärmiselt intensiivne. maade arenguabiks, säilitades selleks mõeldud ELi eelarve osa kogu ELi ühise panusena, ja astudes seega otsustava sammu aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamise suu- Lissaboni lepingus tunnustatakse ELi humanitaarabi kui nas. Arengukoostöö rahastamisvahendi osana luuakse üle- ELi välistegevuse valdkonda kuuluvat iseseisvat poliitikat, aafrikaline vahend, mille abil rakendada Aafrikat käsitlevat mis toob kaasa märkimisväärse lisaväärtuse. Humani- Euroopa ühist strateegiat, milles keskendutakse piirkon- taarabi andmise suhtes kohaldatav sidus, täiendav ja koor- dade- ja kontinentidevahelise tegevusest tulenevale selge- dineeritud ELi strateegia tagab, et nappe vahendeid kasu- le lisaväärtusele. Strateegia on piisavalt paindlik, et selles tatakse tõhusalt kindlaksmääratud vajaduste täitmiseks, ja saaksid osaleda nii ELi liikmesriigid, Aafrika riigid, finants­ toetab tõhusamate rahvusvaheliste humanitaarmeetmete asutused kui ka erasektor. Lisaks keskendutakse arengu- võtmist. Nii loodusõnnetuste kui ka inimeste põhjustatud koostöö rahastamisvahendi puhul vaesuse kaotamisele ja õnnetuste arvu suurenemine ja nende majanduslik mõju aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamisele asjaomastes nõuavad Euroopa tasandil süsteemsete meetmete võtmist, maailma piirkondades. et suurendada valmisolekut ja tugevdada reageerimisvõi- met nii ELis kui ka väljaspool. Komisjon teeb ettepaneku, et kriisidele reageerimine, kriisiennetus ja kriisiohjamine ELi osalus peab vastama konkreetsetele asjaoludele. Meie toimuks humanitaarabi rahastamisvahendi kaudu ning et partnerite hulgas on arenguriike ja vähim arenenud riike, kliimamuutuse tagajärjel aset leidvatele loodusõnnetustele kes vajavad ELilt nende vajadustele vastavalt abi. Vastavalt ja inimeste põhjustatud õnnetustele reageerimiseks kasuta- hiljuti avaldatud Euroopa naabruspoliitika teatisele59 on taks kodanikukaitse mehhanismi. EL huvitatud sellest, et tema naabrusse tekiks pikas pers- pektiivis stabiilne, jõukas ja demokraatlik piirkond. Aja- loolise tähtsusega sündmused Araabia riikides näitavad, Komisjon usub, et teatavate sisepoliitikavaldkondade, et selgelt nii meie kui ka nende huvides olevate muutuste nagu hariduse ja rände puhul tuleks rahastamisvahendeid toetuseks on vajalikud püsivad investeeringud. EL tõhus- kasutada ka selleks, et toetada kolmandates riikides raken- tab oma tegevust kriiside ärahoidmisel, et säilitada rahu ja datavaid meetmeid, sest asjaomase strateegia lihtsustamine tugevdada rahvusvahelist julgeolekut. ja ratsionaliseerimine toovad ilmselget kasu.

Meie vahenditega saaks hõlbustada ka ELi-poolset kol- mandate riikide kaasamist selliste ühist huvi pakkuvate kü- simuste arutamiseks nagu kliimamuutus, keskkonnakaitse, ebaseaduslik ränne ja teatavate piirkondade ebastabiilsus,

59 KOM (2011) 303. Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve

teadusprojektide edaspidiseks rahastamiseks alternatiivse Komisjon teeb ettepaneku eraldada välisabi vahen- ettepaneku, eristades Galileo projekti muudest projektidest. dite jaoks 2014.–2020. aastaks 70 miljardit eurot. EL on Galileo projekti ainus omanik ja komisjon teeb et- Väljaspool finantsraamistikku nähakse ette: tepaneku näha käesoleva paketi raames ette piisav eelarve selle tulevaste vajaduste jaoks. Kulude kontrolli all hoidmi- • Euroopa Arengufond (AKV riigid) – 30 miljardit seks tuleb pidevalt pingutada. See tagatakse mitmeaastase eurot, finantsraamistiku kehtestamise määrusega. Projekti täieli- ku kasutuselevõtu etapp ja rakendusetapp tuleks saavutada • Euroopa Arengufond (ülemeremaad ja järgmise finantsraamistiku alguseks. Edasi tuleks ette näha -territooriumid) – 321 miljardit eurot, uus halduskord, pidades silmas pikemat perspektiivi. • ülemaailmne kliima- ja elurikkuse fond, Selliste projektide nagu rahvusvahelise katsetermotuu- • hädaabireserv – 2,5 miljardit eurot. mareaktori ja ülemaailmse keskkonna- ja turvaseire puhul, mille kulud ja/või ülekulud on üksnes ELi eelarvest rahas- tamiseks liiga suured, teeb komisjon ettepaneku näha pä- 5.8. Eristaatusega kuluartiklid rast 2013. aastat nende rahastamine ette väljaspool mitme- aastast finantsraamistikku. See võimaldab ELil ka edaspidi ELi nimel või ELi poliitika raames rakendatavate meetme- oma rahvusvahelisi kohustusi täielikult täita. te rahastamiseks on erinevaid võimalusi. Mitmel põhjusel 505 rahastatakse teatavaid meetmeid erinevate eelarvekriteeriu- mide alusel või üksnes mõne liikmesriigi poolt. Käesolevas 6. Vahendid ja rakendamine ettepanekus mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku kohta juhib komisjon tähelepanu mitmele eristaatusega kuluartiklile. 6.1. Lihtsustamine rakendamise 5.8.1. Euroopa Arengufond tõhustamise huvides Euroopa Arengufondist rahastatakse arenguriikidest part- ELi programmide rakendamise menetlused ja kontrollimi- neritele antavat arenguabi. Arengufondi on tavapäraselt se nõuded peavad olema aruandluse tagamiseks tõhusad, rahastatud väljaspool ELi eelarvet, et võtta arvesse aja- kuid ka kulutõhusad. Viimaste aastate muudatused on loolise taustaga suhteid, mis teatavatel liikmesriikidel on välja kujundanud süsteemi, mida nüüd peetakse liiga kee- maailma eri piirkondadega. Komisjon on seisukohal, et rukaks, mis mõjutab sageli negatiivselt programmide ra- praeguses olukorras, kus Cotonou lepingu (mille alusel an- kendamises osalemist ja toob kaasa viivitusi rakendamisel. takse Euroopa Arengufondist abi AKV riikidele) kehtivus Sellest tulenevalt on komisjon otsustanud teha ettepaneku lõpeb 2020. aastal, ei ole Euroopa Arengufondi eelarvesse kogu tulevase mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku radikaalseks kaasamise eeldused veel täidetud. Et jätta võimalus fond lihtsustamiseks. Sellega seoses on oluline, et kõigi vald- siiski kunagi eelarvesse kaasata, kaalub komisjon ettepane- kondlike programmide tulevaste õiguslike alustega oleks ku tegemist Euroopa Arengufondi rahalise toetuse kritee- võimalik tagada tasakaal poliitikaeesmärkide, nende saa- riumide lähendamiseks ELi eelarve puhul kasutatavatele. vutamise vahendite ning haldus- ja kontrollikulude vahel. See aitaks ka arenguabiks eraldatavaid absoluutsummasid Poliitikaeesmärkide saavutamise tingimuste kehtestamisel nähtavamaks muuta. Samuti tehakse ettepanek paranda- tuleb arvestada kulutõhusust, tagades samal ajal selged abi- da demokraatlikku järelevalvet Euroopa Arengufondi üle, kõlblikkuse ja vastutuse tingimused ja piisava kontrollita- viies see vastavusse arengukoostöö rahastamisvahendiga, seme, mis hoiaks vigade tegemise ja pettuseohu mõistlike kuid võttes siiski arvesse Arengufondi eripära. kuludega mõistlikul tasemel.

5.8.2. Suurprojektid ELi vahendite kasutamise lihtsustamine nõuab kõigi ins- titutsioonide ühiseid pingutusi. Nad peavad üle vaatama Varasemate aastate kogemus on näidanud, et ELile huvi nii finantsmääruse üldeeskirjad kui ka ettevalmistamisel pakkuvad suurprojektid on ELi piiratud eelarve seisuko- olevad valdkondlikud eeskirjad. ELi tasandil võetavad hast sageli ebaproportsionaalselt kulukad. Kuna oma erilise lihtsustamismeetmed ei pääse täielikult mõjule, kui nen- laadi tõttu ületavad need tihtipeale algsed kuluprognoo- dega ei kaasne liikmesriigi tasandi meetmed, näiteks eelar- sid, tekitab vajadus leida lisaraha vajaduse ümber paigu- ve täitmisel koostöös liikmesriikidega. Komisjon avaldab tada vahendid, mis on juba ette nähtud muudele priori- lihtsustamist käsitleva teatise 2011. aasta lõpuks, kui kõik teetsetele valdkondadele. See ei ole jätkusuutlik lahendus, valdkondliku ettepanekud on esitatud.. mistõttu komisjon on otsustanud teha suuremahuliste EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

6.1.1. Programmide arvu vähendamine 6.1.3. Delegeerimine Selle eesmärgi saavutamiseks tuleb esmalt vähendada eri Komisjon teeb ka ettepaneku kasutada rohkem olemasole- programmide ja vahendite arvu. Mitut eesmärki on võima- vaid rakendusasutusi. Nagu kontrollikoda on kinnitanud, lik saavutada ka nende täitmiseks vajalike vahendite arvu on nende teenuste osutamine kvaliteetne ja nad paranda- tarbetu mitmekordistamiseta ja ilma suurte erinevusteta vad ELi tegevuse nähtavust. Eriti oluline on rakendusasu- programmide halduseeskirjade vahel. Komplekssed prog- tuste kasutamine nende käimasolevate väikeprogrammide rammid, mis ei ole olnud edukad, kavandatakse ümber jätkamiseks, mille rakendamine ei ole delegeeritud ja mis lihtsamas ja tõhusamas vormis või lõpetatakse. Sellist te- hõlmavad suurt hulka homogeenseid ja standardseid toi- gevusviisi kavatsetakse kohaldada teatavates valdkondades: minguid, sest nad saavutavad seetõttu mastaabisäästu. See merendus- ja kalandusasjad, õigus- ja siseküsimused, põhi- ei tähenda uute rakendusametite loomist, vaid vajaduse õigused, haridus ja kultuur. korral olemasolevate ametite volituste ülevaatamist. Seda võimalust kasutatakse näiteks haridus- ja kultuuriprogram- 6.1.2. Eri vahendite koondamine ühte mi ettepanekute puhul. raamistikku 6.1.4. Muude poliitikavaldkondade Teine võimalus programmide haldamist lihtsustada on prioriteetidega arvestamine koondada need ühte raamistikku, kus neid reguleeritaks ühiste eeskirjadega ja millest erandite tegemise võimalus Teatavates poliitikavaldkondades – sealhulgas kliima- oleks piiratud. Näiteks: meetmed, keskkond, tarbijakaitse, tervishoid ja põhi- 506 õigused – tuleb eesmärkide saavutamiseks arvestada ka • komisjon teeb ettepaneku koondada teadustegevuse teiste poliitikavaldkondade prioriteetidega. Näiteks tuleb ja innovatsiooni valdkonna kolm peamist kliimameetmete ja keskkonnakaitse eesmärke arvesse võt- rahastamisallikat (käimasolev 7. raamprogramm, ta ka muude vahendite puhul, et aidata arendada vähese

konkurentsivõime ja uuendustegevuse programmi CO2-heitega, ressursitõhus ja kliimamuutustele vastupa- innovatsioonisektor ning Euroopa Innovatsiooni- ja nuvõimelist majandust, milles luuakse rohkem keskkon- Tehnoloogiainstituut) teadustegevuse ja innovatsiooni nahoidlikke töökohti, tugevdatakse energiajulgeolekut ja ühisesse strateegilisse raamistikku; edendatakse tervishoidu. Arengukoostöö valdkonnas ar- vestatakse kliima ja keskkonna ning eelkõige elurikkusega • fondid, mille puhul eelarve täitmine toimub koostöös (bioloogilise mitmekesisusega) seotud aspektidega kõigis liikmesriikidega – ühine strateegiline raamistik programmides, kus see on asjakohane. hõlmab Euroopa Regionaalarengu Fondi, Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi, Ühtekuuluvusfondi, Maaelu Arengu Sellest tulenevalt suurendab kõigi olulisemate ELi poliiti- Euroopa Põllumajandusfondi ja tulevast Euroopa kavaldkondade (nagu ühtekuuluvus, teadustegevus ja in- Kalandus- ja Merendusfondi, asendades praeguse tava novatsioon, põllumajandus ja väliskoostöö) prioriteetide luua eri vahendite jaoks eraldi strateegilised suunised. tõhus vastastikune integreerimine ELi eelarve asjaomast osa. Kuna ühe ja sama meetmega saab ja ka tuleks taotle- da eri eesmärkide üheaegset saavutamist, edendab selline integreerimine koostoimet eri prioriteetide vahendite ka- sutamisel ja toob kaasa kulude kandmise suurema järje­ pidevuse ja kulutõhususe.

6.1.5. Tõhusam haldamine Halduskulud moodustavad praegu ELi kuludest 5,7%. Halduskulude eelarvest rahastatakse kõiki ELi institut- sioone: Euroopa Parlamenti (20%), Euroopa Ülemkogu ja nõukogu (7%), komisjoni (40%) ning väiksemaid institut- sioone ja asutusi (15%). Komisjon on omalt poolt teinud viimase kümne aasta jooksul jõupingutusi, et reformida inim- ja eelarveressursside haldamist ja tagada nende tõ- husam kasutamine. Juba ainuüksi 2004. aasta reform on alates 2004. aastast kaasa toonud 3 miljardi euro suuruse säästu ja reformiprotsessi edenedes säästetakse kuni aasta- ni 2020 veel 5 miljardit eurot. Kuna komisjon on võtnud Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia aluseks olev eelarve kohustuse piirata ELi poliitika haldamise kulusid, on ta vahend põllumajanduse kriisiolukordadele reageerimiseks) alates 2007. aastast järginud inimressursside vallas nn null- ning lisaks mõned täiendavad muudatused, mis esitatakse kasvu põhimõtet. mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku määruse ettepanekule lisa- tud ettepanekutes ja uues institutsioonidevahelises kokku- Komisjon teeb ettepaneku ELi institutsioonide ja asutuste leppes, mis käsitleb eelarvealast koostööd ja usaldusväärset haldamist veelgi lihtsustada ja ratsionaliseerida ning muuta finantsjuhtimist. Lisaks tehakse eri vahendite tulevastes see kooskõlas Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkidega modern- õiguslikes alustes ettepanek kasutada rohkem delegeeritud semaks, tõhusamaks ja dünaamilisemaks. Olles teadlik sur- õigusakte, mis võimaldavad poliitikat rahastamisperioodi vest liikmesriikide eelarvetele ja võttes arvesse liikmesriiki- jooksul paindlikumalt hallata, pidades ühtlasi kinni kahe de avaliku sektori kulude kärpimist, on komisjon vaadanud seadusandliku institutsiooni põhimõttest. läbi kõikide institutsioonide kulud, et leida täiendavaid allikaid tegevuse tõhustamiseks ja kulude vähendamiseks. Kindlasti tuleb programmide haldamisel võtta rohkem ar- Ta on teinud ettepaneku vähendada järgmise mitmeaastase vesse vajadust tulevasi kulusid täpsemalt planeerida ning finantsraamistiku osana iga institutsiooni/talituse, ameti ja vältida tulevikus tehtavate maksete kuhjumist. Seepärast asutuse personali suurust 5%. Koos muude tõhustamis- teeb komisjon ettepaneku meetmete kohta, millega taga- meetmetega hoiab see järgmise mitmeaastase finantsraa- da ELi rahastatavate programmide finantsplaneerimise ja mistiku halduskulude osakaalu miinimumtasemel. haldamise rangemad eeskirjad, eelkõige seoses struktuu- rifondidega, võttes ühtlasi arvesse liikmesriikide vastutust Komisjon ei oota uue mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku kõnealuste fondide haldamisel. jõustumist 2014. aastal, vaid on otsustanud teha ettepane- 507 ku ELi institutsioonide teenistujate suhtes kohaldatavaid personalieeskirju märkimisväärselt muuta. Muudatuste 8. Kokkuvõte hulka kuuluvad uus töötasude kohandamise arvutamise meetod, töötundide arvu suurendamine (37,5 tunnilt 40 Komisjon teeb käesolevale teatisele lisatud dokumentides tunnile nädalas) ilma palgatõusuta, pensioniea tõstmine ja ettepaneku määruse kohta, millega võetakse vastu uus teatavate ajast ja arust tingimuste kaasajastamine kooskõlas mitmeaastane finantsraamistik, institutsioonidevahelise samalaadsete suundumustega liikmesriikide riigiaparaadis. kokkuleppe kohta, mis käsitleb eelarveküsimusi ja usal- Komisjon valmistab ette määruse eelnõu, mida esmalt aru- dusväärset finantsjuhtimist, ning omavahendeid käsitleva tatakse tavapärase sotsiaaldialoogi raames personali esinda- otsuse kohta (koos asjakohaste rakendusaktidega). jatega ja mis seejärel esitatakse ametlikult võimalikult kii- reks vastuvõtmiseks Euroopa Parlamendile ja nõukogule.. Enne 2011. aasta lõppu nähakse käesolevas teatises kavan- datud strateegia üksikasjalikult ette seadusandlikes ette- panekutes kuluprogrammide ja eri poliitikavaldkondade 7. Mitmeaastase vahendite kohta. finantsraamistiku kestus, Euroopa Parlamenti ja nõukogu kutsutakse üles toetama struktuur ja paindlikkus käesolevas teatises käsitletud tegevussuundi ja võtma läbi- rääkimisprotsessis vajalikke meetmeid, tagamaks, et asja- Võttes arvesse Euroopa Parlamendi seisukohta, on ko- omased seadusandlikud aktid, sealhulgas valdkondlikud misjon otsustanud näha järgmise mitmeaastase finants- kuluprogrammid ja vahendid, võetakse vastu õigeaegselt, raamistiku kestuseks ette seitse aastat. See tugevdab seost et võimaldada uue mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku suju- Euroopa 2020. aasta eesmärkide õigeaegse saavutamisega. vat rakendamist alates 1. jaanuarist 2014. Kui Horvaatia 2016. aastal esitab komisjon finantsraamistiku rakendami- Vabariigist saab Euroopa Liidu liikmesriik enne uue mit- se hinnangu, vajadusel koos asjakohaste ettepanekutega. meaastase finantsraamistiku jõustumist (nagu eeldatakse), Komisjon teeb ettepaneku korraldada 2007.–2013. aas- teeb komisjon ettepaneku kõnealuse raamistiku vajaliku ta raamistiku rubriigid ümber, et võtta arvesse Euroopa kohandamise kohta. 2020. aasta strateegia eesmärke.

Komisjon on nõus Euroopa Parlamendiga, et eelarverub- riigid peavad olema paindlikumad, et Euroopa Liit saaks lahendada uusi probleeme ja et hõlbustada institutsiooni- del otsuste tegemist. Seepärast teeb komisjon ettepaneku viie väljaspoole finantsraamistikku jääva vahendi kohta (hädaabireserv, paindlikkusinstrument, solidaarsusfond, Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa Fond ja uus

Muutuste kava ELi arengupoliitika mõju suurendamiseks

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE NING REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE BRÜSSEL, 13. OKTOOBER 2011 KOM(2011) 637

1. Vaesuse vähendamine kiiresti on küll oluline, kuid sellest üksi ei piisa. Sellest tuleb teha kaks järeldust: esiteks, et areng, demokraatia, inimõigu- 509 muutuvas maailmas sed, hea valitsemistava ja julgeolek on üksteisest lahuta- matud, ja teiseks, et ühiskondade üks peaülesandeid on Euroopa Liit on jõudnud otsustavasse pöördepunkti: ta pakkuda noortele tulevikuväljavaateid. seisab silmitsi uute üleilmsete probleemidega, läheneb 2015. aasta, mil tuleb täita aastatuhande arengueesmärgid, ELi arengupoliitika kujundamisel tuleb arvesse võtta aren- ja lisaks on alanud uue mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku gumaade vaheliste erinevuste suurenemist. Viimastel aas- väljatöötamine. Seoses sellega tuleb ELil leida sobiv polii- tatel on mitmed partnerriigid ise saanud abi andvateks tika, vahendid ja ressursid, mis võimaldaksid tal tõhusalt riikideks, kuid teistes on ebakindlus veelgi süvenenud. ja tulemuslikult võidelda vaesusega, pidades silmas säästva Nüüd peab EL leidma uusi viise nendega koostöö tege- arengu eesmärke. Seetõttu esitab komisjon muutuste kava, miseks ja nende kaasamiseks rahvusvahelisse arengualasesse mille eesmärk on suurendada Euroopa solidaarsust vaesu- tegevusse. sega võitlevate arenguriikidega. Lisaks ei ole ELil veel ammendanud kõiki võimalusi koos- Lissaboni lepingu kohaselt on ELi välistegevuse prioritee- töö tihendamiseks erasektori, sihtasutuste, kodanikuühis- diks ja arengupoliitika peaeesmärgiks arengumaade toe- konna organisatsioonide ning kohalike ja piirkondlike tamine nende võitluses vaesuse vastu, pidades silmas, et ametiasutustega. maailma muutmine stabiilseks ja õitsvaks on ELi huvides. Arengupoliitika aitab lahendada ka muid ülemaailmseid Mis puutub tegevusse liidu tasandil, siis Lissaboni lepingu probleeme ja on kooskõlas Euroopa 2020. aasta strateegia alusel on arengupoliitika leidnud kindla koha ELi väliste- eesmärkidega. gevuses. Kõrge esindaja / komisjoni asepresidendi ameti- koha ja teda abistava Euroopa välisteenistuse loomine on EL on juba teinud küllaltki palju vaesuse vähendamise, avardanud võimalusi suurendada arengukoostöö tulemus- eriti aga aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamise likkust ja poliitika sidusust. nimel, kuid mitmest maailma piirkonnast ei ole äärmine vaesus veel kadunud. Paljud arengumaad on muutunud Euroopa Liit ei ole pelgalt Euroopa 28. abiandja. Komis- toimunud üleilmsete vapustuste tulemusena kaitsetuks. joni kaudu antakse 20% ELi tasandil osutatavast abist ning Maailma elanikkond kasvab jätkuvalt ja seetõttu on vaja komisjon vastutab ka tegevuse kooskõlastamise, abi andja- lahendada ülemaailmseid probleeme konfliktide vältimise, te vahelise suhtluse korraldamise ja poliitika kujundamise julgeoleku, keskkonnakaitse ja kliimamuutuse valdkonnas eest. EL on arengumaade majandus- ja kaubanduspartner. ning suurendada ülemaailmseid avalikke hüvesid sellistes Seetõttu avaldab tema eestvedamisel toimuv poliitiline valdkondades nagu toiduga kindlustatus, vee ja sanitaarva- dialoog ja tema poliitika julgeoleku, aga ka kaubanduse, hendite kättesaadavus, energiavarustuse kindlus ja ränne. põllumajanduse, kalanduse, keskkonna, kliima, energia ja rände valdkonnas arengumaadele suurt mõju. Komisjonil Põhja-Aafrika ja Lähis-Ida rahvaliikumine on näidanud, et tuleb selle mitmekülgse rolli täitmisel leida iga partner- edu saavutamine aastatuhande arengueesmärkide täitmisel riigi oludele vastav meetmete kombinatsioon. Parimate EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tulemuste saavutamiseks ja ELi nähtavuse suurendamiseks • suurendatakse investeerimist kaasavat ja jätkusuutlikku tuleb ELil ja selle liikmesriikidel rääkida ühel häälel ja te- majanduskasvu soodustavatesse teguritesse, et rajada gutseda üksmeelselt. vaesuse vähendamise alase tegevuse alusmüür; • senisest suhteliselt rohkem kasutatakse ELi abi Kuna majanduse ja eelarve seis on raske, on veelgi olulisem andmiseks uuenduslikke rahastamisvahendeid, näiteks tagada, et abi kasutatakse tõhusalt, et abi tulemused on ühendades toetusi laenudega; optimaalsed ja et abi kasutatakse täiendava rahastamise kaasamiseks. • aidatakse vähendada arengumaade vastuvõtlikkust ülemaailmsetele muutustele (nagu kliimamuutus, Uut konteksti silmas pidades algatas komisjon 2010. aastal ökosüsteemi ja loodusvarade seisundi halvenemine konsultatsioonid ELi arengupoliitika teemal60. Selle käigus ning energia ja põllumajandustoodete hindade tõus), leiti, et poliitiline raamistik vastab vajadustele, kuid suu- suunates investeeringud säästvasse põllumajandusse ja rendada tuleb selle mõju. energeetikasse; • lahendatakse julgeoleku, olukorra ebakindluse ja Muudatusi tuleb teha mitmes valdkonnas. Eeskätt tuleb üleminekuga seotud probleeme; ELil oma tegevus suunata neile partnerriikidele, kus koos- töö mõju on suurim, ja toetada arengukoostöö raames: • ELi ja liikmesriikide ühisstrateegiaid koostatakse partnerriikide endi arengustrateegiate alusel ja • inimõigusi, demokraatiat ja muid hea valitsemistava määratakse kindlaks tööjaotus valdkondade kaupa; 510 aluseid; • luuakse ELi ühine raamistik aruannete esitamiseks • kaasava ja jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu rakendamist tulemuste kohta; inimarengu teenistusse. • parandatakse poliitikavaldkondade sidusust Selleks et tagada parim kvaliteedi ja hinna suhe, tuleks eel- arenguabi eesmärkidega, sealhulgas algatades uusi nevale lisada: teemaprogramme, mis võimaldavad luua sünergiat üleilmsete huvide ja vaesuse vähendamise alase tegevuse vahel. • arengupartnerluse diferentseerimine; Muutuste kava eesmärk ei ole muuta poliitika aluspõhi- • ELi tegevuse koordineerimine; mõtteid. Euroopa arengukonsensuses61 sätestatud peaees- • ELi poliitikavaldkondade vahelise sidususe märki – vaesuse kaotamine säästva arengu raames – ei parandamine. kärbita. Püsima jäävad ELi kohustused arengu rahasta- mise, aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamise ja abi Komisjon teeb ettepaneku võtta vastu muutuste tegemise tõhususe valdkonnas, samuti eesmärk jääda poliitika suu- kava, mille tulemusel: najaks ja üheks suurimaks abiandjaks.

• suurendatakse punktides 2 ja 3 osutatud poliitilistele Vastavalt omavastutuse ja partnerluse põhimõtetele suu- prioriteetidele vastavate ELi riiklike ja piirkondlike navad ELi arengukoostööd ka tulevikus partnerriigi ju- koostööprogrammide osatähtsust; hitavad arengustrateegiad. ELi eesmärk on suurendada • EL keskendab oma tegevuse igas riigis kuni kolmele vastastikuseid kohustusi oma partnerriikidega, sealhulgas valdkonnale; rakendades ühisvastutust tulemuste eest. ELi sekkumise koht ja viis tuleks kindlaks määrata abiandjate koordinee- • suurendatakse ELi abi mahtu ja osatähtsust riikides, ritud raamistikus riikidega peetava dialoogi käigus. Tõhus- kus puudus on kõige suurem ja kus EL saab avaldada tatakse koostööd mitmepoolse süsteemi raames. tegelikku mõju, sealhulgas ebakindlates riikides; • riigi tasandil kasutatava vahendite kombinatsiooni ja abiandmise viisi kindlaksmääramisel lähtutakse senisest 2. Inimõigused, demokraatia enam inimõiguste, demokraatia ja hea valitsemistava ja muud hea valitsemistava suundumistest riigis; alused • sotsiaalse kaasatuse ja inimarengu toetuseks eraldatakse endiselt vähemalt 20% ELi antavast abist; Hea valitsemistava poliitika, majanduse, sotsiaal- ja keskkonna valdkonnas on kaasava ja säästva arengu

60 KOM(2010) 629, http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/ public-consultations/5241_en.htm. 61 2006/C 46/01. MUUTUSTE KAVA ELi ARENGUPOLIITIKA MÕJU SUURENDAMISEKS seisukohalt määrav. EL peaks iga partnerluse puhul suu- rahuloojad63 ning nende õigused tuleb süvalaiendada rendama toetust heale valitsemistavale, stimuleerides tu- ELi arengupoliitikasse ja programmidesse 2010. aasta lemustele suunatud reformide läbiviimist, keskendumist soolise võrdõiguslikkuse tegevuskava kaudu. partnerite kohustustele järgida inimõiguste, demokraatia • Avaliku sektori teenuste parandamine. EL peaks ja õigusriigi põhimõtteid ning rahva nõudmiste ja vajadus- toetama riiklikke programme, millega parandatakse te täitmist. poliitika kujundamist, riigi rahanduse juhtimist, sealhulgas auditi-, kontrolli- ja pettustevastase võitluse Kuna pikaajalist edu on võimalik saavutada üksnes juhul, asutuste ja meetmete loomist ja tugevdamist ning kui muutusi teostavad sisemised jõud, võetakse kasutuse- institutsionaalset arengut, sh inimressursi juhtimist. le lähenemisviis, mis põhineb poliitilisel ja valdkondlikul Eriti tähtis on sisereformide teostamine ja vaeseid Abimeetmete kombinat- dialoogil kõigi sidusrühmadega. toetava eelarvepoliitika loomine. sioon ja abi suurus sõltuvad riigi olukorrast, sealhulgas selle võimest viia läbi reforme. • Maksupoliitika ja -haldus. EL jätkab õiglaste ja läbipaistvate riiklike maksusüsteemide loomise Valitsustava parandamiseks võidakse toetust anda prog- toetamist oma riiklikes programmides kooskõlas rammide raames, samuti käivitades projekte kohaliku, ELi maksunduse valdkonna hea valitsemistava riikliku ja valdkondliku tasandi osalejate ja protsesside toe- põhimõtetega. Ta toetab ka rahvusvahelisi algatusi ja tamiseks. ELi üldeelarvest antav toetus tuleks siduda valit- riikide kaupa aruannete koostamist finantsläbipaistvuse semistava ning partnerriigiga peetava poliitilise dialoogi parandamiseks. olukorraga 62 511 . Toetus tuleks kooskõlastada liikmesriikidega . • Korruptsioon. EL peaks aitama oma partnerriikidel võidelda korruptsiooniga vastavalt valitsemistava Kui riik ei täida oma kohustusi inimõiguste ja demo- programmidele, millega toetatakse selgitustööd, kraatia valdkonnas, peaks EL tugevdama oma koostööd teadlikkuse suurendamist ja aruandlust ning valitsusväliste osalejate ja kohalike omavalitsustega ning suurendatakse kontrolli- ja järelevalveasutuste ja kasutama selliseid abivorme, mis võimaldavad anda vaes- kohtute suutlikkust. tele vajalikku abi. Samal ajal peaks EL säilitama dialoogi liikmesriikide valitsuste ja valitsusväliste osalejatega. Mõ- • Kodanikuühiskond ja kohalikud ametiasutused. nel juhul võib olla põhjendatud rangemate tingimuste EL peaks „struktureeritud dialoogile”64 tuginedes esitamine. tugevdama sidemeid kodanikuühiskonna organisatsioonide, sotsiaalpartnerite ja kohalike Keskendumine tulemuste ja vastastikusele vastutusele ei ametiasutustega, pidades nendega korrapärast dialoogi tähenda, et EL ei pööraks tähelepanu ebakindla olukorraga ja rakendades head tava. Ta peaks toetama kohalike riikidele, kus tulemused ilmnevad aeglasemalt ja neid on kodanikuühiskonna organisatsioonide loomist, kes raskem mõõta. EL peaks püüdma osutada abi ebakindla suudavad teostada ühiskondlikku järelevalvet ja pidada olukorraga riikidele, aidates neil luua toimivaid ja oma te- dialoogi riikide valitsusasutustega. ELil tuleb kaaluda, gevuse eest vastutavaid institutsioone, mis suudavad osu- kuidas kaasata kohalike ametiasutuste erialaseid tada põhiteenuseid ja toetada vaesuse vähendamist. Kõne- teadmisi näiteks tippkeskuste võrgustike ja mestimise alustele riikidele eelarvetoetuse andmise otsused tehakse kaudu. iga üksikjuhtumi puhul eraldi, kaaludes oodatavat kasu, • Loodusvarad. EL peaks suurendama oma abi kulusid ja ohte. järelevalveprotsessidele ja -asutustele ning toetama haldusreforme eesmärgiga edendada loodusvarade ELi meetmed peaksid keskenduma järgmisele: (sealhulgas tooraine ja mereressursside) ning ökosüsteemi teenuste säästvat ja läbipaistvat • Demokraatia, inimõigused ja õigusriik. EL peaks majandamist, pöörates erilist tähelepanu vaestele, eriti jätkuvalt toetama partnerriikide demokratiseerimist, põllumajanduslikele väiketootjatele, kes neist sõltuvad. vabade ja õiglaste valimiste korraldamist, • Arengu ja julgeoleku vaheline seos. EL peaks tagama, institutsioonide toimimist, meedia vabadust ja et tema eesmärgid arengupoliitika, rahu tagamise, interneti kättesaadavust, vähemuste kaitset, õigusriiki ja konfliktide ennetamine ja rahvusvahelise julgeoleku kohtusüsteemi. (sealhulgas küberjulgeoleku) alal täiendaksid üksteist. • Meeste ja naiste võrdõiguslikkus ja naiste mõjuvõimu Tal tuleb välja töötada ja rakendada nõutavad suurendamine. Naised on arengule kaasaaitajad ja

63 SEK(2010) 265 (lõplik). 64 Vt http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/who/partners/civil-society/ 62 KOM(2011) 638. structured-dialogue_en.htm. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tegevuskavad: julgeoleku ja arengu tegevuskava ning • valdkondadele, mis eriti tugevalt soodustavad ebakindlaid olukordi käsitlev tegevuskava 65. arengumaade majanduse arengut ja aitavad edendada keskkonnakaitset, kliimamuutuste ennetamist ja kliimamuutusega kohandumist, eelkõige säästvale 3. Kaasava ja jätkusuutliku põllumajandusele ja energeetikale. majanduskasvu rakendamine 3.1. Sotsiaalkaitse, tervishoid, haridus ja inimarengu teenistusse töökohad

Kaasav ja jätkusuutlik majanduskasv on pikaajalise vaesuse EL peaks käsitama inimarengu mõistet laiemalt, nii et see vähendamise seisukohalt kõige tähtsamad. Sama tähtis kui hõlmaks tervet ja haritud elanikkonda, inimestele tööturu kasvu kiirus on ka kasvu laad. Seda silmas pidades peaks vajadustele vastavate oskuste andmist, sotsiaalkaitse aren- EL edendama kaasavat majanduskasvu, mille puhul ini- damist ja võrdsete võimaluste edendamist. mestel on võimalik osaleda rikkuse suurendamises ja uute töökohtade loomises ning sellest kasu saada . Kõige täht- EL peaks toetama valdkondlikke reforme, mis parandavad sam on edendada inimväärsete töökohtade loomist; taga- juurdepääsu kvaliteetsetele tervishoiu- ja haridusteenustele da õigus tööle ning edendada sotsiaalkaitset ja sotsiaalset ning suurendavad kohaliku tasandi suutlikkust paremini dialoogi. reageerida üleilmsetele probleemidele. Seejuures peaks EL kasutama kõiki oma toetuse andmise vahendeid, eelkõige 512 Areng, mis kahjustab keskkonda, bioloogilist mitmeke- valdkondliku reformi lepinguid, koos tihedama valdkond- sisust ja loodusvarasid ning suurendab vastuvõtlikkust liku dialoogiga. loodusõnnetuste suhtes või kaitsetust nende ees, ei ole jätkusuutlik. ELi poliitika peaks edendama keskkonna- EL peaks toetama tervishoiusüsteemide arendamist ja tu- hoidlikku majandust, mis aitab kiirendada majanduskas- gevdamist ning aitama vähendada tervishoiuteenuste kätte- vu, luua töökohti ja vähendada vaesust ning mille puhul 66 saadavuse alast ebavõrdsust, suurendada poliitilist sidusust väärtustatakse looduskapitali ja investeeritakse sellesse . ja kaitset ülemaailmsete terviseohtude eest, et kogu elanik- Muu hulgas tuleks toetada puhtamate tehnoloogiate või- kond saaks osa rahva tervise parandamise tulemustest. malusi turul läbi lüüa, energia- ja ressursitõhusust ja ma- dala süsinikdioksiidiheitega arengut, soodustada innovat- EL peaks suurendama toetust kvaliteetsele haridusele, et siooni ja IKT kasutamist ning vähendada loodusvarade anda noortele teadmised ja oskused, mida on vaja areneva jätkusuutmatut kasutamisest. Samuti peaks ELi poliitika ühiskonna aktiivseks liikmeks saamiseks. EL peaks suut- aitama parandada arengumaade võimet toime tulla kliima- likkuse suurendamise ning teadmiste vahetamise kaudu muutuse tagajärgedega. toetama kutsekoolitust, et suurendada konkurentsivõimet tööturul ning võimet teostada uuringuid ja kasutada nen- Avaliku sektori osalejatel tuleb luua partnerlusi eraettevõ- de tulemusi. tetega, kohalike omavalitsuste ja kodanikuühiskonna orga- nisatsioonidega. Ettevõtjate sotsiaalse vastutuse suurenda- EL peaks toetama inimväärse töö tegevuskava ning sot- mine rahvusvahelisel ja riiklikul tasandil võib aidata vältida siaalkaitse süsteeme ja minimaalse sotsiaalkaitse algatust järeleandmiste tegemist inimõiguste ning rahvusvaheliste ning teotama poliitikat, millega soodustatakse tööjõu piir- sotsiaal- ja keskkonnanõuete valdkonnas ning edendada kondlikku liikuvust. EL toetab sihtotstarbelisi jõupingu- vastutustundlikku ettevõtlust kooskõlas rahvusvaheliselt tusi, mida tehakse rände, liikuvuse ja tööhõive vaheliste tunnustatud õigusaktidega. seoste täielikuks ärakasutamiseks. Kaasava ja jätkusuutlikku kasvu toetamiseks peaks EL keskenduma: 3.2. Ettevõtluskeskkond, piirkondlik integratsioon ja ülemaailmsed • valdkondadele, millele majanduskasv toetub ja turud mis aitavad tagada, et kasv on kaasav, eelkõige sotsiaalkaitse, tervishoiu ja hariduse valdkonnale; Majanduskasvu jaoks peab ettevõtluskeskkond olema soodne. EL peaks toetama kohaliku erasektori konku- • kaasavat ja jätkusuutlikku arengut soodustavatele rentsivõimet, sealhulgas kohalike asutuste ja ettevõtja- ettevõtluskeskkonna parandamisele teguritele, eelkõige te suutlikkuse suurendamist, VKEde ja kooperatiivide ja piirkondlikku integratsiooni edendamisele; edendamist, õigus- ja haldusnormide reformimist ja re- formide jõustamist (sealhulgas elektroonilise side kasuta- 65 Nõukogu järeldused 14919/07 ja 15118/07. mist vahendina, millega toetatakse majanduskasvu kõigis 66 KOM(2011) 363 (lõplik). MUUTUSTE KAVA ELi ARENGUPOLIITIKA MÕJU SUURENDAMISEKS valdkondades), juurdepääsu hõlbustamist äri- ja finants- võimalusi kasutada maad, toitu, vett ja energiat ilma kesk- teenustele ning põllumajandus-, tööstus- ja uuendustege- konda kahjustamata. vuspoliitika edendamist. See võimaldab ka arengumaadel, eriti kõige vaesematel riikidel kasutada ära võimalusi, mida Põllumajanduse valdkonnas peaks EL toetama jätkusuut- pakuvad üleilmselt integreeritud turud. Sellealasele tege- likkust, sealhulgas ökosüsteemiteenuste toimimise taga- vusele lisaks tuleb osutada tõhusamat ja sihipärasemat kau- mist, eelistades kohalikke tavasid ja keskendudes väikepõl- bandusabi ja hõlbustada kaubandust. lundusele ja maapiirkondade tuluallikate edendamisele, tootjate ühenduste ning tarne- ja turustusahela loomisele, Samamoodi on arengumaades edu seisukohalt eriline täht- samuti toetades valitsuse tegevust erasektori vastutustund- sus piisava arvu kodu- ja välismaiste erainvestorite kaasa- like investeeringute edendamiseks. EL jätkab tegevust toi- misel ja infrastruktuuri parandamisel. EL peaks kasutuse- tumisalaste nõuete tugevdamiseks, toiduga kindlustatuse le võtma uusi erasektori kaasamise viise, eelkõige aidates parandamiseks ja toiduainete hinna volatiilsuse vähenda- võimendada erasektori tegevust ja vahendeid avalike hü- miseks rahvusvahelisel tasandil. vede loomiseks. Avaliku ja erasektori partnerluse edenda- miseks ja erasektoripoolsete investeeringute edendamiseks Energeetika edendamiseks tuleb ELil pakkuda oma teh- tuleb tal uurida võimalusi maksta toetus välja projektide noloogiat ja teadmisi ning rahastada arengut. Keskenduda alguses ja kasutada riskijagamismehhanisme. EL peaks inf- tuleb kolmele eriti probleemsele valdkonnale: hinnavo- rastruktuuri investeerima vaid juhul, kui seda ei saa teha latiilsus ja energiajulgeolek, kliimamuutuste mõju, sh vä- erasektor kaubanduslikel tingimustel. hese süsinikdioksiidiheitega tehnoloogiate kättesaadavus, ning juurdepääs turvalistele, mõõduka hinnaga, puhastele 513 Arengu rahastamise parandamiseks peaks EL edasi aren- ja jätkusuutlikele energiateenustele67. dama eri allikate rahastamise ühendamise mehhanisme, tuginedes sellistele edukatele kogemustele nagu Euroopa Mõlemas valdkonnas peaks EL toetama suutlikkuse suu- investeerimisrahastu ja ELi–Aafrika infrastruktuuri sihtra- rendamist ja tehnosiiret muu hulgas kliimamuutustega hastu. Valitud valdkondades ja riikides tuleks suhteliselt kohanemise ning nende leevendamise strateegiate raames. suurem osa ELi vahenditest eraldada juba olemasolevate ja uute rahastamisvahendite kaudu, näiteks ühendades ELi eesmärk on rajada arengumaadega pikaajaline partner- toetusi ja laenusid ning kasutades muid riskijagamismeh- lussuhe, mis põhineb vastastikusel vastutusel. hanisme, et kaasata täiendavaid vahendeid ja seega suu- rendada mõju. Kõnealuse protsessi toetamiseks tuleks luua ELi koostöö- ja arenguplatvorm, milles osalevad komisjon, liikmesriigid ja Euroopa finantseerimisasutused.

Piirkondlik areng ja integratsioon võib aidata elavdada kaubandust ja investeeringuid ning edendada rahu ja sta- biilsust. EL peaks teostama poliitikat, mis toetab partneri- te piirkondlikku ja ülemandrilist integratsiooni (sealhulgas arenguriikide vahelisi algatusi) sellistes valdkondades nagu turud, infrastruktuur ja piiriülene koostöö vee, energia ja julgeoleku valdkonnas. ELi oluliste ja üha laienevate kau- bandusabi ja majanduspartnerluslepingute ning muude vabakaubanduslepingute meetmete raames antakse abi konkurentsivõime puuduste kõrvaldamiseks.

3.3. Jätkusuutlik põllumajandus ja energeetika

EL peaks kasutama abi andmist põllumajandusele ja ener- geetikale, et parandada arengumaade võimet pidada vas- tu negatiivsetele välismõjudele (näiteks ressursinappus, tarnete ebakindlus ja hinnavolatiilsus) ning seega aidata rajada jätkusuutliku arengu alusmüüri. Tal tuleb aidata vä- hendada ebavõrdsust, eelkõige avaradades vaeste inimeste 67 Võttes arvesse selliseid käimasolevaid algatusi nagu ÜRO kõrgetasemeline säästva energia töörühm. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

4. Arengupartnerluse 1. suurendada ELi koostöö mõju partnerriikide poliitilis- te, majanduslike, sotsiaalsete ja keskkonnalaste reformide diferentseerimine edendamisele ja toetamisele;

EL peab seadma eesmärgiks suunata oma ressursid sinna, 2. suurendada ELi abi mõju teiste rahastamisallikate (eel- kus neid kõige rohkem vajatakse ja kus need aitavad kõige kõige erainvesteeringud) kaasamise seisukohalt. rohkem vaesust vähendada. Kasutades igakülgset poliitilist ja valdkondlikku dialoo- Kõrgema arengutasemega arengumaadele, kes on saavuta- gi kõikide partnerriikidega, peaks EL välja valima sellised nud jätkusuutliku kasvu ja/või teenivad ise piisavalt vahen- koostöövormid, mis võimaldavad kõige tõhusama meet- deid, ei tohiks piirkondliku koostöö raames enam anda abi mete kombinatsiooni, abi taseme ja abi andmise korraldu- toetuse vormis. Samal ajal on palju riike, kes ei suuda endi- se ning uute või olemasolevate rahastamisvahendite valimi- selt pakkuda oma elanikkonnale põhiteenuseid ilma välise sel teha põhjendatud ja objektiivseid otsuseid vastavalt ELi toetuseta. Nende kahe äärmuse vahele jääb hulgaliselt eri enda ülemineku juhtimise kogemusele. olukordi, mille suhtes tuleb rakendada erinevaid meet- mete kombinatsioone ja koostöökorda. Seega on oluline Selle tulemusel võib EL vähendada või lõpetada arenguabi diferentseerida ELi lähenemisviisi abi andmisele ja part- andmise mõnele riigile ja kujundada arengukoostöö üm- nerlusele, et suurendada oma kulutuste mõju ja saavutada ber, rajades selle laenudele, tehnilisele koostööle või kol- nende eest suurimat tulu. mepoolse koostöö toetamisele. 514 68 EL peaks esmatähtsana jätkama oma naaberriikide ja Sa- ebakindlatel 69 Selleks et võimaldada riikidel taastuda, tuleb harast lõunasse jäävate Aafrika riikide arengu toetamist. sõnastada neile sobivad toetuse andmise viisid, kooskõlas- Tal tuleb eraldada kõigis piirkondades senisest rohkem va- tades tegevust rahvusvahelise üldsusega ja võttes piisavalt hendeid kõige suurema puuduse all kannatavatele riikide- arvesse koostoimet rakendatavate humanitaarabi meetme- le, sealhulgas ebakindlatele riikidele. tega. Eesmärk peaks olema suurendada riikide omavastu- tust riigi ja kohalikul tasandil, et lühikeses perspektiivis ELi arenguabi tuleks eraldada järgmiste kriteeriumide tagada stabiilsus ja täita põhivajadused, samal ajal tugev- alusel: dades vastavalt riigi ülesehitamise vajadustele juhtimist, suutlikkust ja majanduskasvu. • Riikide vajadused. Neid tuleb hinnata mitmete näitajate alusel, võttes muu hulgas arvesse majandusliku Selline riigipõhine otsustusprotsess võimaldab ELil olla ja sotsiaalse ning inimarengu suundumusi, samuti paindlik ja reageerida ootamatutele sündmustele, eelkõige majanduskasvu suundumusi ning vastuvõtlikkust ja loodus- või inimtegevuse tagajärjel toimunud õnnetustele. ebakindlust käsitlevaid näitajaid. • Suutlikkus. Seda tuleb hinnata vastavalt riigi võimele teenida piisavalt rahalisi vahendeid, eriti siseriiklikult, 5. ELi tegevuse koordineerimine ja tema juurdepääsu muudele rahastamisallikatele, nagu rahvusvahelised turud, erainvesteeringud ja Abi andmine on endiselt killustatud ja abi andmise ka- loodusvarad. Samuti tuleks arvestada suutlikkust abi naleid liiga palju ning need probleemid üha süvenevad, vastu võtta. hoolimata sellest, et viimasel ajal on tehtud jõupingutusi abiandjate tegevuse koordineerimiseks ja ühtlustamiseks. Riigi kohustused ja tulemusnäitajad • . Positiivsena ELil tuleb vastavalt Lissaboni lepingule aktiivsemalt haara- tuleks arvesse võtta riigi investeeringud haridusse, ta juhtroll ja esitada ettepanekud, mis võimaldaksid muuta tervishoidu ja sotsiaalkaitsesse, tema edusamme Euroopa abi andmise tõhusamaks. keskkonna, demokraatia ja heade valitsemistavade edendamisel ning tema majandus- ja eelarvepoliitika ELi ja liikmesriikide abi andmise ühine kavandamine või- (sealhulgas riigi rahanduse juhtimise) usaldusväärsust. maldaks vähendada killustatust ja suurendada abi mõju, • ELi võimalik mõju. Seda tuleks hinnata vastavalt nii et see oleks proportsionaalne võetud kohustuste suu- kahele valdkondadevahelisele eesmärgile: rusega. Eesmärk on kavandamist lihtsustada ja kiirendada ning viia see tegevus suures osas läbi kohapeal.

Kui partnerriigil on olemas oma strateegia, peaks EL seda toetama, töötades võimaluse korral koos liikmesriikidega 68 KOM(2011) 303. välja ühise mitmeaastase programmitöö dokumendi. Kui 69 Sealhulgas Aafrika ja ELi ühisstrateegia kaudu. MUUTUSTE KAVA ELi ARENGUPOLIITIKA MÕJU SUURENDAMISEKS partnerriigil strateegia puudub, püüab EL koos liikmesrii- nimetatud tegevuskava raames riigi tasandil peetavat dia- kidega kujundada ühise strateegia. loogi ja aidata jätkuvalt kaasa tegevuskava tutvustamisele rahvusvahelisel areenil. See aitab kujundada keskkonda, Selle tulemusel koostatakse üks ühine programmitöö mis toetab kõige vaesemate riikide jõupingutusi. dokument, milles sätestatakse valdkondlik tööjaotus ja rahaliste vahendite eraldamine valdkondade ja rahastajate Järgmine mitmeaastane finantsraamistik peaks tegevuskava kaupa. EL ja liikmesriigid peaksid kahepoolsed rakendus- veelgi tugevdama. Ülemaailmsete probleemide lahendami- kavad välja töötama selle dokumendi alusel. Osaleda peak- seks on kavas kasutada teemaprogramme. Nende kaudu sid saama ka ELi mitte kuuluvad abiandjad, kes toetavad juurutatakse ELi eri valdkondade poliitikat arengukoos- asjaomase riigi arengut. töös ja aidatakse ühtlasi kaasa vaesuse likvideerimisele.

Riigi omavastutuse suurendamiseks peaks ühine program- ELil tuleb tugevdada ühtset lähenemisviisi julgeolekule ja mitöö olema võimaluse korral kooskõlastatud partnerrii- vaesusele, vajaduse korral kohandades õiguslikke aluseid kide strateegiatsüklitega. ja protseduure. ELi arengu-, välis- ja julgeolekupoliitika algatused peaksid olema omavahel seotud selliselt, et lähe- EL ja liikmesriigid peaksid valima abiandmise viisid selli- nemisviis rahu, riikide ülesehitamise, vaesuse vähendamise selt, et oleks võimalik rakendada ühismeetmeid, nagu eel- ja konfliktide aluspõhjuste temaatikale oleks ühtsem. ELi arvetoetus (ühtse ELi lepingu raames), ELi usaldusfondid eesmärk on tagada sujuv üleminek humanitaarabi andmi- ja koostöö delegeerimine. selt ja kriisiohjamiselt pikaajalisele arengukoostööle. 515

Mis puudutab riikidevahelist tööjaotust, siis komisjon kut- Migratsiooni ja arengu vahelist seost silmas pidades peaks sub kõiki liikmesriike üles ilmutama tööjaotuses osalemisel EL aitama arengumaadel tugevdada poliitikat, suutlik- ja sellest lahkumisel suuremat läbipaistvust kooskõlas ELi kust ja tegevust rände ja liikuvuse valdkonnas, et raken- tööjaotuse alase tegevusjuhisega70. Vaja on koordineeritud dada inimeste piirkondlik ja ülemaailmne liikuvus arengu lähenemisviisi, sealhulgas riikidevahelise tööjaotuse koor- teenistusse. dineerimise mehhanismi.

EL peaks välja töötama arengupoliitika (sealhulgas kaasava 7. Muutuste kava vastuvõtmine ja jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu) tulemuste mõõtmise ja selle tulemustest teavitamise ühise raamistiku. Vastavalt Komisjon kutsub nõukogu üles kinnitama esitatud kava, abi tulemuslikkuse tegevusraamistikule71 teeb EL partner- mille eesmärk on: riikide ja teiste rahastajatega koostööd, et välja töötada si- seriikliku ja vastastikuse vastutuse ja läbipaistvuse tervik- • anda ELile järgmiseks aastakümneks suure mõjuga lik lähenemisviis. Muu hulgas sisaldab see statistikaalase arengupoliitika ja arenguabivahendid ning võimaldada suutlikkuse parandamist. tal haarata juhtroll tervikliku rahvusvahelise arengualase tegevuskava suunamisel aastani 2015 ja ka pärast seda; Läbipaistvus on tõhusa ja usaldusväärse abi nurgakivi. Komisjon, kes lähtub rahvusvahelise abi läbipaistvuse al- • toetada partnerriikides vajalike muutuste elluviimist, kiirendada tegevust vaesuse vähendamise ja gatuse nõuetest, kuulub läbipaistvaimate rahastajate hulka. et aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamise nimel. Tal tuleb koos liikmesriikidega jätkata jõupingutusi selles valdkonnas. Komisjoni talitused ja Euroopa välisteenistus tagavad, et käesolevas teatises esitatud juhtpõhimõtteid järgitakse praegusel programmiperioodil ja tulevastes programmi- 6. ELi poliitikavaldkondade dokumentides ning välistegevuse rahastamisvahendi- vahelise sidususe te korraldust, õigusakte ja programmitööd käsitlevates ettepanekutes. parandamine Ka liikmesriike kutsutakse üles kava rakendama. EL on üks aktiivsemaid tegevuskava „Poliitikavaldkonda- de sidusus arenguga” järgijaid ja analüüsib oma poliitika mõju arengueesmärkidele. Komisjon kavatseb tugevdada

70 9558/07. 71 18239/10.

Stabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, EUROOPA ÜLEMKOGULE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA KESKPANGALE, MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE, REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE NING EUROOPA INVESTEERIMISPANGALE BRÜSSEL, 30. MAI 2012 KOM(2012) 299

1. Sissejuhatus olukorrale, milles iga liikmesriigi tulevane tugevus ja jõukus on seotud kõigi teiste tugevuse ja jõukusega. 517 Paljusid Euroopa osi praegu mõjutav kriis on kõigutanud • Pangandussüsteemi tugevdamine, nõudes, et pangad usku Euroopa poliit- ja majandussüsteemi võimesse täita kajastaksid oma võlgu täies ulatuses, tegeleksid halbade ELi lepingu ambitsiooni taotleda „säästvat arengut, mis võlgadega ja korraldaksid oma ärimudelid ümber põhineb tasakaalustatud majanduskasvul”. Paljud koda- selliselt, et nad saaksid tulevikus laenata ettevõtjatele nikud on vihased ja hämmingus, kui kiiresti pikk elatus- ja majapidamistele ilma, et neid peaks päästma taseme tõusu periood on asendunud tohutu finantskriisi, maksumaksja rahastatavate pakettidega. suure tööpuuduse ja kõrge võlakoorma väljavaatega pal- judeks tulevasteks aastateks. ELi ees praegu seisvad võlad, • Otsustav reageerimine Kreeka probleemidele kahe puudujääk ja tasakaalustamatus ei sündinud üleöö, vaid ulatusliku finantsabipaketi näol ja majanduskasvule paljude aastate jooksul ja neil on kaugeleulatuv sotsiaalne suunatud taastamisprogrammi aktiivne toetamine. mõju. Liikmesriikide valitsuste ja ELi jaoks on tegu raske • Euroala kaitsevahendite tõhustamine, luues uusi ajaga. Osa meie praegustest raskustest importis Euroopa võimalusi väga suure võlakoormaga liikmesriikide Liitu finantskriis. Teised sündisid kodukamaral. Nüüd on toetamiseks ajal, mil nad taastavad riigi rahandust, tähtis meie vastumeetmete kvaliteet ja tõhusus. eesmärgiga viia oma tulud ja kulud tasakaalu, et nad saaksid tulevikus tasuda sotsiaalteenuste, tervishoiu, Finants- ja majanduskriis on rõhutanud nii kõigi ELi liik- pensionite, hariduse ja riikliku taristu eest. mesriikide kui ka ELi ja muude maailmaosade majanduse vastastikust sõltuvust. Kriis on paljastanud olulised lüngad, Oleme tegevuskava järgides teinud kindlaid, aga ebaühtla- puudujäägid ja tasakaalustamatuse ka ülemaailmses, ELi ja seid edusamme. On konkreetseid tõendeid meie majandu- riikide poliitikakujunduses. Alates kriisi algusest on EL ja se tasakaalustumisest majandustegevuse aeglustumise järel, selle liikmesriigid töötanud ELi majandusmudeli ümber- alates 2007.–2008. aastast kogunenud suure jooksevkonto korraldamise ja selle konkurentsivõime taastamise nimel. puudujäägi vähenemisest, töötasude kohandamisest üles- Komisjon sõnastas 2011. aasta oktoobri stabiilsus- ja ma- poole „ülejäägiga” ja allapoole „puudujäägiga” riikides ning janduskasvu tegevuskavas72 järgmise lähenemisviisi: mitme liikmesriigi eluasemehindade naasmisest tegelike majandustingimustega rohkem kooskõlas olevale tasemele. Valulikust stabiliseerimis- ja reformiprotsessist kerkib ELi • Stabiilsust ja majanduskasvu edendava poliitika majanduse juhtimise uue süsteemi toel uus ja tugevam ELi rakendamise kiirendamine, et EL saaks naasta majandus. jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu ja kõrge tööhõive juurde. • Tugevama ja integreerituma majanduse juhtimise Kestev jätkusuutlik majanduskasv ja kõrgem elatustase saa- mudeli loomine, et tasakaalustamatus tuvastataks ja vad tugineda üksnes usaldusväärsele riigi rahandusele, põh- korrigeeritaks palju varem, tugevdades ELi järelevalvet jalikule struktuurireformile ja suunatud investeeringutele. liikmesriikide poliitika üle, et vastata paremini reaalsele Nende eesmärkidega seotud väljakutsetega saab aga toime tulla ainult siis, kui seda protsessi toetab piisav majan- 72 KOM(2011) 669. duskasv. Stabiilsus ja kasv ei ole vastuolus, vaid kujutavad EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

endast ühe mündi kaht poolt. Liikmesriigid peavad praegu energeetika, haridus ja koolitus, teadus ning vaesuse vä- majandust iseloomustavale usalduse puudumisele vastu hendamine, milles on kokku leppinud kõik liikmesriigid. astuma julgete reformidega, mis pööraksid meie konku- Need näitavad kätte suuna, milles Euroopa reforme tuleks rentsivõime languse tõusuks. ELi ja euroala siseste muret- teostada. Nende rakendamine elavdab konkurentsivõimet tekitavate konkurentsivõime puudujääkide vähendamiseks ja aitab kaasa majanduslikule lähenemisele, elavdades Eli peame tegutsema nüüd. Ehkki EL tervikuna on suutnud majanduskasvu. Aktiivsem pühendumine meie teadus- ja hoida oma positsiooni maailmamajanduses, peame tege- arendustegevuse eesmärgile investeerida sellesse valdkonda lema ka rahvusvahelise konkurentsivõime languse ja tu- 3% SKPst võiks luua 3,7 miljonit töökohta ja suurendada ruosa kaotusega, mida on selgelt näha mitme liikmesriigi Eli SKPd 2020. Aastaks 800 miljardit eurot. 2020. Aas- tulemustes. taks meie kliimamuutuse- ja energeetikaalaste eesmärkide saavutamine looks kuni 5 miljonit töökohta, suurendaks Lühiperspektiivis vajavad inimesed lootust ja paremaid Euroopa energiajulgeolekut ja aitaks täita meie kliima- tulevikuväljavaateid. Ilma selleta jääme silmitsi kasvavate muutusealaseid eesmärke. Vähemalt 20 miljoni inimese poliitiliste ja sotsiaalsete raskustega vajalike reformide tege- väljatoomine vaesusest ei parandaks mitte üksnes nende misel, mis omakorda lükkavad majanduse taastumist eda- elu, vaid tooks majanduslikku kasu ka tervele ühiskonnale. si. Peame jõudma konsensusele ja veendumusele muutuste Need arvud näitavad, et terves Elis on võimalik luua uusi vajalikkuses ja tehtavates valikutes. Selles dialoogis täida- töökohti ja ettevõtlusvõimalusi, vähendades märkimisväär- vad olulist rolli sotsiaalpartnerid. selt töötust ning luues meie kodanikele parema ja roheli- sema tuleviku. 518 See on ka põhjus, miks EL peab tugevdama oma üldstra- teegia kasvukomponenti. See peab tuginema liikmesriigi 2.1. Majandus- ja rahaliidu tasandil toimuva tegevuse ja ELi tasandi meetmete ühen- kasvupotentsiaali kasutamine damisele, ankurdades need jõupingutused strateegiasse „Euroopa 2020” ja meie uutesse juhtimisstruktuuridesse. Viimastel aastatel on palju tehtud tugevate majandusjäre- Selle kasvualase algatuse mõned põhielemendid on juba levalve mehhanismide kehtestamiseks, mida meil on vaja paigas, kuid need tuleb täielikult ellu viia. Teised vajavad majandus- ja rahaliidu toetamiseks. See, kuidas EL ja tema nende potentsiaali ärakasutamiseks visiooni, julgust ja juh- liikmesriigid seda uut süsteemi rakendavad, määrab polii- timist, kuid praegu ELi ees seisvad probleemid nõuavadki tika tõhususe ja turgude usalduse. Pikemas ajaraamistikus julget ja tõhusat tegutsemist. tuleb integratsiooni süvendada, et meie majandus- ja raha- liidu ülesehitamine lõpule viia. Tugev EL vajab stabiilset Käesolevas teatises teeb komisjon ettepanekud mitme vääringut. Sellest on kasu kõigile liikmesriikidele sõltumata meetme kohta, mis võivad kuuluda kasvualase algatuse sellest, kas nad on euroalas või mitte. Euro usaldusväärsus koosseisu, tuginedes kahele teineteist toetavale sambale: rahvusvahelistel turgudel mõjutab Euroopa võimet laenata vahendeid mõistliku intressiga ja neid tagasi maksta tugeva • ELi tasandi sammas, mis tugineb ELi tasandi koostöö majanduse toel. tugevusele ja sünergiale. stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakt • Liikmesriigi tasandi sammas, mis tugineb Euroopa • Tugevdatud annab ELile poolaasta osaks olevate struktuurireformide eeskirjadel põhinevad tugevad poliitilised vahendid, kasvupotentsiaali avamisele. mida ta vajab riigi rahanduse usaldusväärsuse kindlustamiseks. Suurema osa liikmesriikide praegune Euroopa Ülemkogu 23. mai mitteametliku kohtumise jä- prioriteet on ülemäärase puudujäägi korrigeerimine. rel ja tema juuni kohtumise eel jätkab komisjon tööd kõigi Kui jätta kõrvale hiljuti väljapakutud kaksikpakett, võimalike ettepanekutega, mis võivad kaasa aidata tugeva- puudub otsene vajadus hiljuti kokkulepitud male majanduskasvule ja konkurentsivõimele. eeskirjade muutmiseks. Olemasolevad eeskirjad tagavad ruumi liikmesriikide hindamiseks ja diferentseerimiseks vastavalt nende eelarvepoliitilisele 2. ELi roll uues kasvualgatuses manööverdamisruumile ja makromajanduslikele tingimustele, tagades samas riigi rahanduse pikaajalise Eli tasandil oleme kokku leppinud strateegias „Euroopa jätkusuutlikkuse. Eeskirjade rakendamisel on kesksel 2020”,73 mis on mõeldud aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava kohal liikmesriikide eelarvemeetmete hindamine majanduskasvu saavutamiseks Euroopas. See on uue kas- eelkõige struktuurilisest vaatenurgast. Komisjon jälgib vualgatuse lähtepunktiks. Strateegia keskmes on tööhõive, rangete eelarvepiirangute mõju kasvu elavdavatele avaliku sektori kulutustele ja investeeringutele. Vajaduse korral annab ta suuniseid võimalike meetmete 73 KOM(2010) 2020. ulatuse kohta ELi ja liikmesriikide eelarveraamistike Stabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed

piires. Komisjon avaldab lähikuudel aruande avaliku taastamisest euroalasse ja meie võimesse ületada sektori kulude kvaliteedi kohta, milles käsitletakse neid praegused raskused. See nõuab ulatuslikku protsessi, küsimusi. mille puhul võetakse arvesse juriidilisi küsimusi. See peab samuti hõlmama poliitilist protsessi edasiste • Saavutasime märkimisväärset edu oma integratsioonisammude demokraatliku legitiimisuse ja finantskaitsevahendite tugevdamisel. Euroopa usaldusväärsuse tagamiseks. Peamised sammud sellel stabiilsusmehhanism, euroala kriisijuhtimise teel võiks muu hulgas hõlmata liikumist pangaliidu rahastamise alaline vahend, jõustub kavakohaselt suunas, sealhulgas integreeritud finantsjärelevalvet 1. juulil 2012, plaanitust aasta varem. Liites ja ühtset hoiuste tagamise skeemi. Komisjon juba Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanismi, Euroopa avaldas oma 2011. aasta novembri rohelises raamatus finantsstabiilsusmehhanismi ja muud kriisijuhtimise ideed, kuidas euroala saab liikuda ühiste võlakirjade rahastamisvõimalused, on meie laenuandmisvõime emiteerimise poole74. Nende meetmete tempo ja nüüd kokku 800 miljardit eurot. Koos IMFi vahendite järjekord tuleb veel läbi mõelda, sealhulgas koostada hiljuti kokkulepitud suurendamisega aitavad Euroopa tegevus- ja ajakava, kuid varane kinnitus asutatavatest finantskaitsevahendid märkimisväärselt kaasa sammudest rõhutaks euro pöördumatust ja kindlust. ülemaailmsetele finantsalastele turvaabinõudele. Äärmiselt tähtis on aga ka meie kaitsevahendite 2.2. Siseturu potentsiaali kasutamine kasutamise viis. Fiskaallepingu ratifitseerijatele pakub Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanism hulga uusi vahendeid, Kaupade siseturg üldjoontes toimib, kuid sama ei saa öelda mis lubavad ELil tõhusalt reageerida kriisiolukordadele. teenuste ega digitaalse ühtse turu kohta. Siseturu ulatusli- 519 Seega on äärmiselt olulised paindlikkus ja tegutsemise kum kasutamine on üks tõhusamaid viise majanduskasvu kiirus. elavdamiseks terves ELis. Innovatiivsed ettevõtjad saaksid • Tugevam ELi pangandussektor: välditi finantskrahhi kohest ergutust otsusest võtta lõpuks ometi kasutusele ja finantssektori järelevalve vaadati täielikult läbi. ELi patent. Pärast nii mitut aastat on nüüd saabunud aeg Piiriüleste pankade üle teostavad nüüd järelevalvet otsustada. järelevalveasutuste kolleegiumid ja loodud on kolm uut ELi järelevalveasutust. Lisaks loodi ELi tasandi Juunis esitab komisjon ettepaneku meetmete kohta, mil- makrotasandi usaldatavusjärelevalve teostajana lega parandada teenuste direktiivi rakendamist. Mitu liik- Euroopa Süsteemsete Riskide Nõukogu. Praegu mesriiki on otsustanud säilitada tõkked ja piirangud, mis Euroopa Pangandusjärelevalve poolt kooskõlastatava takistavad nii neil endil kui ka teistel liikmesriikidel saa- strateegia osana tuleb endiselt lõpule viia mõne vutada direktiivi täit kasu konkurentsivõime ja majandus- panga rekapitaliseerimine. Ehkki mõni pank kasvu seisukohast. Komisjoni analüüsist ilmneb, et kõigi juba tagastab kriisi ajal avalikult sektorilt saadud piirangute kaotamise korral oleks direktiivi osalise raken- laene, on kulu maksumaksjale olnud tohutu. damise tulemusena hinnanguliselt juba võidetud 0,8%-le Selleks et tagada erasektori piisav osalus tulevastes SKPst võimalik liita veel kuni 1,8%. Analüüsist ilmneb ka võimalikes päästepakettides, esitab komisjon juunis takistuste vähendamise või kaotamise positiivne mõju iga pankade ja investeerimisühingute taastamis- ja liikmesriigi kaubandusvoogudele ja välismaistele otseinves- kriisilahendusmeetmete ühist raamistikku käsitleva teeringutele ning tootlikkuse tasemele. See aitaks kaasa ka õigusakti ettepaneku. Nii luuakse vajalikud vahendid „ülejäägiga” ja „puudujäägiga” riikide tasakaalustamisele. kriiside juhitud lahendamiseks süsteemi seisukohast olulistes finantseerimisasutustes. Käesoleva aasta jooksul esitab komisjon II ühtse turu akti, mis on mõeldud täiendama ühtset turgu põhivaldkonda- • Majandus- ja rahaliidu süvendamine: lähiperspektiivist des, nagu digitaal- ja võrgutööstus, milles EL ei ole prae- kaugemale vaadates on vaja ELi majandus- ja rahaliidu gu saavutanud oma täit potentsiaali. ELi varustamine 21. tuleviku pikemaajalist visiooni. Komisjon pooldab sajandi väljakutsetele vastamiseks vajaliku füüsilise ja vir- ambitsioonikat ja struktureeritud lähenemisviisi. ELi tuaaltaristuga võib elavdada majanduskasvu ja töökohtade kasvuväljavaateid mõjutab oluliselt praegune usalduse loomist. Uued tehnoloogiad ja võrgud suudavad vähenda- puudus euroala suhtes. Kuni ei saada üle mõnest da ummikuid Euroopa lennuliikluses ja maanteedel, aidata tähtsamast probleemist, näiteks Kreeka olukorrast, luua taastuvenergiat kasutavaid arukaid võrke ja anda toi- jääb investeeringuteks ja töökohtade loomiseks det elektriautodele, samuti muuta tootlikkust suurendav vajaliku usalduse puudumine meid takistama. Täieliku tehnoloogia pilvandmetöötluse abil kõigile ettevõtjatele majandus- ja rahaliidu poole liikumiseks vajalike soodsamalt kättesaadavaks. EL peab investeerima progres- peamiste sammude kindlaksmääramiseks tuleb si võimaldavatesse tehnoloogiatesse, nagu biotehnoloogia, tugineda tänaseks tehtud edusammudele. Meie kindel otsus minna edasi ja liikmesriikide nähtav poliitiline pühendumus eurole moodustavad osa usalduse 74 KOM(2011) 818. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

nano- ja mikrotehnoloogia, et tulevikus säilitada oma töös- finantsraamistikuks (2014–2020) välja pakkus) kasutamise tuslikku konkurentsivõimet, arendades uusi tooteid ja tee- tihedam sidumine. nuseid ning korraldades tööstuse kaasajastamiseks ümber tööstusprotsesse. Kuna terves ELis on täitmata üle kolme miljoni töökoha, tuleb oskuste nõudlusele mittevastavusega tegelemiseks in- Komisjon on pidevalt rõhutanud siseturu piiriüleste mak- vesteerida rohkem oskustesse. Teistes liikmesriikides õppi- sutõketega võitlemise tähtsust. ELi tasandi edusammud misele, koolituste läbimisele ja töökogemuse saamisele kaa- võivad toetada ja soodustada liikmesriikide meetmeid saaitamisel täidavad olulist rolli ELi programmid Erasmus nende kasvustrateegia eesmärkide taotlemisel ja aidata ja Leonardo. Uued ELi tasandi vahendid, näiteks ülevaade luua kindla üldraamistiku maksude kogumise tõhusta- oskuste kohta ja oskuste pass, aitavad parandada ühes liik- miseks, pettusega võitlemiseks ning õiglaste ja asjakohas- mesriigis omandatud oskuste tunnustamist kõigis teistes te konkurentsitingimuste tagamiseks. Selles valdkonnas liikmesriikides. Komisjon töötab tööjõu liikuvuse paran- peab nõukogu näitama initsiatiivi, et lõpeks ettepanekute damise ning olemasoleva tööjõu, oskuste ja vabade töö- blokeerimine, mis komisjon on esitanud seoses hoiustega kohtade kokkuviimisele kaasaaitamise nimel. On võimalik ja volitustega koostöö tegemiseks kolmandate riikidega. teha palju rohkem, kõrvaldades töötajate vaba liikumise Käesoleva aasta jooksul avaldab komisjon teatise, milles juriidilised ja praktilised tõkked eelkõige pensioniõiguste võetakse kokku võimalused võitlemiseks maksuparadiiside ülekandmise ja sotsiaalkindlustussätete kooskõlastamise ja agressiivse maksuplaneerimisega. Komisjon on seisuko- valdkonnas ning muutes EURESe tõeliseks Euroopa töö- hal, et agressiivse maksuplaneerimisega tuleb võidelda pa- ja töötajate otsimise vahendiks, et parandada tööotsijate 520 ralleelselt pettustevastase võitlusega. See nõuab üksikasja- suunamist vabadele töökohtadele. likku tehnilist tööd ja selget poliitilist pühendumust, kuid eelised võiksid olla märkimisväärsed mitte üksnes suurema 2.4. Väliste kasvuallikate kasutamine tulu, aga ka õigluse ja paremate konkurentsitingimuste seisukohast. Kui ELi väliskaubandus on tervikuna tasakaalus, siis mõne liikmesriigi riigipõhisest komisjoni analüüsist ilmneb mu- ELi ja liikmesriigi tasandi meetmete positiivse koostoi- rettekitav pikaajaline ekspordi turuosa kadu. Analüüsidest me konkreetseks näiteks on energeetika maksustamise ilmneb aga ka see, et parimate tulemustega liikmesriigid on valdkond. Selles valdkonnas toetaks komisjoni ettepanek ekspordi suurenemist kasutanud majanduse elavdamiseks. energeetika maksustamise ümberkorraldamise kohta vähe- Lisaks reeksporditakse lisandväärtusega kaks kolmandikku se CO2-heitega ja energiatõhusale majandusele ülemineku ELi imporditud kaubast, mis näitab, et ELil on palju võita eesmärki, vähendades samas moonutusi, mis tulenevad kaubandus- ja investeerimissuhete elavdamisest põhiliste samal eesmärgil kasutatavate sarnaste toodete erinevast partneritega. Suur osa tulevasest ülemaailmsest majandus- maksustamisest. Rohelisemate energiaallikate maksuneut- kasvust tuleb esilekerkiva majandusega riikidest, millel on raalsuse suurendamine ja nende kasutamise stimuleerimine suur kasvupotentsiaal. EL peab seda kasvu ära kasutama, aitaks täita ELi eesmärke CO2-heite vähendamise, energia- sõlmides tähtsamate partneritega kahepoolsed ja piirkond- tõhususe ja taastuvenergia kasutamise alal. likud kaubandus- ja investeerimislepingud. Hiljuti jõus- tunud vabakaubandusleping Koreaga kannab juba vilja, 2.3. Inimkapitali potentsiaali kuna ELi eksport sinna riiki suurenes 2011. aastal 20%. kasutamine EL peab aktiivseid läbirääkimisi mitme vabakaubandusle- pingu üle ja mõned on veel ettevalmistamisel. Selleks et Oma hiljutises tööhõivepaketis tegi komisjon ettepaneku realiseerida nende pakutavad suured eelised, tuleb läbirää- konkreetseteks meetmeteks, mis võimaldavad elavdada kimis- ja ratifitseerimistempot kiirendada. majandust uute töökohtade loomise kaudu terves ELis. Tähtsamate sektorite, nagu info- ja kommunikatsiooniteh- 2.5. Euroopale vajaliku kasvu ELi- noloogia (IKT), tervishoiu ja rohelise majanduse töökoh- poolsete rahastamisvõimaluste tade loomise potentsiaali ärakasutamiseks väljapakutud kasutamine konkreetsete meetmete rakendamiseks on vaja komisjoni, liikmesriikide, sotsiaalpartnerite ning avaliku ja erasektori Suunatud avaliku sektori kulutusi ja investeeringuid on sidusrühmade koostööd. Liikmesriikide tööhõivekava- vaja isegi eelarve range konsolideerimise ajal. Komisjon de tõhusam seire komisjoni esitatud kontrollnäitajate ja on innustanud majanduskasvu toetavat konsolideerimist, tulemustabelite alusel tugevdab veelgi töökohti loovate innustades liikmesriike kaitsma kulutusi teadusele, hari- reformide hoogu. Neid reforme peaks toetama ka riigi- dusele, loodusvarade jätkusuutlikule kasutamisele, ener- põhiste soovituste ja struktuurifondide (eelkõige Euroopa geetikale ja sotsiaalteenustele. Ehkki ELi eelarve on väike, Sotsiaalfondi, nagu komisjon järgmiseks mitmeaastaseks Stabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed moodustades vaid 1% ELi SKPst, pakub ta tohutut lisa- investeeringuteks keskmiselt 65 miljardit eurot väärtust ja võib olla kasvu katalüsaatoriks terves Euroopas. aastas. Selleks et paremini reageerida kriisist tulenevatele vajadustele, on kogunisti 17 miljardit • Mitmeaastane finantsraamistik 2014–2020:komisjon eurot ümber paigutatud teadust ja innovatsiooni, on esitanud järgmise mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku VKEsid ja haavatavate elanikkonnarühmade ELi kasvu- ja investeerimiseelarve ettepanekud. tööturumeetmeid toetavatesse vahenditesse ning Komisjoni ettepanekutes ühendatakse riigipõhised taristu- ja energiatõhususe investeeringutesse. Need struktuurireformisoovitused ELi eelarvetoega, et jõupingutused jätkuvad. Komisjoni noorte tööpuuduse aidata liikmesriikidel teha vajalikke muudatusi ja vastase võitluse suurema toetamise ja VKEde investeeringuid. Ettepanekud hõlmavad innovatiivseid rahastamisele juurdepääsu parandamise katseprojekti ideid teaduse ja innovatsiooni rahastamiseks, osana paigutati hiljuti ümber üle 7 miljardi euro. Euroopa ühendamiseks transpordi-, energia- ja • Euroopa Investeerimispanka (EIP) sissemakstud lairibaühendustega ning põllumajanduspoliitika kapitali suurendamine: kui EIP soovib jätkata praegust ajakohastamiseks ja maaelu arengu tugevdamiseks. suuremahulist laenamist (ligikaudu 65 miljardit Üle 600 miljardi euro komisjoni kavandatud eurot aastas), peab ta hea pangandustava järgmiseks eelarvest läheks teaduse, üleeuroopaliste võrkude, sissemakstud kapitali suurendama. Vastavalt komisjoni inimkapitalisse investeerimise, ühtekuuluvuspoliitika ettepanekule peaksid liikmesriikidest panga aktsionärid ja maaelu arengu rahastamisse. Kui see summa ELi kasvualgatuse raames leppima kokku sissemakstud kombineerida liikmesriikidepoolse kaasrahastamise kapitali suurendamises 10 miljardi euro võrra. 521 kaudu saadava finantsvõimendusega ja uuenduslike See suurendaks kogulaenamist märkimisväärselt: rahastamisvahendite kasutamisega, kujutab see endast 180 miljardi euroni. Täiendavad laenud, mida selline suurt aruka, jätkusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu kapitali suurendamine lubaks, tuleks jaotada kogu eelarvet. ELi, sealhulgas kõige haavatavamate riikide vahel. Komisjon on teinud ettepaneku kasutada teatavate taris- Lisakapital tuleks suunata VKE-sektori abistamisse, tuprojektide rahastamiseks projektivõlakirju ja edendada sealhulgas sellistes valdkondades nagu energiatõhusus ELi eelarve puhul toetuste rahastamist. Projektivõlakir- ja eluasemete renoveerimine, mis suudavad luua nii jad on mõeldud laenukapitalituru kui taristuprojektidele vajalikke töökohti kriisist räsitud ehitussektoris ning täiendava rahastamisallika loomiseks ja investeeringute aitavad ELil täita tema kliima- ja energeetikaeesmärke. elavdamiseks ELi põhilisse strateegilisse taristusse trans- Kui sellises kapitali suurendamises jõutakse pordi, energeetika ja lairibaühenduse vallas. Eesmärk on kokkuleppele, teeb komisjon liikmesriikidega parandada erasektori võlakirjade krediidikvaliteeti, et mee- koostööd, et aidata neil kasutada osa nende litada institutsioonilised investorid stabiilse ja prognoosita- struktuurifondieraldistest EIP laenuriski jagamiseks va rahavooga majanduslikult elujõuliste projektide kapita- ja VKEdele laenutagatiste andmiseks. Selline lituru rahastamise juurde. Sellise lähenemisviisi testimiseks rahastamisvahendite kombinatsioon võiks elavdada esitas komisjon 2012.-2013. aastaks võlakirjade katsepro- majandustegevust kõigis sektorites ja piirkondades ning jekti ettepaneku. Kaasseadusandjad tegutsevad kiiresti, et aidata lahendada praegu VKEde tegevust takistavat EIP saaks katseprojektidega alustada käesoleval aastal. laenurahale juurdepääsu puudumise probleemi. • Finantstehingute maks: komisjon on esitanud • ELi 2013. aasta eelarve: komisjon on teinud vajaliku finantstehingute maksu kehtestamise ettepaneku. ettepaneku suurendada maksete assigneeringuid 7%, Nimetatud ettepaneku75 kohaselt võiks sellist et suuta täita liikmesriikide oodatavaid maksetaotlusi. maksutulu (prognoositavalt ligikaudu 57 miljardit Selline suurendus jääb kehtiva ELi finantsraamistiku eurot) kasutada kasvu elavdavate investeeringute ja/või raames kokkulepitud maksete assigneeringute pankade rekapitaliseerimise rahastamiseks. Komisjon ülemmäära piiresse. Kõik need maksed on mõeldud tegi ettepaneku, et osa sellisest ELi eelarvesse laekuvast tootlike investeeringute, tööhõive ja koolitustoetuse tulust tuleks kasutada liikmesriikidelt ELi eelarvesse ning teaduse rahastamise toetamiseks liikmesriikides. laekuvate osamaksude vähendamiseks. Mõnes liikmesriigis kaasrahastatakse üle 50% avaliku sektori koguinvesteeringutest ELi vahenditest, niisiis kujutab suutlikkus ELi kohustustest kinni pidada endast olulist kasvu edendamise viisi. • Struktuurifondide suunamine kasvule ja majanduslikule lähenemisele 2012.-2013. aastal: ELi ühtekuuluvuspoliitika raames kasutatakse majanduskasvu ja töökohtade loomist toetavateks 75 KOM(2011) 594 ja KOM(2011) 510. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

3. Liikmesriikide roll uues 3.2. Komisjoni hinnang ja soovitused kasvualgatuses Komisjoni hinnangu võib üldjoontes kokku võtta nii, et liikmesriigid võtavad küll vajalikke meetmeid riigi rahan- 3.1. Euroopa poolaasta 2012 duse tasakaalustamatuse korrigeerimiseks ja eelarve jätku- potentsiaali kasutamine suutlikkuse tagamiseks, aga seda ei tehta alati majandus- kasvu soodustaval viisil. Tööpuudus, eriti noorte inimeste ELi lähendamiseks strateegia „Euroopa 2020” eesmär- hulgas, on suur probleem, mida saab lahendada üksnes kidele edastas komisjon Euroopa poolaasta 2012 raames aja jooksul, aga kohesed meetmed on vajalikud tööhõive nõukogule iga liikmesriigi kohta üksikasjalikud soovitused ja tootlikkuse suurendamiseks, parema vastavuse tagami- ning oluliselt tugevdatud stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti. Kõne- seks tööturu nõudluse ja tööjõu oskuste vahel, koolituse alused soovitused tuginevad iga liikmesriigi olukorra sü- tõhustamiseks ning inimeste aitamiseks hästi toimivatele vaanalüüsile, nendepoolsele Euroopa poolaasta 2011 soo- tööturgudele naasmisel. Üldisemas plaanis tuleb tegeleda vituste76 rakendamisele ja sellele, kuidas liikmesriigid on kriisi negatiivse sotsiaalse mõjuga, sealhulgas selle mõjuga täitnud 2012. aasta majanduskasvu analüüsi77 suuniseid. vaesustasemele. Igal liikmesriigil on oma eripärad ja komisjoni riigipõhistes soovitustes võetakse arvesse nende tugevaid ja nõrku külgi Mitmes liikmesriigis, eeskätt struktuurilise kohandamis- ja probleemide lahendamise võimet. Sellest hoolimata on programme kohaldavates riikides ja turu range järelevalve kõigi liikmesriikide majandus lahutamatult seotud – mitte all olevates riikides, on käimas põhjalikud struktuurirefor- 522 ainult poliitilise valiku, ajaloo ja geograafilise asendi, aga mid, mille raames tegeletakse ka tööturu reformimisega. ka selle dünaamika tõttu, mis tuleneb uutest tehnoloogia- Need jõupingutused on vajalikud, et toetada majanduse test, mis integreerivad turge kiiremini kui kunagi varem. elavdamist ja kestvat majanduskasvu, ning nende püüdlus- Liikmesriikide olukorra koondpilt on see, mis annab ELile tega panustatakse makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse tema üldise suuna. Liikmesriikide tegevusel (või tegevuse- üldisesse vähendamisse Euroopas. Siiski on kõikjal ELis tusel) on vältimatult positiivne või negatiivne mõju ülejää- vaja tõhusamat tegevust kasvupotentsiaali toetamiseks, nud ELile, sellest ka vajadus tervet ELi hõlmava majandu- uute võimaluste loomiseks ettevõtluse arendamise eesmär- se juhtimise süsteemi järele, mida rakendatakse Euroopa gil ning uute töövõimaluste ärakasutamiseks näiteks rohe- poolaasta kaudu (vt 1. lisa). lises majanduses, teenuste-, energeetika- ja turismisektoris, digitaalmajanduses, samuti oskuste ja innovatsiooni taseme Esimest korda tegi komisjon põhjaliku analüüsi ka makro- parandamiseks. Ülikiire tegutsemine on vajalik majanduse majandusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetluse alusel78. See elavdamise ja elatustaseme toetamiseks ning elanikkonna menetlus on mõeldud üldise makromajandusliku stabiil- vananemise probleemiga tegelemiseks. suse ja kasvu ning suurema konkurentsivõime toetamiseks. Menetlust kasutades avaldati veebruaris esimene häiremeh- Komisjonile teeb siiski muret asjaolu, et liikmesriiki- hanismi aruanne. Selle aruande järelduste põhjal teostati de võetud kohustuste tase ei võimalda ELil saavutada esimesed põhjalikud analüüsid kaheteistkümne riigi (Bel- 2020. aastaks oma peamisi eesmärke sellistes esmatähtsates gia, Bulgaaria, Hispaania, Itaalia, Küpros, Prantsusmaa, valdkondades nagu tööhõive määr, teadus- ja arendustege- Rootsi, Sloveenia, Soome, Taani, Ungari ja Ühendkuning- vus, haridus ning võitlus vaesuse vastu. Ometi on nende riik) kohta79. Analüüsis sai kinnitust, et nendes riikides esi- eesmärkide saavutamine Euroopa tulevikku silmas pidades nev tasakaalustamatus ei ole ülemäärane, aga vajab sellest ülioluline. hoolimata tähelepanu. Sealhulgas tuleb jätkata praegust „ülejäägiga” ja „puudujäägiga” riikide tasakaalustamist. Kuidas saaksid liikmesriigid kasutada oma Riigipõhised soovitused sisaldavad ennetavaid soovitusi, majanduskasvu potentsiaali? milles käsitletakse konkurentsivõime ja tööturu kohanda- mise toetamise poliitikat, era- ja avaliku sektori finantsvõi- Komisjon märkis oma 2012. aasta majanduskasvu analüü- menduse vähendamist ja kapitaliturgude stabiilset arengut. sis, et ELi ja riikide tasandil tuleks 2012. aastal keskendada jõupingutused järgmisele viiele prioriteedile:

• diferentseeritud ja majanduskasvu soodustav eelarve konsolideerimine; 76 KOM(2011) 400. • tavapärase laenuandmise taastamine majanduses; 77 KOM(2011) 815. 78 Määrus (EL) nr 1176/2011 makromajandusliku • majanduskasvu ja konkurentsivõime edendamine tasakaalustamatuse ennetamise ja korrigeerimise kohta. tänase ja homse jaoks; 79 Kohandamisprogrammi kohaldavaid riike (Iirimaa, Kreeka, Portugal ja Rumeenia) selles analüüsis ei käsitletud. Stabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed

• tegelemine töötuse probleemiga ja majanduskriisi ning mille eesmärk on saavutada ja säilitada sellised eel- sotsiaalsete tagajärgedega; arvepositsioonid, mis tagaksid riigi rahanduse pikaajalise jätkusuutlikkuse, sealhulgas elanikkonna vananemisega • avaliku halduse moderniseerimine. seotud kulutuste puhul. Käesolevas punktis antakse ülevaade komisjoni koostatud riigipõhiste analüüside peamistest järeldustest, mis põhine- Komisjoni analüüsist ilmneb, et üldiselt püsivad liikmes- vad liikmesriikide stabiilsus- või lähenemisprogrammidel, riigid oma eelarve konsolideerimisalaste jõupingutustega riiklikel reformikavadel ja vajaduse korral euroala pakti ajakavas ja vähendavad valitsemissektori puudujääki. Eel- raames võetud kohustustel. Iga alapunkti alguses olevas arve puudujäägid peaksid langema 4,5%-lt 2011. aastal kastis esitatakse kokkuvõte peamistest riigipõhistest soo- 3,5%-le 2012. aastal. Valitsemissektori võlasuhe aga suu- vitustest ja selgitatakse, kuidas nende rakendamine võib reneb, moodustades 2012. aastal 86% SKPst. Selle põh- aidata kaasa riikide kasvuväljavaadetele. juseks on ka väiksem majanduskasv. Komisjon peab väga oluliseks seda, et ülemäärase puudujäägi korrigeerimisel peetakse kinni kokkulepitud tähtaegadest ning liigutakse Diferentseeritud ja majanduskasvu soodustav kiiresti nõukogu seatud keskpika perioodi eelarve-eesmär- eelarve konsolideerimine kide saavutamise suunas. Eelarve kohandamine peab toi- muma jätkusuutlikumat majanduskasvu toetaval viisil, nii Majanduskasvu soodustavat eelarve konsolideeri- nagu on kirjeldatud allpool. See on kooskõlas stabiilsuse mist käsitlevate riigipõhiste soovituste eesmärk on ja kasvu paktiga, mis võimaldab automaatsetel stabilisaa- tagada, et kõik liikmesriigid rakendavad pikemas toritel toimida paralleelselt kohandamiskavaga ning sel 523 perspektiivis ranget eelarvepoliitikat. Soovitused teel korrigeerida ülemäärase puudujäägi ja lõpptulemu- on kookõlas diferentseeritud eelarvestrateegiatega, sena saavutada keskpika perioodi eesmärgid. Samal ajal võttes arvesse iga liikmesriigi eripära, eelkõige ole- toob see esile vajaduse jätkata ulatuslikku konsolideerimist masolevaid eelarve- ja makrorahanduslikke riske. turu eriti range järelevalve all olevates riikides isegi siis, kui Valitsemissektori eelarvepuudujäägi ja võlataseme makromajanduslik keskkond osutub oodatust halvemaks. vähendamisel soovitatakse liikmesriikidel säilitada Liikmesriikidel, kelle suhtes ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi avaliku sektori investeeringud teadusuuringutes- menetlus peatselt lõpetatakse, soovitatakse kasutada eelar- se ja innovatsiooni, haridusse ja energiasektorisse ve olemasolevaid võimalusi majanduskasvu soodustavateks ning muuta sotsiaalkaitsesüsteemid, sealhulgas investeeringuteks. Vastavalt ELi õigusaktidele tugevdatak- pensionid, reformide abil jätkusuutlikumaks. Mit- se riikide eelarveraamistikke. On vaja astuda konkreetseid mes soovituses käsitletakse maksustamise küsimust: samme, et lisaks keskvalitsuse eelarvedistsipliinile võetakse maksukoormuse nihutamist tööjõu maksustamiselt keskvalitsuse tasandist madalamatel valitsemistasanditel keskkonna- ja tarbimismaksudele, tõhususe suuren- riigi rahanduse kontrolli all hoidmiseks sama tõhusaid damist mitmesuguste maksuvabastuste kaotami- meetmeid. Mitmes föderaalse- või piirkondliku korraldu- se kaudu (sealhulgas vähendatud maksumäärad), sega riigis on see suur väljakutse. samuti võitlust maksudest kõrvalehoidumise ja varimajanduse vastu. Samuti soovitatakse liikmes- riikidel tagada eelarvedistsipliin piirkondlikul ja Oluline on parandada riigi rahanduse kvaliteeti, seades kohalikul tasandil. prioriteediks strateegia „Euroopa 2020” eesmärkide raa- mes tehtavad kulutused ja tagades, et need kulutused on nii tõhusad kui võimalik. ELi riigiabi kontrolliga saab edendada kulutuste kvaliteeti ja minimeerida moonutusi. Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti kohaselt käib praegu 23 liikmes- Komisjon esitas hiljuti ELi riigiabi ulatuslikku ajakohas- riigi suhtes ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlus. Nende tamist käsitleva ettepaneku. Liikmesriikidel tuleb tagada riikide jaoks koostatud soovitused kajastavad vajadust pi- nii eeskirjade senisest parem järgmine kui ka riigiabi parem dada kinni nõukogu eelnevatest korrigeerivatest soovitus- koordineerimine riiklikul tasandil. test. Saksamaa ja Bulgaaria puhul otsustas komisjon 30. mail teha ettepaneku tunnistada ülemäärase eelarvepuudu- pensionisüsteemide jäägi menetlus kehtetuks. Lisaks sellele on komisjon pärast Käimas on kohandamine, et tulla Ungari võetud meetmete hindamist ja kooskõlas ELi Üh- toime elanikkonna vananemisest tulenevate probleemi- tekuuluvusfondi määruse sätetega võtnud vastu ettepane- dega. Mitmes riigis on rakendatud ulatuslikke reforme, ku nõukogu otsuse kohta, millega lõpetatakse 2012. aasta mille ühiseks jooneks on töövõimelisuse ea pikendamine. märtsis otsustatud Ühtekuuluvusfondi kulukohustuste Reformid on vajalikud selleks, et hoida rahastamiskulud võtmise peatamine Ungari suhtes. Liikmesriike, kelle suh- kontrolli all ja tagada hoolekandesüsteemide rahastamise tes ei kohaldata ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust, pikaajaline jätkusuutlikkus. Samal ajal tuleb luua stiimulid julgustatakse riigipõhistes soovitustes rakendama konso- eakamate töötajate tööturule toomiseks ja tööturul hoid- lideerimiskavasid, mille abil soodustada majanduskasvu miseks pärast praegu kehtivat pensioniiga ja kooskõlas EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

oodatava eluea pikenemisega, ning vaadata läbi pensionide jõustuvas uues hilinenud maksete direktiivis. Vajaduse piisavus, et vältida vaesust pensionipõlves. Väiksemat edu korral tuleb ametiasutustel teha täiendavaid jõupingutusi, on saavutatud tervishoiusüsteemide valdkonnas, milles va- et enne direktiivi jõustumist tasuda kogunenud võlad. jadus tervishoiuteenuste üldise kättesaadavuse ja pikaaja- lise hoolduse järele tuleb viia tasakaalu demograafilistest suundumustest tingitud kasvava finantssurvega. Majanduskasvu ja konkurentsivõime edendamine tänase ja homse jaoks Eelarve konsolideerimise toetamiseks on mitmed liikmes- Majanduskasvu ja konkurentsivõime edendamiseks maksude tõstmisest riigid otsinud abi . Komisjon on kut- keskendutakse riigipõhistes soovitustes ettevõtlus- sunud liikmesriike üles kohaldama tööjõu maksustamise keskkonna parandamisele, sealhulgas halduskoor- asemel keskkonna-, tarbimis- ja kinnisvaramakse, tagades muse vähendamisele, ning selliste võrgutööstuste samal ajal, et maksukoormus ei jää ebaproportsionaalselt nagu energeetika, raudtee ja telekommunikatsioon ühiskonna kõige vaesemate kihtide kanda. Ehkki paljud avamisele konkurentsile, eesmärgiga pakkuda ette- liikmesriigid on oluliselt suurendanud tarbimismakse ja võtjatele ja kodanikele paremaid teenuseid madala- alustanud vahepeal langetatud keskkonnamaksude tõst- mate hindadega. Mõnel puhul soovitatakse tagada mist, ei saa öelda, et tööjõu maksustamise üldine tase oleks reguleerivale asutusele suurem sõltumatus. Teenuste vähenenud. Mõningaid jõupingutusi on tehtud maksuva- direktiivi rakendamiseks soovitatakse kaotada tee- bastuste ja -soodustuste, samuti vähendatud maksumää- nuste osutamisel põhjendamatud või ebaproportsio- rade (näiteks käibemaks) kaotamiseks. Seda suunda tuleb naalsed piirangud, nende hulgas kodakondsuse- või 524 jätkata. Meetmeid võetakse küll maksukuulekuse paranda- elukohapõhised piirangud. Soovitustes käsitletakse miseks, aga jõulisemaid meetmeid on vaja võitluseks vari- ka endiselt esinevaid piiranguid jaesektoris. Muudes majanduse vastu. soovitustes on teemaks teadusuuringute ja innovat- siooni tugevdamine, ressursitõhususe parandamine ning hariduse parem sidumine tööturu nõuetega. Tavapärase laenuandmise taastamine majanduses Majandusele laenuandmise tavapäraste tingimuste Mitmes liikmesriigis on juurdepääs paljudele teenustele taastamiseks keskendutakse riigipõhistes soovitus- puudulik. Aitaks see, kui teenuste direktiivi rakendataks tes pangandussektori ümberkorraldamisele, vältides ulatuslikumalt. Samuti tuleks võtta samme konkurentsi samaaegselt liigset finantsvõimenduse vähendamist. ja konkurentsivõime edendamiseks jaesektoris, vähenda- des ettevõtete turuletuleku ja sealt väljumise tõkkeid ning kõrvaldades äri- ja erialaste teenuste osutajatelt, õigus- Kooskõlas ELi õigusaktide ja soovitustega tehakse jõu- nõustajatelt, raamatupidajatelt, tehnilistelt nõustajatelt, pingutusi finantssektori ümberkorraldamiseks ja sekto- tervishoiu- ja sotsiaalsektorilt põhjendamatud piirangud. ri järelevalveraamistiku tugevdamiseks. Nende pankade Riigihanketurgude avamine piiriüleste pakkumuste aktiiv- olukord, keda kriis kõige enam mõjutas ja kes on endiselt se toetamise kaudu tooks samuti kaasa uued võimalused ja ohustatud, jääb murettekitavaks. Seetõttu sisalduvad teata- protsessid ning innovatsiooni. vate riikide soovitustes üleskutsed rakendada senisest enam ümberkorraldus- ja ennetavaid meetmeid. Oluliselt vajab parandamist kesksete võrgutööstuste − transport, energeetika ja lairibavõrgud − toimimine. Krediidivoo tavapärase taseme taastamine reaalmajandus- Mitmes liikmesriigis tuleb ühenduste parandamiseks, se jääb paljudes riikides, eelkõige VKEde jaoks, peamiseks pakkumise laiendamiseks ja hinnakonkurentsi võimalda- probleemiks. Selle saab osaliselt küll panna ettevõtete nõr- miseks teha investeeringuid taristusse. Kuna eelarvealane ga bilansi ja kesiste väljavaadete arvele, aga oma osa män- manööverdamisruum on väike, tuleks kasutusele võtta gib siinkohal ka asjakohaste kanalite puudumine VKEde sellised era- ja avaliku sektori vahendeid kombineerivad aitamisel. Edendada tuleks ka ettevõtjatele suunatud uusi uuenduslikud rahastamisvormid nagu ELi projektivõlakir- kapitalivahendeid, sealhulgas juurdepääsu otserahastamise- jad. Konkurentsitase on paljudel turgudel endiselt madal le, börsivälisele kapitalile ja riskikapitalile. ELi struktuu- ja üleeuroopaline reguleeriv raamistik ei ole veel täielikult rifondidel võib mõnedes liikmesriikides olla oluline roll jõustunud: pooled liikmesriigid ei ole energia siseturu di- laenude ja tagatiste rahastamisel konkreetsete vahendite rektiive veel kas üle võtnud või ei ole seda teinud nõuete- kaudu. kohaselt. Mitmes liikmesriigis tuleb energiapakkujate va- hel suurendada konkurentsi, kaotada reguleeritud hinnad Paljude VKEde probleemiks on riigiasutuste maksete hi- ja tagada reguleerivale asutusele suurem sõltumatus. Raud- linemine. Seda küsimust käsitletakse 2013. aasta märtsis teetranspordisektoris tuleb suurtes või transiidiliikmesrii- kides teha täiendavaid jõupingutusi regulatiivse koormuse Stabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed või turuletuleku takistuste vähendamiseks. Keskmine lai- mõneks ajaks, arvestades majanduse elavnemise järel töö- ribaühenduse kasutustihedus on madal ning teenuste ja turu olude paranemiseks kuluvat aega. Kasutusele on võe- e-kaubanduse kasutamise parandamiseks on küllaldaselt tud küll sellised aktiivse tööturupoliitika meetmed nagu arenguruumi. töötutele suunatud koolitused ja töötute nõustamine riik- likes tööhõiveteenistustes, aga probleemiks on meetmete üldiselt nõrk sihipärasus ja madal tõhusus. Ressursitõhususe parandamine ja vähese CO2-heitega majandus on Euroopa konkurentsivõime edasiseks aren- damiseks kasvava ressursinappuse, hindade volatiilsuse Kriisi sotsiaalsed tagajärjed on üha enam tuntavad. Suu- ning kliimamuutuste kontekstis väga olulised. Ressursside reneb vaesusrisk ja surve avaliku sektori kulutustele toob tõhusam kasutamine ja loodusvarade parem haldamine kaasa rasked valikud sotsiaalteenuste osutamisel ja hüvitis- avab märkimisväärseid majanduslikke võimalusi tuleva- te maksmisel. seks majanduskasvuks ja töökohtade loomiseks; sellega kaasneb suurem tootlikkus, madalamad kulud ja tõhusam Dramaatiliselt on kasvanud noorte tööpuudus. Noorte innovatsioon. tõenäosus töötuks jääda on kaks korda suurem kui täiskas- vanutel. Noorte tööpuudus ELis on 22% ja mõnes liikmes- Teadus- ja arendustegevuse ning innovatsiooni kõrge tase riigis koguni 50%. On mõningaid lootustandvaid näiteid on Euroopa konkurentsivõime säilitamiseks ülioluline. (näit noortegarantiid), mida võiks ELis laiemalt rakenda- Ehkki mõned liikmesriigid kuuluvad mitmes valdkonnas da, kasutades sealhulgas Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi vahendeid. praegu maailma tippu, on Euroopa tervikuna järk-järgult 525 kaotamas oma positsiooni. Eelarve konsolideerimine on Edusammud taskukohaste lastehoiu- ja ülalpeetavate isi- avaliku sektori kulutusi teadusuuringutele paljudes liik- kute hooldamise võimaluste suurendamisel, palgavahede mesriikides negatiivselt mõjutanud selle asemel, et neid vähendamisel ning leibkonna teise tuluteenija maksusta- kaitsta või suurendada. Teadus- ja arendustegevuses on miskorra parandamisel ei ole piisavad selleks, et suureneks selge vajadus täiendavate erasektori investeeringute jä- oluliselt naiste osalemine tööturul. Endiselt ei pöörata rele ning vajaduse korral tuleks seda soodustada riiklike piisavalt tähelepanu aktiivsena vananemise strateegiate- stiimulite kaudu. Ilmselgelt on tarvis luua senisest enam le, sealhulgas töökorralduse ajakohastamisele ja juurde- partnerlussuhteid haridus- ja elukestva õppe asutuste, tea- pääsu laiendamisele elukestvale õppele. Kõik see on aga dusasutuste ja ettevõtjate vahel, kasutades selleks täielikult vajalik eelkõige eakamate töötajate tööturul osalemise ära ELi vahendeid. suurendamiseks.

Mõned liikmesriigid on ulatuslikult reforminud palkade Võitlus töötusega ja tegelemine kriisi kujundamise ja palkade indekseerimise süsteemi, et taga- sotsiaalsete tagajärgedega da tootlikkuse arengu parem kajastatus palgakasvus. Teistes Mitmes soovituses käsitletakse tingimuste loomist riikides, kus palkade indekseerimise süsteemi toimimine tööhõive suurendamiseks, tööturul osalemise määra võib kujuneda probleemiks, on sel alal tehtud vaid piiratud tõstmiseks ja inimeste tööturul hoidmiseks. Eelkõi- edusamme. Neis riikides tuleb koos sotsiaalpartneritega ge keskendutakse võitlusele noorte tööpuudusega, leida võimalused selle puuduse leevendamiseks. Jooksev- vähendades varast lahkumist haridussüsteemist ja konto ülejäägiga riikides on täheldatav teatav tasakaalus- parandades koolitust, sealhulgas kutseõpet ja loo- tamine sisenõudluse suurendamise teel, sealhulgas palga- davaid praktikavõimalusi. Paljudes soovitustes tege- kasvu kaudu. Seda tuleb jätkata. Tuleb leida tasakaal selle letakse vaesuse leevendamise ja haavatavate elanik- vahel, et liiga kõrge palgatase ei pärsiks noorte ja madala konnarühmade aitamise küsimusega. Soovitustes kvalifikatsiooniga töötajate töölevõtmist ja et liiga madal käsitletakse ka seda, kuidas tugevdada ja pakkuda palgatase ei tekitaks töötajate vaesust. tööotsijaile personaalsemat abi ning edendada nais- te täisajaga osalemist tööturul. Samuti soovitatakse Mitmed liikmesriigid on alustanud oma tööõiguse ulatus- liikmesriikidel tagada, et nende palgakujundusmeh- likku reformimist, et võimaldada paindlikumaid lepingu- hanismid kajastaksid asjakohaselt tootlikkuse suun- ja töökorraldusvorme. Samal ajal on teistes liikmesriikides dumusi ja stimuleeriksid töökohtade loomist. olukorra kiireloomulisust ja tööturu killustatust silmas pidades reformiprotsess aga aeglane, ning suur osa elanik- konnast on endiselt ebakindlates töösuhetes või ei osale Kriisiga on kaasnenud tööpuuduse märgatav suurenemine tööturul. Mitmes liikmesriigis osutusid kriisi haripunktil ja see on mõjutanud negatiivselt paljude inimeste väljavaa- töökohtade säilitamise eesmärgil (eelkõige tootmissektoris) teid leida tööd. Neid inimesi ohustab tööturult kõrvale- tõhusaks lühendatud tööaeg ja muud sisemise paindlik- jäämine. Tõenäoliselt jääb tööpuuduse määr kõrgeks veel kuse vormid. Töökohtade loomise toetamiseks on komis- jon teinud ettepanekuid, milles liikmesriike julgustatakse EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tugevdama tööhõivemeetmeid,80 et kasutada ära võima- nõuab tehnoloogilisi ja korralduslikke uuendusi, näiteks lused rohelises majanduses, tervishoiuvaldkonnas ja IKT otsustavat liikumist e-valitsuse kasutuselevõtu poole. Mit- sektoris, kus komisjoni hinnangul on võimalik luua üle med avaliku sektori haldusasutused võiksid senisest inten- 20 miljoni töökoha. Samuti saaks tööturuasutuste võr- siivsemalt kasutada ära parimate tavade vahetamise võima- gustiku EURES abil parandada liikmesriikide vahelist lust. Mitmes liikmesriigis on vaja parandada tsiviilkohtute liikuvust ning viia pakutavad oskused ja töökohad kokku süsteemi tõhusust, vähendades eeskätt lahendamata juhtu- piiriüleselt. mite arvu, kiirendades kohtumenetlusi ja võttes kasutusele vaidluste lahendamise muid vorme. Kiirendada tuleb käimasolevaid jõupingutusi, et tegeleda sellise terava probleemiga nagu haridussüsteemist vara- Kuna surve riigi rahandusele on suur, osutuvad ELi vahen- kult lahkumine (sealhulgas võtta ennetavaid meetmeid), did mitmes riigis oluliseks hoovaks majanduse ergutamisel ning reformida haridus- ja kutseõppe süsteemi (sealhulgas ja kasvu soodustavate projektide rahastamisel kohapeal. edendada praktikavõimalusi). See on kesksel kohal uute Tugevdamist vajab avaliku sektori asutuste juhtimine, seda põlvkondade tööalase konkurentsivõime, aga ka majan- saab teha avaliku teenistuse professionaalsemaks muut- duse üldise konkurentsivõime seisukohalt, kuna EL on mise, personalipoliitika parema juhtimise, pädeva tööta- oma peamistest kaubanduspartneritest maha jäänud. De- jaskonna analüüsisuutlikkuse edendamise ning personali mograafilised suundumused tekitavad uusi probleeme − järjepidevuse ja stabiilsuse tagamise kaudu. ELi tasandil oskuste mittevastavust tööturu nõudlusele ja oskuste nap- on lihtsustatud eeskirju ning komisjon abistab liikmesriike pust − ja sellega kaasneb täiendav surve töötada kauem ja nende ümberkorraldustes, et kohandada rahastamine ma- 526 suurendada tootlikkust. Mitmed liikmesriigid peavad as- janduskasvu vajadustele. tuma konkreetseid samme, et vähendada kooli poolelijät- vate noorte hulka, eesmärgiga parandada noorte võimalusi Paljudes liikmesriikides tuleb tõhustada jõupingutusi tööturul ja vähendada noorte hulgas valitsevat tööpuudust. maksupettuste ja maksudest kõrvalehoidmisega võitlemise Üldisemalt tuleb kõigis liikmesriikides parandada haridus- valdkonnas. Kõigis liikmesriikides eksisteerib varimajan- alaseid saavutusi, sealhulgas kutseõppe ja ülikoolihariduse dus, mõnedes on see eriti sügavalt juurdunud. Maksupet- tasandil. Paljudes liikmesriikides on õpipoisiskeemidel veel tustest ja maksudest kõrvalehoidumisest tulenevate prob- arenguruumi. Üldiselt on vaja teha veel tunduvalt rohkem, leemidega tuleb tegeleda eri tasanditel: maksude kogumise et siduda haridus- ja koolitussüsteem tulevase tööturu va- tõhustamise kaudu liikmesriikide tasandil; tugevdatud ja jadustega (ja neid ette näha) ning lihtsustada seeläbi üle­ tõhusa koostöö kaudu liikmesriikide vahel; selge ja sidusa minekut haridussüsteemist tööellu. ELi poliitika kaudu kolmandate riikide suhtes, eesmärgi- ga tagada asjakohased meetmed, et võtta sihikule sellised maksupettused ja nendest kõrvalehoidumine, mille puhul Avaliku halduse moderniseerimine kasutatakse ära teatavaid ELi-väliseid jurisdiktsioone, mil- Avaliku haldusega seonduvates riigipõhistes soo- les ei kohaldada samaväärseid nõudeid; ning kolmandate vitustes käsitletakse ettevõtjatele osutatavaid tee- riikide suhtes koordineeritud ja tõhusa poliitika kaudu. nuseid, õigussüsteemi aeglust ning e-valitsuse ka- sutuselevõttu kontakti lihtsustamiseks kodanike ja ettevõtjatega. Samuti on mitmes soovituses kõne all 4. Järeldused haldussuutlikkuse suurendamine ELi vahendite ka- sutamise eesmärgil. Kriis tõi kõikjal ELis esile sügavalt juurdunud tasakaalus- tamatuse ja suutmatuse viia ellu vajalikud reformid. Läks aega, enne kui need probleemid endast tunda andsid. Sa- Liikmesriikide avaliku sektori haldusasutused on prae- mamoodi läheb aega, enne kui ELi majandus jälle kind- gu kõikjal ELis surve all: vaja ei ole hakkama saada mitte lal alusel seisab. 2012. aasta Euroopa poolaasta analüüsist üksnes eelarvekärbete ja töötajate arvu vähenemisega, vaid ilmneb, et ELi uus majanduse juhtimise süsteem on tööle kohanduda tuleb ka ühiskonna ja ettevõtjate üha suure- hakanud, aidates liikmesriikidel keskenduda peamistele re- mate ootustega. Sedamööda, kuidas edeneb poliitiline ja formidele, mille abil saavutada jätkusuutlik majanduskasv majanduslik integratsioon, tuleb ka riikide haldusasutustel ja tööhõive. Selge on ka see, et liikmesriigid ei vali oma rakendada ELi üha keerulisemaid ja rangemaid eeskirju. eelarve konsolideerimisega seotud otsustes alati majandus- Mitmes liikmesriigis on probleemiks haldusasutuste nõr- kasvu kõige enam soodustavamaid viise. kus: probleemid hõlmavad ettevõtluskeskkonda, ELi va- hendite ebatõhusat rakendamist ja ELi õigusaktide puudu- Üldiselt tuleb järgmise 12 kuu jooksul pöörata viivitamata likku ülevõtmist. Kvaliteetsete avalike teenuste tagamine ja senisest enam tähelepanu majanduskasvu edendavatele meetmetele, jätkates samaaegselt eelarve konsolideerimist 80 COM(2012) 173. ja finantssektori stabiliseerimist. Poliitikameetmetest ja Stabiilsus-, kasvu- ja tööhõivemeetmed reformidest maksimaalse kasu saamiseks tuleb seda teha koordineeritult riiklikul ja ELi tasandil.

Käesolevas teatises sisalduvate ettepanekute ja selle üksik- asjalike riigipõhiste soovituste kaudu pakub komisjon välja konkreetsed meetmed, et aidata ELil uuesti pöörduda ma- janduskasvu teele ja luua töökohti, mille abil tõsta elatusta- set, vähendada vaesust ja tagada tulevikuks jätkusuutlikum majanduskasv. Neid soovitusi tuleb rakendada prioriteet- setena. Komisjon kasutab kõiki majanduse juhtimise uues raamistikus sisalduvaid vahendeid edusammude jälgimi- seks ja hindamiseks eeloleval aastatel.

Samal ajal keskendub komisjon endiselt 2011. aasta ok- toobri tegevuskava täielikule rakendamisele, et tagada tasa- kaalustatud lähenemisviis ELi kriisist väljumise toetamisel.

Komisjon teeb liikmesriikide ja ELi institutsioonidega tihedat koostööd Euroopa majanduskasvu algatuse raken- 527 damisel ning majandus- ja rahaliidu ülesehitamise lõpu- leviimiseks vajalike komponentide ja nende rakendamise ajakava väljatöötamisel.

Tegevuskava pangandusliidu poole liikumiseks

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE JA NÕUKOGULE BRÜSSEL, 12. SEPTEMBER 2012 COM(2012) 510

1. Sissejuhatus protsessi põhipunkt on järelevalve nihkumine Euroo- pa tasandile, kusjuures seda tuleb edaspidi siduda teiste 529 sammudega, näiteks hoiuste kaitsmise ühine süsteem ja Viimasel neljal aastal on EL majandus- ja finantskriisile pangakriiside keskne juhtimine. Euroopa Ülemkogu, ko- otsustavalt reageerinud. Oluliselt on parandatud majan- misjoni, eurorühma ja Euroopa Keskpanga juhtide 26. dus- ja rahaliitu ning ellu viiakse põhjalikku finantsrefor- juuni 2012. aasta aruanne83 kinnitas seda lähenemisviisi. mi tegevuskava, millega täidetakse G20 kohtumisel antud Euroopa Parlament on omalt poolt andnud samasuunalisi finantskriisile reageerimist käsitlevad lubadused, et muuta soovitusi, näiteks 2010. aasta juuli aruandes piiriülese krii- finantseerimisasutused ja turud stabiilsemaks, konkurent- sijuhtimise kohta pangandussektoris84. Seda kinnitati ka sivõimelisemaks ja vastupidavamaks81. euroala 29. juuni 2012. aasta tippkohtumisel85. ELi õigusraamistiku reformi lõpetamine on oluline, kuid Pankade järelevalve ja kogu euroalal kriisilahenduse vasta- mitte piisav, et edukalt kõrvaldada märkimisväärsed ohud mine rangetele nõuetele kinnitaks kodanikele ja turgudele, finantsstabiilsusele kogu majandus- ja rahaliidus. Vaja et ühtseid, kõrgetasemelisi usaldatavusnõudeid kohalda- on astuda järgmisi samme, et kõrvaldada teatavad riskid takse järjepidevalt kõigi pankade suhtes. Kui pangad satu- euroalal, kus koondatud rahalised kohustused on kiiren- vad tulevikus raskustesse, peaks üldsus saama olla kindel, danud majandus- ja finantssektori tihedat lõimumist ja et raskustes olev pank restruktureeritakse või suletakse nii, suurendanud pangakriisi teistesse riikidesse ülekandumi- et maksumaksja kulud on minimaalsed. Tulevane selline se võimalust, ning et katkestada seos riigivõla ja pankade süsteem aitab tekitada vajalikku usaldust liikmesriikide va- võla vahel ja pääseda välja nõiaringist, mille tõttu on ELis hel, mis on mis tahes ühiste finantskokkulepete sõlmimise pankade päästmiseks kasutatud üle 4,5 triljoni euro mak- sumaksjate raha. Järelevalveasutuste koostöö on ülioluline, kuid kriis on näidanud, et eriti ühisraha kontekstis sellest ei piisa, ning vaja on ühist otsuste tegemist. Samuti on olu- 83 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ line vähendada ELi pangandusturgude killustumise üha pressdata/en/ec/131201.pdf kasvavat ohtu, mis oluliselt kahjustab finantsteenuste üht- 84 Euroopa Parlamendi resolutsioon, 7. juuli 2010, soovitustega set turgu ega lase rahapoliitikal kogu euroalas tõhusalt üle komisjonile piiriüleseks kriisijuhtimiseks pangandussektoris kanduda reaalmajandusse. (2010/2006(INI)). 85 „Komisjon esitab peatselt artikli 127 lõike 6 alusel ettepanekud ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi kohta Me palume Seepärast kutsus komisjon82 üles moodustama pangan- nõukogul kaaluda nimetatud ettepanekuid kiireloomulise dusliitu, et kindlustada pangandussektori toetuspinda ja küsimusena 2012. aasta lõpuks. Kui on loodud tõhus ühtne järelevalvemehhanism, mis hõlmab Euroopa Keskpanka (EKP), taastada usaldust euro vastu, mis on osa majandusliku ja võiks euroala pankade puhul ESMil olla võimalus pankasid fiskaalse lõimumise pikemaajalisest lähenemisviisist. Selle pärast tavapärast otsust otse rekapitaliseerida. See sõltuks asjakohasest tingimuslikkusest, sealhulgas vastavusest riigiabi eeskirjadele, mis peaksid olema institutsioonipõhised, 81 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/policy/ valdkonnapõhised või kogu majandust hõlmavad ning oleksid map_reform_en.htm sätestatud vastastikuse mõistmise memorandumis.” http:// 82 http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/president/news/ www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/ archives/2012/06/20120626_speeches_2_en.htm ec/131359.pdf EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

eeltingimus, et kaitsta hoiustajaid ja toetada makseraskus- pöörab komisjon erilist tähelepanu sellele, et tagada, tesse sattunud panga kriisi nõuetekohast lahendamist. et kokkulepitud tekstid vastaksid tehniliselt ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi loomise määruse ettepanekule, Käesolev teatis täiendab kahe õigusakti ettepanekuid, mil- ning teeb selles küsimuses koostööd Euroopa lest ühega luuakse ühtne järelevalvemehhanism, andes Eu- Parlamendi ja nõukoguga. See tähendab eelkõige roopa Keskpangale eriülesanded seoses usaldatavusnõuete tagamist, et kavandatud CRD4 direktiivi sätted on täitmise järelevalve poliitikaga, ja teise ettepanekuga muu- kohaldamiseks valmis nii siseriiklikul tasandil kui ka detakse määrust, millega luuakse Euroopa Pangandus­ Euroopa Keskpanga jaoks. 86 järelevalve (EBA) . Need õigusaktide ettepanekud on • Riiklike hoiuste tagamise skeemide kate on juba esimeseks oluliseks sammuks ning tänu nendele paranevad tõstetud ühtsele tasemele, 100 000 euroni hoiustaja ja eelkõige kvalitatiivselt finantsstabiilsus ja usaldus euroala asutuse kohta, mis jõustus 31. detsembril 2010. aastal. vastu. Käesolevas teatises vaadeldakse ühtset järelevalve- 2010. aasta juulis tegi komisjon ettepaneku88 minna mehhanismi laiemas kontekstis ja esitatakse edaspidine veelgi kaugemale ning ühtlustada ja lihtsustada tegevus pangandusliidu poole liikumiseks, mis täiendab kaitstud hoiuseid, kiirendada väljamaksete tegemist kõnealust kahte ettepanekut. ja parandada skeemide rahastamist, eelkõige teatavas kindlaksmääratud mahus pankade osamaksetest hoiuste tagamise skeemide eelrahastamise ja riikide 2. Pangandusliit ja ühtne turg hoiuste tagamise skeemide vahelise kohustusliku laenuandmissüsteemi kaudu. 530 Finantsteenuste ühtne turg põhineb ühtsetel eeskirjadel, millega tagatakse, et pankade ja teiste finantseerimisasutus- • Kriisi sattunud pankade maksevõime taastamist ja kriisilahendust käsitlev komisjoni ettepanek, te suhtes, kellel aluslepingu kohaselt on asutamisvabadus 89 ja teenuste osutamise vabadus, kohaldatakse samaväärseid mis võeti vastu 6. juunil 2012, on viimane eeskirju ja nõuetekohast järelevalvet kogu ELis. väljapakutud meetmetest, millega püütakse tugevdada Euroopa pangandussektorit ja vältida võimalike tulevaste finantssektori kriiside puhul negatiivset Pangandusliidu loomine ei tohi kahjustada ühtse turu üht- mõju hoiustajatele ja maksumaksjatele. Et tagada sust ja terviklikkust, mis jääb Euroopa lõimumise üheks finantsstabiilsuse kestmine ning et õiglase osa pankade suuremaks saavutuseks. Tegelikult põhineb pangandusliit kahjumist ja rekapitaliseerimise kuludest kannaksid ühtset turgu käsitleva praegu poolelioleva regulatiivse re- pankade aktsionärid ja võlausaldajad, on komisjon formikava elluviimisel („ühtsed eeskirjad”). esitanud ühtsete eeskirjade ja õiguste raamistiku ettepaneku. See aitaks liikmesriikidel eelkõige ennetada Seega on ühtne turg ja pangandusliit üksteist toetavad pangakriiside tekkimist ning kui need peaksid siiski protsessid. Ühtse turu tugevdamiseks tehtav töö peab jät- tekkima, aitaks neid paremini ja tõhusamalt juhtida. kuma kõigis olemasolevates valdkondades, mida hõlmavad Liikmesriigid peaksid looma kriisilahendusfondi, komisjoni ettepanekud. kuhu pangad teevad ennetavad sissemaksed, ning kehtestatakse kohustuslik riiklike skeemide vaheline Peale selle tuleks kolmes pangandusliidu seisukohast olu- laenuandmisvahend, mille puhul jälle kehtivad selged lises valdkonnas seda tööd kiirendada ja kaasseadusandjad piirsummad. peaksid kõnealuste ettepanekute osas kokkuleppele jõud- ma enne 2012. aasta lõppu. Kõnealused eeskirjad oleksid seega kogu ühtse turu ühtseks aluseks, millele saaksid toetuda pangandusliidu ettepane- • On tehtud ettepanek kehtestada rangemad kud. Kõnealuseid ühtseid eeskirju on vaja ELi finantstee- usaldatavusnõuded. Pankade kapitalinõudeid nuste siseturu stabiilsuse ja terviklikkuse jaoks. Nendega käsitlevate ettepanekutega („CRD4”)87 algatas luuakse ühtne alus, mis võimaldab liikuda pangandusliidu komisjon pankade kapitali ja likviidsuse uute poole, kujutamata endast ühtse turu killustamise ohtu. üleilmsete standardite rakendamise protsessi. Ühtse Seega on ülioluline, et kaasseadusandjad lõpetavad kiires- järelevalvemehhanismi loomiseks ei peaks olema ti, aasta lõpuks, kapitalinõudeid, hoiuste tagamise skee- vaja kavandatud määrust ja direktiivi oluliselt me ja pangakriiside lahendamist käsitlevad pooleliolevad muuta, kuigi mõnes üksikus valdkonnas võib olla reformid. uue olukorra kajastamiseks vaja teha väiksemaid muudatusi. CRD4 läbirääkimiste viimastes etappides

88 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/docs/ 86 Määrus (EL) nr 1093/2010. guarantee/200914_en.pdf 87 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/regcapital/ 89 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/crisis_management/ new_proposals_en.htm index_en.htm Tegevuskava pangandusliidu poole liikumiseks

Kõnealuseid eeskirju tuleb samuti kohaldada samal viisil kogu liidus, nii et riikide järelevalveasutused ja Euroopa Peamine tegevus Keskpank teostavad ühtset ja kooskõlastatud järelevalvet Komisjon kutsub Euroopa Parlamenti ja nõukogu krediidiasutuste üle. Euroopa Pangandusjärelevalvel (EBA) üles jõudma 2012. aasta lõpuks kokkuleppele järg- on selle eesmärgi täitmisel oluline roll eelkõige tänu va- mistes küsimustes: henditele ja volitustele (ELi õiguse rikkumiste käsitlemine, vahendamine, siduvad tehnilised standardid, suunised ja i) CRD4 ettepanekud, muutes need kohalduvaks soovitused), mis on kehtestatud EBA asutamismäärusega. nii ühtsel turul kui ka ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi Seepärast on tähtis, et EBA täidab täielikult oma rolli, et kontekstis; luua kogu liidus ühtne õigusraamistik ja järelevalvekultuur. ii) direktiivi ettepanek hoiuste tagamise skeemide Selleks et vältida erinevusi euroala ja ülejäänud ELi vahel, kohta, mille on teinud komisjon; peaks ühtseid eeskirju täiendama ühtne järelevalvetava. Ühtses järelevalvemehhanismis osalevate liikmesriikide ja teiste liikmesriikide erinevad järelevalvekäsiraamatud ja iii) direktiivi ettepanek pankade maksevõime taasta- järelevalvealased lähenemisviisid loovad ühtse turu killus- mise ja kriisilahenduse kohta. tumise võimaluse, kuna pangad võivad erinevusi ära ka- sutada, et saada kasu õiguslikust arbitraažist. EBA peaks töötama välja järelevalve ühtse käsiraamatu, et täiendada ühtseid eeskirju. 3. Pangandusliidu loomine 531

Euroopa Keskpanga mis tahes vastuvõetud meetmed Nagu komisjon91 on enne 2012. aasta juuni Euroopa (näiteks üksikasjad, kuidas usaldatavusnõuete täitmist Ülemkogu sedastanud ning Euroopa Ülemkogu, komis- kontrollitakse ühtse järelevalvemehhanismiga loodud järe- joni, eurorühma ja Euroopa Keskpanga juhtide 26. juu- levalvestruktuuri korral) peavad olema kooskõlas ühtsete ni 2012. aasta aruandes92 märgitud, on pangandusliidu eeskirjadega, sealhulgas tehniliste standarditega, mis on toimimahakkamiseks vaja teha veel tööd, et luua ühtne kehtestatud Euroopa Komisjoni poolt vastuvõetud de- järelevalvemehhanism, ühtne hoiuste tagamise süsteem ja legeeritud õigusaktidega. Lõpetuseks tuleks märkida, et keskne kriisijuhtimisraamistik. Ühtse järelevalvemehhanis- tänase ettepanekuga säilitatakse praegune tasakaal pärit- mi loomine on esimene oluline ja märkimisväärne samm. olu- ja vastuvõtvate liikmesriikide vahel, sealhulgas seoses järelevalvekolleegiumides osalemisega. 3.1. Ühtne järelevalvemehhanism

Ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi tegelikku mõju ja tagajärgi Ühtne järelevalvemehhanism, mille kohta komisjon esitab EBA toimimisele analüüsitakse aruandes Euroopa järe- täna ettepaneku, põhineb euroala liikmesriikides asutatud levalveasutuste toimimise kohta, mille komisjon esitab pankade järelevalve võtmetähtsusega eriülesannete üle- 2. jaanuariks 201490. Sellega seoses analüüsib komisjon kandmisel Euroopa tasandile. Kandes lõplikku vastutust, eelkõige, kas on vaja tugevdada EBA rolli seoses stressitesti- täidab Euroopa Keskpank oma ülesandeid ühtse järeleval- de läbiviimisega, et vältida EBA muutumist liiga sõltuvaks vemehhanismi raames, mis koosneb Euroopa Keskpangast nende ametiasutuste teabest ja panusest, kes vastutavad ja riikide järelevalveasutustest. Selline struktuur tagab tu- kogu liidus pangandussektori tegeliku vastupanuvõime geva ja ühtse järelevalve kogu euroalal, kasutades parimal hindamise eest. viisil ära riikide järelevalveasutuste kohalikke ja eritead- misi. Sellega tagatakse, et järelevalve teostaja on jätkuvalt Paralleelselt sellega jätkab komisjon finantsstabiilsuse tu- täielikult teadlik finantsstabiilsuse seisukohast olulistest si- gevdamist ja tagab riigiabi andmise kontrolli ja majandus- seriiklikest ja kohalikest tingimustest. Komisjon kavandab liku kohandumisabi tingimuslikkuse abil ELi pangandus- ka mehhanismi, mis võimaldab nendel liikmesriikidel, kes sektori ühtsel turul võrdsed konkurentsitingimused. ei ole eurot kasutusele võtnud, kuid kes sooviksid osaleda ühtses järelevalvemehhanismis, teha tihedat koostööd Eu- roopa Keskpangaga.

Ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi korral hakkab Euroo- pa Keskpank vastutama kõigi pangandusliidu pankade

90 Vastavalt Euroopa järelevalveasutuste asutamise määruste 91 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/banking-union/index_en.htm artiklile 81 [määrus (EL) nr 1093/2010, määrus (EL) nr 92 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ 1094/2010 ja määrus (EL) nr 1095/2010]. pressdata/en/ec/131201.pdf EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

järelevalve eest, kelle suhtes kohaldatakse kogu ühtsel tu- sünergiast. Kõik ettevalmistavad tegevused ja poliitika rul kohaldatavaid ühtseid eeskirju. Viimase aja kogemus viivad ellu organid ja haldusüksused, mis seisavad eraldi on näidanud, et probleemidel, isegi kui need on suhteli- rahapoliitika funktsioonidest, läbi järelevalvenõukogu, mis selt väikestel pankadel, võib olla oluline negatiivne mõju luuakse Euroopa Keskpangas sellel konkreetsel eesmärgil. liikmesriikide finantsstabiilsusele. Seepärast on Euroopa Keskpangal kohe esimesest päevast peale õigus võtta üle Lõpetuseks tagatakse EBA määruse kavandatud muuda- mis tahes euroala panga järelevalve, kui ta nii otsustab, eri- tustega, et EBA saab kõigi liikmesriikide puhul täita oma ti juhul, kui pank saab riigi toetust. Kõigi teiste pankade rolli tõhusalt. Eelkõige kasutab EBA oma õigusi ja täidab puhul võtab Euroopa Keskpank järelevalve üle automaat- ülesandeid Euroopa Keskpanga suhtes. EBA hääletamis- selt järk-järgult: 1. juulil 2013 kõige olulisemate Euroopa korda kohandatakse, et tagada, et EBA otsuste tegemise süsteemselt oluliste pankade puhul ning 1. jaanuaril 2014 struktuur on jätkuvalt tasakaalus ja tõhus ning kajastab kõigi teiste pankade puhul. Seega 1. jaanuariks 2014 kuu- ühtses järelevalvemehhanismis osalevate ja mitteosalevate luvad kõik euroala pangad Euroopa järelevalve alla. liikmesriikide pädevate asutuste seisukohti, ning et seega täielikult säilitada ühtse turu terviklikkus. Hääletamiskor- Euroopa Keskpangale antakse võtmetähtsusega järeleval- ra muudatused on suunatud valdkondadele, kus EBA teeb vealased eriülesanded, mis on asendamatud, et avastada seaduserikkumisi uurides ja vaidlusi lahendades siduvaid pankade elujõudu ohustavad riskid. Euroopa Keskpangal otsuseid ühtsete eeskirjade kohaldamise kohta. Teistes on õigus nõuda pankadelt vajalike parandusmeetmete valdkondades loetakse olemasolevad menetluslikud kait- võtmist. Euroopa Keskpank on muu hulgas pädev asutus semeetmed piisavaks, et tagada nendes valdkondades ta- 532 järgmistes küsimustes: krediidiasutustele tegevuslubade sakaalustatud ja tõhus otsustusprotsess. Näiteks esitatakse andmine, olulise osaluse hindamine, miinimumkapitali- tehniliste standardite eelnõud komisjonile vastuvõtmiseks nõuetele vastavuse tagamine, omakapitali piisavuses veen- ning komisjon võib otsustada neid mitte kinnitada või dumine seoses krediidiasutuse riskiprofiiliga (nn „teise muuta neid, eriti kui need ei vasta täielikult finantsteenuste samba meetmed”), konsolideeritud järelevalve ja finants- siseturu aluspõhimõtetele. Lõpetuseks on määruse ettepa- konglomeraatide järelevalve teostamine. Euroopa Kesk- nekusse, millega muudetakse määrust 1093/2010, lisatud pank tagab samuti finantsvõimendust ja likviidsust käsit- sihipärase läbivaatamise nõue, et võtta arvesse mis tahes levate sätete järgimise, kohaldab kapitalipuhvreid ja võtab arenguid liikmesriikides, kus on kasutusel euro või kelle koostöös kriisilahendusasutustega varase sekkumise meet- pädevad asutused on asunud tegema tihedat koostööd, meid juhul, kui pank rikub regulatiivseid kapitalinõudeid ning et kontrollida, kas selliseid arenguid arvesse võttes on võib kaldub selle poole. vaja täiendavalt kohandada kõnealuseid sätteid, et tagada, et EBA on otsused teinud finantsteenuste siseturu säilita- Euroopa Keskpangal on ülesannete täitmiseks vajalikud mise ja tugevdamise huvides. uurimis- ja järelevalvevolitused. Riikide järelevalveasutuste aktiivne osalemine ühtses järelevalvemehhanismis on ette nähtud, et tagada järelevalvealaste otsuste sujuv ja tõhus Peamised tegevused ettevalmistamine ja rakendamine, samuti vajalik koordi- Komisjon kutsub: neerimine ja teabevoog seoses nii kohalikke kui ka kogu Euroopat puudutavate küsimustega, et tagada finantssta- i) nõukogu üles kaaluma ja võtma viivitamata vas- biilsus kogu liidus ja selle liikmesriikides. tu ettepaneku nõukogu määruse kohta, millega antakse eriülesanded Euroopa Keskpangale seoses Kõik ülesanded, mis selgelt ei ole antud Euroopa Keskpan- krediidiasutuste usaldatavusnõuete täitmise järele- gale, jäävad riikide järelevalveasutustele. Näiteks vastuta- valve poliitikaga, võttes arvesse Euroopa Parlamendi vad siseriiklikud järelevalveasutused jätkuvalt tarbijakaitse arvamust; eest ja rahapesuvastase võitluse eest ning kolmanda riigi krediidiasutuste järelevalve eest, kes on asutanud selles liik- ii) Euroopa Parlamenti ja nõukogu üles viivitamata mesriigis filiaale või osutab piiriüleselt teenuseid. kaaluma ja vastu võtma ettepanekut, millega muu- detakse määrust 1093/2010, millega asutatakse Eu- Euroopa Keskpank peab saama oma uusi järelevalvefunkt- roopa Pangandusjärelevalve. sioone täita täiesti sõltumatult, olles samas kohustatud täielikult aru andma oma tegevusest. Komisjoni ettepanek Nende kahe ettepaneku osas peaks kokkuleppele sisaldab rangeid aruandekohustusi, nimelt nõukogu ja Eu- jõutama enne 2012. aasta lõppu. roopa Parlamendi ees, et tagada demokraatlik õiguspärasus. Veel kehtestatakse ettepanekuga mitmed organisatsioo- nilised põhimõtted, et tagada rahapoliitika ja järelevalve selge eraldatus. Sellega vähendatakse eri poliitikaeesmär- kide vahelisi konflikte, võimaldades samas saada täit kasu Tegevuskava pangandusliidu poole liikumiseks

3.2. Järgmised sammud pangakriiside Ülemkogu, komisjoni, Euroopa Keskpanga ja eurorühma juhtimisel juhtide poolt 2012. aasta juunis esitatud aruandes.

Üleilmne finantsalane lõimumine ja ELi ühtne turg on Peamised tegevused võimaldanud mõnes liikmesriigis pangandussektoril kasva- da riigi SKPst mitu korda suuremaks, mistõttu muutuvad Kui jõutakse kokkuleppele praeguste hoiuste tagami- asutused liiga suureks, et lasta neil muutuda maksevõime- se skeemide ja pankade maksevõimetuse taastamise tuks ja liiga suureks, et päästa neid olemasoleva siseriikliku ja kriisilahenduse ettepanekute osas, on komisjonil korra alusel. kavas esitada ettepanek ühtse pangakriiside lahen- damise mehhanismi kohta, et koordineerida kriisila- Teiselt poolt on kogemus näidanud, et isegi suhteliselt väi- hendusvahendite kasutamist pangandusliidus. keste pankade krahh võib teha piiriülest süsteemset kahju. Peale selle võivad piiriülesed pangajooksud oluliselt nõr- gendada riigisisest pangandussüsteemi, veelgi kahjustada riigi fiskaalpositsiooni ja kiirendada rahastamisprobleemi- 4. Järgmised sammud de tekkimist nii riigi kui ka pankade jaoks. Rangem järele- valve pangandusliidus aitab parandada pankade seisundit. Euroopa Liidul on vahendid, et tegeleda praeguste nõrkade Kui kriis siiski tekib, on vaja tagada, et asutuste kriis lahen- kohtadega ja luua pangandusliit, mis on oluline samm tõe- datakse nõuetekohasel viisil ning et hoiustajatele kinnita- lise majandus- ja rahaliidu poole liikumisel. 533 takse, et nende hoiused on kaitstud. Komisjon kutsub Euroopa Parlamenti ja nõukogu üles te- 93 Seda arvesse võttes on komisjon rõhutanud, et pangan- gema järgmist: dusliiduga peaks kaasnema panganduskriiside kesksem juhtimine. Euroopa Parlament on samuti kutsunud üles • täielikult toetama pangandusliitu ja kiitma heaks astuma samme selles valdkonnas. Vajadusele ühtse pan- käesolevas teatises kirjeldatud suundumused ja gakriiside lahendamise ja tarbijate hoiuste tagamise meh- tegevuskava; hanismi järele osutati ka Euroopa Ülemkogu, komisjo- ni, eurorühma ja Euroopa Keskpanga juhtide 26. juuni • seadma õigusloomeprotsessis esikohale meetmed, mida 2012. aasta aruandes94. on vaja pangandusliidu loomiseks; • heaks kiitma võimalikult kiiresti ja igal juhul enne aasta Seepärast on komisjonil kavas esitada ettepanek luua üht- lõppu arutlusel olevad ettepanekud järgmistel teemadel: ne kriisilahendusmehhanism, mis juhiks pangakriiside lahendamist ja eelkõige koordineeriks pankade suhtes krii- • hoiuste tagamise skeemid; silahendusvahendite kasutamist pangandusliidus. Selline • juurdepääs krediidiasutuste tegevusele ning mehhanism oleks tõhusam kui riikide kriisilahendusasu- krediidiasutuste ja investeerimisühingute poolse tuste võrgustik, seda eriti piiriüleste pangakrahhide puhul, usaldatavusnõuete täitmise järelevalve (kapitalinõuete võttes arvesse vajadust lahendada pangakriisid kiiresti ja direktiiv); usaldusväärselt. See oleks ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi loomulikuks täienduseks. See annaks ka märkimisväärset • krediidiasutuste ja investeerimisühingute mastaabisäästu ja väldiks negatiivset välismõju, mis võiks usaldatavusnõuded (kapitalinõuete määrus); tekkida puhtalt riigipõhiste otsuste korral. Kõnealune asu- tus teeks otsused vastavalt ühtsete eeskirjadega kehtestatud • krediidiasutuste ja investeerimisühingute maksevõime kriisilahenduspõhimõtetele, mis on kooskõlas rahvusvahe- taastamise ja kriisilahenduse raamistik; lise parima tavaga ning täielikus vastavuses liidu riigiabi • Euroopa Keskpangale teatavate ülesannete andmine eeskirjadele. Enne välist rahastamist peaksid kriisilahen- seoses krediidiasutuste usaldatavusnõuete täitmise duse kulusid kandma eelkõige aktsionärid ja võlausalda- järelevalvega; jad ning maksumaksjate raha mis tahes kasutamise asemel tuleks leida erasektoril põhinevaid lahendusi. • EBA määruse teatavate sätete muutmine. Käesoleva teatise ja sellega seotud õigusaktide ettepaneku- Peale selle, ning selle toimimise hindamise alusel, võiks üht- tega on komisjon tegutsenud kiiresti ja vastutustundlikult, sele kriisilahendusmehhanismile anda lisaülesandeid seoses reageerides Euroopa Ülemkogu ja euroala riikide riigipeade kriisiolukordade juhtimise koordineerimise ja pangandus- ja valitsusjuhtide poolt juuni lõpus antud volitusele. Nüüd sektori kriisilahendusvahenditega, nagu märgitud Euroopa peavad teised asutused andma oma panuse, et tagada ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi loomine 1. jaanuariks 2013. 93 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/banking-union/index_en.htm 94 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/en/ec/131201.pdf

Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

KOMISJONI TEATIS BRÜSSEL, 28. NOVEMBER 2012 COM(2012) 777

1. Majandus- ja rahaliidu alused turu raames võimas majanduskasvu saavutamise vahend. Euro on märgatavalt hõlbustanud euroala riikide vahelist 535 ja eesmärgid ning sellest kaubandust ja samas edendanud nii füüsilisi kui ka rahalisi saadav kasu investeeringuid liikmesriikide vahel. Meie raha stabiilsus on teinud euroalast atraktiivse investeerimiskoha. Kau- Aluslepingute kohaselt on Euroopa Liidu eesmärk eden- bandusest ja investeerimisest saadud kasu on hoogustanud dada rahu, oma väärtusi ja oma rahvaste hüvangut. EL majanduskasvu ja parandanud tööhõivet. Eurosüsteemi taotleb säästvat arengut, mis põhineb tasakaalustatud piisav likviidsuse tagamine on aidanud toime tulla panka- majanduskasvul, hindade stabiilsusel ja kõrge konkurent- devahelise turu probleemidega finantskriisi ja määramatu- sivõimega sotsiaalsel turumajandusel, mille eesmärk on se tingimustes. Euroala on dünaamiline ja avatud süsteem. saavutada täielik tööhõive ja sotsiaalne progress, samuti Liitumine euroalaga, kuhu praegu kuulub 17 liikmesriiki kõrgetasemelisel keskkonnakaitsel ja keskkonna kvaliteedi ja oodatakse lisa tulevikus, on kriisist hoolimata jäänud at- parandamisel. EL edendab majanduslikku, sotsiaalset ja raktiivseks eesmärgiks: 2009. aasta jaanuaris liitus euroala- territoriaalset ühtekuuluvust ja liikmesriikide vahelist so- ga Slovakkia ja 2011. aasta jaanuaris Eesti. lidaarsust. Euroopa Liit rajab majandus- ja rahaliidu, mille rahaühik on euro (vt Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikkel 3). Probleemid seoses majandus- ja rahaliidu esialgse struktuuri ja eeskirjade Majandus- ja rahaliidu loomine ning euro kasutuselevõtt järgimisega on olnud olulised tähised Euroopa integratsiooni teel. Need sammud kuuluvad Euroopa Liidu kõige suuremate Finantskriis vallandus 2008. aastal ja selleks ajaks oli mõ- saavutuste hulka ja eurot peetakse üheks Euroopa iseloo- nes euroala liikmesriigis juba kogunenud suur era- ja ava- mulikuks sümboliks nii Euroopas kui ka mujal maailmas. liku sektori võlg ning kannatati konkurentsivõime languse Majandus- ja rahaliidu loojatel olid ühisraha suhtes suured ja makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse all. Need riigid majanduslikud ja poliitilised ootused. Mõned neist ootus- muutusid eriti haavatavateks pärast kriisi puhkemist ja test on täitunud, osa aga veel mitte. kui kriis oli muutunud riigivõlakriisiks, levis „nakkus” üle kogu euroala. Selline haavatavus tekkis osalt seetõttu, et Euro on suuruselt teine reservvaluuta maailmas ja seega ei järgitud neid kokkulepitud eeskirju, millel majandus- ja ka maailmamajanduse lahutamatu osa. Eurol on arvepi- rahaliit peab põhinema ning mis on sätestatud stabiilsuse damises kindel koht kõikjal maailmas. Euro on aidanud ja kasvu paktis. Suur osa probleemidest kasvas välja majan- avada siseturu euroala elanikele, keda on üle 330 miljoni, dus- ja rahaliidu esialgse institutsioonilise struktuuri puu- võimaldades otseselt võrrelda kaupade ja teenuste hindu dustest – eeskätt võib nimetada sellise vahendi puudumist, eri maades. Euro puhul puuduvad nii valuutarisk kui ka mis oleks võimaldanud süstemaatiliselt kõrvaldada makro- välistehingute kulud ja seega aitab ta ressursse tõhusamalt majanduslikku tasakaalustamatust. jaotada ning muudab kaupade ja teenuste hinnad riikide lõikes täiesti läbipaistvaks. Meie tänapäeva sidusas elekt- Majandus- ja rahaliit on tänapäevaste rahaliitude seas uni- roonilises maailmas on tingimuste ühtlustamine ühtse kaalne selle poolest, et selles on omavahel kombineeritud EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tsentraliseeritud rahapoliitika ja detsentraliseeritud vas- pööratud üleeuroopalisele keskkonnale, milles iga riigi ma- tutus enamiku majanduspoliitika suundade puhul, kuigi jandus toimib. Niisuguse olukorra tekkimisele aitas kaasa riikliku eelarvepoliitika suhtes võib kohaldada piiranguid. üldine riskide puudumine seoses kogu maailmamajandu- Erinevalt teistest rahaliitudest puudub tsentraliseeritud fis- ses valitsenud likviidsuse ülemäärase pakkumisega. kaalpoliitika ja tsentraliseeritud fiskaalsuutlikkus (euroala ühine eelarve)95. Alates euro kasutuselevõtust sai selgeks, et c) Finantsturgudel on tähtis roll, sest kui nad võtavad int- euroala liikmesriikide suurema vastastikuse sõltuvuse tõttu ressimääras, mille alusel riikidel on võimalik raha laenata, on kindel eelarve- ja majanduspoliitika eriti tähtsal kohal. arvesse maksejõuetuse riski, ajendavad nad riike kindlusta- Stabiilsuse ja kasvu paktiga96 kehtestati eelarvepoliitika ma oma riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkust. Kui 1990ndate koordineerimise eeskirjad. Selles nähti ka ette meetmed lõpus inflatsioonisurve kogu maailmas nõrgenes, kasvas liikmesriikide suhtes, kes eeskirju ei järgi. Usuti, et selline keskpankade pakutav raha hulk kiiresti ja pidevalt. Kuna koordineerimine on piisav, et tagada kindel poliitika riigi riski ülekandmisesse finantssüsteemis hakati suhtuma uut tasandil. Juba komisjoni 2008. aasta aruandes EMU@1097 moodi, tõi see kaasa üldise ülemäärase likviidsuse, pide- esitati hulk ettepanekuid senise korra muutmiseks. Kriisi va tulu tagaajamise ja lõpuks rängad riskihindamisvead tõttu muutus vajadus muudatuste järele veel pakilisemaks. nii era- kui ka avaliku sektori varade puhul. Samal ajal oli Euroopa Keskpank euro kasutuselevõtmise järel oma ava- Alates 2008. aastast on Euroala probleemide keskmes ol- turutehingutes toetunud riigivõlakirjadele, hinnates sellega nud järgmised teemad: nende kvaliteedi kõige kõrgemale tasemele, nagu keskpan- ga tagatiste puhul peab olema. Tagajärjeks oli märgatav 536 a) Liikmesriigid ei ole piisaval määral järginud stabiilsu- tootluse ühtlustumine, mis oluliselt nõrgendas turudistsip- se ja kasvu pakti nõudeid ja neil puuduvad töökindlad liini, kuigi liikmesriikide eelarvetulemused olid erinevad. mehhanismid riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikkuse tagamiseks. See tõi muu hulgas kaasa olukorra, kus pangad hakkasid Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetavate sätetega nõuti, et liik- tegema suuri investeeringuid riigivõlakirjadesse. Need eu- mesriigid säilitaksid tugeva eelarvepositsiooni, kuid nende roala riigid, kus valitses tsükliline kasv ja suhteliselt kõrged sätete jõustamine jäi nõrgaks ja liikmesriigid ei kasutanud inflatsioonimäärad, said kasu madalatest või koguni nega- püsiva kasvu perioode fiskaalpoliitika kaugeleulatuvamate tiivsetest reaalintressimääradest. See tõi mõnes riigis kaasa eesmärkide saavutamiseks. Samuti ei ole aluslepingus sä- märkimisväärse laenumahtude kasvu, millega omakorda testatud võlakriteerium tegelikkuses viinud stabiilsuse ja kaasnes suur kinnisvaramull. kasvu pakti korrigeerivate sätete rakendamiseni. Tagajär- gedeks olid eelarvekõrvalekalded headel aegadel ja suure d) Majandus- ja rahaliidu loomine on järsult kiirendanud võlakoormaga riikide suutmatus võlga vähendada. finantsintegratsiooni tempot. See on küll avanud võimalusi portfellide mitmekesistamiseks, ent on samal ajal kiirenda- b) Liikmesriikide majanduspoliitika koordineerimine nud ka majandusvapustuste levikut üle riigipiiride. Olene- muudes valdkondades peale eelarvevaldkonna on toetu- mata turu suuremast integreeritusest, on kohustus tagada nud n.-ö pehmetele vahenditele – vastastikusele survele ja usaldatavusnõuete täitmise järelevalve ja kriisiohjamine soovitustele –, mistõttu selle mõju iga üksiku euroala liik- jäänud peamiselt liikmesriikide tasandile. Selline asüm- mesriigi tegevusele on jäänud väikseks. Majanduspoliitika meetria, mis väljendub ühelt poolt integreeritud finants- koordineerimine ei ole olnud piisavalt tugev, et toime tulla turgudes ja teiselt poolt finantsstabiilsust tagavate struk- üha süvenevate liikmesriikidevaheliste erisustega konku- tuuride riiklikus killustatuses, on praeguse kriisi kõigis rentsivõime ja kasvu valdkonnas. Sellele, millist ülekandu- etappides kaasa toonud ebapiisava koordineerimise taseme vat mõju avaldavad riigi tasandi meetmed kogu euroalale, asjaomaste ametiasutuste vahel. Kriisile reageerimisel on ei ole peaaegu üldse tähelepanu pööratud. Riigi majandus- kõige suuremaks probleemiks osutunud ühiste eeskirjade poliitika kujundamisel ei ole vajalikul määral tähelepanu ja kogu euroala finantssektorit kontrollivate järelevalve- ja otsustusinstitutsioonide puudumine. See, et puudus ühtne ELi tasandi raamistik ja mehhanism, kuidas ühiselt reagee- 95 Käesolevas tekstis tuleb sõnaosa „fiskaal-” mõista tähenduses rida pangandussektorist tulevatele riskidele, mis ohustasid „eelarvega seonduv“. paljusid või kõiki liikmesriike, on haavatavates maades te- 96 Majandus- ja rahaliidu poliitikaraamistik hõlmab üksikasjalikke kitanud pangandussektori ja valitsussektori vahele tugevast aluslepingu sätteid, millega a) luuakse Euroopa Kekspank (EKP), mis on euroala sõltumatu rahandusasutus; negatiivsest vastastikmõjust tingitud nõiaringi. Niisugused b) täpsustatakse riikide eelarvepoliitika juhtimist reguleerivat nõiaringid on võlakriisi veelgi suurendanud ja põhjustanud eeskirjade kogumit (käsitletakse näiteks ülemäärase kapitali väljavoolu. Tagajärjeks on see, et mõned liikmesrii- eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust, rahastamiskeeldu ja eesõiguste gid on jäetud ilma turupõhise rahastamise võimalustest ja keeldu ning nn kohustuste mitte enda peale võtmise põhimõtet); ja c) reguleeritakse üldisemalt majanduspoliitika on tekkinud oht, et see levib nn nakkusefektina üle kogu järelevalvet liikmesriikides. euroala. Eelöeldut arvestades on kriisi ohjamiseks võetud 97 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/publications/ meetmed jäänud selgesti ebapiisavaks, kuna on puudunud publication_summary12680_en.htm Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine selline tõhus mehhanism, mis tagaks surve all olevatele liik- 2.1. Järelevalve eelarve üle mesriikidele likviidsuse ning ohjaks seeläbi probleemide edasikandumise riski ja tagaks euroala stabiilsuse. Komisjon esitas 2010. aasta 12. mai ja 30. juuni teatistes98 oma strateegia, kuidas tugevdada majandusjuhtimist Eu- Euroopa Liit on astunud otsustavaid samme, et lahenda- roopas. Nimetatud teatistele järgnes õigusakti ettepaneku- da need suured probleemid. Samal ajal on vaja tihendada te pakett, mille komisjon võttis vastu 29. septembril 2010. majandus- ja rahaliitu. Käesolevas tiheda ja toimiva ma- jandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskavas kirjeldatakse te- Tõhusa institutsioonidevahelise koostöö tulemusena kul- gureid ja samme, mida on vaja täieliku panga-, majandus-, ges õiguslik menetlus kiiresti ning Euroopa majandus- ja fiskaal- ja poliitilise liidu saavutamiseks. eelarvejärelevalve raamistikku uuendati 2011. aasta det- sembris, mil võeti vastu kuuest õigusakti ettepanekust koosnev pakett, mille eesmärk oli kõrvaldada majandus- ja 2. Seni võetud meetmed: kriisile finantskriisi ajal ilmsiks tulnud kitsaskohad. Pakett koosnes reageerimine kolmest määrusest, mille eesmärk oli tugevdada Euroopa eelarvejärelevalve raamistikku (stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakt), veel kahest määrusest, mille eesmärk oli kehtestada uus jä- Kriisi lahendamisel on komisjon haaranud liidrirolli, et relevalvemenetlus makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse säilitada ühtne turg tingimustes, kus on esile kerkinud suhtes, ja ühest direktiivist, mille eesmärk oli kehtestada protektsionistlikud meeleolud ja killustumine riigipiiride miinimumnõuded liikmesriikide eelarveraamistiku suhtes. järgi, seda eriti pangandussektoris; et läbi vaadata ma- 537 jandus- ja rahaliidu majanduslik juhtimine ja kõrvaldada majandusjärelevalve kitsaskohad ning esitada tähtsad sea- Kõnealune õigusaktide pakett tugevdas tunduvalt sta- dusandlikud ettepanekud, millega algatatakse finantssek- biilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetavaid meetmeid, sest sellega tori järelevalve reformimine; et tagada pankade päästmise kehtestati kulueeskiri, mis sidus kulude kasvu määra SKP kooskõlastamine ja järelevalve ELi tasandil ning et juhtida keskmise pikkusega perioodi potentsiaalse kasvumääraga. Euroopa majanduse elavdamise kava raames reaalmajandu- Nimetatud õigusaktidega anti ka võimalus kasutada sankt- se toetamist. sioone menetluse varases etapis. Riik peab nüüd esitama intressi kandva tagatise suuruses 0,2% SKPst, kui tema eelarveseisund ei ole piisavalt tugev. Uute õigusaktidega Olulisel kohal on olnud Euroopa Parlamendi tugev toe- nähti ka ette jõulisemad meetmed suurte poliitikavigade tus, mis on võimaldanud need algatused kiiresti ellu viia parandamiseks stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetavate meet- ja seadusandlikud ettepanekud kiiresti jõustada. 2010. aas- mete raames ning uus kvantitatiivne eeskiri, mille koha- tal Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja poolt majandusjuhtimise selt iga liikmesriik, kes ületab Maastrichti lepingu kohase tugevdamiseks loodud töörühm võimaldas liikmesriikidel võlakünnise, peab ülemäärast võlataset kiiresti vähendama. komisjoni ettepanekute toetamise suhtes kiiresti konsen- Ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetluse võib nüüd alga- suseni jõuda. Euroopa Ülemkogu mitmete kohtumiste tada nii riigivõlaga seotud ebasoodsate ilmingute korral kui tulemusena on liikmesriigid võtnud olulisi kohustusi ja ka valitsemissektori eelarve suure puudujäägi korral. Üm- meetmeid, et Euroopa kriisist välja tuua. berpööratud kvalifitseeritud häälteenamusega hääletamise kasutuselevõtt tugevdab märgatavalt komisjoni positsioo- Kõik euroala liikmesriigid ja enamik teisi liikmesriike on ni, kui otsustatakse euroala liikmesriike käsitlevate sankt- võtnud kohustuse inkorporeerida eelarvejärelevalvet käsit- sioonide üle. Varem nõuti selliste otsuste puhul nõukogu levad ELi eeskirjad ja põhimõtted oma õigusraamistikku, kvalifitseeritud häälteenamust, tulevikus nõutakse kvalifit- nii nagu on ette nähtud majandus- ja rahaliidu stabiilsuse, seeritud häälteenamust selleks, et peatada komisjoni soovi- koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepinguga, millele kirjutasid tatud sanktsioon. 2012. aasta märtsis alla kõik ELi liikmesriigid, välja arva- tud Tšehhi Vabariik ja Ühendkuningriik. Nn finantstule- Kõnealusesse kuuest õigusaktist koosnevasse paketti kuu- müüri rajamine euroala kaitseks ning mitmed järjestikused lus ka direktiiv liikmesriikide eelarveraamistiku miini- otsused selle kohta, kuidas selle ulatust suurendada, selle mumnõuete kohta, mille eesmärk on tagada, et liikmesriigi toimimist paindlikumaks muuta ning see püsivaks teha, on fiskaalraamistik võimaldaks ELi eeskirju järgida. Lähene- märkimisväärselt suurendanud kriisiohjesuutlikkust. misviis, millega tagatakse, et liikmesriikides on kehtestatud otsustusprotsessid, mis võimaldavad kujundada poliitikat

98 Vt Komisjoni teatis, 12. mai 2010 (KOM(2010) 250 (lõplik)), ja komisjoni teatis, 30. juuni 2010 (KOM(2010) 367 (lõplik)), ning komisjoni kuuest õigusaktist koosnev pakett, 29. september 2010 (KOM(2010) 522–527 (lõplik)). EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kooskõlas Euroopa nõuetega, on ka üks majandus- ja ra- nähtud rahalised sanktsioonid sellistele euroala liikmesrii- haliidu stabiilsuse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepingu kidele, kes ei järgi ülemäärase tasakaalustamatuse menet- peamisi põhimõtteid. Sellele allakirjutanud euroala liik- luse nõudeid. mesriigid on võtnud kohustuse integreerida stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti peamised põhimõtted oma riigi õigustikku Majandusliku, eelarvealase ja struktuurse järelevalve paljud siduvate ja püsivat laadi sätete kaudu, mille hulka kuulub komponendid on samuti omavahel täielikult integreeritud ka riikliku korrektsioonimehhanismi loomine, mille üle selliste kriisi puhkemisele järgnenud muudatuste kaudu, teostab järelevalvet sõltumatu järelevalveasutus, et tagada mille tulemusena võeti kasutusele Euroopa poolaasta. Va- stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti ennetavate meetmetega ettenäh- rem hinnati neid komponente eraldi, nüüd kontrollitakse tud eelarvealaste eesmärkide täitmine. Kuigi tegemist on neid paralleelselt iga kalendriaasta esimese kuue kuu jook- valitsustevahelise dokumendiga, tahetakse majandus- ja sul, mis võimaldab liikmesriikidel võtta järgmise kuue kuu rahaliidu stabiilsuse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepin- jooksul eelarveprotsessides arvesse riigipõhiseid soovitusi. gu sätted viie aasta jooksul inkorporeerida liidu õigusesse. Liikmesriigid saavad poliitikaküsimustes nõu enne, kui Koostöös Euroopa Parlamendi ja nõukoguga on komisjon nad hakkavad kinnitama oma järgmise aasta eelarvet. juba astunud samme, et kaasata teatavad majandus- ja ra- haliidu stabiilsuse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepingu 2.3. Finantsregulatsioon ja -järelevalve osad euroala liikmesriikides kohaldatavasse ELi õigusesse; selleks on koostatud kahest õigusakti ettepanekust koosnev pakett, mis on praegu ELi otsustusprotsessis menetlemisel. Nelja viimase aasta jooksul on Euroopa Liit astunud ot- sustavaid samme finantsregulatsiooni ja -järelevalve vald- 538 konnas ning rakendatud on väga kaugeleulatuv ja põhjalik Kõnealused ettepanekud kahe määruse vastuvõtmiseks reformikava. Eesmärk on muuta finantsinstitutsioonid ja esitas komisjon 2011. aasta novembris. Nende eesmärk on -turud, mis on olnud kriisi keskmes, konkurentsivõimeli- veelgi tugevdada eelarvealast kooskõlastamist ja eelarvejäre- semaks ja vastupidavamaks. Komisjoni president palus en- levalvet, tagada sihipärasem ennetustegevus ja tõhusamad disel IMFi peadirektoril ja Prantsusmaa keskpanga nõuko- parandusmeetmed juhuks, kui kaldutakse kõrvale stabiil- gu liikmel Jacques de Larosière’il esitada põhjalik aruanne suse ja kasvu paktiga ettenähtud eelarvepoliitika nõue- asjakohaste meetmete kohta. De Larosière’i aruande põhjal test. Kõik euroala liikmesriigid esitavad enne parlamendis koostas komisjon finantssektori reguleerimise reformi põh- kinnitamist oma järgmise aasta eelarvekava komisjonile jaliku kava. ja oma euroala partneritele ühise ajakava järgi. Kõnealuse kahe õigusaktiga tugevdatakse ka kontrolli- ja järelevalve- toimingud sellistes liikmesriikides, kellel on suuri raskusi Neljandas kapitalinõuete direktiivis (CRD 4) ja kapitali- finantsstabiilsuse tagamisega või kes saavad finantsabi. nõuete määruses (CRR), mida praegu arutatakse, on soovi- tatud pankade jaoks rangemaid usaldatavusnõudeid. Kapi- tali adekvaatsuse nõuded kavatsetakse nüüd esmakordselt 2.2. Majanduspoliitika järelevalve kehtestada määrusega, mitte direktiiviga. Kapitalinõuete määruse vastuvõtmine on märkimisväärne samm Euroopa Enne kriisi kehtinud järelevalvekorra kõige nõrgem koht oli Liidu finantsinstitutsioonide tegevust reguleerivate ühtse- süstemaatilise järelevalve puudumine makromajandusliku te eeskirjade valmimise suunas. EL on võtnud meetmeid tasakaalustamatuse ja konkurentsivõime arengusuundade ka juhtimise poole pealt, kehtestades siduvad eeskirjad üle. Kõnealuseid arengusuundi analüüsiti küll komisjoni tasustamistavade kohta, et takistada panku liigseid riske aruannetes liikmesriikide kohta, sealhulgas ka arvamustes võtmast. stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide kohta, ning iga kahe aasta tagant mitteametlikes euroala konkurentsivõime EL on finantsturgude järelevalve karmistamiseks loonud ülevaadetes, kuid siiski puudus nii ametlik süstemaatilise Euroopa Finantsjärelevalve Süsteemi (ESFS), mis koosneb analüüsi vahend kui ka konkreetsete poliitikasoovitus- kolmest Euroopa järelevalveasutusest (ESAd) – Euroo- te vormis järelmeetmete mehhanism. Kuuest õigusaktist pa Pangandusjärelevalve (EBA), Euroopa Kindlustus- ja koosneva paketiga võeti kasutusele makromajandusliku ta- Tööandjapensionide Järelevalve (EIOPA) ja Euroopa sakaalustamatuse menetlus, et kõnealune puudus korvata; Väärtpaberiturujärelevalve (ESMA) – ning makrotasandi samuti uus järelevalvemehhanism, mille eesmärk on hoi- usaldatavuse kontrollijast, kelleks on Euroopa Süsteemsete da ära makromajanduslikku tasakaalustamatust ning teha Riskide Nõukogu. Kolm Euroopa järelevalveasutust teevad kindlaks mis tahes konkurentsivõime hälbed ja võimaldada koostööd liikmesriikide järelevalveasutustega, et tagada need kiiresti parandada. Kõnealune mehhanism põhineb eeskirjade ühtlustamine ja uute nõuete range ja järjekin- häiresüsteemil, mille puhul kasutatakse näitajaid koonda- del rakendamine. Euroopa Süsteemsete Riskide Nõukogu vat tulemustabelit ja põhjalikke riigipõhiseid uuringuid, et peab järelevalvet kogu finantssüsteemi stabiilsust kahjus- teha kindlaks tasakaalustamatus ja vajaduse korral algatada tada võivate ohtude üle, et ilmnevad puudused õigel ajal ülemäärase tasakaalustamatuse menetlus. Kõnealust uut kõrvaldada. menetlust toetavad ka jõustamissätted, millega on ette Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

Krediidireitingu agentuurid, kes mõjutasid suuresti kriisi EKP on etendanud olulist rolli selles, kuidas euroala on puhkemist, on nüüd Euroopa Väärtpaberiturujärelevalve reageerinud majandus- ja finantskriisile. Kõigepealt lan- (ESMA) hoolika kontrolli all. 2012. aastal vastuvõetud getati ametlik refinantseerimismäär peaaegu nullini, kui õigusaktidega tagatakse, et kõik standardsed börsivälised majanduskasv aeglustus. Lisaks sellele on EKP võtnud tuletisinstrumendid kliiritakse keskse osalejana tegutsevate hulga meetmeid, et leevendada kriisi mõju finantsturgu- kliiringukodade poolt, mis vähendab kohustuste täitmata de toimimisele sel ajal, kui toimingud pankadevahelisel jätmise ohtu. Lisaks sellele hakkab pärast seda, kui ko- turul olid peaaegu seiskunud. Üks esimesi taolisi mõjusid misjoni esitatud õigusakti ettepanek vastu võetakse, kõigi oli pankade hulgifinantseerimise hääbumine, kui nen- standardsete ja piisavalt likviidsete tuletisinstrumentidega de bilansis kirjendatud varade kvaliteet hakkas kahtlust kauplemine toimuma reguleeritud keskkonnas. Lühikeseks äratama. EKP reageeris sellele nii, et hõlbustas pankade müügi küsimus on juba tähelepanu alla võetud läbipaist- juurdepääsu rahapoliitika tehingutele. Selleks leevenda- vust suurendavate õigusnormide vastuvõtmise kaudu. ti nii standardsete refinantseerimistehingute kui ka hä- daolukorras antava likviidsusabi suhtes kohaldatavaid 2.4. Kriisilahendamismehhanismid tagatise-eeskirju. 2010. aasta mais käivitas eurosüsteem väärtpaberituruprogrammi, ostes riigivõlakirju nii piiratud Kriisi lahendamise seisukohast asetus kesksele kohale kui ka steriliseeritud sekkumise teel. Kui rahastamissurve sellise kriisilahendamismehhanismi väljatöötamine, mis 2011. aasta teisel poolel suurenes, ohustades kogu euroala võimaldaks toime tulla finantsturgude haavatavusega ja finantsstabiilsust, andis EKP pankadele võimaluse kasuta- leevendada ühest liikmesriigist teise levivat nakkusohtu. da erakordselt pikaajalisi refinantseerimistehinguid, mille 539 Komisjoni algatusel loodi 2010. aasta mais kaks ajutist puhul kehtestati lõpptähtajaks kuni kolm aastat (tavaliselt kriisilahendusmehhanismi: Euroopa finantsstabiilsus- kuni kolm kuud). Kõnealused kolm pikaajalise refinantsee- mehhanism (EFSM) ja Euroopa Finantsstabiilsuse Fond rimistehingute vooru on tugevasti mõjutanud investorite (EFSF). Euroopa finantsstabiilsusmehhanism (EFSM) on suhtumist ja surve rahastamisturgudel on olulisel määral finantstoetusvahend, mille ressursid tulevad ELi eelarvest. nõrgenenud. Kuigi paljudel pankadel on endiselt keeruli- See on kõigi 27 Euroopa Liidu liikmesriigi käsutuses ja ne saada hulgirahastust, võib kõnealustel turgudel viimasel põhineb praegustel aluslepingutel. EFSF on aga euroala ajal täheldada märke olukorra paranemisest, eriti suurema- liikmesriikide asutus, mille peakorter asub Luxembourgis te pankade puhul. ja mille tegevust reguleeritakse valitsustevahelise lepingu- ga. EFSFi laenuandmisvõime on tagatud üksnes osalevate Kriisi levimine riigivõlaturgudele ning pankade ja valit- liikmesriikide garantiidega ja seda võivad kasutada üksnes semissektori vahelisest vastastikmõjust tingitud nõiaring euroala liikmesriigid. on kaasa toonud euroala finantssüsteemi üha suurema killustumise ja nn uuestivääringustamise ohu tekke, mis Olles tõdenud kriisi jätkumist, hakkasid euroala liikmes- on seotud hirmuga, et euro võib käibelt kaduda. EKP on riigid juba loodud tugimehhanisme tugevamaks ja paind- vastu võtnud otsuse, millega lubatakse teha rahapoliitilisi otsetehinguid teisesel riigivõlakirjade turul, kui täidetak- likumaks muutma. Lõpuks otsustati luua alaline kriisila- 100 hendamismehhanism, mille abil oleks võimalik paremini se teatavaid rangeid ja tõhusaid tingimusi . Eesmärk on kaitsta euroala ja selle liikmesriikide finantsstabiilsust. Sel- kanda hoolt, et EKP poliitika põhimõtted leviksid asjako- le tulemusena loodi 8. oktoobril 2012 euroala rahanduse hasel viisil reaalmajandusse kogu euroalal, tagades rahapo- alaline kaitsemehhanism – Euroopa Stabiilsusmehhanism liitika ühtsuse. Rahapoliitilisi tehingute puhul järgitakse (ESM). See on nüüd täiesti toimiv vahend, sest kõik eu- rangelt EKP volitust säilitada keskmise pikkusega perspek- roala liikmesriigid on ESMi lepingu ratifitseerinud. ESM tiivis hinnastabiilsus. Rahapoliitiliste otsetehingute puhul on kapitali poolest maailma suurim rahvusvaheline finants­ on vajalikuks eeltingimuseks Euroopa Finantsstabiilsuse institutsioon ja maailma suurim piirkondlik tulemüür Fondi (EFSF) ja Euroopa stabiilsusmehhanismi (ESM) (500 miljardit eurot). ESMi loomine on oluline samm, asjakohase programmiga seotud rangete ja tõhusate tingi- millega tagatakse, et euroalal on olemas vahendid selleks, muste täitmine. Kui programmiga seotud tingimuslikkuse et päästa liikmesriike, kes kannatavad laenude tagasimak- nõue täielikult täidetakse, kaalub EKP rahapoliitiliste otse- setest tulenevate finantsraskuste käes. 27. novembril 2012 tehingute lubamist niivõrd, kuivõrd need on rahapoliitika kinnitas Euroopa Kohus, et ESMi leping on oma praegusel seisukohast õigustatud. Kõnealused tehingud lõpetatakse kujul kooskõlas ELi õigusega99. kohe, kui eesmärk on saavutatud või kui makromajan- dusliku kohandamisprogrammi või ennetava programmi nõuded on täitmata jäetud. Rahapoliitiliste otsetehingute

99 27.novembri 2012. aasta otsus kohtuasjas C-370/12: Pringle. Kohus kinnitas ka Euroopa nõukogu otsuse 2011/199/EL (millega muudeti ELi toimimise lepingu artiklit 136) kehtivust 100 EKP 6. mai 2012. aasta pressiteade rahapoliitiliste ja seda, et liikmesriikidel on õigus ESMi lepingut sõlmida ja otsetehingute tehniliste üksikasjade kohta: http://www.ecb.int/ seda ratifitseerida enne kõnealuse otsuse jõustumist. press/pr/date/2012/html/pr120906_1.en.html EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kaudu tekkinud likviidsusmõjud steriliseeritakse täielikult. asuvad. Kaks enam-vähem sarnast ettevõtet, kes asuvad tei- Rahapoliitiliste otsetehingute programmi väljakuulutami- ne teisel pool kahe euroala liikmesriigi vahelist piiri, ei saa sel, mis asendab piiratumat väärtpaberituruprogrammi, on enam oma investeeringuid rahastada sarnastel tingimustel, taas olnud suur mõju investorite suhtumisele, mis on kaa- kuigi nad asuvad teineteisest vaid mõne kilomeetri kaugu- sa toonud riigivõlakirjade tulususe märgatava vähenemise sel. Ühes riigis võib investeeringute tegemine lakata ja töö- haavatavates liikmesriikides. puudus tõusta, kuna selles riigis ei ole enam võimalik saada talutavate tingimustega laenu. Samal ajal võivad naaber- Majandus- ja rahaliit ei ole veel täielikult riigi investeeringukulud ja töötus langeda enneolematult ümber korraldatud madalale tasemele. Sama võib öelda ka kodumajapidamiste rahastamistingimuste kohta. Selline suundumuste erine- Kriisi ületamiseks on juba võetud jõulisi meetmeid. Vaid vus, mis ei kajasta majanduslikke alustingimusi ega vasta mõne aasta eest ei peetud selliste meetmete võtmist po- kodanike ega ettevõtete huvidele, võib hakata takistama liitiliselt teostatavaks. Paljud neist meetmetest, näiteks Euroopa edasist integratsiooni. majandus- ja eelarvepoliitika koordineerimise vahendite ümberkorraldamine ja alalise „finantstulemüüri” rajami- Valitsemissektori ja pankade vaheline nõiaring ning sellega ne, ei juurdu üleöö. Lisaks aitavad teavad meetmed suu- kaasnev ELi finantsturgude taaskillustumine loob uuesti- rendada kindlustunnet vaid siis, kui nad on mõnda aega vääringustamise ohu. Sellise ohu tekkimisel panustavad tõhusalt toiminud. Selles peitub üks neist põhjustest, miks finantsturu osalised võimalusele, et ühtne vääring variseb riigivõlakriis, hoolimata jõulistest meetmetest, kasvas üle kokku. 540 usalduskriisiks, mis seab kahtluse alla euroala senisel kujul säilimise. Rohkem kui 50 aastat pärast Euroopa Liidu moodustamist tekkinud usalduskriisi ajal seisame silmitsi selliste ajast ja Kriisi süvendab ka lõhe, mis valitseb ühelt poolt majan- arust nähtustega nagu riigipiiridest tulenevate piirangute dus- ja rahaliidu raames toimuva kiire finantsintegratsioo- suurenemine, kahtlused ühtse turu püsimise suhtes ning ni ning teiselt poolt ELi finantssektori reguleerimise ja jä- majandus- ja rahaliidu saavutuste ja tulevikuperspektiivide relevalve suhteliselt aeglase integreerimise vahel. ähmastumine. Ohustatud on ka Euroopa Liidu sotsiaalse turumajanduse mudel. Kriisi ohjamist on maksumaksja jaoks muutnud keeruli- semaks ja kulukamaks ka riigiüleste ELi pangandusjäre- Alates 2008. aastast majandus-, finants- ja riigivõlakriisi levalve institutsioonide puudumine. Veelgi olulisemaks käigus saadud õppetundide alusel on majandus- ja raha- tuleb aga pidada seda, et usalduskriisi tekkimisel puudus liidu raames majanduse juhtimist põhjalikult ümber kor- nõuetekohane finantssektori juhtimise mehhanism (piisav raldatud. Enneolematute ümberkorraldustega on majan- regulatiiv- ja järelevalve- ning kriisilahendusmehhanism), dus- ja rahandusliitu muudetud oluliselt töökindlamaks mistõttu ametiasutused lähtusid otsuste tegemisel oma rii- võrreldes kriisieelse ajaga. Kriis näitab selgelt, kuivõrd meie gi huvidest. See aga süvendas finantsturgude killustumist: riigid on majandus- ja rahaliidus muutunud üksteisest ma- kuna riiklike võrdlusvõlakirjadel oli erinev riskipõhine janduslikult sõltuvaks. Enam ei ole kahtlust, et majandus- hind, tekkisid euroala liikmesriikides ettevõtete ja maja- ja rahaliidu edu või ebaedu mõjutab kõiki selles osalejaid. pidamiste rahastamistingimustes suured erinevused, mis vähendas paljuski Euroopa finantsintegratsioonist saadavat Kuid veelgi põhimõttelisemat ohtu kujutab endast usal- kasu. duskriis, millele tuleb leida olemuslik lahendus. Lahendus peab olema selline, mis taastaks kindlustunde ühtse turu Kuna laenutingimused muutusid raskemaks majandusak- ja ühisraha püsimise suhtes, ning süvendama veendumust, tiivsuse languse ajal, pidurdas see veelgi mõnede liikmes- et neis valdkondades kodanikele ja ettevõtetele kasulikud, riikide majanduskasvu, mis omakorda süvendas pankade kuid veel saavutamata eesmärgid tulevikus saavutatakse ja ja valitsemissektori vahelist nõiaringi ja piiras veelgi nende annavad kestlikke tulemusi. liikmesriikide võimet kriisi ületada. Kõik see kahjustab nende riikide võimet end turutingimustel refinantseerida Tõhususe ja usaldusväärsuse huvides tuleb eelkõige la- ning suurendab ohtu, et nad vajavad finantsabi. Seevastu hendada kodanike, ettevõtete ja liikmesriikide ees seisvad liikmesriikides, kus majandusaktiivsus oli suhteliselt suur, praktilised probleemid. Moodustada tuleb pangandusliit, paranesid laenutingimused veelgi. mis aitab peatada ELi finantsturu lagunemise ja mõist- likkuse piires ühtlustada kogu ELi kodumajapidamiste ja Sellest võib järeldada, et tugevate integreeritud ELi tasan- ettevõtete rahastamistingimused. See aitaks lõhkuda ka di institutsioonide puudumine soodustas integratsiooni liikmesriikide valitsemissektori ja pankade vahelisest nega- taandarengut ning seadis ettevõtete ja majapidamiste olu- tiivsest vastastikmõjust tingitud nõiaringi ning väldiks eu- korra sõltuvusse sellest, millises euroala liikmesriigis nad roala majandustsüklite erinevuste kunstlikku süvenemist. Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

Kuid koos lahendustega tuleb esitada ka visioon majandus- Edasiliikumine peab olema hoolikalt tasakaalustatud. Soli- ja rahaliidu tihedamaks integreerimiseks. Kolmandaks aga daarsuse ja rahalise toetuse suurenemine peaks käima käsi- tuleb sõnastada selge ja jõukohane lõppeesmärkide saavu- käes vastutuse ja majandusliku distsipliini suurenemisega. tamise kava, millel on ELi institutsioonide ja liikmesriikide Tasakaalu tagamisega tuleb tegelda igas majandus- ja ra- kindel toetus. haliidu arendamise etapis. Finantsregulatsiooni, rahandus- ja majanduspoliitika põhjalikuma integreerimise ja selle- kohastele vahendite loomisega samal ajal peab toimuma 3. Edasiliikumisel tuleb seada proportsionaalne poliitiline integratsioon vastavalt demo- ulatuslikud eesmärgid ja täita kraatliku õiguspärasuse ja aruandekohustuse põhimõtetele. need täpses järjekorras Käesolevas peatükis kirjeldatakse samme ja meetmeid, mida lühikeses, keskmise pikkusega ja pikas perspektiivis Majandus- ja rahaliidu ees seisab otsustav ülesanne tugev- tuleb võtta sellise tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu dada euroala, et majanduslik ja ühiskondlik heaolu saaks loomiseks, mis jääb kestma ja mis hõlmab eri valdkondi jätkuda. 2012. aasta juunis toimunud Euroopa Ülemkogu poliitika koordineerimise ja fiskaalsuutlikkuse paranda- kohtumisel esitas ülemkogu eesistuja koos komisjoni pre- misest kuni avaliku sektori tulude, kulutuste ja võlakir- sidendi, eurorühma esimehe ja Euroopa Keskpanga presi- jade emiteerimiseks tehtavate ühisotsuste osatähtsuse dendiga üleskutse töötada välja konkreetne ja tähtajaline suurendamiseni. tegevuskava toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomiseks. 541 Vahearuanne esitati oktoobris toimunud Euroopa Ülem- Mõningaid vahendeid võimaldavad vastu võtta ka kehtivad kogu kohtumisel ja lõpparuanne tuleb esitada 2012.aasta aluslepingud, teised aga nõuavad kehtivate aluslepingute detsembris. Euroopa Parlament võttis 20. novembril vastu muutmist ja liidule täiendava pädevuse andmist. Seega aruande „Tõelise majandus- ja rahaliidu suunas”, milles on saab esimest liiki vahendite loomine alata juba lähemal ajal esitatud parlamendi soovitused majandus- ja rahaliidu ti- ja tuleks lõpule viia hiljemalt keskmise pikkusega perspek- hedama integreerimise kohta. Komisjon esitab omapoolse tiivis. Teist liiki vahendite loomist saab alustada keskmise edasiliikumiskava käesolevas dokumendis. pikkusega perspektiivis ja nende loomise lõpule viia pikas perspektiivis. Siiski peaks kogu aeg meeles pidama, et te- Me vajame kõikehõlmavat visiooni toimivast majandus- gemist on tervikliku protsessiga, mille puhul iga uus etapp ja rahaliidust, et selle alusel välja töötada selline tugev ja tugineb eelmistele. püsiv finants-, eelarve-, majandus- ja poliitiline struktuur, mis toetaks stabiilsust ja heaolu. Tihe ja toimiv majandus- Lühikeses perspektiivis (6–18 kuud) tuleks keskenduda ja rahaliit tähendab, et Euroopa tasandil koordineeritakse kuuest õigusaktist koosneva paketiga loodud uute ma- ja kiidetakse heaks liikmesriikide peamised majandus- ja jandusjuhtimise vahendite täielikule rakendamisele ning eelarvepoliitilised valikud ning teostatakse nende üle jä- komisjoni uute ettepanekute kiirele vastuvõtmisele (kahest relevalvet. See kehtiks muu hulgas ka maksustamis- ja õigusaktist koosnev pakett ja ühtne järelevalvemehha- tööhõivepoliitika ning muude majandus- ja rahaliidu toi- nism), kuid majanduspoliitika koordineerimise ja struk- mimise seisukohalt oluliste poliitikavaldkondade suhtes. tuurireformide, eelkõige tasakaalustamatuse ületamise ja Selline majandus- ja rahaliit vajab ka piisavat iseseisvat fis- konkurentsivõime parandamise valdkonnas saab paljutki kaalsuutlikkust, mis võimaldaks tõhusalt toetada poliitilise saavutada ka teiseste õigusaktidega. Pärast ELi mitme- koordineerimise tulemusel sündivaid poliitilisi valikuid. aastase finantsraamistiku vastuvõtmist tuleks ELi eelarve Majandus- ja rahaliidu tasandil tuleks teha ja rakendada raames loodavat rahastamisvahendit kasutada tasakaalu proportsionaalne osa neist ühisotsustest, mis tehakse tulu- parandamiseks, kohandamiseks ja seega majandus- ja ra- de, kulutuste ja võlakirjade emiteerimise kohta. haliitu kuulvate riikide majanduskasvu toetamiseks. Te- gemist oleks fiskaalsuutlikkuse suurendamise ja poliitika On selge, et majandus- ja rahaliitu ei saa täielikult integree- koordineerimise mehhanismide tihedama integreerimise rida ja toimima panna üleöö. Eriti aeganõudev on poliiti- esimese etapiga. Fiskaal- ja majanduspoliitika koordinee- lise pädevuse üleandmine liikmesriikide tasandilt Euroopa rimise järgmiseks etapiks ja sellekohase fiskaalsuutlikkuse tasandile. Selleks et majandus- ja rahaliit suudaks püsivalt parandamise esimeseks etapiks oleks lähenemise ja kon- tagada stabiilsuse, jätkusuutlikkuse ja kodanike heaolu, tu- kurentsivõime toetamise vahendi loomine. Ühtset kriisila- leb juba lähemal ajal (6–12 kuu jooksul) hakata astuma ot- hendusmehhanismi käsitlev ettepanek tehakse pärast ühtse sustavaid samme eesmärkide saavutamiseks. Seejärel tuleb järelevalvemehhanismi ettepaneku vastuvõtmist. astuda keskmises ja pikas perspektiivis vajalikud sammud. Iga uus lühikeses, keskmise pikkusega ja pikas perspektiivis Keskmise pikkusega perspektiivis (18 kuud kuni 5 aas- astutav samm peab lähtuma eelmistest. tat) tuleks edendada eelarve kooskõlastamist (sealhulgas nähes ette võimaluse nõuda liikmesriigilt tema eelarve EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

läbivaatamist lähtuvalt Euroopa ees võetud kohustustest), kasutada veelgi enam maksu- ja eelarvepoliitika tihedat 1. lahter. Õiguslikud koordineerimist ning anda majandus- ja rahaliidule fiskaal­ aluspõhimõtted suutlikkus, mis võimaldaks tal rakendada tiheda koordi- neerimise käigus tehtavaid poliitilisi valikud. Mõned neist Ühisraha jätkusuutlikkuse nimel tuleb anda ma- ettepanekutest nõuavad aluslepingute muutmist. jandus- ja rahaliidutu kuuluvatele liikmesriikidele võimalus integreeruda kiiremini ja tihedamini võr- Aluslepingus sätestatud kriteeriumidest oluliselt suurema reldes ülejäänud ELiga, kuigi samal ajal peab säilima valitsemissektori võla vähendamiseks tuleks moodustada ELi ühtsus. võlalunastamisfond. Euroala finantsturgude edasiseks in- tegreerimiseks ning eelkõige heitlike riigivõlakirjade turgu- Seda on võimalik saavutada, pidades kinni järgmis- de rahustamiseks võiksid euroala liikmesriigid ühiselt välja test põhimõtetest: anda 1–2 aastase tähtajaga lühiajalisi riigivõlakirju. Ka nen- de ettepanekute teostamiseks tuleb muuta aluslepinguid. Esiteks, õiguspärasuse, liikmesriikide vahelise võrd- suse ja tõhususe huvides peaks majandus- ja rahalii- Pikas perspektiivis (üle 5 aasta) peaks saama võimalikuks du tihendamine mahtuma aluslepingutega loodud eraldi euroala eelarve loomine, mida majandus- ja rahaliit institutsioonilisse ja õigusraamistikku. Euro on loo- saaks kasutada liikmesriikide toetamiseks fiskaalvapus- dud aluslepingute kohaselt ja ka selle arendamine tuste korral. Selleks tuleb osa pädevust ja vastutust ning peaks toimuma vastavalt aluslepingutele. See aitaks 542 solidaarsusvolitusi järk-järgult üle anda majandus- ja raha- vältida õigusraamistiku killustamist, mis nõrgen- liidule. Põhjalikult integreeritud majandus- ja fiskaaljuhti- daks liitu ja seaks kahtluse alla ELi õigustiku keskse misraamistik võimaldaks ühiselt emiteerida riigivõlakirju, koha integreerimise edendamisel Täieliku tõhususe mis parandaks turgude toimimist ja toetaks rahapoliitika huvides tuleks järgida ELi otsuste tegemise eeskirju, teostamist. Nagu on osutatud komisjoni 23. novembril toetudes kvalifitseeritud häälteenamusele ja tugevale 2011 avaldatud rohelises raamatus stabiilsusvõlakirjade demokraatlikule raamistikule, mitte aga koormavale kasutuselevõtu teostatavuse kohta,101 pakuks võlakirjade ühehäälsuse nõudele. ühine emiteerimine valitsustele uusi vahendeid rahastada oma võlga, hoiustajad ja rahandusasutused aga saaksid uusi turvalisi investeerimisvõimalusi. Lisaks tekiks tervet Valitsustevahelisi lahendusi tuleks kaaluda vaid euroala hõlmav ühtne võlakirjaturg, mis oleks sama suur ja erandina juhul, kui ELi tasandil lahenduse raken- likviidne kui Ameerika Ühendriikide võlakirjaturg. damiseks tuleb aluslepingut muuta, ja neid tuleks kasutada ainult ajutiselt kuni lepingu muutmiseni. Sellised lahendused peavad olema hoolikalt läbi Samal ajal, kui euroalal luuakse järk-järgult täielikku pan- mõeldud, et järgida ELi õigust ja juhtimissüsteemi gandus-, fiskaal- ja majandusliitu, tuleb arendada ka polii- ning mitte tekitada uusi probleeme aruandekohus- tilist liitu ning suurendada selle demokraatlikku õiguspära- tuse täitmisega. sust ja aruandekohustust.

Integratsiooni süvenemine peab kajastuma ka välistegevu- ses. Eelkõige tuleb saavutada euroala ühine majanduslik esindamine.

101 KOM(2011) 818. Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

3.1. Lühikeses perspektiivis (6–18 kuu Teiseks peaks majandus- ja rahaliidu tihendamiseks jooksul) tuleb kooskõlas ELi teiseste täielikult ära kasutada tervet ELi hõlmavate va- hendite pakutavaid võimalusi, piiramata siiski või- õigusaktidega võtta meetmeid, malust võtta vaid euroalaga piirduvaid meetmeid. et liikuda pangandusliidu suunas, Põhjalik majandusliku koordineerimise, integrat- parandada poliitika koordineerimist, siooni ja lähenemise õigus- ja finantsraamistik peaks võtta vastu järgmine mitmeaastane toetuma Euroopa poolaastale, siseturu õigustikule finantsraamistik ning luua ning konkurentsivõime ja ühtekuuluvuse toetami- lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime sele ELi eelarvest. Majandus- ja rahaliitu tugevdab toetamise vahend ka makromajanduslike tingimuste täitmisest sõltuva struktuurifondide kasutamise ja ühtse turu juhtimi- se uue lähenemisviisi väljatöötamine, et parandada Majandus- ja rahaliidu tihendamine peab aitama lahenda- poliitikavaldkondade tõhusust. da ülemäärasest avaliku ja erasektori võlast tingitud prob- leeme ja vähendama selle tulemusel Euroopa majanduses tekkinud tasakaalustamatust. Kuid kohandumine on pikk Eeltoodule lisaks tuleks vajaduse korral kehtesta- ja keeruline protsess, millele avaldavad mõju laenupakku- da üksnes euroala hõlmavad täiendavad finants-, mise vähenemine, kasvav surve riigi rahandusele ja erasek- fiskaal- ja struktuurse koordineerimise või toetus- tori majanduskavu aeglustumine, samal ajal kui ettevõtted vahendid. Need peaksid toimima ELi põhialuseid ja kodumajapidamised korrastavad oma bilanssi. täiendavalt. Euroala integratsiooni tihendamise õi- 543 guslik alus on Lissaboni leping (ELi toimimise le- pingu artikkel 136). Seda õiguslikku alust on juba Euroala stabiilsus sõltub eelkõige eelarvedistsipliini järgi- laialdaselt tarvitatud. Sellel põhineb kuuest õigus- misest. Ka täielikult integreeritud eelarveraamistiku keh- aktist koosnev pakett ja kahest õigusaktist koosnev testamine nõuab eelarvedistsipliini järgimist. Eelarvedist- pakett. sipliin tagab eelarvepoliitika usaldusväärsuse liikmesriikide ja Euroopa tasandil ning aitab kaasa püsiva majanduskasvu ja makromajandusliku stabiilsuse saavutamisele. Esmatäh- Ka teistel liikmesriikidel peaks olema võimalik tis on täielikult kasutusele võtta uued eelarve- ja majandus- nende meetmetega ühineda, kui see on õiguslikult järelevalve vahendid ning menetluses olevad ettepanekud võimalik . Aluslepingutes on küll ette nähtud, et kiires korras vastu võtta. Samal ajal tuleb astuda ka esimene teatavaid eeskirju kohaldatakse üksnes euroala liik- samm pangandusliidu loomiseks. Selleks tuleb vastu võta mesriikide suhtes, kuid euroala praegune koosseis ja rakendada finantssektori reguleerimist ja järelevalvet ei jää muutumatuks, kuna aluslepingute kohaselt käsitlevad ettepanekud, eelkõige ühtse järelevalvemehha- peaksid tulevikus kõik liikmesriigid peale kahe (Taa- nismi loomise ettepanek. Järelevalvemehhanism hõlmaks ni ja Ühendkuningriik) saama majandus- ja rahalii- euroala riike ja euroala väliseid liikmesriike, kes soovivad du täisliikmeks. mehhanismiga ühineda. Kolmandaks peaks toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu Selleks et tagada majandus- ja rahaliidu sujuv toimimine, suunas liikumiseks võtma vastu teiseseid õigusakte, tuleb parandada ka majanduspoliitika koordineerimist. lähtudes eelkõige võimalustest, mida pakuvad kehti- Euroala majanduskasv ja kohanemine on suured problee- vad aluslepingud nende praeguses sõnastuses. Alus- mid, millega võrreldes euroala struktuurireformipoliitika lepingute muutmist tuleks kaaluda vaid juhul, kui koordineerimise vahendid on liiga ebatõhusad. Kuna piiri- kehtiv õigusraamistik ei võimalda teha hädavajalik- ülene välismõju on tugev, tuleb tugevdada euroalal majan- ke muudatusi majandus- ja rahaliidu toimimises. duspoliitika teostamise võimalusi. Majandus- ja rahaliidu Selliseid muudatusi tuleb hoolikalt ette valmistada, nõuetekohaseks toimimiseks peaksid euroala liikmesriigid et tagada ühine poliitiline ja demokraatlik vastutus, tegema majanduspoliitika valdkonnas koostööd, raken- mida on vaja nende sujuvaks ratifitseerimiseks. dades olemasolevaid majanduspoliitika koordineerimise mehhanisme vajalike meetmete võtmiseks kõikides euroala nõuetekohase toimimise seisukohalt olulistes valdkonda- des. Eelkõige tuleb kehtestada suuremate majanduspolii- tiliste reformide eelneva arutamise kord. Seda omakorda toetaks majandus- ja rahaliidu fiskaalsuutlikkus, mis või- maldab pakkuda sihipärast rahalist toetust kohanemisras- kustes liikmesriikidele ja mille loomine jõuab selleks ajaks esimesse etappi. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Meenutades veelkord, kui oluline on riigi rahanduse usal- 3.1.2. Finantssektori reguleerimine ja dusväärsus, struktuurireformide teostamine ja püsiva ma- järelevalve: ühtsed eeskirjad ja ühtset janduskasvu nimel investeeringute tegemine, kirjutasid järelevalvemehhanismi käsitlevad riigipead ja valitsusjuhid 28.–29. juunil 2012 alla majan- ettepanekud duskasvu ja töökohtade loomise kokkuleppele, ilmutades kindlat kavatsust riigi rahanduse usaldusväärsust säilitades Euroala 29. juuni 2012. aasta tippkohtumine kujunes stimuleerida majanduskasvu, mille käigus luuakse töökoh- pöördepunktiks kriisi suhtumisel. Tippkohtumisel sedas- ti. Komisjon jälgib rangete eelarvepiirangute mõju majan- tati, et on „ülimalt oluline murda pankade ja riikide va- duskasvu toetavatele avaliku sektori kulutustele ja riiklikele heline nõiaring”, mis nõrgendab euroala riikide rahandust investeeringutele. Seejuures tuleb tagada, et euroalal säiliks niivõrd, et kahtluse alla on sattunud majandus- ja rahaliidu piisav investeeringute tase, et tagada konkurentsivõime olemasolu. Eelkõige ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi loomise arengu raamtingimuste täitmine ning anda panus ka ma- kokkulepe põhines veendumusel, et rahanduslikust killus- janduskasvu ja tööhõivesse. tatusest tuleb üle saada ning et pangandusjärelevalve tu- leb tsentraliseerida, sest see tagaks, et kõik euroala riigid Käesolevas punktis esitatud ettepanekuid saab vastu võtta võiksid olla kindlad pangandusjärelevalve kvaliteedis ja kiiresti ja kooskõlas kehtivate aluslepingutega. erapooletuses.

3.1.1. Euroopa poolaasta ja kuuest Ehtsas majandus- ja rahaliidus peab kehtima ühine vas- õigusaktist koosneva paketi täielik tutus pangandussektori järelevalve ning kriisi korral sek- 544 rakendamine ning kahest õigusaktist kumine eest. Ainult sel viisil on võimalik leida väljapääs koosneva paketi kiire vastuvõtmine ja liikmesriikide rahanduse ja panganduse olukorra vahelisest nõiaringist ning piirata negatiivset piiriülest kõrvalmõju. rakendamine Meie esmane ülesanne on majanduse juhtimise raamistiku Probleemide lahendus seisneks integreeritud finantsraa- loomise lõpuleviimine ning selle täielik rakendamine. mistiku loomises ja selle edasiarendamises igakülgseks pan- gandusliiduks, mille käsutuses on integreeritud vahendid Euroopa poolaasta ja kuuest õigusaktist koosnev pakett finantssüsteemi ähvardavate ohtude jälgimiseks ja maanda- võeti vastu, tuginedes kriisist saadud peamistele õppe- miseks. See võimaldaks vähendada rahanduslikku killusta- tundidele. Nendega nähti ette stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti tust, kasutada oluliselt vähem riigipoolset sekkumist, anda reform, makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetlus abi tasakaalu taastamiseks ja kokkuvõttes parandada kas- ning riiklike fiskaalraamistike miinimumnõuded. Tegu on vuväljavaateid. Kasutatavad vahendid peavad olema hästi suure edasiminekuga majanduspoliitika koordineerimise integreeritud, kuna kogutulemus võib kannatada ka vaid alal. See võimaldab poliitikat eelkõige euroala liikmesriiki- ühe vahendi nõrkuse tõttu. Kuigi süsteemi teatavate kom- des tõhusamalt rakendada, mis omakorda aitab kaasa ma- ponentide väljatöötamine võtab aega, ei tohi viibida nende jandus- ja rahaliidu toimimisele ja kindlustunde parane- vahendite rakendamine, mis võivad kiiresti tulemusi anda. misele. Nüüd on käes lubaduste täitmise aeg. Selleks tuleb uued vahendid täielikult ja kõrvalekaldumatult kasutusele 12. septembri 2012. aasta teatises esitas komisjon pangan- võtta. dusliidu järkjärgulise loomise kava102. Ettepanekut toetasid põhimõtteliselt ka Euroopa Ülemkogu eesistuja, komis- Selleks et tihedat ja toimivat majandus- ja rahaliitu saaks joni ja Euroopa Keskpanga president ning eurorühma edasi arendada, peaksid kaasseadusandjad kahest õigus- esimees103. Euroopa Ülemkogu 18. oktoobri 2012. aasta aktist koosneva paketi viivitamata vastu võtma. Paketiga kohtumisel kinnitati vajadust liikuda integreeritud fi- nähakse ette olulised ja tõhusad eelarvejärelevalve tugev- nantsraamistiku suunas, mis on võimalikult suurel määral damise ja liikmesriikide rahandusliku ebastabiilsuse kõr- avatud kõigile osaleda soovivatele liikmesriikidele104. Oma valdamise vahendid. Paketi kiire vastuvõtmine ja raken- 2011. aasta novembri aruandes „Tegeliku majandus- ja damine suurendaks kindlustunnet selles suhtes, et ELi institutsioonid on kindlalt otsustanud majandusjuhtimise 102 Vt komisjoni teatis „Tegevuskava pangandusliidu poole reformid lõpule viia. liikumiseks ”, milles on visandatud komisjoni kava Euroopa pangandusliidu loomiseks. Selles on ette nähtud ühtsed eeskirjad, ühine hoiuste kaitse ja ühine pangakriiside lahendamise mehhanism (COM(2012) 510, http:// ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ reform/20120912-com-2012-510_et.pdf). 103 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/en/ec/132809.pdf 104 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/en/ec/132986.pdf Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine rahaliidu suunas” esitas Euroopa Parlament üleskutse võt- euroala veelgi, sest aitab murda pankade ja valitsemissekto- ta komisjoni asjakohased ettepanekud vastu niipea kui ri vahelisest negatiivsest vastastikmõjust tingitud nõiaringi. võimalik. Pangakriisi lahendamise seisukohalt on esmatähtis taasta- Esimese olulise sammuna tuleb luua ühtne järelevalvemeh- da hoiustajate ja turul osalejate kindlustunne. Selleks et hanism, seejärel aga ühtne kriisilahendusmehhanism (vt üldsus usaldaks loodavat süsteemi samavõrd kui maailma p. 3.2.1). parimaid kriisilahendusasutusi, on vaja tõsiseltvõetavat ühtset kriisilahendussüsteemi ning jõulist finantskaitse- Ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi eesmärk on tagada, et järe- mehhanismi. Lühikeses perspektiivis vastutavad selle eest levalveasutused vahetaksid omavahel kogu teavet pankade endiselt liikmesriigid. Pärast ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi kohta, kasutaksid ühiseid ennetusvahendeid ja võtaksid loomist ja vastavalt asjakohastele juhistele peaks Euroopa võimalikult varases etapis ühiseid meetmeid probleemide stabiilsusmehhanismil olema võimalik pakkuda ühistoe- lahendamiseks. Pankade, investorite ja riiklike ametiasu- tust, et rekapitaliseerida otse panku, kes ei suuda hankida tuste vahelise usalduse taastamiseks peab olema võimalik vahendeid turutingimustel ning keda nende asukohaliik- teostada ranget ja objektiivset järelevalvet, välistades mis mesriik ei suuda päästa ilma eelarve jätkusuutlikkust ohtu tahes regulatiivse tolerantsuse. seadmata.

12. septembril 2012 esitas komisjon Euroopa Keskpangast On oluline, et integreeritud finantsraamistik, sealhulgas ja riikide järelevalveasutustest koosneva ühtse järeleval- ühtne järelevalvemehhanism ja hiljem ka ühtne kriisila- 545 vemehhanismi loomise õigusaktide ettepanekud105 ning hendusmehhanism, kasutaksid ühtseid eeskirju. Seetõttu ettepaneku muuta 2010. aasta määrust, millega luuakse on oluline, et panganduse usaldatavusnormatiivide, hoius- Euroopa Pangandusjärelevalve, et kohandada seda järe- te tagamise, pankade saneerimise ja panganduskriiside levalvemehhanismiga ja tagada sellega seotud otsuseid lahendamise mehhanismi regulatiivraamistiku loomist kä- tegevates struktuurides euroala riikide ja euroalasse mitte sitlevad läbirääkimised viidaks lõpule võimalikult kiiresti. kuulvate liikmesriikide vaheline tasakaal106. 3.1.3. Ühtne kriisilahendusmehhanism Komisjoni ettepaneku kohase ühtse järelevalvemehhanis- Tõhus pangandusliit ei vaja mitte ainult ühtset järelevalve- mi loomiseks tuleb Euroopa tasandile üle anda teatavate mehhanismi, millega tagatakse kõrgetasemeline järelevalve konkreetsete olulisimate järelevalveülesannete täitmi- kõikides liikmesriikides, vaid ka ühtset kriisilahendusmeh- ne pankade puhul, mis asuvad euroala liikmesriikides ja hanismi, et tegeleda raskuses olevate pankadega. Seda tun- pangandusjärelevalve liiduga ühineda otsustanud eurot nistas 19. oktoobril 2012 Euroopa Ülemkogu, kes märkis, mittekasutavates liikmesriikides. Uue raamistiku kohaselt et „võtab teadmiseks komisjoni kavatsuse teha ettepanek teostab pangandusliidus kõikide pankade üle järelevalvet ühtse kriisilahendusmehhanismi loomiseks ühtses järele- Euroopa Keskpank, kes kohaldab ühtsel turul kehtivaid valvemehhanismis osalevatele liikmesriikidele, kohe kui ühtseid eeskirju. Komisjoni kavandatud raamistik tagab ettepanekud pankade maksevõime taastamise ja kriisila- tõhusa ja järjepideva järelevalve teostamise kõigis osale- henduse direktiivi ning hoiuste tagamise skeemi direktiivi vates liikmesriikides, kasutades riiklike järelevalveasutuste kohta on vastu võetud.” oskusteavet. On äärmiselt oluline viia ühtset järelevalve- mehhanismi käsitlevad läbirääkimised lõpule veel enne käesoleva aasta lõppu ning alustada mehhanismi rakenda- Seetõttu teeb komisjon pärast ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi mist 2013. aasta algul. Ühtse turu terviklikkuse huvides vastuvõtmist ettepaneku, mis käsitleb ühtset kriisilahen- kohandatakse Euroopa Pangandusjärelevalve uue pangan- dusmehhanismi, mille abil pangandusliidus osalevate liik- dusjärelevalve raamistikuga. mesriikide pankasid korraldatakse ümber ja lahendatakse nende kriise. Mehhanismi haldab eraldiseisev Euroopa kriisilahenduse eest vastutav asutus, mis juhib pangakriisi- Seega luuakse kooskõlas Euroopa Ülemkogu 19. oktoobri de lahendamist ja koordineerib eelkõige kriisilahendusva- 2012. aasta järeldustega eeldused kasutada Euroopa sta- hendite kasutamist. Nimetatud mehhanism on tulemusli- biilsusmehhanismi (pärast selle vahendi suhtes kokkulep- kum kui riiklike kriisilahendusasutuste võrgustik, eelkõige pele jõudmist) avaliku kaitsemehhanismina, mille abil saab piiriüleste panganduskontsernide puhul, kelle jaoks on vajaduse korral panku otse rekapitaliseerida. See tugevdab kriisiolukorras kiirus ja koordineeritus äärmiselt tähtsad kulude minimeerimiseks ja usalduse taastamiseks. Samuti tähendaks nimetatud lähenemisviis suurt mastaabisäästu 105 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ ning hoiaks ära puhtalt riiklikest huvidest lähtuvate otsuste reform/20120912-com-2012-511_et.pdf. negatiivsed välismõjud. 106 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ reform/20120912-com-2012-512_et.pdf. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Ühtse kriisilahendusmehhanismi raames toimuv mis tahes toetada nõukogu soovitusi, kõrvaldada ülemäärane sekkumine peaks tuginema järgmistele põhimõtetele: eelarvepuudujääk, makromajanduslik tasakaalusta- matus ja muud majandus- ja sotsiaalprobleemid ning • vajadus kriisi lahendamise järele tuleks viia maksimeerida ühise strateegilise raamistiku fondide miinimumini rangete ühiste usaldatavusnõuete abil mõju Euroopa Liidult rahalist toetust saavate liikmes- ning ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi raames toimuva riikide majanduskasvule ja konkurentsivõimele. Kui järelevalve parema koordineerimise abil. liikmesriik ei täida rahuldaval määral ümberplanee- rimise nõuet, võib komisjon peatada kas täielikult • kui sekkumine ühtse kriisilahendusmehhanismi või osaliselt kõik asjaomaste programmidega seotud raames on vajalik, peaksid aktsionärid ja maksed. võlausaldajad kandma kriisi lahendamise kulud enne välise rahastamise andmist kooskõlas komisjoni 2. Peatamine: kui liikmesriik ei suuda rakendada ma- ettepanekuga, mis käsitleb pankade maksevõime jandusjuhtimise menetlustega seotud parandusmeet- taastamist ja kriisilahendust. meid. Sellisel juhul peatab komisjon kas osaliselt või • ümberkorraldamiseks vajalikud mis tahes täielikult kõik asjaomaste programmidega seotud täiendavad vahendid tuleks tagada pangandussektori maksed ja kulukohustused. rahastatavate mehhanismide kaudu, mitte kasutada nendeks maksumaksja raha. Partnerluslepingute ja rakenduskavade abil tagatakse, et ühise strateegilise raamistiku fondidest kaasrahastatava- Nendele põhimõtetele tuginevad tulevased komisjoni ette- 546 te kavandatud investeeringutega aidatakse tõhusalt kaasa panekud, mis käsitlevad ühtset kriisilahendusmehhanismi. liikmesriikide ees seisvate struktuuriprobleemide lahenda- misele. Aluslepingu artiklitega 121 ja 148 ja makromajan- Komisjon on arvamusel, et nagu tõhusa ühtse järelevalve- dusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetluse korrigeerivaid meet- mehhanismi puhul, nii on ka ühtse kriisilahendusmehha- meid käsitlevate nõukogu soovituste puhul rakendatakse nismi loomine võimalik teiseste õigusaktide abil ja kehtiva- ümberplaneerimist, kui soovitus on seotud ühise strateegi- te aluslepingute muutmine ei ole vajalik. lise raamistiku fondide ja selliste struktuuriprobleemidega, mida saab lahendada mitmeaastaste investeerimisstratee- 3.1.4. Kiire otsus järgmise mitmeaastase giate abil. Need soovitused hõlmavad muu hulgas järgmist: finantsraamistiku kohta Komisjoni ettepanek mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku koh- • Tööturureformid, mis parandavad tööturu toimimist ta ajavahemikul 2014-2020 annab otsustava tõuke inves- näiteks oskuste sobimatuse kõrvaldamise teel teeringute, majanduskasvu ja tööhõive edendamiseks ELi • Konkurentsivõime tõhustamise meetmed, näiteks tasandil. Ettepanekus on veel sätestatud, et ühtekuulu- haridussüsteemide täiustamine või teadus- ja vuspoliitika, maaelu arendamise ja Euroopa merendus- ja arendustegevuse, innovatsiooni ja infrastruktuuri kalanduspoliitika jaoks eraldatud vahendid peaksid olema edendamine süstemaatilisemalt seotud mitmesuguste majandusjuhti- mise menetlustega. Ühise strateegilise raamistikuga (hõl- • Halduskvaliteedi parandamise meetmed, näiteks mab järgmisi raamistiku fonde: Euroopa Regionaalarengu haldussuutlikkuse ja statistika tõhustamine Fond, Euroopa Sotsiaalfond, Ühtekuuluvusfond, Euroopa Mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku ja asjaomaste valdkondlike Maaelu Arengu Põllumajandusfond ja Euroopa Merendus- õigusaktide, eelkõige ühise strateegilise raamistiku fonde ja Kalandusfond) luuakse tugev side nimetatud fondide ja käsitleva ühissätete määruse viivitamatu vastuvõtmine ai- riiklike reformiprogrammide, liikmesriikide koostatavate tab kiiresti tõhustada liikmesriikides tehtavate struktuuri- stabiilsus- ja lähenemisprogrammide ning samuti nõuko- reformidega seotud stiimuleid ja toetust. gu poolt iga liikmesriigi kohta vastu võetavate soovituste vahel.

See viiakse ellu liikmesriikide ja komisjoni vahel sõlmita- vate partnerluslepingute / kokkulepete kaudu ja rangete makromajanduslike tingimuste kohaldamise teel. Komis- joni ettepaneku kohaselt kohaldatakse makromajanduslik- ke tingimusi kahel viisil:

1. Ümberplaneerimine: muudatused partnerluslepingu- tes ja asjaomastes programmides, mille eesmärk on Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

3.1.5. Suuremate reformide eelnev Lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime toetamise vahend: kooskõlastamine ja lähenemise ja kokkulepped ja rahaline toetus konkurentsivõime toetamise vahendi Välja pakutud lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime toetamise loomine vahend sisaldab kokkuleppeid, mida tõhustatakse rahalise Kriis on toonud selgesti välja selle, et liikmesriikide majan- toetusega. duspoliitika puudutab ka teisi, eriti euroalal. Oluliste struk- tuurireformide aeglane rakendamine või nende tegemata Euroalasse kuuluvates liikmesriikides oleks struktuurirefor- jätmine pikema aja jooksul on suurendanud konkurent- me kergem rakendada, kui neil riikidel ja komisjonil tekiks sivõimega seotud probleeme ja vähendanud liikmesriikide kokkulepetest ühine arusaam. Uus süsteem peaks põhine- kohanemissuutlikkust, mõnel juhul üsna märkimisväär- ma ELi kehtival järelevalveraamistikul ja täpsemalt makro- selt. Sellest tingituna on suurenenud ka liikmesriikide majandusliku tasakaalustamatuse ennetamise ja korrigee- haavatavus. Lühiajalised kulud, olgu need siis kas poliitilist rimise menetlusel (makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse või majanduslikku laadi, takistavad sageli reformide raken- menetlus)107. Nende tingimuste üle peetakse läbirääkimisi damist, isegi kui keskmise pikkusega või pikemas perspek- iga liikmesriigi ja komisjoni vahel ja neid arutatakse eu- tiivis saadav kasu on märkimisväärne. Kuna struktuurire- rorühmas. Komisjon lepib tingimustes kokku liikmes- formidega võivad kaasneda märkimisväärsed kõrvalmõjud riigiga. Need tingimused on kohustuslikud neile euroala euroalal, on õigustatud erivahendite kasutamine, nagu on liikmesriikidele, kelle suhtes kohaldatakse ülemäärase tasa- juba tehtud kuuest õigusaktist koosneva paketi alusel ka- kaalustamatuse menetlust. Parandusmeetmete kava, mille sutusele võetud jõustamismehhanismide puhul. Eespool need riigid peavad kõnealuse menetluse kohaselt esitama, 547 toodud kaalutlustest lähtuvalt peaks tugevdama euroala oleks aluseks komisjoniga läbiräägitavatele kokkulepetele. majandusjuhtimise kehtivat raamistikku, tagades suure- Nende euroala liikmesriikide puhul, kelle suhtes kohalda- mate reformiprojektide eelneva kooskõlastamise ja luues takse makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetlusega pärast järgmist mitmeaastast finantsraamistikku käsitleva seotud ennetavaid meetmeid, on osalemine vabatahtlik ja otsuse vastuvõtmist lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime toeta- hõlmab ülemäärase tasakaalustamatuse menetluse raames mise vahendi, et toetada struktuurireformide õigeaegset ra- nõutava kavaga sarnase tegevuskava esitamist. kendamist (kavandatava süsteemi üksikasjalikum kirjeldus on esitatud lisas 1). Kõnealuse vahendi abil ühendatakse Seega põhinevad kõnealused tingimused alati makroma- majanduspoliitika tihedam integratsioon rahalise toetusega jandusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetlusest tulenevatel ja seega järgitakse põhimõtet, mille kohaselt tagab suurem riigipõhistel soovitustel, mis keskenduvad tavaliselt koha- vastutus ja parem majandusdistsipliin suurema toetusva- nemis- ja konkurentsivõime tõhustamisele ja finantsstabiil- hendite eraldamise. Komisjon esitab kavandatud ettepane- suse toetamisele, st majandus- ja rahaliidu hea toimimise kus täpsed tingimused kõnealuse vahendi kohta. seisukohast määrava tähtsusega teguritele. Makromajan- dusliku tasakaalustamatuse menetlusega luuakse vahend, Suuremate reformide eelnev kooskõlastamine et valida välja suuremad reformid, millele saab anda raha- list toetust rahaliidus esinevate välismõjude tõttu. ELi kehtivas majandusjärelevalve raamistikus on juba sä- testatud alus majanduspoliitika koordineerimiseks. Selles Siis saab komisjon anda hinnangu liikmesriikide esitatud raamistikus ei ole siiski sätestatud suuremaid majanduspo- tegevuskavale ja kiita ühe tingimusena heaks lõplikud re- liitilisi reforme käsitlevate riiklike kavade eelnevat süste- formid ja meetmed ning nende rakendamise tähtaja. Seega maatilist kooskõlastamist liikmesriikide vahel. Suuremate kehtestatakse nimetatud kokkuleppega üksikasjalikumad reformide kavade eelnev arutelu ja kooskõlastamine, nagu meetmed, mida liikmesriigid kohustuvad rakendama, saa- on ette nähtud majandus- ja rahaliidu stabiilsuse, koordi- des selleks vajaduse korral heakskiidu oma riigi parlamen- neerimise ja juhtimise lepingu artiklis 11, annaks komisjo- dilt riiklike menetluste alusel. Kokkulepitud tingimuste nile ja liikmesriikidele võimaluse hinnata riiklike meetme- süsteemi abil on võimalik tõhustada komisjoni ja liikmes- te võimalikke kõrvalmõjusid ja avaldada arvamust nende riikide vahelist dialoogi ja samuti liikmesriikide pühendu- kavade kohta enne lõplike otsuste tegemist riikide tasandil. mist reformidele ja nende eest vastutamist. Komisjon pakub kavandatud ettepanekus välja raamistiku suuremate struktuurireformide eelnevaks kooskõlastami- seks Euroopa poolaasta raames. Lepingutingimustes sätestatud reforme toetatakse raha- liselt, täiendades distsipliininõudeid, mis on juba kehtes- tatud kuuest õigusaktist koosnevas paketis. Sellise toetuse eesmärk on reformide õigeaegne vastuvõtmine ja rakenda- mine, sest see kõrvaldab reformide ees seisvad poliitilised

107 Määrus (EL) nr 1176/2011 EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

ja majanduslikud takistused või vähemalt vähendab neid. kõnealuses rahalises toetuses osalevad liikmesriigid võivad Liikmesriigi kohanemissuutlikkuse tõhustamisele suuna- sõlmida komisjoniga kokkuleppe ja saada rahalist toe- tud struktuurireformide toetamise kaudu aitaks lähene- tust. Lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime toetamise vahendi mise ja konkurentsivõime toetamise vahend parandada raames antav toetus on kooskõlas struktuurifondidest, majanduse suutlikkust taluda asümmeetrilisi majandus­ eelkõige Euroopa Sotsiaalfondist antava toetusega. Va- vapustusi turu toimimise tõhustamise teel. hendi maht peaks algetapis olema piiratud, ent seda võib suurendada keskmise pikkusega ajavahemikul eeldusel, et Rahalist toetust antakse ainult nendele reformipakettidele, kõnealune toetusmehhanism osutub tõhusaks vahendiks mis on kokku lepitud ja olulised nii kõnealuse liikmesriigi euroala tasakaalustamise, kohandamise ja seeläbi jätku- kui ka majandus- ja rahaliidu hea toimimise seisukohast. suutliku majanduskasvu toetamisel. Rahalise toetusega täiendatakse liikmesriigi jõupingutusi ja toetust pakutakse eelkõige siis, kui tasakaalustamatus tekib Komisjon kehtestab kavandatavates ettepanekutes täpsed hoolimata sellest, et asjaomasele liikmesriigile eelnevalt an- tingimused selle kokkulepetel ja rahalisel toetusel põhineva tud riigipõhiseid soovitusi on täielikult järgitud. lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime toetamise vahendi kohta.

Rahaline toetus peegeldab selgelt nii asjaomasele liikmes- 3.1.6. Euroala investeeringute toetamine riigile reformi tõttu tekkivaid kulusid kui ka kasu, mis saa- dakse tema reformidest ülejäänud euroalal tänu piiriüles- Selleks et parandada euroala riikide keskmise pikkusega tele positiivsetele välismõjudele (mis ei pruugi siiski olla ajavahemiku kasvupotentsiaali ja nende valmidust majan- 548 piisavad tõuke andmiseks liikmesriikides läbiviidavatele re- dusvapustustega toimetulekuks, on vaja struktuurireforme, formidele). Kui komisjon saab hiljem teada, et liikmesriik mida rahastatakse mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku alusel ja ei ole täielikult lepingust kinni pidanud, võidakse rahaline lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime toetamise vahendist. Ma- toetus tühistada. janduskasvu saab edendada usaldusväärse ja kasvu soodus- tava eelarve konsolideerimise abil, millega parandatakse maksustruktuuri ja samuti riiklike kulutuste kvaliteeti. Rahalist toetust peaks kavandama kogueraldisena, mida Nagu on soovitatud 2012. ja 2013. aasta majanduskasvu kasutatakse raskete reformidega seotud täiendavate meet- analüüsides, peaksid liikmesriigid püüdma hoida piisavat mete rahastamiseks. Näiteks tööturu paindlikkuse suu- eelarve konsolideerimise tempot, säilitades samaaegselt rendamisele suunatud reformide lühiajaliste mõjudega investeeringud, mille abil tahetakse saavutada majandus- toimetulekuks võib rakendada koolitusprogramme, mida kasvu ja töökohtade strateegias „Euroopa 2020” püstitatud rahastatakse osaliselt lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime toe- eesmärke. tamise vahendi raames eraldatud toetusest. Rahalise toetu- se kasutamise võib kindlaks määrata osana asjaomase liik- mesriigi ja komisjoni vahel sõlmitud kokkuleppest. ELi fiskaalraamistik pakub võimalust tasakaalustada va- jadus avaliku sektori tulutoovate investeeringute järele ja eelarvedistsipliini eesmärgid. Sellise rahalise toetuse andmiseks võib põhimõtteliselt luua eriotstarbelise rahastamisvahendi ELi eelarve raames. Avaliku sektori investeeringud on üks asjaomaseid tegu- reid, millega peab arvestama, kui hinnatakse liikmesriigi See vahend luuakse teiseste õigusaktide alusel. Vahendi eelarveseisundit Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artik- võib siduda makromajandusliku tasakaalustamatuse me- li 126 lõike 3 kohases aruandes, mis eelneb ülemäärase netlusega, mida täiendatakse eespool nimetatud lepingu- eelarvepuudujäägi menetluse algatamisele108. Stabiilsuse tingimuste ja rahalise toetuse abil. See põhineks ühtlasi Eu- ja majanduskasvu pakti hiljutise reformi tulemusena on roopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artiklil 136. Alternatiivina hindamisel märkimisväärselt suurenenud asjaomaste tegu- võib kaaluda Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 352 rite, näiteks avaliku sektori investeeringute tähtsus. Teata- kohaldamist, rakendades vajaduse korral tõhustatud koos- vatel tingimustel võib asjaomaseid tegureid arvesse võttes tööd (koos Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 332 otsustada, et liikmesriigi suhtes ei algatata ülemäärase kohase otsusega ELi eelarvesse lisatavate kulude kohta).

Vahendi jaoks vajalikud rahalised toetused võiksid põhine- da euroala liikmesriikide kohustusel või õiguslikul kohus- tusel, mis on kehtestatud ELi omavahendeid käsitlevates õigusaktides. Nimetatud rahalised toetused peaks lisama ELi eelarvesse kui sihtotstarbelised tulud. Sihtotstarbe- 108 Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 126 lõikes 3 on listest tuludest tuleva rahastamise tõttu ei saa kõnealuse konkreetselt sätestatud: „Komisjon võtab ettekandes arvesse ka seda, kas eelarvepuudujääk ületab riigi vahendi suhtes kohaldada mitmeaastast finantsraamistik- investeerimiskulutused, samuti kõiki muid asjassepuutuvaid ku käsitlevas määruses kehtestatud ülemmäärasid. Ainult tegureid (…)”. Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust,109. ja asjaomaseid tegureid pikkusega ajavahemiku eelarvestrateegia eesmärgi saavuta- peab arvesse võtma siis, kui koostatakse soovitusi ülemää- mise või selle saavutamise kohandamiskava puhul olla õi- rase puudujäägi korrigeerimise, sealhulgas eelarvepuudu- gustatud ainult ajutiselt. Komisjonil on kavas 2013. aasta jäägi vähendamise kava kohta. kevadel avaldada teatis keskmise pikkusega perioodi eel- arvestrateegia eesmärgi saavutamiseks vajalike sammude Stabiilsuse ja majanduskasvu pakti ennetavate sätete alu- kohta. sel võetakse avaliku sektori investeeringuid arvesse uue kulueesmärgi puhul, mida kasutatakse koos struktuurse Investeerimisprojekte käsitlevaid erisätteid ei tohi segamini tasakaaluga keskmise pikkusega perioodi eelarvestrateegia ajada „kuldse reegliga“, mis võimaldab püsiva erandi te- eesmärgi saavutamisel tehtud edusammude hindamisel. gemist kõikidele avaliku sektori investeeringutele. Sellise Hinnates valitsussektori kapitali kogumahutust põhivaras- valimatu lähenemisviisiga sattuks kiiresti ohtu stabiilsuse se, võetakse mitme aasta keskmine näitaja, et liikmesriigid ja majanduskasvu pakti peaeesmärk, kuna kahjustatakse ei peaks kannatama investeeringute kõikumise tõttu aas- valitsemissektori võla jätkusuutlikkust. tate lõikes110. 3.1.7. Euroala välisesindatus Komisjon uurib lähemalt ennetavate sätete raames paku- tavaid täiendavaid võimalusi, kuidas saaks stabiilsus- ja Euroala majandusjuhtimises saavutatud edusammude alu- lähenemisprogrammide hindamisel võtta arvesse inves- sel tuleks jätkata selle ala välisesindatuse tugevdamist ja teerimisprogramme. Teatavatel tingimustel võib mitte- kindlustamist. See on täielikult saavutatav kehtivate alus- korduvatele avaliku sektori investeerimisprogrammidele, lepingute raames (Euroopa Liidu leping artikkel 17 ja Eu- 549 millel on tõendatav mõju riigi rahanduse jätkusuutlikku- roopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikkel 138). sele, teha ajutise erandi keskmise pikkusega perioodi eel- arvestrateegia eesmärgi saavutamisest või selle saavutamise Tugevdamine on vajalik, et euroala esindatus oleks kooskõ- kohandamiskavast111. Seda erandit võib makromajandusli- las tema majandusliku osatähtsusega ja riikide majandus- ke tingimuste kohaselt kohaldada näiteks ELi vahenditest juhtimises toimuvate muutustega. Euroala peab suutma kaasrahastatavate valitsussektori investeerimisprojektide aktiivsemalt toimida nii mitmepoolsetes institutsioonides suhtes. ja foorumitel kui ka strateegiliste partneritega peetavates kahepoolsetes dialoogides. See peaks tagama, et euroala Kõnealuste tingimuste rakendamiseks peab looma täie- majandus- ja rahanduspoliitikat, makromajanduslikku mahulise raamistiku (eelkõige teavitamist/määratlemist järelevalvet, vahetuskursipoliitikat ja finantsstabiilsust kä- käsitlevad nõuded), kuid samal ajal võib avaliku sektori sitlevates küsimustes väljendatakse alati ühtseid seisukohti. investeeringute suhtes rakendatav erikohtlemine keskmise Nende eesmärkide saavutamiseks on vaja jõuda kokkulep- pele tegevuskavas, mille eesmärk on ühtlustada ja võimalu- 109 Kui võla suhe on kontrollväärtusest väiksem, võib asjaomaste se korral ühendada euroala välisesindatus rahvusvahelistes tegurite arvessevõtmise tulemusena otsustada, et liikmesriigi majandus ja finantsorganisatsioonides ja foorumitel. suhtes ei algatata ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi menetlust hoolimata sellest, et puudujäägikriteerium ei ole täidetud. Teiseks, kui võla vähendamise sihttaset ei ole võimalik Peatähelepanu peaks pöörama Rahvusvahelisele Valuu- saavutada, algatatakse ülemäärase eelarvepuudujäägi tafondile, kellel on tänu laenuvahenditele ja järelevalvele menetlus alles pärast asjaomaste tegurite hindamist. 110 Kulueesmärgist kinnipidamise hindamisel jäetakse välja määrava tähtsusega roll ülemaailmses majandusjuhtimi- need ELi programmidele tehtavad kulutused ja seega ka ses. Kriis on näidanud, et euroala peab kindlasti saavuta- investeerimiskulud, mis korvatakse täielikult ELi fondide ma ühtse arusaama eelkõige Rahvusvahelise Valuutafondi tuludest. programmidest, rahastamise korrast ja kriisilahendamise 111 Stabiilsuse ja majanduskasvu pakt sisaldab sätteid, mis pakuvad sellist võimalust. Määruse 1466/97 artikli 5 lõikes poliitikast. Selleks on vaja tõhustada euroala koordineeri- 1 on sätestatud: „Nõukogu ja komisjon võtavad nende mise korda Brüsselis ja Washingtonis majandus- ja raha- liikmesriikide puhul, kes ei ole keskpika perioodi eelarve- liiduga seotud küsimustes. Nii on võimalik võtta arvesse eesmärki saavutanud, selle saavutamise kohandamiskava majandus- ja rahaliidu juhtimises toimuvaid muutusi ja kindlaksmääramisel ning nende liikmesriikide puhul, kes on kõnealuse eesmärgi juba saavutanud, sellest eesmärgist tagada järjepidev ja tõhus teabevahetus. ajutise kõrvalekaldumise lubamisel, tingimusel et puudujäägi kontrollväärtuse suhtes säilitatakse vajalik kindlusvaru Euroala esindatust Rahvusvahelises Valuutafondis peaks ning et eelarveseisund peaks ootuste kohaselt saavutama programmiperioodi jooksul uuesti kooskõla keskpika perioodi tõhustama kaheetapilise protsessi abil. Esimeses etapis eelarve-eesmärgiga, arvesse olulisi struktuurireforme, millega peaks muutma riikide rühmade koosseisu nii, et euroala pikemas perspektiivis saavutatakse otsene positiivne mõju riigid kuuluksid ühte ja samasse rühma, kuhu võidakse eelarvele, sealhulgas potentsiaalse püsiva majanduskasvu kaasata ka tulevikus euroalaga liituvaid liikmesriike. Samal suurendamise kaudu, ja millel on seetõttu tõendatav mõju riigi rahanduse pikaajalisele usaldusväärsusele.” EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

ajal peaks euroalale taotlema vaatlejastaatust Rahvusvaheli- 3.2.1. Tugevdatud eelarve- ja se Valuutafondi juhatuses112. majanduspoliitika integreerimine, mis nõuab aluslepingute muutmist Nimetatud meetmed peaksid aitama valmistada ette pinda selleks, et euroala saaks teises etapis taotleda ühisesindaja Eelarve- ja majanduspoliitika juhtimise põhjalik ümber- kohta Rahvusvahelise Valuutafondi organites (juhatuses korraldamine, mis oleks euroalas toimunud kahte õigus- ja Rahvusvahelises Valuuta- ja Rahanduskomitees). Ko- akti ettepanekut sisaldava paketi vastuvõtmise korral, ning misjon esitab vastavalt Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu lähenemise ja konkurentsivõime rahastamisvahendi kätte- artikli 138 lõikele 2 aegsasti ametlikud ettepanekud, milles saadavaks tegemine kujutaks endast suurt edusammu nii esitatakse ühine seisukoht euroalale vaatlejastaatuse saami- eelarvedistsipliini kui ka majandusliku konkurentsivõime se Rahvusvahelise Valuutafondi juhatuses ja seejärel ühis­­ tagamisel. esindaja kohta taotlemise kohta. Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 138 kohaselt on komisjon sobilik institut- Ometi tooks finantsriski suurem vastastikune maandamine sioon euroala esindamiseks Rahvusvahelises Valuutafondis kaasa vajaduse tugevdada eelarvepoliitika koordineeritust, ja rahanduspoliitika osas toetaks teda Euroopa Keskpank. et tagada kollektiivne kontroll riikliku eelarvepoliitika üle Üksikasjalikum teave majandus- ja rahaliidu tõhusama toi- kindlaksmääratud olukordades. mimise kõnealuse aspekti kohta on esitatud lisas 2. Eelkõige kahte õigusakti ettepanekut sisaldava paketiga 3.2. Keskmise pikkusega periood: tehtavad uuendused ning eriti komisjonile antud võima- 550 tugevdatud majandus- ja lus avaldada arvamust riiklike eelarveprojektide kohta ja äärmuslikel juhtudel kasutatav võimalus nõuda uue eelar- eelarvepoliitika integreerimine ning veprojekti koostamist, kui liikmesriik on rängalt rikkunud meetmed piisava fiskaalvõimekuse stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti raames võetud kohustusi, kasuta- saavutamiseks vad pea täielikult ära võimalused, mis on ELi tasandil ole- mas, et koordineerida riiklikke eelarvemenetlusi ja neisse Keskmise pikkusega perioodi jooksul tuleks kehtestada sekkuda. Kui kahte õigusakti ettepanekut sisaldav pakett täiendav eelarve koordineerimine (sealhulgas võimalus vastu võetakse, on EL nimetatud küsimustes suures osas nõuda muudatuste tegemist riiklikes eelarvetes või kasu- ära kasutanud oma õigusliku pädevuse. tada vetoõigust), põhjalikuma poliitika koordineerituse laiendamine maksu- ja tööhõivevaldkondadele ja sõltu- Selleks et riiklikku eelarvepoliitikat täiendavalt kontrolli- matu, piisava fiskaalvõimekuse loomine majandus- ja ra- da, näiteks kehtestada Euroopa tasandil õigus vaadata läbi haliidus, et toetada suuremast koordineeritusest tulenevate riigieelarveid kooskõlas Euroopa tasandil võetud kohustus- poliitikavalikute rakendamist. Mõned nimetatud elemen- tega, tuleks muuta aluslepingut. tidest nõuavad aluslepingute muutmist. Kaaluda tuleks järgmisi võimalusi (loetelu ei ole lõplik): Stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti kriteeriume oluliselt ületavat ava- liku sektori võlga saaks vähendada lunastamisfondi loomi- • Esiteks: liikmesriigi kohustus vaadata läbi oma se abil. Võimalik stiimul euroala finantsturgude integree- riigieelarve (eelarveprojekt), kui seda nõutakse ELi rimise toetamiseks ja eelkõige volatiilsete valitsemissektori tasandil, juhul kui kaldutakse kõrvale eelnevalt ELi võlaturgude stabiliseerimiseks oleks see, kui euroala liik- tasandil kehtestatud eelarvedistsipliiniga sätestatud mesriigid emiteeriksid ühiselt lühiajalised valitsemissektori kohustustest. See tooks kaasa kahte õigusakti võlakirjad, mille tähtaeg on 1 kuni 2 aastat. Mõlemad ni- ettepanekut sisaldava paketiga ettenähtud riiklikke metatud võimalused nõuavad aluslepingute muutmist113. eelarveid käsitleva arvamuse laadi muutmise mittesiduvast siduvaks. • Teiseks: tuginedes kahte õigusakti ettepanekut sisaldava paketiga ettenähtud järelevalve- ja kooskõlastamismenetluse tugevdamisele, Euroopa tasandi kohustustega kooskõlas olev õigus vaadata teatavates kindlaksmääratavates tõsistes olukordades läbi eelarve täitmist käsitlevad üksikotsused, mille tulemusena kaldutaks suurel määral kõrvale ELi tasandil määratletud eelarve konsolideerimisest. 112 See tähendab, et EL esindab euroala liikmesriike kooskõlas kehtivate aluslepingutega. • Kolmandaks: selge ELi tasandi pädevus ühtlustada 113 Vt 27. novembri 2012. aasta otsus kohtuasjas C-370/12 Pringle, punktid 137 ja 138. riiklike eelarveseadusi (kooskõlas majandus- ja rahaliidu Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

stabiilsuse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepinguga114) 3.2.3. Lunastamisfond ja õigus rikkumiste korral pöörduda Euroopa Kohtu poole. Selgelt tugevdatud majandusjuhtimise ja eelarvehalduse raamistik võimaldaks vähendada stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti Majanduspoliitika valdkonnas on maksupoliitikaga või- kriteeriume oluliselt ületavat avaliku sektori võlataset nii, malik toetada majanduspoliitika koordineeritust ning et luuakse lunastamisfond, mille suhtes kohaldatakse ran- aidata kaasa eelarve konsolideerimisele ja majanduskas- get tingimuslikkust. vule. Tuginedes kogemusele, mis saadakse struktureeritud aruteludest maksupoliitika teemadel, mis keskenduvad Esialgse ettepaneku Euroopa lunastamisfondi kui vahetu valdkondadele, milles saab kavandada kaugeleulatuvamat kriisilahendamise vahendi loomiseks töötas välja Saksamaa tegevust, võiks tulevikus kaaluda sellist aluslepingu muut- majandusekspertide nõukogu (edaspidi „ekspertide nõu- mist, mis võimaldaks luua õigusakte nimetatud valdkonna kogu”) osana kogu euroala hõlmavast võla vähendamise suuremaks kooskõlastamiseks euroalas. Teine sarnase täht- strateegiast. susega valdkond, kus tuleks kaaluda samasugust arengut, on tööturg, arvestades hästitoimivate tööturgude ja eelkõi- Selleks et piirata moraalset ohtu ja tagada struktuuri sta- ge tööjõu liikuvuse olulisust euroala kohanemisvõime ja biilsus nagu ka võlamaksete lunastamine, tegi ekspertide kasvu seisukohast. nõukogu ettepaneku erinevate järelevalve- ja stabiliseeri- mistegurite kehtestamiseks, nagu: 1) ranged tingimused, Tööhõive- ja sotsiaalpoliitika kooskõlastamist ja järele- mis on sarnased EFSFi/ESMi programmide raames kok- valvet tuleks majandus- ja rahaliidu juhtimise raames tu- kulepitud eeskirjadele; 2) kohesed trahvimaksed eeskirjade 551 gevdada ning edendada nendes valdkondades lähenemist. rikkumise korral; 3) konkreetse institutsiooni (nt Euroopa Kehtivaid majanduspoliitika üldsuuniseid ja tööhõivesuu- Kohus) range järelevalve; 4) võlasummade fondi kandmise niseid saaks tõhustada, koondades need üheks õigusaktiks. kohene peatamine käivitamisperioodi jooksul, kui eeskirju ei järgita; 5) liikmesriikide rahvusvaheliste reservide (va- Nimetatud muudatused looksid aluse euroala piisava fis- luuta- või kullareservid) kasutamine nende kohustuste ja/ kaalvõimekuse arendamiseks, et toetada suuremahulist või võla tagasimaksmiseks (hiljuti) kehtestatud maksude struktuurireformi ja võimaldada võlgade vastastikust taga- (nt käibemaksutulu) tagatisena, et piirata vastutusriski. mist, et lihtsustada kriisi tulemusena tekkinud suurest võ- latasemest ja finantskillustatusest põhjustatud probleemide Komisjon on nõus, et tugev majandus- ja eelarveraamistik lahendamist. on toimiva lunastamisfondi eelduseks. Põhjalikum järe- levalve ja pädevus sekkuda riikide fiskaalpoliitika kujun- 3.2.2. Euroala piisav fiskaalvõimekus damisse ja rakendamisse oleksid õigustatud eelnevas osas kirjeldatud põhjustel. Kohandamiskavade usaldusväärsuse Tuginedes suurte struktuurireformide ning lähenemise ja tagamiseks on vaja kehtestada asjakohased fiskaaltingimu- konkurentsivõime rahastamisvahendi süstemaatilisest eel- sed, kui liikmesriik süsteemiga liitub. Sellest seisukohast koordineerimisest saadud kogemustele, tuleks luua euroala oleks miinimumnõue komisjoni kavandatud keskmise konkreetne fiskaalvõimekus. See peaks olema sõltumatu pikkusega perioodi eesmärgi saavutamise kohandamiskava selles mõttes, et sissetulekud sõltuksid vaid omavahenditest range järgimine. ning vajaduse korral võiks kasutada laenamist. See peaks olema tõhus ja andma piisavalt vahendeid oluliste struk- tuurireformide toetamiseks suures pingelises majanduses. Euroopa lunastamisfond oleks sellistel rangetel tingimustel (vt ka lisa 3) avaliku sektori võla usaldusväärse vähendami- se nurgakiviks, viies valitsemissektori võlataseme tagasi alla Piisava fiskaalvõimekuse euroalas saaks esialgu arendada 60%, nagu on sätestatud Maastrichti lepingus. välja teiseste õigusaktide abil, nagu on selgitatud punktis 3.1.3. Suutlikkuse tugevdamisel oleks aga kasuks uued, eraldi väljatöötatud aluslepingud, mis on vajalikud siis, kui Sellise raamistiku kasutuselevõtmine annaks märku, et fiskaalvõimekuse tagamiseks tuleb kasutada laenamist. euroala liikmesriigid tahavad ja suudavad oma võlataset vähendada ja kohustuvad seda tegema. See võib omakor- da vähendada liigsetes võlgades liikmesriikide rahastami- se kogukulusid. Tagades „ülemäärase võla” vähendamise rahastamise jätkusuutliku hinnaga, koos vähendamise stimuleerimise ja pideva järelevalvega, võib see anda eu- roala liikmesriikidele võimaluse kiirendada võlataseme vähendamist viisil, mis hõlbustab investeerimist majan- duskasvu toetavatesse meetmetesse. Lisaks aitaks selline 114 Igal juhul tuleks nimetatud lepingu sisu integreerida liidu raamistik kaasa võlataseme vähendamise läbipaistvusele ja õigusesse, nagu on sätestatud lepingu artiklis 16. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

koordineeritusele kogu euroalas, täiendades seega eelarve- pankade vahel tekkinud nõiaringi mõju vähendamiseks ja poliitika koordineerimist. ka moraaliriski piiramiseks. Lisaks aitaks see kaasa rahapo- liitika mõju asjakohase edasikandumise taastamisele. Eu- Sellise lunastamisfondi loomine saab toimuda ainult kehti- rovõlakirjadega saaks järk-järgult asendada olemasolevad vate aluslepingute läbivaatamise teel. Aruandekohustusest lühiajalised võlakirjad ja mitte suurendada euroala lühiaja- lähtuvalt peaks sellise fondi loomist käsitlev õigusakt ole- liste riigivõlakirjade koguarvu. ma koostatud juriidiliselt täpselt, sätestades maksimaalse ülekantava võlasumma, fondi maksimaalse toimimisaja ja Nn eurovõlakirjad täiendaksid Euroopa finantsturgusid, kõik muud omadused, et tagada riiklike põhiseaduste sei- luues suure integreeritud lühiajaliste võlakirjade turu eu- sukohast vajalik õiguskindlus. roalas. Võttes arvesse lühiajaliste võlakirjade olulisust raha- voogude juhtimisel ja nimetatud võlakirjade lühiajalisust, Sellise struktuuriga lunastamisfondi asjakohase aruande- oleks neil väärtpaberitel eriti kõrge krediidikvaliteet. Samal kohustuse tagamiseks võiks kasutada järgmist mudelit: ajal annaks selliste võlakirjade ringlev, lühiajaline laad või- aluslepingus sätestatud uus õiguslik alus võimaldaks fon- maluse kiiresti kohandada rahastamisskeeme riikide eel- di luua nõukogu otsusega, mille võtavad Euroopa Parla- arvekäitumisele, seades seeläbi stiimuli eelarvedistsipliini mendis ühehäälselt vastu euroala liikmed ja liikmesriigid järgimiseks. ratifitseeriksid selle oma põhiseadusest lähtuvalt. Otsuses tuleks sätestada fondi maksimaalne maht, toimimise aeg Ühine võlakirjade emiteerimine tugevdaks finantsstabiil- ja fondis osalemise tingimused. Pärast fondi loomist juhiks sust sel määral, kuivõrd see tagaks piisava lühiajalise lik- 552 seda kooskõlas nõukogu otsuses sätestatud tingimustega viidsuse kõigi euroala liikmesriikide jaoks. See looks ka komisjoni osaks olev Euroopa võlahaldusüksus, kes annaks kogu euroalas turvalised varad, mis hõlbustaksid suurel aru Euroopa Parlamendile. määral finantseerimisasutuste likviidsuse juhtimist ning aitaks seeläbi vähendada nende sagedast tugevat seotust 3.2.4. Eurovõlakirjad oma päritoluriigiga, mis on kriisiolukordades osutunud väga kahjulikuks. Eurovõlakirjad aitaksid suuresti kaasa Kriisi üks olulisi mõjusid on olnud euroala riikide mak- ka euroala rahapoliitika rakendamisele, kuna selle mõju sejõuetusriski ümberhindamine. Pärast enam kui kümmet edasikandumise kanaleid tugevdataks ja ühtlustataks. Eu- aastat, mil liikmesriigid laenasid pea identsetel tingimustel, rovõlakirjad oleksid seega lunastamisfondi ideega täielikult on turgudel hakatud taas riigiti erinevaid riskipreemiaid kokkusobivad ja täiendaksid seda. kehtestama. Nõrgemate euroala liikmesriikide emiteeri- tavate riigivõlakirjadega on kaubeldud märksa suurema Oma laadilt on need võlakirjad finantsvahendid, mis va- kasumiga, millel on kahjulik mõju asjaomaste võlakirjade javad osalevate liikmesriikide mitmeid ühiseid tagatisi, aluseks olevate riigi vahendite jätkusuutlikkusele, aga ka nende vahendite väljatöötamiseks on vaja muuta aluslepin- nende rahastamisasutuste maksevõimelisusele, kelle varade guid. Eurovõlakirjad ei asenda parandatud majandusjuhti- hulka need riigivõlakirjad kuuluvad. Finantseerimisasutusi mist ega eelarvedistsipliini. Sellise ühise võlainstrumendi iseloomustav krediidiriski hajutamine koos kalduvusega rakendamine nõuaks liikmesriikide võlahalduse suuremat investeerida päritoluriigi võlakirjadesse, on osutunud suu- kooskõlastatust ja järelevalvet, et tagada jätkusuutlik ja reks euroala rahandusliku killustatuse põhjuseks. Pangad, tõhus riiklik eelarvepoliitika. Järelevalve- ja haldusülesan- kelle käsutuses on liialt palju nõrgemaid riigivõlakirju, deid võiks täita komisjonis loodav majandus- ja rahaliidu leiavad üha vähem võimalusi refinantseerimiseks ja erasek- riigikassa. torile seatavad laenutingimused on muutunud märkimis- väärselt sõltuvaks laenuandja asukohast. Samal ajal takistab finantsturgude killustatus rahapoliitika mõju edasikandu- 3.3. Majandus- ja rahaliit pikemas mist ning tsentraalsed hõlbustusmeetmed ei väljendu pii- perspektiivis sava laenutingimuste paranemisena seal, kus see vajalikum oleks. Pikemas perspektiivis peaks Euroopa Liit liikuma täieli- ku pangandusliidu, täieliku fiskaalliidu, täieliku majan- Sellises olukorras oleks uue euroala riigivõlakirja loomine dusliidu ja nende kõigi aluseks oleva neljanda elemendi igati põhjendatud. Nn eurovõlakirjad oleksid euroala fi- saavutamise suunas, milleks on asjakohane demokraatlik nantsturgude integreerimist toetavaks võimalikuks stiimu- õiguspärasus ning otsuste tegemisega kaasnev aruandeko- liks ja eelkõige oleks neid vaja volatiilsete valitsemissektori hustus. Selle saavutamiseks on vaja aluslepinguid põhjali- võlaturgude stabiliseerimiseks. Kui euroala liikmesriigid kult reformida. emiteeriksid ühiselt lühiajalised valitsemissektori võla- kirjad, mille tähtaeg on 1 kuni 2 aastat, oleks see võimas vahend praeguse killustatusega võitlemiseks, riikide ja Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

3.3.1. Täielik pangandusliit Tsentraalne eelarve, mis looks stabiliseeriva rolliga fiskaalvõimekuse Pikemas perspektiivis tundub olevat loogiline püüelda kõiki pankasid ühendava täieliku pangandusliidu poole. Majandus- ja rahaliidu praegune ülesehitus toetub det- Euroopa Keskpanga otsene järelevalve, mille käigus kohal- sentraliseeritud eelarvepoliitikale eeskirjadepõhises raamis- datakse ühtseid eeskirju ja Euroopa Pangandusjärelevalve tikus. Eelarvepoliitika stabiliseerivat rolli oodatakse sellise koostatud ühtsed standardeid, tagaksid pideva järelevalve struktuuri juures juba riiklikul tasandil, aluslepingu ning kvaliteedi tervel euroalal. Koos euroala makrotasandi usal- stabiilsuse ja kasvu pakti sätestatud eeskirjade piires. Tava- datavusjärelevalve poliitikavahenditega moodustaks see tõ- pärasest vaatenurgast antakse majandus- ja rahaliidu kaudu husa süsteemi, mille abil jälgida ja ohjata finantssüsteemi riiklikule eelarvepoliitikale ülesanne lahendada riigipõhi- mikro- ja makrotasandi usaldatavusriske. seid kriise, ja riiklikule rahapoliitikale ülesanne tagada hindade stabiilsus ning sel viisil stabiliseerida makroma- See süsteem ja ühine panganduskriiside lahendamise süs- janduslikke tingimusi kogu majandus- ja rahaliidus. Lisaks teem, kombineerituna tõhusa ja usaldusväärse hoiuste on riiklikel automaatsetel stabilisaatoritel suur potentsiaal tagamise skeemiga kõigis liikmesriikides, annaks pangan- stabiliseerida eelarvet majandus- ja rahaliidu riikides, võt- dussektorile lõplikult tagasi kindla toetuspinna ja aitaks tes arvesse heaoluriikide suhteliselt suurt osakaalu. kaasa usalduse säilitamisele euroala jätkusuutliku stabiil- suse suhtes. Avalikkuse usalduse maksimaalseks suuren- Tuginedes fiskaalvõimekusele, võiks toimiva majandus- ja damiseks on vaja ka usaldusväärset ja võimsat finantssek- rahaliidu osaks olla majandus- ja rahaliidu tasandi stabili- tori kaitsevahendit. Seda hõlbustaks euroala turvalise vara seeriv vahend, millega toetatakse kohanemisvõimet asüm- 553 väljatöötamine. meetrilise mõjuga majanduslanguste puhul, hõlbustatakse suuremat majandusintegratsiooni ja lähenemist ning väldi- Kõikide nende elementide kombinatsioonina on täielik takse pikaajalisi vahendite ülekandeid. Selline mehhanism pangandusliit oluline osa majandus- ja fiskaalintegratsioo- peaks olema otseselt suunatud lühiajaliste asümmeetriliste ni pikaajalisest visioonist115. mõjude tsüklilise arengu leevendamisele, et vältida pide- vaid vahendite ülekandeid terve tsükli vältel. Mehhanism 3.3.2. Täielik fiskaal- ja majandusliit peaks toetama struktuurireforme ja sõltuma rangetest po- liitilistest tingimustest, et vältida moraalset ohtu. Majandus- ja rahaliidu viimaseks astmeks oleks täielik fis- kaal- ja majandusliit. Lõppeesmärgina hõlmaks see poliiti- Makromajanduse stabiliseerimisele suunatud ühine va- list liitu, mis ühendab suveräänsed õigused ja mille fiskaal- hend pakuks tagatissüsteemi, mille abil majandusvapus- võimekuse aluseks oleks tsentraalne eelarve ning vahendid tustega seonduvad riskid hajutatakse liikmesriikide vahel, eelarve- ja majandusotsuste jõustamiseks oma liikmete vähendades seeläbi riikide sissetulekute kõikumist. Teiseks suhtes konkreetsetel ja täpselt määratletud tingimustel. võib mehhanism aidata parandada riikide eelarvekäitumist Kui suur see tsentraalne eelarve oleks, sõltub soovitud in- kogu tsükli vältel. Eelkõige võib see ajendada majandus- tegratsioonitasemest ja tahtest viia läbi sellega kaasnevaid tõusu ajal kulusid kahandama, luues täiendava manööver- poliitilisi muudatusi. Selline põhjalik integreerituse tase damisruumi toetava eelarvepoliitika jaoks langusperioodi- looks tingimused ühiste võlakirjade emiteerimiseks stabiil- del. Üldiselt saaks ühise vahendi abil saavutada suurema susvõlakirjadena, nagu on osutatud komisjoni 2011. aasta stabiliseeriva jõu võrreldes praeguse struktuuriga. rohelises raamatus. Ülesehitusest sõltuvalt võiks mehhanism keskenduda Stabiliseerivat rolli täitva tsentraalse eelarve puudumist on asümmeetrilise mõjuga majanduslangusele või ka hõlma- ammu peetud euroala võimalikuks puuduseks võrreldes ta majandusvapustusi, mis mõjutavad kogu euroala. Siiski muude edukate rahaliitudega. nõuaks see teine lähenemisviis eelarve usaldusväärsuse säi- litamiseks tugevaid tagatisi, sest suurem stabiliseeriv jõud on ühiste vapustuste vastu tulemuslikult saavutatav vaid kogu euroala laenuvoogude suurendamise abil languse ajal ning seega peaks mehhanismi soodsatel aegadel täien- davalt rahastama. Nimetatud lähenemisviisi puhul tuleks tsentraalsele eelarvele anda suutlikkus osta ja emiteerida 115 Vt komisjoni teatis „Tegevuskava pangandusliidu poole võlakirju. Lisaks jääks rahapoliitika ikkagi esmaseks ühiste liikumiseks”, milles visandatakse komisjoni üldine vapustuste leevendamise vahendiks. visioon pangandusliidu kujundamiseks, hõlmates ühtseid eeskirju, ühist hoiuste tagamist ja ühtset kriisilahendusmehhanismi pankade jaoks, COM (2012) 510, Kõige lihtsamalt kirjeldades oleks asümmeetrilise http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ mõjuga­ majanduslanguste stabiliseerimiseks mõeldud reform/20120912-com-2012-510_et.pdf EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

stabili­seerimisskeemi jaoks vaja rahalisi netomakseid, • luua ELi tasandil uue maksuvõimsuse, või võimsuse, mis on miinusmärgiga headel ja plussmärgiga halbadel millega on võimalik saada tulu turgudel võlakirju aegadel. Näiteks saaks lihtsa skeemi abil määrata kindlaks müües (praegu takistavad seda Euroopa Liidu riikide netoosaluse/-maksed vastavalt nende SKP lõhe toimimise lepingu artiklid 310 ja 311); suurusele (võrreldes keskmisega). Fondist tehtavate väl- • näha ette komisjonis loodava majandus- ja rahaliidu jamaksete kasutuse suhtes täiendavaid tingimusi ei seata. riigikassa; Teise võimalusena võidakse nõuda, et fondist tehtavate väl- • ning soovi korral oleks teistel liikmesriikidel võimalik jamaksete eesmärk määratakse eelnevalt kindlaks ja need esimese sammuna euroalaga liitumisel vabalt valida oleksid vastutsüklilise mõjuga (nagu nt Ameerika Ühend- selline fiskaalvõimsus. riikide töötuskindlustusmaksete süsteem, milles föderaalse Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu saavutamine fondi kaudu hüvitatakse 50% töötuskindlustusmaksetest, hõlmab täiendavaid meetmeid, mis tuginevad lühikese ja mis ületavad kindlaksmääratud maksimumi, sõltuvalt tea- keskmise pikkusega perioodi jooksul saavutatavale ning tu- tavast töötuse määrast, mis suureneb). Kuigi vahendite üle- gevdavad integreeritust samm-sammult, poliitikavaldkon- kannete eesmärgi eelnev kindlaksmääramine võib tugevda- dade kaupa. Sellisel viisil võiks majandus- ja eelarvepolii- da stabiliseerivaid omadusi, ei ole täielikult välditav oht, tika paremale koordineeritusele koos ühiselt kokkulepitud et valitsused neutraliseerivad ülekannete mõju vastupidist poliitikaprioriteetide rakendamiseks mõeldud rahalise toe- mõju avaldavate eelarvemeetmetega. tuse vahenditega järgneda tsentraalse eelarve kujunemine 554 koos ühiste stabiliseerimismehhanismidega. See toimuks Süsteemid peaksid toimima nii, et vältida riigiti pidevat ESMi ELi aluslepingutesse integreerimise kaudu ja liiguks vahendite saamist. Teisisõnu peaksid need olema koosta- edasi ühiste riigivõlakirjade emiteerimise suunas. tud nii, et ükski riik ei oleks liiga pika aja vältel skeemist kasusaaja ega süsteemi panustaja. Vajalik tingimus on, et Edusammud tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu poole erinevused süsteemi tehtavates riikide netomaksetes ei sõl- tingivad keskmise pikkusega perioodi jooksul sellise struk- tuks absoluutsest sissetuleku vahest vaid pigem tsükliliste tuuri nagu seda on komisjonis loodav majandus- ja rahalii- seisundite erinevusest. Sissetuleku erinevused võivad jääda du riigikassa, et koordineerida ühist poliitikat, mida viiakse püsima üle aastakümnete, samas kui suhteline tsükliline ellu ühise fiskaalvõimsuse raames sel määral, kuivõrd on seisund muutub positiivsest negatiivseks ja vastupidi tõe- vajalikud ühised ressursid ja/või ühised laenud. Selline rii- näoliselt ühe aastakümne vältel. Ülekannete ajutisuse nõue gikassa kujutaks endast uut eelarvepädevat institutsiooni ja on sõltuvuses asümmeetrilise mõjuga pikaajaliste nõudlu- see haldaks ühisressursse. Riigikassat peaks juhtima komis- sega seotud vapustuste (nt kapitali väljavoog koos finants- joni kõrge ametnik, näiteks majandus- ja rahandusasjade ja võimenduse vähendamisega) leevendamise võimalikkuse euro eest vastutav asepresident, oma tegevust asjakohaselt tasemest116. eelarve eest vastutava volinikuga kooskõlastades ja kasuta- des toena asjakohaseid kollegiaalseid struktuure. Institutsionaalsed kaalutlused Aluslepingute muudatused, mis sellise stabiliseerimis­ Kuigi ESMi integreerimine ELi raamistikku kehtivate alus- ülesannet täitva fiskaalvõimekuse aluseks on, võivad muu lepingute kaudu ei ole välistatud – kasutades selleks Eu- hulgas: roopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artikli 352 kohast otsust ja muutes ELi omavahendeid käsitlevat otsust – tundub, • luua uue sõnaselge õigusliku aluse, mis võimaldab et arvestades sellise sammu poliitilist ja rahanduslikku luua rahastu laiemalt määratletud eesmärkide jaoks, tähtsust ning õiguslike kohanduste ulatust, ei oleks see tee sealhulgas makromajandusliku stabiliseerimise jaoks, vähem vaevaline kui ESMi integreerimine ELi aluslepingu- kui see on võimalik kehtiva Euroopa Liidu toimimise te muutmise kaudu. Viimane võimaldaks ka spetsiaalsete lepingu artikli 136 kohaselt; otsustusmenetluste kehtestamist.

• luua asjaomase, spetsiaalse eelarve- ja omavahendite Kõik eelnevalt nimetatud meetmed tingivad suveräänsuse menetluse; suuremat loovutamist s.t Euroopa tasandi vastutust. Nime- tatud protsessiga peaks kaasnema poliitiline integratsioon, et tagada tugevam demokraatlik õiguspärasus, aruandeko- 116 Teatavates koostatud analüüsides hinnatakse hustus ja kontroll. ökonomeetriliselt olemasolevate föderaalriikide rahastamisskeemide mõju asümmeetrilise mõjuga vapustuste leevendamisele. Näiteks moodustab Ameerika Ühendriikide osariikide vaheliste vahendite ülekannete stabiliseeriv mõju hinnanguliselt 10-30% föderaalkassasse kantud vahendite abil leevendatud vapustusest. Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

4. Poliitiline liit: Demokraatlik Lähtudes põhimõttest, et õiguspärasus peab olema pro- portsionaalne poliitilise liiduga kaasneva suveräänsete õi- õiguspärasus ja guste üleandmise ja solidaarsusega, kerkivad kaks üldist aruandekohustus tihedas küsimust.

ja toimivas majandus- ja Esiteks on aruandekohustus lühi- ja pikaajalise tegevuse rahaliidus ning selle tõhusam puhul sisuliselt erinev, kuna esimest saab reguleerida ELi teiseste õigusaktidega, kuid teine nõuab aluslepingu muut- juhtimine mist. Lissaboni lepinguga on täiustatud ELi unikaalset riigiülese demokraatia mudelit ja põhimõtteliselt tagatud 4.1. Üldpõhimõtted ELi praeguste volituste puhul piisav demokraatlik õiguspä- rasus. Seni kuni majandus- ja rahaliitu on võimalik edasi Majandus- ja rahaliit rajaneb demokraatlikul õiguspära- arendada nimetatud lepingu alusel, ei ole seega põhjust susel, mille olemasoluks on vaja järgida kahte põhimõtet. näha aruandekohustuses ületamatut takistust. Seevastu Esiteks tuleb sellise mitmetasandilise juhtimissüsteemi pu- punktides 3.2 ja 3.3 visandatud keskmise pikkusega ja hul tagada, et otsuste tegemise tasandil peetakse kinni aru- pikaajaliste aluslepingu muudatuste arutamise käigus tu- andekohustusest ja võetakse ühtlasi nõuetekohaselt arvesse leb käsitleda ka ELi demokraatliku õiguspärasuse mudeli tasandit, kus avaldub otsuste mõju. Teiseks peab demo- kohandamist. kraatlik õiguspärasus majandus- ja rahaliidu nagu ka kogu Euroopa integratsiooni puhul olema seda suurem, mida Teiseks tekiksid suured probleemid seoses aruandekohus- 555 enam on liikmesriigid oma suveräänsed õigused üle and- tuse ja juhtimisega, kui valitsustevaheline tegevus euroalal nud liidule. See kehtib nii eelarve järelevalve ja majandus- muutuks võrreldes praegusega palju ulatuslikumaks. Prob- poliitikaga seotud ELi uute volituste kui ka liikmesriikide leemid avalduksid eeskätt juhul, kui valitsustevahelise te- solidaarsust käsitlevate uute ELi eeskirjade puhul. Lühidalt gevuse kaudu mõjutataks liikmesriikide majanduspoliitika öeldes – ühise vastutuse suurendamine finantsküsimustes juhtimist. See ei oleks aga kooskõlas ELi esmase õigusega nõuab ühtlasi suuremat poliitilist integratsiooni. Käesole- nimetatud valdkonnas. Euroopa Kohus on kinnitanud, et vas punktis visandatakse mõned esialgsed võimalused eda- aluslepingu kohaselt on liikmesriikide majanduspoliitika siseks tööks. koordineerimine liidu ülesanne. ESM on aluslepingutega kooskõlas just seetõttu, et selle eesmärk ei ole koordinee- Selle eest, et ELi tasandil võetavate otsuste, eriti komisjoni rida majanduspoliitikat, vaid luua rahastamismehhanism. otsuste puhul oleks täidetud esimese põhimõtte raames ni- Samuti on ESMi lepingu sätetes selge sõnaga märgitud, metatud demokraatlik aruandekohustus, vastutab peami- et lepinguga ette nähtud ranged tingimused ei kujuta en- selt Euroopa Parlament. Mida enam laieneb ELi institut- dast majanduspoliitika koordineerimise vahendit, tagades sioonide roll, seda enam tuleb Euroopa Parlament kaasata seega ESMi tegevuse kooskõla ELi õiguse ja koordineeri- ELi menetlustesse. Samal ajal jääb alati – sõltumata sellest, mismeetmetega. Ühtlasi saaks valitsustevahelise tegevuse milliseks kujuneb lõpuks majandus- ja rahaliit – tähtis puhul delegeerida liidu institutsioonidele, nagu komisjon koht liikmesriikide parlamentidele, kes peavad kontrolli- ja EKP, ainult piiratud ülesandeid, näiteks liikmesriikide ma, et liikmesriikide tegevus Euroopa Ülemkogus ja nõu- nimel ühismeetmete koordineerimist või rahalise abi hal- kogus oleks õiguspärane, kuid eelkõige juhtima riigisisest damist, mis ei tohi olla vastuolus neile institutsioonidele eelarve- ja majanduspoliitikat isegi, kui neid valdkondi aluslepingutes pandud ülesannetega117. Samuti on raske koordineeritakse ELis tihedamalt. Lisaks on suur väärtus ette kujutada, kuidas oleks euroala liikmesriikide majan- Euroopa Parlamendi ja liikmesriikide parlamentide koos- duspoliitikat mõjutava valitsustevahelise tegevuse puhul tööl, sest see aitab suurendada vastastikust mõistmist ja võimalik tagada aruandekohustus parlamendi ees. ühist vastutust majandus- ja rahaliidu kui mitmetasandilise juhtimissüsteemi eest. Mis tahes konkreetsed sammud selle Kui tiheda majandus- ja rahaliidu raames tekib vajadus tu- koostöö jätkuvaks parandamiseks vastavalt ELi aluslepin- gevamate juhtimisstruktuuride järele, siis tuleks need välja gute protokollile nr 1 ning majandus- ja rahaliidu stabiil- töötada tõhusalt ja õiguspäraselt, nii et need moodustaksid suse, koordineerimise ja juhtimise lepingu artiklile 13 on osa liidu institutsioonilisest raamistikust ja oleksid koos­ tervitatavad. Ainuüksi parlamentide koostöö ei taga siiski kõlas ühenduse meetodiga. ELi otsuste demokraatlikku õiguspärasust. Selleks on vaja liikmesriikide kodanikkonda esindavat ja hääleõiguslikku parlamentaarset kogu. ELi ja järelikult ka euro küsimustes on ainsaks selliseks koguks Euroopa Parlament.

117 Vt otsus kohtuasjas C-370/12: Pringle, punktid 109–111 ja 158–162. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

4.2. Aruandekohustuse ja juhtimise Ilma aluslepingut muutmata saab võtta veel mõningaid optimeerimine lühemas praktilisi meetmeid, et parandada eurorühma ja selle tege- perspektiivis vust ettevalmistava organi toimimist, nagu teatati euroala 26. oktoobri 2011. aasta tippkohtumisel. Selleks et ilma aluslepingut muutmata võimalikult hästi Lisaks saab astuda olulisi samme Euroopa poliitilise ruu- tagada demokraatlik aruandekohustus ja juhtimine, tuleks mi kujundamiseks, kuigi see ei seostu konkreetselt majan- eespool nimetatud põhimõtetest juhindudes keskenduda dus- ja rahaliiduga. Kõige olulisem nendest sammudest on praktilistele meetmetele, mille eesmärk on eelkõige elavda- erakondade kandidaatide nimetamine Euroopa Komisjoni da parlamendis Euroopa poolaastaga seotud arutelu. presidendi ametikohale 2014. aasta Euroopa Parlamendi valimiste raames, kuid ka praegused valimisi käsitlevad ELi Seejuures tuleks lähtepunktiks võtta hiljuti kuuest õigusak- õigusaktid võimaldavad veel mitut pragmaatilist sammu. tist koosneva paketi raames loodud majandusdialoog, mis Samuti tuleks kiiresti vastu võtta ettepanek, mille komis- toimub ühelt poolt Euroopa Parlamendi ning teiselt poolt jon esitas hiljuti Euroopa tasandi erakondade põhikirja nõukogu, komisjoni, Euroopa Ülemkogu ja eurorühma muutmiseks. vahel. Võiks sätestada, et parlament kaasatakse komisjoni iga-aastase majanduskasvu aruandega seotud arutelusse ning et ta arutab seda enne Euroopa poolaasta kahte pea- 4.3. Aluslepingu muutmise korral sündmust, milleks on komisjoni iga-aastase majanduskas- tõstatuvad küsimused 556 vu aruande käsitlemine Euroopa Ülemkogu kohtumisel ja riigipõhiste soovituste vastuvõtmine nõukogus. Selleks Kui aluslepingus tehakse muudatusi, millega ELile antak- võiks sõlmida Euroopa Parlamendi, nõukogu ja komisjoni se veel riigiüleseid volitusi, tuleks sellest tuleneva suurema vahel institutsioonidevahelise kokkuleppe. Samuti võiksid demokraatliku aruandekohustuse tagamiseks kaaluda all- komisjoni ja nõukogu esindajad osaleda kohtumistel, mis järgnevalt kirjeldatud meetmeid. toimuvad Euroopa poolaasta käigus Euroopa Parlamendi ja liikmesriikide parlamentide esindajate vahel. Kui liik- Esiteks tuleks praegused majanduspoliitika üldsuunised mesriikide parlamendid seda soovivad, võiksid komisjoni ja tööhõivepoliitika suunised, mis avaldatakse ühiselt liikmed võtta osa nende arutelust ELi riigipõhiste soovitus- „koondsuunistena”, kuid põhinevad kahel eraldi õiguslikul te üle, et lihtsustada parlamentide tööd. alusel, koondada nähtavuse, läbipaistvuse ja õiguspärasu- se suurendamiseks ühte dokumenti, mis väljendaks liidu „Täida või selgita” põhimõtte rakendamist, mille kohaselt mitmeaastaseid prioriteete. Veelgi tähtsam on aga see, et nõukogu peab andma (peamiselt Euroopa Parlamendile) dokument võetaks vastu seadusandliku tavamenetluse alu- avalikult aru komisjoni majandusjärelevalve alastes ettepa- sel, mille puhul Euroopa Parlament ja nõukogu tegutsevad nekutes, näiteks riigipõhistes soovitustes, tehtud muuda- kaasseadusandjatena. tuste kohta, tuleks praktikas parandada. Teiseks võiks juhul, kui peetakse vajalikuks sätestada uus Samuti peaks parlament olema tihedas majandus- ja ra- volitus, mis võimaldab nõuda liikmesriigi eelarve läbivaa- haliidus vahetumalt kaasatud liidu mitmeaastaste prio- tamist vastavalt ELi tasandi kohustustele; selline õigusakt riteetide valimisse, mis väljenduvad nõukogu koondsuu- tuleks vastu võtta kaasotsustamismenetluse alusel, et taga- nistes (majanduspoliitika üldsuunised ja tööhõivepoliitika da piisav õiguspärasus. Selle lahenduse kasuks, mis tagab suunised). kõige paremini demokraatliku õiguspärasuse, räägib asja- olu, et ka liikmesriikides võtab aastaeelarve tavaliselt vastu Euroopa Parlamenti tuleks korrapäraselt teavitada rahalist parlament, sest tegu on seadusandliku aktiga. Selleks et abi saavate riikide kohandusprogrammide ettevalmistami- otsused oleks võimalik kiiresti vastu võtta, tuleks aluslepin- sest ja rakendamisest, nagu on ette nähtud kahest õigus- gu muudatusega luua uus seadusandlik erimenetlus, mis aktist koosneva paketiga. Olgu rõhutatud, et nimetatud nõuaks ainult ühte lugemist. liikmesriikidele kehtestatavad majanduspoliitilised tingi- mused moodustavad osa ELi raamistikus toimuvast ma- Käesolevas ettepanekus tehtud üleskutse integreerida ESM janduspoliitika koordineerimisest. ELi raamistikku, võimaldaks Euroopa Parlamendil nime- tatud mehhanismi nõuetekohaselt kontrollida. Euroopa Parlamendil on ühtlasi võimalik kohandada oma sisemist töökorraldust, nii et see vastaks tugevdatud ma- Samuti võiks kaaluda alljärgnevaid institutsioonilisi jandus- ja rahaliidule. Näiteks võiks ta luua euroga tegeleva muudatusi: erikomisjoni, mille ülesandeks oleks kontrollida eelkõige euroalaga seonduvat ja teha sellega seotud otsuseid. Tiheda ja toimiva majandus- ja rahaliidu loomise tegevuskava – üleeuroopalise arutelu avamine

Euroopa Parlamendis võiks anda euroga tegelevale komis- liikmesriikide esindajad kõrvale mitte üksnes hääletami- jonile otsuste tegemiseks muudest komisjonidest suure- sest, vaid ka ministrite tasemest allpool toimuvatest aru- mad erivolitused, näiteks suurema rolli parlamendi töö et- teludest ja ettevalmistavast tööst. Komisjoni ei pea seda tevalmistavates etappides või isegi võimaluse täita teatavaid aga soovitavaks, sest see tooks tegelikkuses kaasa eraldi ülesandeid ja võtta vastu teatavaid otsuseid täiskogu eest. „euroala nõukogu” tekkimise, mis ei võtaks nõuetekohaselt arvesse praeguste ja tulevaste euroala liikmete omavahelist Komisjoni puhul nõuaks majandus- ja rahaküsimuste ja lähenemist. euroga tegelevale asepresidendile praegusest veelgi suure- mate volituste118 andmine kollegiaalsuspõhimõtte ja seega Lisaks tuleks aluslepingu muutmise raames pöörata eraldi ka aluslepingu muutmist. See võiks pikemas perspektiivis tähelepanu EKP demokraatliku aruandekohustuse suu- viia selleni, et komisjonis luuakse majandus- ja rahaliidu rendamisele, eelkõige võimaldades Euroopa Parlamendil jaoks riigikassa taoline struktuur, mis võimaldaks poliitikat teostada tema tegevuse üle tavapärast eelarvekontrolli, nii- juhtida ja tagaks suurema demokraatliku õiguspärasuse. Sel võrd kui EKP tegeleb pangandusjärelevalvega. Samal ajal juhul võiks majandus- ja rahaküsimuste ja euro eest vastu- võiks muuta ELi toimimise lepingu artiklit 127, et tagada tava asepresidendi ja Euroopa Parlamendi euroga tegeleva seadusandliku tavamenetluse kohaldamine ja kõrvaldada komisjoni vahel kujuneda erisuhted, mis põhinevad usal- mõned juriidilised piirangud, mis on praegu kehtestatud dusel ja kontrollil. Nimetatud suhete ülesehitust tuleks aga ühtse järelevalvemehhanismi korraldusele (näiteks võiks hoolikalt kaaluda. Nimelt lähtub komisjon kõikides oma minna kaugemale tiheda koostöö mudelist ja sätestada, et pädevusvaldkondades, olgu tegu konkurentsi-, ühtekuulu- euroalasse mitte kuuluvad liikmesriigid saavad automaat- vus- või mis tahes muu valdkonna poliitikaga, otsuste te- selt ja pöördumatult otsustada osaleda ühtses järelevalve- 557 gemisel kollegiaalsuse põhimõttest. See põhimõte kujutab mehhanismis ning sellisel juhul saavad nad EKP otsuste endast ühist sisemist kontrolli- ja tasakaalustusmehhanis- tegemisel kõik võrdsed õigused, kusjuures EKP otsuste mi, mis aitab muuta komisjoni tegevuse õiguspärasemaks. tegemine rahapoliitika ja järelevalve valdkonnas lahutatak- se teineteisest veelgi). Samuti võiks aluslepingus kaaluda Samuti on mõnel korral esitatud üleskutse tugevdada veel- muudatusi, mis annaksid rahandusvaldkonda regulee- gi eurorühma, pannes sellele vastutuse euroala ja sellesse rivatele ametitele eristaatuse, tugevdades nende ametite kuuluvate liikmesriikidega seotud otsuste eest. Selleks riigiülest rolli ja seeläbi ka nende demokraatlikku aruan- oleks vaja muuta aluslepingut, sest protokolli nr 14 ko- dekohustust See mitte ainult ei muudaks reguleerivaid haselt on eurorühm oma olemuselt mitteametlik foorum, ameteid palju tõhusamaks, vaid lihtsustaks ka oluliselt ka- mis on ainult volitatud pidama arutelusid, mitte tegema vandatava ühtse kriisilahendusmehhanismi väljatöötamist otsuseid. Praeguste aluslepingutega (ELi toimimise lepin- ja rakendamist. gu artiklitega 136 ja 138) on siiski juba loodud võimalus võtta vastu nõukogu otsuseid, mille üle hääletavad ainult ELi õiguspärasuse suurendamiseks võiks laiendada ka euroalasse kuuluvad liikmesriigid. Käesolevas tegevuska- Euroopa Kohtu pädevust, jättes ELi toimimise lepingu vas soovitab komisjon luua aluslepingus samal põhimõttel artiklist 126 välja lõike 10, mis võimaldaks algatada liik- veel õiguslikke aluseid. Selline lahendus erineks eurorüh- mesriikide suhtes rikkumismenetlust, või nähes ette uued male otsustusõiguse andmisest praktikas peamiselt selle eripädevusvaldkonnad ja -menetlused, kuigi ei tohi unus- poolest, et viimasel juhul jääks euroalasse mitte kuuluvate tada, et kõiki asjaomaseid küsimusi ei saa kohtus täieula- tuslikult läbi vaadata. 118 Tuleks meenutada, et majandus- ja rahaküsimuste voliniku rolli suurendati juba märkimisväärselt 2011. aasta oktoobris Kui aluslepingu muutmine peaks hõlmama peale majan- ja novembris, mil praeguse aluslepingu sätete raames dus- ja rahaliidule ka muid küsimusi, tuleks üheks eesmär- võeti vastu mitu õigusakti, et tagada komisjoni sõltumatus, objektiivsus ja tõhusus koordineerimise, järelevalve ja giks võtta seadusandliku tavamenetluse laiendamine, mille jõustamisega seotud ülesannete täitmisel liidu ja euroala puhul Euroopa Parlament ja nõukogu teevad kaasotsustus- majandusjuhtimise valdkonnas. Eelkõige tehti komisjoni menetluse raames otsuse kvalifitseeritud häälteenamusega töökorras muudatus, mille tulemusena komisjon võtab selle asemel, et kasutada seadusandlikku erimenetlust, kõnealust valdkonda käsitlevad otsused vastu majandus- ja rahaküsimuste ning euro eest vastutava asepresidendi mida praegu veel mõnel juhul kohaldatakse. ettepaneku alusel, kasutades selleks kirjalikku erimenetlust, mis tagab tehtavate otsuste suurema objektiivsuse ja Piisava demokraatliku aruandekohustuse tagamisega te- tõhususe. Presidenti nõusolekul on asepresidendil samuti õigus kivad eri probleemid juhul, kui aluslepingu muudatuse võtta komisjoni nimel vastu otsuseid mitmes valdkonnas, mis on seotud majanduse juhtimise paketi ning EFSMi, EFSFi tulemusena nähakse ette võimalus emiteerida ühiseid rii- ja ESMi raames rakendatavate majanduse kohandamise givõlakirju, mille eest vastutavad solidaarselt kõik euroalas- programmidega. Lisaks tuleb asepresidendi talitustega se kuuluvad liikmesriigid. Sellise solidaartagatise puhul eelnevalt konsulteerida kõikide komisjoni algatuste puhul, valmistab aruandekohustus raskusi peamiselt seetõttu, et mis võivad mõjutada majanduskasvu, konkurentsivõimet või majanduslikku stabiilsust. kui võlausaldajad peaksid tagatise sisse nõudma, võib see EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

avaldada teatava liikmesriigi rahandusele märkimisväär- Võlalunastamisfondi loomise ettepanek tekitab seoses aru- set koormust, mille eest peab aru andma selle liikmesriigi andekohustusega teist laadi küsimusi. Selleks et aruande- parlament, kuigi koormus tuleneb poliitilistest otsustest, kohustus oleks nimetatud fondi puhul piisav, tuleb selle mis on tehtud millalgi teises liikmesriigis või teistes liik- õiguslikus aluses kõigepealt väga täpselt sätestada ülekanta- meriikides sealse parlamendi vastutusel. Seni kuni ELile ei va võla maksimaalne suurus, fondi tegevuse maksimaalne anta euroala majanduspoliitika kindlaksmääramiseks väga pikkus ja muud üksikasjad, et oleks tagatud liikmesriikide ulatuslikke volitusi ja Euroopa Parlamendi vastutusalasse ei põhiseadusest tulenevalt nõutav õiguskindlus. Kui need kuulu otsuste tegemine mahuka keskeelarve vahendite ka- tingimused on täidetud, on aluslepingus võimalik sätesta- sutamise üle, ei saa seda aruandekohustusega seotud sisu- da uus õiguslik alus fondi loomiseks, mis nõuab nõukogu list vastuolu lahendada ühise riigivõla haldamise usaldami- otsust, mille euroalasse kuuluvad liikmesriigid võtavad vas- sega ELi täitevorganile, isegi kui sellel organil on Euroopa tu ühehäälselt, Euroopa Parlamendi nõusolekut ja otsuse Parlamendi ees aruandekohustus. ratifitseerimist liikmesriikides vastavalt nende põhiseadus- likele nõuetele. Selles otsuses määratakse kindlaks ülekan- Seda probleemi ei tekiks enam täieliku fiskaal- ja majan- tava võla maksimaalne suurus, fondi tegevuse pikkus ja dusliidu korral, millel oleks oma mahukas keskeelarve, selles osalemise täpsed tingimused. Seejärel asub komisjon mille vahendid tuleneksid nõuetekohasel määral volitusest vastavalt nõukogu otsuses sätestatud eeskirjadele fondi hal- kehtestada sõltumatult sihtotstarbelisi maksusid ja võima- dama, andes sellest aru Euroopa Parlamendile. lusest emiteerida ELi riigivõlakirju, kusjuures sellega kaas- neks majanduspoliitika juhtimise küsimustes suveräänsete 558 õiguste ulatuslik üleandmine ELile. Sel juhul oleks Eu- roopa Parlamendil kaasseadusandjana suuremad volitused otsustada nimetatud sõltumatute maksude üle ja võimalik teostada kõikide ELi täitevorgani otsuste üle demokraatlik- ku kontrolli. Liikmesriigid ei vastutaks solidaarselt üksteise riigivõla eest, vaid äärmisel juhul ELi võla eest.

Kui aluslepingut muudetakse nii, et vaheetapina sätesta- takse võimalus emiteerida lühiajalisi eurovõlakirju ja suu- rendatakse majandusjuhtimisega seotud volitusi, tuleb välja töötada nii ELi kui ka liikmesriikide tasandile toetuv aruandlusstruktuur. Sel juhul vastutab Euroopa Parlament otsuste eest, mida komisjonis majandus- ja rahaliidu jaoks loodav riigikassa teeb eurovõlakirjade haldamisel. Eurovõ- lakirjade kava loomiseks ja seejärel selle regulaarseks piken- damiseks on siiski vaja nõukogu otsuseid, mis euroalasse kuuluvad liikmesriigid võtavad vastu ühehäälselt Euroopa Parlamendi nõusolekul. Liikmesriigid võivad oma põhisea- duslikku korra kohaselt näha ette oma parlamendi vastu- tuse, kui see on nende arvates piisav nõusoleku väljenda- miseks kõnealuse kava loomist ja pikendamist käsitlevate otsustega. Inimväärne elu kõigile: vaesuse kaotamine ja maailmale säästva tuleviku tagamine

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE NING REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE BRÜSSEL, 27. VEEBRUAR 2013 COM(2013) 92

1. Sissejuhatus Käesolevas teatises pakutakse välja ELi ühine lähenemis- viis neile küsimustele. Selleks määratakse esiteks kindlaks 559 peamised ülemaailmsed probleemid ja võimalused. Seejärel Vaesuse kaotamine ning rikkuse ja heaolu jätkusuutlikkuse hinnatakse maailmas vaesuse kaotamist käsitleva tegevus- tagamine on maailma kaks kõige pakilisemat probleemi. kava edukust ning seoses aastatuhande arengueesmärki- Ligikaudu 1,3 miljardit inimest elab endiselt äärmises vae- dega saadud kogemust ning esitatakse mõningaid Rio+20 suses ja veelgi suurema hulga inimeste inimarenguga seo- konverentsil kokkulepitud säästva arengu suunas liikumise tud vajadused ei ole täidetud. Kaks kolmandikku looduse tähtsamaid etappe ja peamisi meetmeid. Kirjeldatakse ka pakutavatest teenustest (sealhulgas viljakas maa, puhas vesi tulevase raamistikuga seonduvaid probleeme ja elemente, ja õhk) on otsakorral ning kliimamuutused ja bioloogilise mis põhinevad seoses aastatuhande arengueesmärkidega mitmekesisuse vähenemine on jõudnud sellise piiri läheda- saadud kogemustel ning Rio+20 konverentsil kokkulepi- le, mille ületamisel on inimühiskonnale ja looduskeskkon- tud toimingutel, eelkõige säästva arengu eesmärkide sead- nale pöördumatud tagajärjed. mine, ning näidatakse, kuidas neid saab ÜRO asjakohaste protsesside raames ühendada. Need probleemid on üleilmsed ja omavahel seotud ning kõik riigid peavad nende lahendamisel osalema. Ei piisa, Lähtudes neist kaalutlustest pakutakse teatises välja kui probleeme üritatakse lahendada üksinda, vaid nende 2015. aasta järgse üldraamistiku põhimõtted, mis tagaksid jaoks on vaja ühist poliitilist raamistikku. Sellist üldraamis- sidusa ja tervikliku vastuse vaesuse kaotamist ja säästvat tikku on vaja selleks, et sillutada kõigi riikide kõigile ini- arengut selle kolmes mõõtmes käsitlevatele üleilmsetele mestele teed vaesuselt jõukusele ja heaolule, võttes arvesse probleemidele, tagades seeläbi aastaks 2030 kõigile inim- planeedi ressursse. Samuti peaks see olema tihedalt seotud väärika elu. valitsemistava, inimõiguste, rahu ja turvalisusküsimustega, kuna nendega luuakse eeldused edusammudeks. Hinnan- guliselt elab 1,5 miljardit inimest riikides, kus esineb suuri poliitilisi konflikte, relvastatud vägivalda, ebaturvalisust 2. Uus üleilmne kontekst, uued või ebakindlust. probleemid, uued võimalused

2013. aasta sügisel tehakse ÜRO eriüritusel kokkuvõte aas- Maailmas on viimaste aastate jooksul toimunud põhjapa- tatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamiseks tehtud jõupin- nevad muutused: suured muutused üleilmses majandus- gutustest, arutatakse seda, kuidas kuni aastani 2015 kiiren- likus ja poliitilises tasakaalus, suurenenud maailmakau- dada edusamme, ning alustatakse mõttevahetust selle üle, bandus, kliimamuutused ja loodusvarade ammendumine, mida teha pärast aastatuhande arengueesmärkide sihtaastat tehnoloogilised muutused, majandus- ja finantskriis, suu- 2015. Samuti tuleb rakendada 2012. aasta juunis Rio+20 renenud tarbimine ning toiduainete ja energia hindade konverentsil võetud kohustused, sealhulgas kaasava kesk- kõikumine, rahvastikumuutused ja muutused rändes, vä- konnasäästliku majanduse meetmete kaudu. Rios loodud givald ja relvastatud konfliktid ning loodus- ja inimtege- avatud töörühma raames tuleb saavutatud edule toetudes vusest tingitud katastroofid. Maailmaareenile on ilmunud edasi tegutseda. Kõik need meetmed toetavad 2015. aasta uued tegijad, sealhulgas tegijad erasektorist ja muud mit- järgset perioodi hõlmava raamistiku väljatöötamist. teriiklikud tegijad. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Arenenud ja areneva majandusega riikide osakaal üleilm- industriaalühiskonna eelse tasemega võrreldes ei edene sest SKPst moodustab valdava enamuse, aga viimasena kavakohaselt. Tegemist on künnisega, mida ületades suu- mainitud riigid on muutunud üleilmse majanduskasvu reneb loodusvaradele avalduvate katastroofiliste tagajärge- mootoriks ning nende mõju maailmamajandusele on juba de oht, mis seab ohtu põllumajanduse, toidu- ja veevarud märkimisväärne. Suundumused osutavad sellele, et selline ning viimaste aastate arengusaavutused. Üleilmsel tasandil areng jätkub: 2025. aastaks peaksid üleilmse majandus- tuleb tagajärgedega kohaneda ja neid leevendada, sealhul- kasvu loojateks olema peamiselt areneva majandusega rii- gas kasvuhoonegaaside heitkoguste vähendamise kaudu. gid, kusjuures neist kuue riigi osakaal on kokku üle poole üleilmsest majanduskasvust. Juba praegu mõjutavad kliimamuutused, loodusvarade am- mendumine ja ökosüsteemi halvenemine märkimisväärselt Töötus on kõikjal maailmas jätkuvalt probleemiks. Töö- inimeste toimetulekuvõimalusi, kuna näiteks loodusõnne- tuid on ligikaudu 200 miljonit inimest, kellest noori on 75 tuste arv ja intensiivsus on suurenenud ning looduskapital miljonit. Naiste tööturul osalemise määr on sageli madal ja looduslik infrastruktuur on halvenenud. 1992. aastast ja sotsiaalteenused on piiratud. Ligikaudu 621 miljonit alates on loodusõnnetused põhjustanud kahju 750 miljar- noort ei käi koolis ega osale koolitusel, on töötud, aga ei di euro ulatuses ning tapnud 1,3 miljonit inimest. Arene- otsi tööd, mistõttu neid ohustab püsiv kõrvalejäämine töö- nud riigid ning üha enam ka areneva majandusega riigid turult. Paljudes riikides on probleemideks deklareerimata vastutavad endiselt suurel määral praeguse mittesäästval töö ja puudulikud inimväärse töö põhialused, sealhulgas mudelil põhineva majandusarengu tagajärgede eest, mis töötajate õigused ja sotsiaaldialoog. Enamik arenguriikide mõjutavad ebaproportsionaalselt vaesemaid riike, kellel 560 vaestest inimestest tegeleb väikepõllumajandustootmisega on kõige vähem vahendeid toimetulekuks negatiivsete või on füüsilisest isikust ettevõtjad. Paljude vaeste töötingi- tagajärgedega119. Need riigid, eelkõige nende põllumajan- mused neis riikides on ebaturvalised ja nende põhiõigused dus-, metsandus-, energia- ja turismisektor, on sageli väga ei ole kaitstud. Vaid 20%-l maailma elanikkonnast on pii- sõltuvad loodusvaradest, mis süvendab nende haavatavust sav sotsiaalkaitse. loodusvarade kahjustumise ja ammendumise suhtes.

Samal ajal on suurenenud ebavõrdsus riikide sees peaaegu Areng ja majanduskasv edendavad inimeste jõukust ja kogu maailmas. Suur osa vaeseid elab nüüd keskmiste tu- heaolu, aga suurendavad ka keskkonnaprobleeme, nagu ludega riikides, hoolimata nende riikide kiirest majandus- loodusvarade ammendumine ja reostus. Need probleemid kasvust. Üks peamistest ülesannetest on vaesuse kaotamine muutuvad ajaga tõenäoliselt veelgi teravamaks. Nende ne- neis riikides. Siiski näitavad pikaajalised prognoosid, et gatiivsete tagajärgede põhjustajateks on peaasjalikult need 2050. aastaks on vaesus koondunud jälle kõige vaesema- 7,5 miljardit inimest, kes ei ela äärmises vaesuses. Selline tesse ja kõige nõrgematesse riikidesse. olukord suurendab üleilmset nõudlust ja tarbimist ning avaldab lisasurvet loodusvaradele. Seepärast on esmatäht- Rohkem kui 1,5 miljardit inimest elab vägivaldsetest sal kohal liikumine kaasava keskkonnasäästliku majanduse konfliktidest räsitud riikides. Vägivald hävitab elu ja toi- poole säästvate tarbimis- ja tootmismudelite ning ressursi- metulekuvõimalusi ning mõjutab sageli naisi ja haavatavas tõhususe, sealhulgas eelkõige madala heitmetasemega ener- olukorras olevaid isikuid (näiteks lapsed ja puuetega ini- giasüsteemide kaudu. mesed). Lõhe nõrkade, vägivaldsete konfliktidega riikide ja muude arenenud riikide vahel suureneb. 2011. aasta Prognoositakse, et kasvava nõudluse rahuldamiseks on aprilli seisuga ei olnud ükski väikeste tuludega nõrk või maailma põllumajandustoodang kasvanud 2050. aastaks konfliktist räsitud riik saavutanud ühtegi aastatuhande võrreldes 2005. aasta tasemega 60% ning et see avaldab arengueesmärki ning eeldatavalt saavutavad vaid vähesed üha suuremat survet juba niigi nappidele loodusvaradele, neist riikidest 2015. aastaks mõne eesmärgi. Halb valitse- eelkõige maale, metsale, veele ja ookeanidele. Samal ajal mistava, sealhulgas demokraatia ja õigusriigi puudumine on märke sellest, et kuni pool maailma toidutoodangust ning inimõiguste eiramine, takistavad vaesuse kaotamise ja läheb raisku. Veekasutus suureneb prognooside kohaselt säästva arengu nimel tehtavaid jõupingutusi. 50% aastaks 2025 linnastumise ja rahvaarvu kasvu taga- järjel. Selleks ajaks elab ligikaudu 5,5 miljardit inimest ehk Lisaks sellele on kaalukaid teaduslikke tõendeid ning va- kaks kolmandikku prognoositavast maailma elanikkonnast litseb üksmeel selles suhtes, et loodusvarade mittesäästev piirkondades, mis kannatavad keskmise või suure veepuu- kasutamine on pikas perspektiivis üks inimkonda ähvar- duse all. davatest suurimatest ohtudes. Keskkonnaseisundi halve- nemisest ja kliimamuutustest tulenev mõju annab juba tunda ning see mõju ja looduskatastroofid ähvardavad muuta olematuks vaesuse kaotamiseks juba tehtud edu- 119 Vähim arenenud riikides elab üle 880 miljoni inimese (ligikaudu 12% maailma rahvastikust), aga nende osakaal sammud. Eesmärk hoida temperatuuri tõus 2 °C piires maailma SKPst on alla 2%. Inimväärne elu kõigile: vaesuse kaotamine ja maailmale säästva tuleviku tagamine

Neid probleeme tuleb vaadelda demograafiliste suundu- • Algkoolis käijate arv suurenes keskmiselt 89%-ni ja muste kontekstis: hinnanguliselt on maailma rahvaarv tüdrukute osakaal on jõudnud poistega peaaegu samale aastal 2050 üle 9 miljardi inimese, kusjuures Sahara-tagu- tasemele. se Aafrika rahvaarv kahekordistub. Aafrika ja Aasia koos • Lapsed surevad vähem haiguse või alatoitumuse moodustavad aastaks 2050 ligikaudu 80% maailma elanik- tagajärjel. konnast. Arvatakse, et maailma elanikkonna mediaanva- nuse suurenemine mõjutab kõige rohkem arenguriike ning • HIViga nakatumine väheneb jätkuvalt ning juurdepääs et sellel on tagajärjed terviseteenustele ja pensionidele, sa- retroviirusevastastele ravimitele on paranenud muti maksutuludele. märkimisväärselt. Arenguvaldkonna ülemaailmne partnerlus on täiendanud Selles kontekstis toimub Rio+20 jätkukonverents ning riikide jõupingutusi aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saa- aastatuhande arengueesmärkide läbivaatamisele pühenda- vutamiseks. Alates aastast 2000 on iga-aastane üleilmne tud eriüritus. Tuleb silmas pidada seda, et probleemid on ametlik arenguabi suurenenud ligikaudu 70%, ulatudes 96 omavahel tihedalt seotud ning nõuavad sidusat ja terviklik- miljardi euroni, ning vähim arenenud riikidele antava abi ku lahendust, mis toetaks ka muid selliseid rahvusvahelisi osakaal sellest on rohkem kui kahekordistunud. EL ja sel- protsesse nagu kliima- ja bioloogilise mitmekesisuse alased le liikmesriigid on kõige suuremad abiandjad: aastal 2011 läbirääkimised. anti arenguabina 53 miljardit eurot, mis moodustas üle poole üleilmsest ametlikust arenguabist. Samal ajal on abi ning arengu tulemuslikkuse põhimõtete ja eesmärkide ra- 561 3. Tuginemine aastatuhande kendamine aidanud suurendada ametliku arenguabi mõju. arengueesmärkide ja Rio+20 Kaubanduse hämmastav kasv on olnud võtmetähtsusega tegur: aastatel 2000−2009 suurenes arenguriikide eksport konverentsi tulemustele 80%, samal ajal kui kogu maailmas kasvas see 40%. EL on arenguriikide suurim kaubanduspartner ning liidul on 3.1. Ülevaade aastatuhande olnud juhtroll tollimaksu- ja kvoodivaba juurdepääsu and- arengueesmärkide osas saavutatust misel kõigile vähim arenenud riikide toodetele „Kõik peale relvade” algatuse raames. Aastatuhande arengueesmärkide EL teeb jätkuvalt kõik võimaliku, et aidata kaasa aasta- saavutamisele on aidanud kaasa ka ELi rahastatud teadus- tuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamisele aastaks 2015, tegevus, näiteks liidu ja arenguriikide kliiniliste katsete al- kooskõlas ELi muutuste kavas120 ja Euroopa arengukon- gatuse raames. sensuses121 sätestatud poliitikaraamistikuga. Aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamine on endiselt Aastatuhande arengueesmärgid kajastavad üleilmset põhi- problemaatiline, eelkõige on Sahara-tagune Aafrika ees- mõttelist kokkulepet kaotada vaesus ja edendada inimaren- märkide osas kaugele maha jäänud. Maailmas elab endiselt gut. Need eesmärgid on viimasel kümnendil osutunud 1,3 miljardit inimest äärmises vaesuses. Rohkem kui 850 väärtuslikuks vahendiks, et suurendada üldsuse teadlikkust, miljonil inimesel ei ole midagi süüa. Ligikaudu 61 mil- poliitilist tahet ja mobiliseerida vaesuse kaotamiseks rahali- jonit last ei käi ikka veel koolis. Naisi diskrimineeritakse si vahendeid. Edusammud on olnud märkimisväärsed: jätkuvalt ja neid ohustavad suured terviseriskid, eelkõige seoses emadusega ning seksuaal- ja reproduktiivtervishoiu • Maailmapanga andmetel on vähem kui 1,25 USA ja -õigustega. Kolmandik naistest kogeb oma elu jooksul dollariga päevas (2005. aasta hinnad) elavate inimeste vägivalda, mis kahjustab mis tahes aastatuhande aren- osakaal langenud 43%-lt 1990. aastal 22%-le gueesmärgi saavutamist. Ligikaudu 2,5 miljardil inimesel 2008. aastal. On tõenäoline, et eesmärk vähendada puudub juurdepääs korralikele sanitaarseadmetele ja 780 poole võrra äärmises vaesuses elavate inimeste osakaalu miljonil puudub endiselt juurdepääs puhtale joogiveele. 7 saavutati 2010. aastal. miljonil HIVi/AIDSi nakatunul puudub võimalus saada ravi. Endiselt ollakse kaugel eesmärgist, milleks on täielik • Eesmärk vähendada poole võrra nende inimeste ja produktiivne tööhõive ning inimväärne töö kõigile. Vaid osakaalu, kellel puudub juurdepääs puhtale joogiveele, 20% maailma elanikkonnast on piisav sotsiaalkaitse. Maa saavutati 2010. aastal: aastatel 1990−2010 sai piiratud loodusvarade mittesäästev kasutamine ja haldami- juurdepääsu puhtale joogiveele rohkem kui kaks ne ohustab tulevaste põlvkondade elu ja heaolu. miljardit inimest. Head tulemused jagunevad ebaühtlaselt mitte ainult riiki- de vahel (eelkõige on aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saa- vutamisel väga vähe edusamme tehtud nõrkades ja konflik- 120 KOM(2011) 637 (lõplik). 121 2006/C 46/01. tidest räsitud riikides), vaid ka riikide sees, sealhulgas neis, EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kus juba on olemas vahendid, et pakkuda elanikkonnale EL on järjekindlalt teinud arengukoostööd, eesmärgiga paremaid elutingimusi ja tulevikku. edendada aastatuhande arengueesmärkide täielikku saavu- tamist. EL jätkab välistegevuse ja eeskätt muutuste kava Siiski osutab üldpilt sellele, et vaesuse kaotamine ja mit- rakendamise abil aastatuhande arengueesmärkide ja säästva te pelgalt selle vähendamine on ühe põlvkonna jooksul arengu eesmärkide saavutamise lihtsustamist arenguriiki- saavutatav, eelkõige kui võtta arvesse paljude areneva ma- des, pöörates erilist tähelepanu vähim arenenud ja kõige jandusega ja arenguriikide tehnoloogilisi edusamme ja ma- rohkem abi vajavatele riikidele. Samal ajal tuleb rakendada jandusedu aastatuhande arengueesmärkide kehtestamisest meetmeid Rio+20 konverentsil võetud kohustuste elluvii- alates. mise edendamiseks.

3.2. Rio+20 tähtsaimad tulemused ja ELi peamised käimasolevad meetmed Rio+20 kohustuste kohustused rakendamiseks on esitatud I lisas.

Rio+20 konverentsil kinnitati ühist üleilmset eesmärki, 3.4. Säästva arengu institutsiooniline milleks on planeedi Maa majanduslikult, sotsiaalselt ja raamistik ja rakendusmeetmed keskkonnahoidlikult säästev tulevik nii praegustele kui ka tulevastele sugupõlvedele, ning rõhutati, et tegeleda tuleb Rio+20 konverentsiga algas protsess säästva arengu insti- veel paljude probleemidega. Rio+20 konverentsil tunnus- tutsioonilise raamistiku, sealhulgas ÜRO Peaassamblee ja 562 tati säästva arengu ja vaesuse kaotamise kontekstis keskkon- ÜRO majandus- ja sotsiaalnõukogu (ECOSOC) rolli tu- nasäästliku majanduse tähtsust säästva arengu saavutami- gevdamiseks. Üks olulisi otsuseid oli säästva arengu kõrge- sel, käivitati protsess üleilmsete säästva arengu eesmärkide tasemelise poliitilise foorumi loomine ÜRO säästva arengu väljatöötamiseks ning lepiti kokku võtta meetmeid säästva komisjoni asemele. Kõrgetasemeline poliitiline foorum jäl- arengu saavutamiseks. Need meetmed aitavad kaasa säästva gib ja vaatab läbi edusammud Rio+20 konverentsi järeldus- arengu eesmärkide väljatöötamisele ja hiljem nende saavu- te rakendamisel. Samuti on foorumi ülesandeks tugevdada tamisele. Samuti lepiti Rio+20 konverentsil kokku säästva teaduse ja poliitika vahelisi sidemeid, kuna neil on oluline arengu institutsioonilise raamistiku reformimises, otsustati roll säästva arengu eesmärkide rakendamisel. See peaks ole- luua struktuur, mille abil tagada konverentsi järelmeetmed ma otseselt seotud praegu reformitava ECOSOCiga ning ja jätkata tööd rakendamiseks kasutatavate vahendite osas. töötama korrapäraselt kõrgemal poliitilisel tasandil (peaas- On oluline, et EL rakendaks viivitamatult Rios võetud ko- samblee). Need sidemed annavad võimaluse suurendada hustused, osaleks aktiivselt nendes protsessides ja võtaks sidusust praegu toimuva tööga aastatuhande arenguees- vajalikud meetmed nii ELi kui rahvusvahelisel tasandil. märkide läbivaatamisel ning 2015. aasta järgset perioodi käsitlevate arengualaste aruteludega. 3.3. Rakendamine: meetmed ELi ja rahvusvahelisel tasandil Rio+20 konverentsi oluline tulemus oli ka otsus tugevdada ja ajakohastada ÜRO Keskkonnaprogrammi ning eelkõige otsus selle nõukogu ülemaailmse liikmeskonna kohta. Kõ- EL jätkab jõupingutusi säästva arengu suunas, rakendades Rio+20 konverentsil võetud kohustusi üldiste tegevuspõ- nealune nõukogu kinnitas selle oma viimasel koosolekul himõtete, eelkõige arukat, kaasavat ja jätkusuutlikku ma- ÜRO Keskkonnaprogrammi uut institutsioonilist korda janduskasvu käsitleva üldise strateegia „Euroopa 2020” käsitleva otsusega. Otsus luua ÜROs keskkonnaküsimus- kaudu. See hõlmab muu hulgas ressursitõhusust, vähese tega tegelev assamblee on oluline samm ning see on koos- süsinikdioksiidiheitega majandust, teadustegevust ja inno- kõlas ELi eesmärgiga, et kõnealune nõukogu muutuks aja vatsiooni, tööhõivet, sotsiaalset kaasatust ja noorsooküsi- jooksul ÜRO agentuuriks. EL osaleb aktiivselt läbivaada- musi. Strateegia „Euroopa 2020” rakendamine ja korrapä- tud institutsioonilise raamistiku rakendamisel. Siinkohal rane läbivaatamine peaks aitama tugevdada säästva arengu on oluline tagada ELi asjakohane osalemine nii kõrgeta- kolme mõõtme sidusust, süvalaiendamist ja integreerimist semelises poliitilises foorumis kui ka reformitud ÜRO ELi tegevuspõhimõtetesse üldiselt. Säästva arengu eesmär- Keskkonnaprogrammis. gid viiakse ellu mitmete ettevalmistamisel olevate poliiti- kavaldkondade kaudu, mille hulgas on ühise põllumajan- Samuti otsustati Rio+20 konverentsil edendada puhast duspoliitika ja ühise kalanduspoliitika reform, tulevane ja keskkonnahoidlikku tehnoloogiat ning luua valitsus- seitsmes keskkonnaalane tegevusprogramm, juhtalgatus tevaheline eksperdikomitee, kes valmistaks ette valikud „Innovatiivne liit”, algatus „Horisont 2020” ja sotsiaalsete säästva arengu rahastamise strateegia jaoks. Komitee peab investeeringute pakett. tagama sidususe ja koordineerimise ning vältima meetme- te dubleerimist arenguprotsessi rahastamisel. EL osaleb selles protsessis vastavalt rahastamist käsitlevale üldisele Inimväärne elu kõigile: vaesuse kaotamine ja maailmale säästva tuleviku tagamine lähenemisviisile ja muudele rakendusmeetmetele, nii nagu EL jätkab avatud dialoogi kõigi asjaomaste sidusrühma- seda allpool kirjeldatakse. dega, et viia edasi eesmärke käsitlevat mõttetegevust. See on ELi aktiivne panus säästva arengu eesmärke käsitleva 3.5. Avalik konsulteerimine avatud töörühma töösse. Nimetatud töörühm esitab soovi- tused meetmete võtmiseks ÜRO Peaassambleele. Komisjon on viinud läbi mitmeid avalikke konsultee- rimisi ja pidanud dialoogi vaesuse kaotamise ja säästva Käesolevas osas kirjeldatakse aastatuhande arengueesmär- arengu tulevikuväljavaadete teemal. Konsulteerimised on kide läbivaatamisel saadud õppetunde ja säästva arengu olnud aluseks käesolevas teatises sisalduvate ettepaneku- eesmärkide väljatöötamist käsitlevat tööd ning esmatäht- te mitme aspekti kujundamisel. II lisas on esitatud üle- said aspekte, mis nendega seoses on esile kerkinud. See- vaade kõnealustest konsulteerimistest. Komisjon jätkab järel räägitakse lühidalt ja konkreetselt, kuidas neid kahte neis küsimustes aktiivset dialoogi kõigi sidusrühmade ja elementi asjakohaste ÜRO protsesside raames ühendada. kodanikuühiskonnaga. Viimases osas esitatakse selle alusel mõned üldraamistiku tähtsamad põhimõtted.

4. Säästva arengu ja vaesuse 4.1. Üldraamistiku võtmeelemendid

kaotamise integreerimine Tuginedes aastatuhande arengueesmärkidega seoses saadud 2015. aasta järgsesse kogemustele ja säästva arengu alal Rio+20 konverentsist 563 tulenevatele töödele ning arvestades praeguseid suundu- üldraamistikku musi, on EL seisukohal, et 2015. aasta järgse üldraamisti- kuga seoses on võimalik ette näha mitu proovikivi. Rahvusvahelisel ja ÜRO tasandil on suur osa vaesuse kao- tamise ja säästva arengu nimel läbiviidavast tööst tehtud Üleilmse keskkonnasäästlikkuse ja vaesuse kaotamise vahel erinevates rühmitustes ja eri lähtekohtadest: ühe aluseks on oluline seos. Ei saa kaotada vaesust ja tagada inimväär- oli aastatuhande deklaratsioon ja teise aluseks ÜRO sääst- set elu kõigile, pööramata samal ajal tähelepanu keskkon- va arengu alased tippkohtumised. Need kaks lähtekohta on nasäästlikkuse küsimustele, ja vastupidi. Kliimamuutustel, tegelikult alati sisaldanud ühiseid elemente: näiteks käsitle- loodusõnnetustel, bioloogilise mitmekesisuse vähenemisel, takse aastatuhande arengueesmärkides keskkonnaküsimusi ookeanide, mageveeallikate, maa ja pinnase kahjustumisel aastatuhande arengueesmärgi nr 7 kaudu ning vaesuse kao- on eriti negatiivsed tagajärjed maailma kõige vaesematele tamine on alati olnud säästva arengu esmatähtis eesmärk. elanikkondadele. Nende küsimustega tegelemiseks peab üldraamistik toimima hea valitsemistava, läbipaistvuse ja Selleks et tegeleda tõhusalt vaesuse kaotamise ja säästva naiste mõjuvõimu suurendamise katalüsaatorina kõigis rii- arengu eesmärkidega, mis kokku moodustavad omavahel kides ja rahvusvaheliselt. Kõik need aspektid on olulised seotud üleilmse ülesande, tuleb aastatuhande arenguees- säästva arengu ja vaesuse kaotamise seisukohast. märkide läbivaatamine ja töö säästva arengu eesmärki- de väljatöötamisel viia ühe üldise, ühiste prioriteetsete Nagu lepiti kokku Rio+20 konverentsi lõppdokumendis, ülesannete ja eesmärkidega raamistiku alla. Nii tagatakse peaksid säästva arengu eesmärgid − arvestades erinevate rii- 2030. aastaks väärikas elu kõigile ja kindlustatakse maa­ kide olusid, võimeid ja arengutaset ning austades riiklikke ilmale säästev tulevik. tegevuspõhimõtteid ja prioriteete − olema ühtmoodi ko- haldatavad kõigis riikides, sisaldama säästva arengu kolme 2013. aasta sügisel tehakse ÜRO eriüritusel kokkuvõ- mõõdet ning olema suunatud tegevusele, täpsed, lihtsalt te aastatuhande arengueesmärkide saavutamiseks tehtud edastatavad ja arvuliselt piiratud. Rio+20 konverentsi et- jõupingutustest, arutatakse seda, kuidas kiirendada kuni tevalmistamise käigus tehtud ELi ettepanekute kohaselt aastani 2015 edusamme, ning vahetatakse seisukohti selle peaksid need eesmärgid keskenduma avalikele hüvedele ja üle, mida teha pärast aastatuhande arengueesmärkide siht- elu alustaladele, milleks on näiteks vesi, toiduga kindlus- aastat 2015. Rio+20 konverentsil loodud kõrgetasemeline tatus, turvalisus, ookeanid, säästev tarbimine ja tootmine poliitiline foorum koguneb esimest korda 2013. aasta sep- ning samuti sotsiaalne kaasatus ja inimväärikas töö. Samal tembris, mil vaadatakse üle ka 2012. aasta juunis Rio+20 ajal peaksid eesmärgid olema vastavuses ka olemasolevate konverentsil võetud kohustuste järelmeetmed. Samuti on rahvusvaheliste kokkulepetega, mis käsitlevad näiteks klii- vaja liikuda edasi Rios moodustatud säästva arengu ees- mamuutusi ja bioloogilist mitmekesisust ning sotsiaalkait- märkide väljatöötamise eest vastutava avatud töörühma se põhialustega. raames. Kõik need elemendid loovad üldsuunad, millest juhindutakse 2015. aasta järgse raamistiku vastuvõtmistel. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Neis tuleks arvestada säästva arengu kolme põhieesmärgi- aastatuhande eesmärkidest tuleks tulevasi eesmärke kohal- ga: vaesuse kaotamine, mittesäästvate tarbimis- ja tootmis- dada igas riigis. Need ei tohi jääda vaid üldeesmärgiks ja mudelite muutmine ning majandusliku ja sotsiaalse arengu iga riik peaks võtma endale kohustused. Iga riik vastutab aluseks olevate loodusvarade kaitsmine ja haldamine. rahvusvahelisel tasandil kokkulepitud eesmärkide nimel tehtavate edusammude eest. 2015. aasta järgsed eesmärgid peaksid olema suunatud tulevikku ja nendega tuleks paika panna säästva tuleviku 4.1.2. Kaasava ja jätkusuutliku liikumapanevad jõud: pidades silmas ühist visiooni aastaks majanduskasvu hoovad 2050, tuleks eesmärgid ja sihid seada aastaks 2030. Komisjoni avalik konsulteerimine ning nende riikide koge- mused, kellel on õnnestunud vaesusest välja rabeleda, osu- Kuna raamistikus peaksid üldeesmärkide hulgas sisalduma tavad sellele, kui tähtsad on kaasava ja jätkusuutliku majan- nii vaesuse kaotamine kui ka säästev areng, tuleb esma- duskasvu peamised hoovad, eelkõige seoses inimarengule tähtsate ülesannete ritta seada tegelemine mõlema eespool suunatud oluliste teenuste pakkumise ning majanduskasvu nimetatud perspektiiviga. Sellest arutluskäigust lähtuvalt ja inimväärsete töökohtade loomisega. Kõik riigid peaksid võiks raamistik sisaldada järgmisi põhielemente: elemen- kõigis arenguetappides pöörama tähelepanu struktuurilis- taarsete elamistingimuste tagamine, kaasava ja säästva tele muudatustele, mis võimaldavad toimida turusõbralike majanduskasvu hoobade edendamine ning loodusvarade ja avatud majandusega riikidena, mille kaudu edendatakse säästev majandamine, edendades samal ajal võrdsust ja kaasavat ja jätkusuutlikku majanduskasvu, parandatakse õiglust, rahu ja turvalisust. Ehkki Maa keskkonda käsit- tootmissuutlikkust ning edendatakse erasektori arengut, 564 levate piiride küsimusega tegelemine nõuab integreeritud investeeringuid, rikkuse loomist ja liikumist kaasava kesk- lahendust, mis mõjutab kõiki neid elemente ja mida tuleb konnasäästliku majanduse suunas ning tagatakse, et hüved mõnedes neist arvestada, eeldab see ka täiesti eraldiseisvaid jagunevad laiaulatuslikult. Eesmärgid aitaksid luua võima- meetmeid. Seepärast võib kõnealust raamistikku vaadelda lusi kaasavamaks ja jätkusuutlikumaks majanduskasvuks, ka kui 2015. aasta järgse integreeritud üldraamistiku täien- mida saab lisaks SKP-le mõõta ka muude näitajatega. Mit- davat valdkonnavahelist elementi. med riigid saaksid tugineda neile eesmärkidele ja suunata jõupingutused sotsiaalsele sidususele, säästlikumale põllu- 4.1.1. Elementaarsed elamistingimused majandusele, kalandusele ja vesiviljelusele, eesmärgiga pak- Aastatuhande arengueesmärkidega loodi inimarengut kä- kuda paremat toitu, lahendada veepuuduse probleem ja sitlev raamistik, seati sellised sihid nagu miinimumsissetu- vältida toidu raiskamist. Teised riigid saavutaksid ressursi- lek, näljahädast pääsemine, täielik ja produktiivne tööhõi- tõhusama tootmise, säästes vett ning vähendades jäätmete- ve ning inimväärne töö kõigile, juurdepääs algharidusele, ket ja parandades jäätmete ringlussevõttu. Sellise eesmärgi esmasele tervishoiule, veele ja sanitaarvõimalustele. Kõik seadmine, mis hõlmab liikumist säästvate ja vastupanuvõi- need elemendid moodustavad inimväärika elu aluse. meliste linnade mudeli poole, võimaldaks parandada õhu, vee, energia, juurdepääsetava infrastruktuuri, eluaseme ja Meil tuleb lõpule viia praeguste aastatuhande arenguees- transpordi kvaliteeti. See viiks omakorda lahendusteni, mis märkidega ettenähtud ülesanded, täita lüngad ja õppida on seotud tööhõive, tervishoiu, majandusliku arenguga, saadud kogemustest. Näiteks tuleb meil tegeleda laiemalt samuti kliimamuutustega kohanemise ning katastroofide selliste küsimustega nagu haridus ja tervishoid ning võtta ärahoidmise ja nendeks valmisoleku küsimustega. Muude arvesse sotsiaalkaitset. Kogukeskmiste taga peituvad äärmi- oluliste hoobade hulgas on säästev energia, teadus ja teh- sest vaesusest, geograafilisest asukohast või kõrvalejäetusest noloogia, telekommunikatsiooniteenused, finantsteenused põhjustatud riiklikud erinevused. Meil tuleb loobuda puh- ja infrastruktuur (näiteks turgudele juurdepääsu paranda- talt kvantitatiivsetest eesmärkidest ja tegeleda kvaliteediga, mine), ränne ja liikuvus. Kõik need aspektid eeldavad sta- näiteks hariduses ja tervishoius. Hiljemalt 2030. aastaks biilset keskkonda, mis soodustaks ettevõtteid, ettevõtlust, tuleb määrata kindlaks alampiir, alla mille ei tohiks lange- innovatsiooni ja produktiivset tööhõivet. da ükski mees, naine ega laps: tuleks seada normid, mille tagamise eest saavad mis tahes riigi kodanikud oma valit- Ehkki majanduse ümberkujundamine on vajalik, kujutab suselt aru pärida. Inimestele tuleks anda võimalused vae- see endast samuti suurt ülesannet: vaja on miljarditesse susest väljuda. Eesmärgid, mis edendavad haridust, toitu, puhast vett ja õhku käsitlevate põhinormide täitmist, aita- vad kaotada nälja ja parandada toiduohutust, tervishoidu ja heaolu. Samuti peaksid eesmärgid edendama meetmete võtmist, et tagada produktiivne tööhõive ja inimväärne elu kõigile (sealhulgas noortele, naistele ja puuetega inimestele) sõltuvalt riikide arengutasemest. Erinevalt olemasolevatest Inimväärne elu kõigile: vaesuse kaotamine ja maailmale säästva tuleviku tagamine ulatuvaid uusi investeeringuid122. Siiski näitavad nii nen- põlvkondadele. Samuti tuleb taastumatuid ressursse (näi- de riikide kogemus, kus on tehtud suuri edusamme kõne- teks mineraalid ja põhjavesi) kasutada kaasaval ja vastutus- aluste teenuste pakkumisel oma kodanikele, kui ka sellised tundlikul viisil, mis tagaks ühiskonnale maksimaalse kasu hiljutised üleilmsed algatused nagu säästev energia kõigi nende turustamise, ammendumise kiiruse ja neist saadava jaoks ning toitumise parandamise algatus, et selline lähe- tulu kasutamise osas. Taastumatute ressursside (näiteks fos- nemisviis võib anda paljutõotavaid tulemusi, kiirendades siilkütused) kasutamiseks makstavate toetuste järkjärguline majanduskasvu ja investeeringuid. kaotamine on ressursitõhususe edendamiseks keskne ja ku- lutõhus meede. Samuti peaksid riigid tõhustama jagatud 4.1.3. Loodusvarade säästlik majandamine ressursside (näiteks kalavarud ja merekeskkonna bioloogi- line mitmekesisus) haldamisel tehtavat koostööd riiklikust Loodusvarade säästlik majandamine ja kasutamine toetab jurisdiktsioonist välja jäävates piirkondades. oluliselt majanduskasvu ja tööhõivet, eelkõige sellistes es- mastes tootmissektorites nagu põllumajandus, kalandus Selleks et tagada, et ressursside piiratusele ühes piirkonnas ja metsandus ning teenustesektor (näiteks turism). 70% leitud lahendused ei tekitaks täiendavat survet teises piir- maailma vaestest elab maapiirkondades. Nende inimeste konnas, on vaja võtta kasutusele integreeritud perspektiiv. ellujäämine ja heaolu on otseses sõltuvuses bioloogilisest Tulevane tegevuskava peab kohustama kõiki riike halda- mitmekesisusest ja ökosüsteemi teenustest, mis muudab ma ja kasutama oma loodusvarasid säästlikult tulevaste nad haavatavamaks loodusvarade nappuse ja kliimaga seo- aastakümnete jooksul. See hõlmab selliseid küsimusi nagu tud riskide suhtes. Loodusvarade vastutustundlik majan- läbipaistvus, sissetulekute maksimeerimine, omandiõigus- damine, mille aluseks on läbipaistvus, aruandekohuslus ja te kaitse, vastupanuvõime123 (ka loodusõnnetustele) ning 565 hea valitsemistava, on otsustava tähtsusega vaesuse kaota- keskkonnakaitse. Neis jõupingutustes peab osalema kogu misel ning säästval arengul kaasava keskkonnasäästliku ma- maailm. Nii erasektori kui ka avaliku sektori asutused pea- janduse suunas. Edendada tuleb ettevõtete säästvat aren- vad oma tegevuse eest vastutama ning täitma läbipaistvu- gut käsitlevat aruandlust, mis ärgitab erinevaid ettevõtjaid se ja hea valitsemistavaga seotud rangeid norme. Vähese arendama vastutustundlikke töömeetodeid. Eesmärgid, CO2-heitega ja ressursitõhus majandus eeldab samuti mis käsitlevad pingutamist selle nimel, et saavutada maa- meetmeid ja koolitust vajalike oskuste omandamiseks. ilmas olukord, kus mulla degradeerumine ei suurene, ai- taksid kaasa majanduskasvule, bioloogilise mitmekesisuse 4.1.4. Võrdsus ja õiglus kaitsele, säästvale metsamajandamisele, kliimamuutuste leevendamisele ja nendega kohanemisele, toiduga kind- Inimeste heaolu ja kõikide inimväärikust käsitlevad ees- lustatusele, parandades pinnase kvaliteeti, vähendades ero- märgid on sätestatud inimõiguste ülddeklaratsioonis ja siooni, suurendades loodusõnnetustele vastupanu võimet aastatuhande arengueesmärkide deklaratsioonis, mil- ja peatades maa hõivamise. Arvestades ookeanide tähtsust les tunnistatakse selgesõnaliselt ka seoseid inimõiguste, planeedile, peaksid ookeanide ja mere ökosüsteemide elu- hea valitsemistava ja säästva arengu vahel. Nii seda kui jõulisuse kaitsmist ja taastamist käsitlevad eesmärgid keh- ka pühendumust ühistele põhiväärtustele kinnitati taas tima jätkusuutlike toimetulekuvõimaluste tagamiseks igal 2010. aasta aastatuhande arengueesmärkide tippkohtumi- pool. Nendega toetatakse muu hulgas toiduga kindlusta- sel ja 2012. aasta Rio+20 konverentsil. tuse seisukohast säästlikku kalavarude kasutamist ning vä- hendatakse suuri, näiteks mereprahiga seotud riske. Nende Õigluse ja võrdsuse, inimõiguste, demokraatia ning hea ülesannetega tegelemiseks peaks iga riik hoolitsema selle valitsemistava muude aspektide tähtsus hõlmab enamat eest, et nende loodusvarasid majandatakse säästvalt, ning kui nende mõju sissetulekut, haridust, tervishoidu ja muid looma avatud ja läbipaistvad juhtimisstruktuurid selle ta- põhivajadusi käsitlevate arengueesmärkide saavutamisele. gamiseks, et loodusvarasid kasutatakse viisil, millest koda- Samuti on need küsimused igas riigis omaette olulised. nikud saavad kasu õiglasel ja säästval viisil. Hiljutised sündmused Põhja-Aafrikas ja Lähis-Idas osuta- sid kaasavate poliitiliste süsteemide, õigluse ja töökohtade See eeldab, et iga riik tagaks selle, et loodusvarasid kasu- olemasolu tähtsusele, eelkõige noorte jaoks, ning tõstsid tatakse keskkonnahoidlikult ning et sellistest ressurssidest esile selle, et kuigi liikumine aastatuhande arengueesmärki- nagu maa, metsad, jõed ja ookeanid on kasu ka tulevastele de suunas on väga oluline, sellest üksi ei piisa. Hea valitse- mistava jääb eelseisvateks aastateks üleilmseks ülesandeks. 122 Näiteks hindab Rahvusvaheline Energiaagentuur, et aastaks 2030 kõigini jõudvate säästlike energiateenuste pakkumiseks On oluline, et need küsimused kajastuksid uues 2015. aas- on vaja aastas täiendavalt ligikaudu 30 miljardi euro ulatuses ta järgses üldraamistikus. Säästva arengu potentsiaali investeeringuid võrreldes praeguste suundumustega. ÜRO Toidu- ja Põllumajandusorganisatsiooni hinnangul on vaja rohkem kui 50 miljardi USA dollari ulatuses avaliku sektori investeeringuid põllumajandusse ja turvavõrgustikesse, et 123 COM(2012) 586: ELi lähenemisviis vastupanuvõimele: saavutada 2025. aastaks näljavaba maailm. õppetunnid toidukriisidest. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

ärakasutamisel on eriti oluline naiste roll ning seega on probleemid erinevalt ning et nende riikide reaktsioonid ja vaja kõrvaldada kõik võrdset osalemist takistavad tõkked. panus üldeesmärkide saavutamisse võivad erineda. Kuigi Raamistikus tuleks pöörata erilist tähelepanu arengu vald- paljud riigid võivad küll äärmisest vaesusest välja rabeleda, konnas rakendatavale õigustel põhinevale lähenemisviisi- tuleb vaesuse kaotamisse märkimisväärselt panustada, et le, ebavõrdsuse vähendamisele, naiste ja tütarlaste õiguste muuta protsess pöördumatuks. Arenenud ja üha enam ka edendamisele ja kaitsmisele, soolisele võrdõiguslikkusele, areneva majandusega riigid vastutavad endiselt suurel mää- läbipaistvusele ja korruptsioonivastasele võitlusele. Samuti ral praegustel mittesäästvatel majandusmudelitel põhineva tuleks käsitleda võrdsusega seotud olulisi küsimusi. Selle majandusarengu eest ja see mõjub kahjustavalt keskkon- ülesandega tegelemiseks peaksid eesmärgid ja vahe-eesmär- nale ja loodusvaradele, aga selle mõju kandub ka vähim gid stimuleerima tegevust, et tagada, et põhilised sotsiaal- arenenud riikidele. Sotsiaalsel tõrjutusel ja ebavõrdsusel, sed tagatised jõuavad üha suurema arvu inimesteni ning et tööpuudusel, ebakindlatel töökohtadel ning sotsiaalkaitse nende rakendamine paraneb. puudumisel on samuti otsene mõju vaesusele ja säästvale arengule. 4.1.5. Rahu ja turvalisus Tulevase üldraamistiku väljatöötamisel tuleks juhinduda Kui ohustatud on inimeste füüsiline turvalisus, kui valit- aastatuhande deklaratsioonist, mis on jätkuvalt asjakoha- seb suur ebavõrdsus, kui on probleemid valitsemistavaga ne. Tulevane üldraamistik põhineb Rio+20 konverentsi ning kui institutsiooniline suutlikkus on nõrk või olematu, järelmeetmetel, aastatuhande arengueesmärkide läbivaata- on äärmiselt raske saavutada püsivat edu selliste põhiliste misel ja muudel asjakohastel rahvusvahelistel protsessidel. 566 aastatuhande arengueesmärkide võrdlusaluste osas nagu Raamistikus tuleks kavandada suunad vaesuse kaotamiseks sissetulek, tervishoid, haridus või sanitaarvõimalused. See- ning jõukuse ja heaolu loomiseks kõigile, keskendudes pärast on oluline tegeleda eespool mainitud tingimuste alg- kaasava ja jätkusuutliku majanduskasvu põhihoobadele põhjustega ning võtta meetmeid nende vältimiseks. planeedi ressursside piires. Selles raamistikus tuleks see- ga ühendada säästva arengu kolm mõõdet: majanduslik, See tegevuskava ei kehti siiski ainult nõrkade riikide suhtes, sotsiaalne ja keskkonnaalane, ning määrata igale riigile kuna paljudel teistelgi riikidel on probleeme turvalisuse ja kohustused. vägivallaga seotud küsimustega. Ebaseaduslik kaubandus, rahvusvaheline terrorism, kuritegelikud võrgustikud ning Uue üldraamistiku peaeesmärk peaks olema püüdlemine jõukude vägivald ohustavad kodanike turvalisust ning vä- selle poole, et pakkuda aastaks 2030 igale inimesele võima- hendavad väljavaateid inimväärsele elule, seejuures kanna- lused inimväärseks eluks. Selles tuleks tegeleda üheaegselt tavad enim naised ja lapsed. nii vaesuse kaotamise vajadusega kui ka praegustele ja tule- vastele põlvkondadele jõukuse tagamiseks vajaliku säästva 2015. aasta järgse üldraamistiku kontekstis tuleks rahu arengu visiooni väljatöötamisega. ja turvalisusega seotud küsimustega tegelemisel lähtuda tööst, mis tehti 2011. aasta novembris Busani kohtumisel Eespool kirjeldati, kuidas omavahel seotud ÜRO tasandi mõnede nõrkade riikide ning OECD riikide, ELi, ÜRO protsessid peaksid pakkuma ühise üldraamistiku, mille ja arengupankade vahel. Lähtuda tuleks nõrkade riiki- abil saavutada inimväärse elu eesmärk. Lõpptulemus peaks dega sõlmitud uuest koostöökokkuleppest, milles lepiti põhinema kõikide sidusrühmade ja rahvusvaheliste part- kokku rahu kindlustamist ja riigi ülesehitamist käsitlevad neritega tehtava konstruktiivse koostöö tulemustel. EL on eesmärgid. siiski seisukohal, et on ka selliseid üldpõhimõtteid, milles oleks võimalik kohe kokku leppida.

5. 2015. aasta järgse 5.2. 2015. aasta järgse üldraamistiku üldraamistiku suunas põhimõtted

5.1. Erinevate lähtekohtade ühendamine Komisjon teeb ettepaneku, et EL järgiks 2015. järgset raa- tulevaste ülesannetega mistikku käsitlevates arutlustes järgmisi põhimõtteid: tegelemiseks 5.2.1. Kohaldamisala Vaesuse kaotamine ning kestva jõukuse ja heaolu tagamine Raamistik peaks olema üleilmse kohaldamisalaga nii oma on jätkuvalt kõige pakilisemad probleemid. Nende edu- pürgimustes kui ka ulatuses. Kõigile riikidele tuleks seada kaks lahendamiseks tuleb neid koos käsitleda uue üldise eesmärgid, mis kehtivad kogu inimkonna suhtes ja kesken- ja kõigi riikide seisukohast olulise üldraamistiku raames, duvad vaesuse kaotamisele kõikjal ja igas mõõtmes, ning tunnistades samal ajal, et erinevaid riike puudutavad need Inimväärne elu kõigile: vaesuse kaotamine ja maailmale säästva tuleviku tagamine edendada jõukust ja heaolu kõigi jaoks, võttes arvesse pla- 5.2.3. Läbipaistvus, rakendamine ja vastutus needi ressursse. • Vastutus soovitud tulemuste saavutamise eest lasub eeskätt riigil. Vaja on mobiliseerida kõik − • Raamistik peaks hõlmama säästva arengu kolme rahvusvahelise, erasektori ja avaliku sektori tasandi − mõõdet: majanduslik, sotsiaalne ja keskkonnaalane. vahendid. Rahastamist ja muid rakendusmeetmeid Selles tuleks arvestada aastatuhande arengueesmärkide tuleks vaadelda terviklikult ja integreeritult, kuna eri läbivaatamisel saadud õppetunde ning tugineda üleilmsete eesmärkide rakendamise võimalikud allikad säästva arengu eesmärkide väljatöötamisele, et kaotada on kõikjal samad. vaesus ja saavutada säästev areng. Eesmärkidega tuleks hiljemalt 2030. aastaks määrata kindlaks elatustase, • Raamistik tuleks välja töötada ja rakendada tihedas alla mille ei tohiks keegi langeda, ning need peaksid partnerluses kodanikuühiskonna sidusrühmadega suunama jõukuse ja heaolu suunas tehtavaid edusamme (sealhulgas erasektor). planeedi ressursside piires. • Eesmärkide saavutamiseks tuleks kehtestada ajakava, • Raamistikus tuleks tunnistada, et vaesust, jõukust ja et alustada tegutsemist kõigil tasanditel. Eesmärkide heaolu ei saa vaadelda üksnes rahalisest aspektist, vaid puhul võiks tähtaeg olla 2050. aasta ja vahe-eesmärkide et need on mitmemõõtmelised ja peegeldavad inimeste puhul 2030. aasta. võimet kasvada ja areneda. • Raamistik peaks põhinema iga riigi meetmete • Raamistik peaks integreeritult hõlmama järgmist: võtmisega seotud individuaalsel vastutusel ja seda 567 täiendab partnerlus kõigi riikide ja sidusrühmade vahel. a. põhitasandi inimareng (mis põhineb ajakohastatud Eesmärgid peaksid pakkuma stiimuleid koostööks kehtivatel aastatuhande arengueesmärkidel ning ar- ja partnerluseks valitsuste, kodanikuühiskonna vestab sotsiaalkaitse küsimusi), (sh erasektor) ning rahvusvahelise üldsuse vahel. Kõik riigid peaksid andma õiglase osa eesmärkide b. säästva ja kaasava majandusarengu ja arengu hoovad, saavutamisse. Eesmärkidega tuleks suurendada ka mis on vajalikud majanduse struktuurseks ümberkor- vastutust. raldamiseks ja mida kasutatakse tootmissuutlikkuse ja töökohtade loomiseks ning üleminekul kaasavale • Raamistiku väljatöötamist tuleks toetada keskkonnasäästlikule majandusele, mis suudab toime jõupingutustega sidususe suurendamiseks tulla kliimamuutustega, ja institutsioonide tasandil. • Edusammude tõhusaks jälgimiseks tuleks tugevdada c. loodusvarade säästlik majandamine. statistilist baasi.

• Samuti tuleks raamistikus käsitleda inimõiguste, 5.2.4. Sidusus demokraatia ja õigusriigiga seonduvaid õiglus- ja • Raamistik peaks olema kooskõlas näiteks võrdsusküsimusi, samuti naistele suurema ühiskondliku kliimamuutusi, bioloogilist mitmekesisust, mõjuvõimu andmist ja soolist võrdõiguslikkust, mis suurõnnetuste ohu vähendamist ning sotsiaalkaitse on kaasava ja säästva arengu seisukohalt määravad, põhialuseid käsitlevate rahvusvahelisel tasandil aga ka olulised väärtused iseeneses. Samuti tuleks kokkulepitud eesmärkide ja vahe-eesmärkidega. tegeleda rahu- ja turvalisusküsimustega, tuginedes rahu kindlustamist ja riigi ülesehitamist käsitlevate eesmärkide koostamiseks tehtud tööle. 5.3. Raamistiku rakendamine: riigi omavastutus ja aruandekohustus 5.2.2. Eesmärkide laad ja arv • Eesmärgid peaksid olema arvuliselt piiratud ning Tulevase raamistiku rakendamise eest vastutab iga riik ise kehtima kõigile riikidele, aga vahe-eesmärkides tuleks ja selles osalevad kõik asjaomased sidusrühmad, sealhulgas arvestada erinevate riikide oludega. Omavastutuse sotsiaalpartnerid. Arengu hoovad asuvad ennekõike riigi ja asjakohasuse tagamiseks peaksid eesmärgid olema tasandil. Need hõlmavad demokraatlikku valitsemist, õi- kohandatud ning riiklikul tasandil rakendatavad. Erilist gusriiki, stabiilseid poliitilisi institutsioone, usaldusväär- tähelepanu tuleks pöörata nõrkade riikide vajadustele. seid tegevuspõhimõtteid, riigi rahanduse läbipaistvust ning võitlust pettuse ja korruptsiooniga. Siseriiklike vahendite • Eesmärgid tuleks koostada viisil, milles võetakse arvesse kaasamine, õigusaktid ja maksuõigus, erasektori arengut teadus- ja uurimistegevuse tulemusi, ning eesmärkidega toetavad asutused, investeeringud, inimväärsete töökohade seotud vahe-eesmärgid ja näitajad peaksid olema loomine ning ekspordi konkurentsivõime on olulised, et mõõdetavad. kõigil riikidel oleks võimalik eesmärgid saavutada. Selles EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kontekstis on riigisisesed reformid olulise tähtsusega, et 6. Edasised sammud muuta majanduskasv jätkusuutlikuks ja panna see tõhusalt vaesuse kaotamise, ebavõrdsuse vähendamise ning kõigi ELil tuleb täiemahuliselt, sidusalt ja koordineeritult osale- heaolu suurendamise teenistusse. See kehtib kõigi riikide da tulevastes rahvusvahelistes protsessides ÜRO ja muudes kohta, sõltumata nende arengutasemest. asjakohastes foorumites. EL tunnistab siiski, et mõned riigid vajavad jätkuvalt Käesoleva teatise vastuvõtmisele peaksid 2013. aasta keva- toetust, sealhulgas arenguabi. Praegu on väljaarendamisel del järgnema nõukogu ja parlamendiga peetavad arutelud tõhusamad ja tulemuslikumad arenguabi investeerimi- ELi ühise lähenemisviisi väljatöötamiseks käimasolevate se meetodid, mille abil tagatakse, et abi toimib arengu ja protsesside järgmisteks etappideks. Lähenemisviis peaks investeeringute katalüsaatorina. Siia kuuluvad muu hul- gas uuenduslikud rahastamisallikad, vahendid ja mehha- nismid (näiteks kombineeritud rahastamine). See ajako- • tagama Rio+20 konverentsi järelmeetmed ning hastatud lähenemisviis võeti vastu ELi muutuste kavas. suunama ELi seisukohti säästva arengu eesmärke Lõuna-lõunasuunaline koostöö võib aidata oluliselt kaasa käsitlevas ÜRO avatud töörühmas, kes annab üleilmsetele tulemustele arengu valdkonnas. 2011. aastal korrapäraselt aru ÜRO Peaassambleele; ja Busanis toimunud abi tõhususe kõrgetasemelisel foorumil • andma panuse 2013. aasta sügisel toimuva ÜRO kokkulepitud üleilmse tulemusliku arengukoostöö part- Peaassamblee aastatuhande arengueesmärkidele nerlust tuleks kohaldada kogu maailmas. pühendatud eriürituse sealhulgas peasekretäri ja ÜRO 568 kõrgetasemelise komisjoni 2015. aasta järgset perioodi Lisaks abi andmisele on arenguga seotud poliitikavaldkon- käsitleva aruande ja selle komisjoni esimese kohtumise dade sidususel oluline roll vaesuse kaotamisel ja säästva ettevalmistamisse. arengu saavutamisel. Seega tuleks tulevases raamistikus anda neile poliitikavaldkondadele asjakohane roll. Paljudes EL peaks toetama 2015. aasta järgse perioodi üldraamis- arenguriikides on näiteks kaubavahetusest saadavad tulud tiku kehtestamist. Eespool kirjeldatud suundade alusel märkimisväärselt suurenenud ning neid saaks kasutada toimuvad arutelud peaksid ELil võimaldama jõuda ühise võitlemisel vaesuse vastu. See suundumus peaks paljudes seisukohani selles, kuidas saaks säästva arengu eesmärke ja arenguriikides jätkuma ning see on eriti oluline Sahara-ta- aastatuhande arengueesmärkide läbivaatamist ühendada guses Aafrikas. üheks protsessiks, nii et tulemuseks oleks terviklik raamis- tik. Samuti tuleks ELil aktiivselt püüda kõigi partnerite ja sidusrühmadega pidada konstruktiivset dialoogi, eesmärgi- Eesmärkide saavutamiseks tuleks üldraamistikku toetada ga luua ühised seisukohad, sealhulgas kolmandate riikidega jõupingutustega, millega tagatakse kõikide vahendite kaa- peetavate poliitiliste dialoogide kaudu. samine ja tõhus kasutamine. Lisaks on vaja, et kõik riigid järgiksid nende vahendite suhtes terviklikku lähenemisviisi ning rakendaksid sidusaid ja asjakohaseid tegevuspõhi- mõtteid. Eesmärgid ja vahe-eesmärgid aitavad stimuleerida erasektori investeeringuid. Kõigil riikidel tuleks avatud ja läbipaistval viisil anda aru tulevaste eesmärkide saavutami- sel tehtud edusammudest.

EL peaks edendama rakendamismeetmete suhtes terviklik- ku ja integreeritud lähenemisviisi, sealhulgas rahastamis- küsimused rahvusvahelisel tasandil. Kliimamuutuste, bio- loogilise mitmekesisuse, arengu ja säästva arenguga seotud rahastamist käsitlevad arutelud toimuvad praegu eri fooru- mites, ehkki võimalikud rahastamisallikad on samad. On hädavajalik tagada sidusus ja koordineerimine ning vältida meetmete dubleerimist arenguprotsessi rahastamisel. Ko- misjon kavatseb esitada 2013. aasta keskel teatise, milles pakutakse välja ELi integreeritud lähenemisviis rahastami- sele ning erinevate üleilmsete protsessidega seotud muud rakendamismeetmed. Konkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE NING REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE BRÜSSEL, 24. JUULI 2013 COM(2013) 542 „Maailm vajab Euroopat, kes suudab läbi viia sõjalisi missioone olukorra stabiliseerimiseks kriisipiirkondades … Meil tuleb tugevdada ühist välis- ja julgeolekupoliitikat ning ühist lähenemisviisi kaitseküsimustele, sest ühiselt kujutame endast jõudu, mis aitab kujundada õiglasemat, seaduskuulekat ja inimõigusi järgivat maailma.” Komisjoni presidendi José Manuel Barroso 2012. aasta kõne olukorrast liidus

„Nõukogu kordab oma üleskutset hoida ja arendada edasi sõjalisi võimeid ÜJKP säilitamiseks ja tugevdamiseks. Sõjalised võimed toetavad ELi suutlikkust tegutseda julgeoleku tagajana laiema ulatusliku lähenemisviisi kontekstis [ja] vajadust tugeva ja vähem killustatud Euroopa kaitsetööstuse järele, et säilitada ja tugevdada Euroopa sõjalisi võimeid ja ELi suutlikkust auto- noomselt tegutseda.” 569 Välisasjade nõukogu, 19. november 2012, järeldused

1. Euroopa komisjoni mis toovad kaasa uut liiki haavatavuse ja ohud, ning kesk- konnamuutused ja loodusvarade vähesus võib põhjustada panus Euroopa kaitse- poliitilisi ja sõjalisi konflikte. Samal ajal ületavad paljud ja julgeolekusektori ohud ja riskid kergesti riiklikud piirid, hägustades tava­ pärast eraldusjoont sisemise ja välise julgeoleku vahel. tugevdamisse Julgeolekuga seotud probleeme saab lahendada vaid ter- Käesolev teatis tugineb komisjoni kaitseküsimuste rak- viklikul viisil, milles on ühendatud erinevad poliitikameet- kerühma tööl. Rakkerühm loodi 2011. aastal eesmärgiga med ja vahendid ning lühi- ja pikaajalised meetmed. See tugevdada kaitsesektorit, mobiliseerides selleks kõik asja- lähenemisviis peab tuginema ulatuslikul tsiviil- ja sõjaliste kohased ELi poliitikameetmed. Euroopa välisteenistus ja võimete kogumil. Üha tõenäolisemalt ei suuda liikmesrii- Euroopa Kaitseagentuur on olnud täielikult kaasatud rak- gid seda koormat üksi kanda. kerühma töösse ja käesoleva teatise ettevalmistamisse. See puudutab eelkõige kaitsevaldkonda, kus uued vahen- 1.1. Sissejuhatus did on sageli tehnoloogiliselt keerulised ja kallid. Praegu on liikmesriikidel raskusi oma relvajõudude asjakohase va- Strateegiline ja geopoliitiline keskkond areneb kiiresti ja rustamisega. Hiljutised operatsioonid Liibüas on toonud pidevalt. Jõudude vahekord maailmas muutub, kuna ker- esile suured puudujäägid olulistes sõjalistes võimetes. kivad esile uued tõmbekeskused ning USA nihutab oma strateegilist fookust Aasia suunas. Sellises kontekstis tuleb Riiklike kulutuste vähenemine kriisi tõttu toob kaasa kär- Euroopal võtta suurem vastutus oma julgeoleku eest nii ped kaitse-eelarves ning see halvendab olukorda veelgi eel- kodus kui ka välismaal. Et ELil oleks kaalu, peab ta töö- kõige seepärast, et kärpeid ei koordineerita ega rakendata tama välja usaldusväärse ühise julgeoleku- ja kaitsepoliiti- ühiseid strateegilisi eesmärke silmas pidades. Ajavahemikul ka (ÜJKP), mis oleks täielikult kooskõlas NATO ja tema 2001−2010 vähenesid ELi kaitsekulutused 251 miljardilt põhimõtetega. eurolt 194 miljardile. Neil eelarvekärbetel on tõsised ta- gajärjed ka tööstusharudele, kus arendatakse välja sead- Meie ees seisvaid julgeolekualaseid probleeme on palju, meid relvajõududele, sest vähendatakse käimasolevate ja need on keerulised, omavahel seotud ning neid on raske kavandatud programmide mahtu. See mõjutab eelkõige ette näha: võivad tekkida piirkondlikud kriisid, mis muu- investeeringuid kaitsealasesse teadus- ja arendustegevusse, tuvad vägivaldseks, võivad esile kerkida uued tehnoloogiad, mis on tulevase võimekuse arendamise seisukohalt keskse EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tähtsusega. Aastatel 2005−2010 vähenes Euroopa teadus- Kaitse-eelarve vähenemise probleemi teravdab veelgi see, et ja arendustegevuse eelarve 14%, langedes 9 miljardi euro- Euroopa turud on jätkuvalt killustatud, mille tulemuseks ni, samal ajal kui USA üksi kulutab praegu kaitsealasele on võimete, struktuuride ja kulutuste tarbetu dubleerimi- teadus- ja arendustegevusele seitse korda rohkem kui ELi ne. Koostöö ja ELi tasandi konkurents on endiselt pigem liikmesriigid kokku. erandiks ja üle 80% investeeringutest kaitsevarustusse tehakse riiklikul tasandil. Euroopal on seega oht kaotada Kaitse-eelarve küll väheneb, aga kaasaegse kaitsevõimeku­ otsustava tähtsusega eksperditeadmised ja autonoomia se maksumus suureneb. Kulude suurenemine on tingi- kaitsevõime jaoks olulistes valdkondades. tud kaitsevarustuse tehnoloogilise keerukuse pikaajalisest kasvutrendist, aga ka tootemahtude vähenemisest, mille Sellises olukorras tuleb prioriteedid ümber seada. Kui põhjuseks on Euroopa relvajõudude reorganiseerimine ja kulutuste suurendamine on problemaatiline, siis tuleb vähendamine pärast külma sõja lõppu. Need tegurid mõ- vahendeid paremini kasutada. Siin on palju võimalusi. jutavad ka edaspidi Euroopa kaitseturgusid, hoolimata sel- Hoolimata kärbetest olid 2011. aastal ELi liikmesriikide lest, milline on eelarve maht. kaitsekulutused siiski suuremad kui Hiina, Venemaa ja Jaapani omad kokku124. Eelarvelisi piiranguid tuleb seega Selline olukord mõjutab kaitsetööstust, millel on tähtis kompenseerida senisest tihedama koostöö ja vahendite koht Euroopa majanduses laiemalt. Üksnes 2012. aastal tõhusama kasutamisega. Seda on võimalik teha klastrite oli selle käive 96 miljardit eurot, mis tähendab, et tegemist toetamise, ülesannete spetsialiseeritud jaotuse, ühiste tea- on olulise innovaatilise ning tipptasemel tehnikale ja teh- dusuuringute ja hangete, tsiviil- ja sõjalise valdkonna koos- 570 noloogiale suunatud tööstussektoriga. Selle uuenduslikel toimet käsitleva uue, dünaamilisema lähenemisviisi ning teadusuuringutel on olnud kaudselt tähtis mõju teistele turu suurema integreeritusega. sektoritele, näiteks elektroonikatööstusele, kosmosevald- konnale ja tsiviillennundusele, ning sellega luuakse ma- 1.2. Komisjoni strateegia janduskasvu ja tuhandeid kõrget kvalifikatsiooni nõudvaid töökohti. Euroopa kaitsetööstuses on otseselt hõivatud Kaitseküsimused on endiselt riikliku suveräänsuse sisuks ligikaudu 400 000 inimest ning see loob umbes 960 000 ning sõjalisi võimeid käsitlevad otsused on liikmesriikide kaudset töökohta. Kui Euroopa soovib jääda maailma juh- pädevuses. EL saab siiski anda olulise panuse, kuna tal on tivaks tootmis- ja innovatsioonikeskuseks, on kaitsesektori struktuursete muudatuste tegemiseks vajalikud poliitika- olemasolu seega hädavajalik. Seepärast on jõupingutused meetmed ja vahendid, ning EL on liikmesriikide jaoks pa- kaitsetööstuse konkurentsivõime tugevdamiseks aruka, jät- rim raamistik, nad saavad ühiselt säilitada vajaliku stratee- kusuutliku ja kaasava majanduskasvu strateegias „Euroopa gilise autonoomia. Liikmesriikidel on kokku ligikaudu 1,6 2020” kesksel kohal. miljonit sõdurit ning iga-aastase kaitse-eelarve kogusum- ma on 194 miljardit eurot. See annab ELile suutlikkuse Kõnealuse tööstuse tähtsust ei saa aga mõõta ainult töö- tegutseda strateegilise osalejana rahvusvahelisel tasandil kohtades ja käibes. Euroopa kaitsesektori tehnoloogilisel ja vastavalt oma väärtustele. tööstuslikul baasil (EDTIB) on tähtis roll Euroopa võimes tagada oma kodanike julgeolek ja kaitsta nende väärtusi Euroopa Ülemkogu kutsus 14. detsembri 2012. aasta järel- ja huve. Euroopa peab olema suuteline võtma vastutuse dustes seepärast üles „… kõrget esindajat, kes tegutseks eel- oma julgeoleku ning rahvusvahelise rahu ja stabiilsuse eest kõige Euroopa välisteenistuse ja Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri üldiselt. See eeldab teatavat strateegilist autonoomiat: sel- kaudu, ja komisjoni, […] töötama välja uusi ettepanekuid leks et olla usutav ja usaldusväärne partner, peab Euroopa ja meetmeid, et tugevdada ÜKJPd ja parandada vajalikke olema võimeline võtma vastu otsuseid ja tegutsema teiste tsiviil- ja sõjaliste võimete kättesaadavust …”. osalejate võimetest sõltumata. Seetõttu on tähtsal kohal tarnekindlus, ligipääs otsustava tähtsusega tehnoloogiale Lõppeesmärk on Euroopa kaitse tugevdamine, et reageeri- ning operatiivne sõltumatus. da 21. sajandi probleemidele. Mitmed vajalikud reformid viiakse läbi liikmesriikide juhtimisel. Euroopa Kaitseagen- Praeguse olukorra elavad kaitsevaldkonna ettevõtted üle tuuri missioon on toetada liikmesriike nende püüdlustes tänu varasematele investeeringutele teadus- ja arendustege- parandada liidu kaitsevõimet ühise julgeoleku- ja kaitsepo- vusse ning on edukalt kompenseerinud riiklike tellimuste liitika (ÜJKP) jaoks. Ka komisjonil on võimalus anda sel- vähenemise ekspordiga. Selle hinnaks on aga sageli tehno- lesse oluline panus, ja vastavasisulise tööga on juba alusta- siire, intellektuaalomandi õigused ja tootmine väljaspool tud. Nagu rõhutas president Barroso : „Komisjonil on oma ELi. Sellel on omakorda tõsised tagajärjed EDTIBi pika- roll: komisjon püüdleb ühtse kaitseturu poole, kasutades ajalisele konkurentsivõimele.

124 Stockholmi rahvusvahelise rahu-uuringute instituudi andmed. Konkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor talle aluslepinguga antud volitusi, et arendada Euroopa –– koondada jõupingutused tsiviil- ja sõjalise kaitsetööstuse baasi”. otstarbega teadusuuringute võimalikule vastastikmõjule ja kosmosevaldkonna kahese Neid eesmärke silmas pidades on komisjon esitanud kasutuse kaupade ja tehnoloogiate potentsiaalile; kaitsevarustuse ja tundliku julgeolekuvarustuse hankeid –– aidata relvajõududel vähendada energiatarbimist (2009/81) ja kaitseotstarbeliste toodete vedu (2009/43) ja edendada seeläbi liidu 20/20/20 eesmärkide käsitlevad direktiivid, mis on praeguse Euroopa kaitseturu saavutamist; nurgakivid. Samuti on komisjon arendanud tööstuspoliiti- kat ning julgeoleku ja kosmose valdkonnaga seotud spet- • lisaks pakub komisjon välja meetmeid, mille abil uurida siifilisi teadus- ja innovatsiooniprogramme. Lisaks sellele uusi võimalusi strateegilise arutelu edasiviimiseks on komisjon töötanud välja nii sise- kui ka välisjulgeolekut Euroopas ning valmistada ette pinnas Euroopa koostöö toetavaid tegevusmeetmeid ja vahendeid sellistes valdkon- laiendamiseks ja süvendamiseks, eelkõige järgmiste dades nagu välispiiride kaitse, mereseire, kodanikukaitse meetmete kaudu: või kriisiohjamine, millel on hulgaliselt tehnoloogilisi, –– hinnata võimalusi luua ELile kuuluvaid kahese tööstuslikke, kontseptuaalseid ja operatiivseid sarnasusi ja kasutusega võimeid, mis võivad teatavates seoseid kaitsevaldkonnaga. julgeolekuga seotud valdkondades täiendada riiklikke võimeid ning nende mõju tulemuslikult ja Käesoleva teatisega konsolideeritakse kõnealust õigustik- kulutõhusalt mitmekordistada; ku ning arendatakse seda edasi Lissaboni lepingus kind- laks määratud pädevuse raames. Eelkõige üritab komisjon –– kaaluda selliste ettevalmistavate meetmete 571 kasutada ära ühelt poolt kaitse- ja julgeolekuvaldkonna algatamist, mis käsitlevad ÜJKPga seotud vaheliste ning teiselt poolt tsiviil- ja sõjalise valdkonna va- teadusuuringuid valdkondades, kus ELi heliste piiride hägustumisest tekkivat võimalikku sünergiat kaitsevõimet on kõige rohkem vaja. ja vastastikmõju. Komisjon kutsub riigipäid ja valitsusjuhte üles arutama 2013. aastal toimuval Euroopa Ülemkogul käesolevat tea- Nende eesmärkide saavutamiseks kavatseb komisjon võtta tist ning liidu välisasjade ja julgeolekupoliitika kõrge esin- meetmeid järgmistes valdkondades: daja koostatud teatist.

• süvendada veelgi kaitse- ja julgeolekuvaldkonna siseturgu. See tähendab kõigepealt seda, et tagatakse Tegevuskava125 mõlema olemasoleva direktiivi täielik rakendamine. Nendele õigusaktidele tuginedes kavatseb komisjon tegeleda ka turumoonutuste küsimusega ja aidata parandada liikmesriikide vahelist tarnekindlust; 2. Kaitsevaldkonna siseturu • suurendada Euroopa kaitsesektori tehnoloogilise ja tugevdamine tööstusliku baasi konkurentsivõimet. Selleks kavatseb komisjon töötada välja kaitsetööstuspoliitika, mille 2.1. Turu tõhususe kindlustamine aluseks on kaks põhisuunda: • Kui kaitse- ja julgeolekuvaldkonna riigihankeid käsitlev –– konkurentsi toetamine: see hõlmab julgeoleku- ja direktiiv (2009/81) on kõigis liikmesriikides täielikult kaitseturgude jaoks kasulike nn hübriidstandardite üle võetud, on Euroopa kaitseturu regulatiivne väljatöötamist ning võimaluste uurimist selgroog paigas. Esimest korda kohaldatakse siseturul sõjalist lennukõlblikkust käsitleva Euroopa eeskirju kõnealuse sektori suhtes, eesmärgiga edendada sertifitseerimissüsteemi loomiseks; õiglast ja ELi hõlmavat konkurentsi. Kaitseturg –– VKEde toetamine: see hõlmab Euroopa on aga spetsiifiline turg ja seda iseloomustavad strateegilise klasterpartnerluse loomist, mis liikmesriikidevahelised pikaajalised erinevused. võimaldab luua sidemeid teiste klastritega ja Seepärast kavatseb komisjon võtta erimeetmeid, et toetada kaitsevaldkonnaga seotud VKEsid tagada, et direktiivi kohaldatakse nõuetekohaselt ja et ülemaailmses konkurentsis; see täidab seatud eesmärke. • kasutada võimalikult suurel määral ära tsiviil- ja sõjalise valdkonna koostoimet, et tagada Euroopa maksumaksjate vahendite optimaalne kasutamine, 125 Tegevuskavas kavandatud meetmed on ühtsed ja kooskõlas eelkõige järgmise tegevuse kaudu: mitmeaastase finantsraamistiku raames loodud asjakohaste rahastamisvahenditega. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

kaitsevarustuse eest. Korvamisnõuded on diskrimineerivad Meede: meetmed ja need on vastuolus nii ELi lepingu kui ka tõ- husa hankemenetluse põhimõtetega. Seepärast ei ole neil • Komisjon jälgib liikmesriikide kaitseturu kaitsevaldkonna siseturul kohta. avatust ja hindab korrapäraselt ELi TEDi andmebaasi (Tenders Electronic Daily) ja muude eriallikate kaudu uute hanke-eeskirjade Meede: rakendamist. Komisjon koordineerib oma turujärelvalvetegevuse Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri • Komisjon tagab, et korvamisnõuded kiiresti tegevusega, et kasutada võimalikku sünergiat ja kaotatakse. Kaitsevaldkonna riigihankeid vältida tarbetut dubleerimist. käsitleva direktiivi vastuvõtmisest alates on kõik liikmesriigid tühistanud korvamismeetmeid käsitlevad riiklikud õigusaktid või neid muutnud. Eelarvepiirangute kontekstis on rahaliste vahendite tõhus Komisjon kontrollib, kas muudatused on ELi kasutamine eriti oluline. Nõudluse ühendamine on selleks õigusega kooskõlas. Samuti tagab komisjon, et tõhus viis. Direktiivis on keskset hankijat käsitlevad erisät- õigusraamistikku tehtud muudatused muudaksid ted, mis võimaldavad liikmesriikidel kasutada uusi eeskirju ka tegelikult liikmesriikide hanketavasid. ka ühishangeteks, näiteks Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri kaudu. Liikmesriigid peaksid seda vahendit võimalikult palju ka- 572 sutama, et maksimeerida mastaabisäästu ja kasutada täieli- Komisjon on kaitsesektorile ulatuslikult kohaldanud ette- kult ära ELi tasandi koostööd. võtete ühinemise kontrolli eeskirju. Sellega on komisjon saanud tagada tõhusa konkurentsikontrolli, mis aitab pa- Teatud lepingud jäävad direktiivi reguleerimisalast välja, randada kaitseturu toimimist. Riigiabi küsimuses tuleks kuna nende puhul ei oleks direktiivi sätete kohaldamine avaliku sektori vahendeid kasutada tõhusamalt ja sihipära- asjakohane. See puudutab eelkõige koostööprogramme, selt kooskõlas riigiabipoliitika ajakohastamist käsitleva teati- mis on tõhus vahend turu konsolideerimise ja konkurent- sega. Siinkohal on riigiabi kontrollil eriti tähtis roll siseturu sivõime edendamiseks. kaitsmisel ja tugevdamisel, ning seda ka kaitsevaldkonnas.

Teisi konkreetseid erandeid, nimelt valitsustevahelisi oste Liikmesriigid on vastavalt aluslepingule kohustatud ko- ja rahvusvaheliste eeskirjade kohaselt sõlmitavaid riigihan- misjoni teavitama kõigist riigiabi meetmetest, sealhulgas kelepinguid, võidakse siiski tõlgendada direktiivi nõue- ainult militaarsektoris antavast abist. Selle kohustuse võib tekohast kasutamist kahjustaval viisil. See võib ohustada täitmata jätta vaid juhul, kui liikmesriik tõendab, et teata- võrdseid konkurentsitingimusi siseturul. Seepärast kavat- mata jätmine on vajalik ELi toimimise lepingu artikli 346 seb komisjon tagada, et neid erandeid tõlgendatakse ran- kohaste oluliste julgeolekuhuvide tõttu. Kui liimesriik ka- gelt ja et neid ei kasutataks direktiivi eeskirjade kohalda- vatseb tugineda artiklile 346, peab ta suutma tõendada, et mise vältimiseks. militaarsektoris võetud konkreetsed meetmed on vajalikud ja proportsionaalsed riigi oluliste julgeolekuhuvide kaitse tagamiseks ning et nad ei lähe kaugemale selleks eesmär- Meede: giks vältimatult vajalikust. Nende tingimuste täitmist kä- sitlev tõendamiskohustus lasub liikmesriigil. • Komisjon täpsustab teatud erandite piire. Selleks koostatakse koostöös liikmesriikidega eelkõige valitsustevahelisi ja rahvusvahelisi lepinguid Meede: käsitlevad konkreetsed juhised. • Komisjon tagab, et kõik vajalikud tingimused on täidetud, kui riigiabimeetmete põhjendamiseks 2.2. Turumoonutustega võitlemine tuginetakse ELi toimimise lepingu artiklile 346.

Kaitsevaldkonna siseturu täiustamiseks ja võrdsete tingi- muste loomiseks kõigile Euroopa tarnijatele kavatseb ko- 2.3. Tarnekindluse parandamine misjon võidelda jätkuvate ebaausate ja diskrimineerivate tavade ning turumoonutustega. Komisjon kavatseb mobi- Tarnekindlus on tähtis aspekt kaitsevaldkonna siseturu ja liseerida meetmeid eelkõige korvamistavade st nende hü- tööstuse tarneahelate toimimise tagamiseks Euroopa ta- vitiste vastu, mida nõutakse teise riigi tarnijatelt hangitud sandil. Enamik tarnekindlusega seotud probleeme kuulub Konkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor liikmesriikide vastutusalasse. Komisjon saab siiski töötada välja vahendid, mis võimaldavad liikmesriikidel parandada Meede: omavahelist tarnekindlust. Selliseks vahendiks on ELi si- seseid kaitseotstarbeliste toodete vedusid käsitlev direktiiv • Komisjon avaldab rohelise raamatu kaitse- ja nr 2009/43, kuna sellega luuakse uus lubade süsteem, mis julgeolekuvaldkonna tööstusliku suutlikkuse lihtsustab kaitsevarustuse liikumist siseturul. Liikmesriiki- kontrolli kohta. Selleks konsulteerib komisjon del tuleks nüüd liidu tarnekindluse parandamiseks kasuta- sidusrühmadega praeguse süsteemi võimalike da täielikult ära kõnealuse direktiiviga loodud võimalused. puudujääkide küsimuses ja uurib võimalusi kogu ELi hõlmava järelevalvesüsteemi loomiseks, sealhulgas liikmesriikide vahelised teavitamis- ja Meetmed: konsulteerimismehhanismid.

• Komisjon käivitab koos Euroopa Kosmoseagentuuriga konsulteerimisprotsessi, mille eesmärk on õhutada liikmesriike võtma 3. Konkurentsivõimelisema poliitiline kohustus selles, et nad tagavad kaitsetööstuse edendamine vastastikku liikmesriikide relvajõudude lõppkasutuseks kaitseotstarbeliste kaupade, materjalide või teenuste lepingulised või Kaitsevaldkonna tõelise siseturu loomine nõuab nii tuge- 573 kokkulepitud tarned. vat õigusraamistikku kui ka valdkonna vajadustele kohan- datud Euroopa tööstuspoliitikat. Euroopa kaitsesektori • Komisjon optimeerib kaitseotstarbeliste kaupade tehnoloogilise ja tööstusliku baasi tulevik peitub senisest vedu käsitlevat süsteemi, a) toetades riiklikke suuremas koostöös ning tippkeskuste võrgustike siseses ametiasutusi nende püüdlustes parandada ja vahelises piirkondlikus spetsialiseerumises. Võrgustike kõnealuse valdkonna teadlikkust selles küsimuses; tsiviil- ja sõjalise mõõtme tugevdamine võib suurendada b) luues üldlubade keskregistri ja edendades konkurentsi ning edendada majanduskasvu ja piirkondlik- lubade kasutamist ja c) edendades ELi siseste ku arengut. Lisaks sellele on üha globaliseeruvamal kait- vedude haldamisel parimaid tavasid. seturul oluline, et Euroopa kaitsesektori ettevõtjatel oleks Euroopas usaldusväärne ettevõtluskeskkond, mis parandab nende konkurentsivõimet maailmas. Tarnekindlus sõltub ka otsustava tähtsusega tööstus- ja tehnoloogiliste vahendite kontrollist ja omandilisest kuu- 3.1. Standardimine – koostöö luvusest. Mitmes liikmesriigis on kaitsetööstusesse tehta- ja konkurentsivõime aluste vate välisinvesteeringute kontrolli käsitlevad siseriiklikud arendamine kaitsevaldkonnas õigusaktid. Mida rahvusvahelisemaks aga tööstuse tar- neahelad muutuvad, seda suurem võib olla ühe ettevõtte omandilise kuuluvuse muutumise (ka tootmisahela ma- Enamik ELi kaitsevaldkonnas kasutatavatest standarditest dalamal astmel) mõju teiste liikmesriikide relvajõudude on pärit tsiviilvaldkonnast. Kui vajatakse spetsiifilisi kait- ja tööstusharude tarnekindlusele. See küsimus mõjutab ka sestandardeid, siis töötatakse need tavaliselt välja riiklikul seda, milline on Euroopa sõltumatuse aste sõjalise võime- tasandil. See takistab koostööd ja tekitab tööstusele suure- kuse alal ja millisena ta seda soovib hoida, samuti seda, maid kulusid. Seepärast tõhustaks ühiste kaitsestandardite milliseid kõnealusesse sektorisse tehtavaid välismaiseid in- kasutamine märkimisväärselt Euroopa sõjavägede vahelist vesteeringuid tuleks üldse jälgida. Sellele väljakutsele vasta- koostööd ja koostalitusvõimet ning parandaks Euroopa miseks võib vaja minna Euroopa lähenemisviisi. tööstuse konkurentsivõimet uute tehnoloogiavahendite alal.

Seega on vaja õhutada liikmesriike töötama välja Euroopa tsiviil- militaarsed standardid. See peaks loomulikult jää- ma vabatahtlikuks ning mitte dubleerima NATO ja teiste asjaomaste organite standardimistööd. Siiski saaks ära teha palju rohkem, et töötada välja standardeid aladel, kus on tuvastatud puudujääke ja ühiseid vajadusi, eelkõige uute tehnoloogiavahendite standardeid, näiteks kaugjuhita- vate õhusõidukite süsteemid (RPAS) ning sellistes välja- kujunenud valdkondades nagu baaside kaitse, kus turg on vähe arenenud ja kus on võimalik tõhustada tööstuse konkurentsivõimet. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Teine näide on laskemoon. Hinnanguliselt läheb maa- Meetmed: pealset laskemoona käsitleva ühise sertifitseerimissüsteemi puudumine Euroopale maksma 1,5 miljardit aastas (laske- • Komisjon edendab nn hübriidstandardite moonale kulutatakse igal aastal kokku 7,5 miljardit eurot). väljatöötamist toodetele, millel võib olla nii sõjaline kui ka tsiviilrakendus. Juba 2012. aastal esitas komisjon standardimistaotluse selliseks Meede: hübriidstandardiks tarkvarapõhise raadio (SDR) kohta. Järgmised standardimistaotlused võiksid • Euroopa Lennundusohutusameti (EASA) käsitleda keemiliste, bioloogiliste, radioloogiliste tsiviilkogemuse, tema Airbus A-400M tüüpi tuuma- ja lõhkeainete (CBRNE) avastamise õhusõiduki sertifitseerimisel saadud kogemuse ning proovivõtustandardeid, õhusõidukite ning Euroopa Kosmoseagentuuri kõnealuses süsteeme, lennukõlblikkuse nõudeid, andmete valdkonnas tehtud töö põhjal hindab komisjon jagamise, krüpteerimise ja muu esmatähtsa erinevaid võimalusi, et liikmesriikide nimel täita teabevahetustehnoloogia standardeid. sõjaliste toodete esmase lennukõlblikkusega • Komisjon uurib koos Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri seotud ülesandeid Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri ja Euroopa standardiorganisatsiooniga võimalusi kindlaks määratud aladel. sellise mehhanismi loomiseks, mille raames 574 töötatakse pärast liikmesriikidelt nõusoleku saamist välja spetsiifilisi Euroopa standardeid 3.3. Toorained – Euroopa kaitsetööstuse sõjavaldkonna toodetele ja rakendustele. Selle tarnekindlusega seotud riskidega mehhanismi põhieesmärk on töötada välja toimetulek standardeid, mis vastavad kindlaksmääratud vajadustele, ja samal ajal käsitada tundlikku teavet Mitmed toorained, näiteks haruldased muldmetallid, on asjakohasel viisil. paljudes kaitsealastes rakendustes hädavajalikud, alates • Komisjon uurib koos Euroopa Kaitseagentuuriga RPAS-süsteemidest täppisjuhitava laskemoonani ning la- uusi viise, et edendada olemasolevaid vahendeid, serseadmetest satelliitsideseadmeteni. Paljude kõnealuste mille abil valitakse välja parimate tavade kohased toorainete tarnimine on seotud üha suurema riskiga ja standardid kaitsevaldkonna riigihangetes. see vähendab kaitsesektori konkurentsivõimet. ELi üldi- se toorainestrateegia põhielement on loetelu toorainetest, mida peetakse ELi majanduse jaoks esmatähtsaks. Esma- tähtsate toorainete praegune loetelu on kavas 2013. aas- 3.2. Sertifitseerimist käsitleva ühtse ta lõpuks läbi vaadata. Ehkki samad toorained on sageli lähenemisviisi edendamine – olulised nii tsiviil- kui ka kaitseeesmärkidel, kaasneks selge kulude vähendamine ja arengu lisaväärtus, kui selles töös arvestataks Euroopa kaitsesektori kiirendamine jaoks eriti tähtsaid tooraineid.

Nagu standardimine, on ka sertifitseerimine kesksel kohal tööstusalases konkurentsivõimes ja Euroopa kaitsevald- Meede: konna koostöös. Kaitseotstarbeliste toodete üleeuroopalise sertifitseerimissüsteemi puudumine on suur kitsaskoht, • Komisjon teeb kindlaks kaitsesektori mis viivitab toodete turule saatmist ja suurendab kogu jaoks esmatähtsad toorained ELi üldise toote elutsükli vältel oluliselt kulusid. Sertifitseerimise toorainestrateegia raames ning valmistab vajaduse valdkonnas on vaja tõhusamat korda, et teatavad praegu korral ette sihipärased meetmed. riiklikul tasandil tehtavaid toiminguid viidaks läbi ühiselt.

Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri andmete kohaselt pikeneb prae- 3.4. Toetus VKEdele – Euroopa guses olukorras sõjalise lennukõlblikkuse valdkonnas 50% kaitsevaldkonna innovatsiooni võrra arendusele kuuluv aeg ja arenduskulud suurenevad 20% võrra. Samuti vähendab ühiste ja ühtlustatud nõuete liikumapanevale jõule olemasolu kulusid, kuna õhusõidukite hooldus või hool- duspersonali koolitamine võib toimuda riigiülesel tasandil. Kaitsevaldkonna hankeid ja vedusid käsitlevad direktiivid pakuvad VKEdele uusi võimalusi, et osaleda Euroopa kait- seturu loomisel. Eelkõige puudutab see hankedirektiivi all- hankeid käsitlevaid sätteid, mille abil paraneb mitteriiklike Konkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor peatöövõtjate ligipääs tarneahelatele. Liikmesriigid peaksid 3.5. Oskused – muutustega toimetulek seega aktiivselt kasutama neid sätteid VKEdele võimaluste ja tuleviku kindlustamine loomiseks. Kaitsetööstuses toimuvad põhjalikud muutused, millega Vaja on täiendavaid meetmeid, eelkõige klastrite vallas. liikmesriikidel ja tööstusel tuleb kohaneda. Nagu tooni- Klastreid juhib sageli põhiettevõtja, kes töötab tarneahe- tas Euroopa Ülemkogu 2008. aasta detsembris: „Euroopa la raames koos väiksemate ettevõtjatega. Lisaks kuuluvad kaitsesektori tööstusliku ja tehnoloogilise baasi ümberst- klastrid sageli tippkeskuste võrgustikesse, mis ühendavad ruktureerimine Euroopa tippkeskuste ümber, vältides selle peatöövõtjaid, VKEsid, teadusinstituute ja muid akadee- ühtsuse ja konkurentsivõime tagamiseks dubleerimist, on milisi ringkondi. strateegiliselt ja majanduslikult oluline”.

Sel põhjusel on klastrid VKEde jaoks eriti olulised, kuna Restruktureerimine on suures osas tööstuse kohustus, ent need võimaldavad VKEdele ligipääsu ühistele rajatistele, komisjonil, riikide valitsustel ja kohalikel omavalitsustel on niššidele, millele nad võivad spetsialiseeruda, ning võima- siin oma osa. Komisjoni ja liikmesriikide käsutuses on mit- lusi teha koostööd teiste VKEdega. Nende klastrite raames med Euroopa tasandi vahendid, mille abil saab edendada saavad ettevõtted ühendada oma tugevused ja ressursid uusi oskusi ja leevendada restruktureerimise mõju. Nende tegevuse mitmekesistamiseks ning uute turgude ja tea- kasutamisel tuleks omada selget arusaamist tööstuse jaoks dusasutuste loomiseks. Samuti saavad nad arendada uusi esmatähtsatest võimetest ja tehnoloogiast. Komisjon er- tsiviilotstarbega tooteid ja -rakendusi algselt kaitse-eesmär- gutab liikmesriike kasutama paindliku töökorralduse ka- 575 kidel loodud tehnoloogia ja materjalide põhjal (nt internet, vasid selliste ettevõtjate, sealhulgas tarnijate, toetamiseks, GPS) või vastupidi (viimane on üha sagenev). keda mõjutab nõudluse ajutine vähenemine, ning toetama edendavat lähenemisviisi restruktureerimisele. Selles kon- tekstis saavad liikmesriigid kasutada Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi Meetmed: (ESF) vahendeid ja teatavatel massiliste koondamiste juh- tudel ka Globaliseerumisega Kohanemise Euroopa Fondi • Komisjon uurib koos tööstussektori esindajatega, (EGF) vahendeid. Olemasolevate oskuste kaardistamine ja kasutades selleks alt-üles lähenemisviisi, kuidas tulevikus vajaminevate oskuste kindlaksmääramine, või- luua Euroopa strateegiline klasterpartnerlus, mille maluse korral kaitsesektori Euroopa valdkondlike oskuste eesmärk on toetada uute väärtusahelate tekkimist nõukogu raames sektorite esindajate juhtimisel, on selle ning reageerida kaitsevaldkonnaga seotud VKEde töö alustala. probleemidele ülemaailmses konkurentsis. Sellega seoses kasutab komisjon VKEde toetamiseks kavandatud vahendeid, sealhulgas Meetmed: VKEde konkurentsivõime programm COSME, kaitsevaldkonnaga seotud VKEde vajaduste • Praegu katseetapis olevate programmide rahuldamiseks. Sellel eesmärgil võidakse kaaluda „Sektoripõhised oskuste ühendused” ja ka Euroopa struktuuri- ja investeerimisfondide „Teadmusühendused” kaudu edendab komisjon kasutamist. See töö hõlmab ka kahese kasutusega tööstuse tulevaseks arenguks oluliseks tunnistatud tooteid ja tehnoloogiad hõlmavaid projekte oskusi. käsitlevate abikõlblikkuse eeskirjade täpsustamist. • Komisjon julgustab Euroopa Sotsiaalfondi • Komisjon kasutab ka Euroopa vahendite kasutamist töötajate ümberõppeks ja ettevõtlusvõrgustikku, et suunata uute oskuste omandamiseks, eelkõige projektide kaitsevaldkonnaga seotud VKEsid võrgustumisele puhul, milles käsitletakse oskustega seotud ja partnerlusele, nende tegevuse rahvusvaheliseks vajadusi, oskuste vastavust tööturu nõudmistele ja muutumisele, tehnosiirdele ja ärivõimaluste muudatuste prognoosimist. rahastamisele. • Komisjon võtab arvesse Euroopa struktuuri- ja • Komisjon edendab piirkondlikku võrgustumist, investeerimisfondide pakutavaid võimalusi, eesmärgiga integreerida kaitsevaldkonna tööstus- et toetada kaitsetööstuse restruktureerimisest ja teadusvahendid aruka spetsialiseerumise mõjutatud piirkondi, eelkõige töötajate piirkondlikesse strateegiatesse, eelkõige aitamiseks uue olukorraga kohanemisel ja kaitsevaldkonnaga seotud piirkondade Euroopa majanduse restruktureerimise edendamisel. võrgustiku kaudu. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

4. Teadusuuringute kahese saavutada sünergiat riiklike uurimisprogrammidega. Ko- misjon määrab koos liikmesriikide, Euroopa välisteenistuse kasutuse potentsiaali ja Euroopa Kaitseagentuuriga kindlaks sisu ja menetlused. kasutamine ja innovatsiooni Samal ajal peaksid liikmesriigid hoidma kaitseuuringute rahastamise asjakohasel tasemel ja üritama teha rohkem tõhustamine koostööd.

Kuna paljud tehnoloogialahendused sobivad kaheseks ka- sutamiseks, pakub tsiviil- ja sõjalise otstarbega teadusuurin- Meetmed: gute vaheline sünergia üha enam võimalusi. Selles konteks- tis toimub praegu koordineerimine ühelt poolt seitsmenda • Komisjon kavatseb prototüüpide hankimiseks raamprogrammi teadusuuringute, tehnoloogiaarenduse ja toetada kommertskasutusele eelnevat tutvustamistegevuse julgeoleku teemavaldkonna ja teiselt hankesüsteemi. Esimesed valdkonnad võiksid poolt Euroopa kaitsealaste teadusuuringute vahel. Töö olla keemiliste, bioloogiliste, radioloogiliste on senini keskendunud keemilistele, bioloogilistele, ra- ning tuuma- ja lõhkeainete avastamine, RPAS- dioloogilistele, tuuma- ja lõhkeainetele ning viimasel ajal süsteemid ja tarkvarapõhisel raadiotehnoloogial on käsitletud ÜJKP kontekstis ka küberjulgeolekut ning põhinevad kommunikatsiooniseadmed. ÜJKP sünergiat küberjulgeolekuga. Mitmed vastavasisu- lised meetmed tehti teatavaks ELi küberturbe strateegias, • Komisjon kaalub võimalust toetada ÜKJPga 576 mille eesmärk on muuta ELi veebikeskkond maailma kõige seotud teadusuuringuid näiteks ettevalmistavate ohutumaks. Peale selle on ühisettevõte SESAR alustanud meetmete kaudu. Rõhuasetus oleks neil küberjulgeoleku alaseid teadusuuringuid lennuliiklusvoo valdkondadel, kus on ELi kaitsevõimet kõige juhtimise valdkonnas. rohkem vaja, otsides võimaluse korral sünergiat riiklike uurimisprogrammidega. Programmi „Horisont 2020” raames pakuvad erieesmärgid „Juhtpositsioon progressi võimaldava ja tööstusliku tehno- loogia vallas”, sealhulgas selle põhikomponent „Progressi võimaldav tehnoloogia” ja prioriteet „Turvalised ühiskon- 5. Võimekuse arendamine nad” (ühiskonnaprobleemid) võimalusi tehnoloogiaaren- guks, mis võib anda tõuke innovatsiooniks mitte ainult Komisjon juba tegeleb muu kui sõjalise võimekuse vaja- tsiviilrakendusteks, vaid pakkuda ka kahese kasutuse po- duse küsimusega ja toetab nii sise- kui ka välisjulgeole- tentsiaali. Ehkki programmi „Horisont 2020” raames teh- kupoliitika alaseid meetmeid, näiteks kodanikukaitse,126 tava teadus- ja innovatsioonitegevuse puhul keskendutakse kriisiohjamine, küberkuritegevus, välispiiride kaitse ja vaid tsiviilrakendustele, kavatseb komisjon hinnata, kuidas mereseire. Praeguse seisuga piirduvad meetmed kaasra- neis valdkondades saavutatud tulemused võiksid tuua kasu hastamise ja liikmesriikide võimekuse koordineerimisega. ka kaitse- ja julgeolekusektori tööstuslikule võimekusele. Komisjon kavatseb astuda sammu edasi tagamaks, et Eu- Samuti kavatseb komisjon uurida sünergiat selliste ka- roopal on kogu vajalik julgeolekualane võimekus, et seda hese kasutusega rakenduste arendamisel, millel on selge kasutatakse võimalikult kulutõhusal viisil ning et tsiviil- ja julgeolekumõõde, või muude selliste kahese kasutusega sõjalise võimekuse vaheline koostalitus on tagatud olulistes tehnoloogiavahendite arendamisel, nagu need, millega valdkondades. toetatakse tsiviilkasutusega süsteemi integreerimist Euroo- pa lennundussüsteemi ja mida viiakse läbi ühisettevõtte SESAR raames.

Kaitsealastel teadusuuringutel on olnud märkimisväärne mõju muudele sektoritele, näiteks elektroonikale, kosmo- sevaldkonnale, tsiviillennundusele ja süvamere kasutami- sele. On tähtis, et säiliksid ülekandemõjud kaitsesektorilt tsiviilmaailmale, ning tuleb hoolitseda selle eest, et kait- seuuringud annaksid ka edaspidi ainest tsiviilvaldkonna innovatsioonile.

Samuti arvab komisjon, et oleks kasulik pakkuda lisa- võimalusi ÜJKPga seotud teadusuuringutele väljaspool programmi „Horisont 2020”. See võiks toimuda ÜJKP 126 Kodanikukaitse alal kirjeldatakse suutlikkuse arendamist operatsioonide jaoks otsustava tähtsusega kaitsevõimeid komisjoni ettepanekus: Euroopa Parlamendi ja nõukogu otsus käsitlevate ettevalmistavate meetmetega, millega püütakse kodanikukaitsemehhanismi kohta (KOM(2011) 934 (lõplik)). Konkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor

Kosmosejäätmed on muutunud kõige tõsisemaks ohuks Meetmed: kosmosetegevuse jätkusuutlikkusele. Kokkupõrkeohu vähendamiseks on vaja määrata kindlaks satelliitide ja • Komisjon jätkab tsiviil- ja kaitsevaldkonna kosmosejäätmete asukoht ning neid jälgida. See tegevus kasutajate vahelise teabejagamisteenuste tähendab kosmose jälgimist ja seiret (Space Surveillance koostalitusvõime tõhustamist, nagu and Tracking, SST) ning toimub tänapäeval peamiselt seda on katsetatud merenduse ühise maapealsete sensorite, näiteks teleskoopide ja radarite abil. teabejagamiskeskkonna mereseire valdkonnas. Euroopa tasandil praegu SST-suutlikkus puudub; satellii- di- ja nende orbiidile saatmise operaatorid sõltuvad USA • Olemasolevatele ELi võrgustikele tuginedes kokkupõrkehoiatusi käsitlevatest andmetest. uurib komisjon koos liikmesriikidega võimalusi luua tsiviil- ja sõjaline koostöörühm, mis EL on valmis toetama liikmesriikidele kuuluvate olemas- käsitleks a) avastamistehnoloogiat ja b) isetehtud olevate SST-vahendite võrgustikul põhineva Euroopa lõhkeseadmete, kaasaskantava õhukaitsesüsteemi SST-teenuse loomist, mis võib hõlmata Atlandi-ülest pers- (MANPADs) ja muude asjakohaste ohtudega, pektiivi. Need teenused peaksid olema riiklike asutuste, näiteks keemiliste, bioloogiliste, radioloogiliste ettevõtjate, tsiviil- ja militaarkasutajate ja ametiasutuste ning tuuma- ja lõhkeainetega seotud ohud, käsutuses. See eeldab, et asjaomaseid vahendeid omavad võitlemise vahendeid. liikmesriigid kohustuvad tegema koostööd ja pakkuma • Komisjon hindab koos Euroopa välisteenistusega ELi tasandil kokkupõrkehoiatuse alast teenust. Lõppees- 577 vajadusi ELi julgeoleku- ja kaitsepoliitika kahese märk on tagada Euroopa kosmoseinfrastruktuuri kaitse kasutusega võimete alal. Selle hindamise alusel Euroopa enda suutlikkuse abil. esitatakse ettepanek, milles käsitletakse võimetega seotud vajadusi, mis oleksid vajaduse korral kõige paremini kaetud vahenditega, mille liit on otse Meede: hankinud, mida ta omab ja kasutab. • Komisjon esitas ELi SST-toetusprogrammi käsitleva ettepaneku 2013. aastal. Ettepaneku alusel hindab komisjon, kuidas tagada pikaajalises 6. Kosmose- ja kaitsevaldkond perspektiivis SST-teenuse tõhusus.

Suurem osa kosmosetehnoloogiast, infrastruktuurist ja tee- nustest võib teenida nii tsiviil- kui ka kaitsealaseid eesmär- 6.2. Satelliitside ke. Vastupidiselt kõigile teistele kosmoseriikidele puudub ELis struktuurne seos tsiviil- ja sõjalise kosmosetegevuse Sõjalise ja tsiviiljulgeoleku sektor sõltub üha rohkem sa- vahel. Selline eraldamine on tekitanud majanduslikku ja telliitsideteenustest. See on ainulaadne võime, mille abil poliitilist kahju, mida Euroopa enam endale lubada ei saa. tagatakse kaugside ja ringhääling. See lihtsustab mobiilsete Seda kahju võimendab veelgi Euroopa sõltuvus kolmanda- või teisaldatavate platvormide kasutamist maapealse side­ te riikide tarnijatest, kes varustavad Euroopat teatava esma- infrastruktuuri asemel ja võimaldab suurte andmemahtude tähtsa ja sageli ekspordipiiranguga tehnoloogiaga. vahetamist.

Ehkki teatav kosmosealane võimekus peab jääma riikliku Kommertsotstarbega satelliitside on kõige taskukohasem ja/või sõjalise kontrolli alla, on mitmeid valdkondi, kus ja paindlikum lahendus selle kasvava nõudluse rahuldami- tsiviil- ja kaitsetegevuse vahelise sünergia suurendamisega seks. Kuna nõudlus julgeolekualase satelliitside järele on saab vähendada kulusid ja parandada tõhusust. liiga killustatud, võiks satelliitsidevahendite hangete ühen- damine ja jagamine anda tänu mastaabisäästule ja parane- 6.1. Kosmose infrastruktuuri kaitsmine nud vastupanuvõimele märkimisväärse kokkuhoiu.

Galileo ja Copernicus on tähtsaimad Euroopa kosmose- Kommertsotstarbega satelliitside ei saa täielikult asenda- programmid. Galileo kuulub ELile ning nii Galileo kui da strateegilist valitsuste/militaarvaldkonna satelliitsidet, ka Copernicus toetavad ELi keskseid poliitikavaldkondi. mida mõned ELi liikmesriigid on individuaalselt arenda- Nende infrastruktuur on elutähtis, kuna nad moodustavad nud. Sellel puudub aga piisav suutlikkus, et vastata väikse- nii majanduse kui ka kodanike heaolu ja turvalisuse jaks mate üksuste, näiteks operatsioone läbiviivate sõjalennuki- oluliste rakenduste ja teenuste selgroo. See infrastruktuur te või erijõudude vajadustele. vajab kaitsmist. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Peale selle lõpeb käesoleva kümnendi lõpus liikmesriikide praeguste sõjaliste satelliitsidesüsteemide kasutusaeg. See Meede: otsustava tähtsusega võime tuleb aga säilitada. • Euroopa Komisjon uurib koos Euroopa välisteenistuse ja Euroopa Kaitseagentuuriga Meetmed: võimalust töötada järk-järgult välja uusi satelliitfotodega seotud võimeid, et toetada • Komisjon rakendab meetmeid, et parandada ÜVJP ja ÜJKP missioone ja operatsioone. Ka julgeolekualase satelliitside nõudluse killustatust. Euroopa Komisjon panustab vajaliku tehnoloogia Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri kogemusele toetudes arendamisse, et edendada järgmise põlvkonna kavatseb komisjon ergutada eelkõige Euroopa kõrge resolutsiooniga satelliitfotosid. sõjalise ja julgeolekualase kommertsotstarbega satelliitside nõudluse ühendamist. • Komisjon uurib võimalusi, kuidas olemasolevate 7. ELi energiapoliitika ja programmide ja vahendite abil hõlbustada liikmesriikide jõupingutusi paigutada (ka tugivahendite kohaldamine kommertsotstarbega) satelliitidele riiklikke kaitsesektoris telekommunikatsiooniseadmeid ning arendada 578 riiklikku järgmise põlvkonna sõjalise satelliitside Relvajõud on ELis suurimad avaliku sektori energiatarbi- võimet Euroopa tasandil. jad. Euroopa Kaitseagentuuri andmete kohaselt moodus- tavad relvajõudude aastased elektrikulud kokku üle ühe miljardi euro. Lisaks sellele on fossiilkütused relvajõudude 6.3. Kõrge resolutsiooniga Euroopa energiavajaduste täitmiseks endiselt kõige olulisem allikas. satelliitvõimekuse arendamine See olukord tekitab problemaatilist sõltuvust ja muudab kaitse-eelarve aldiks hinnatõusule. Tarnekindluse paranda- Kõrge resolutsiooniga satelliitfotode roll julgeolekupo- miseks ja operatiivkulude vähendamiseks on relvajõududel liitika (sealhulgas ÜJKP ja ÜVJP) toetamisel üha suu- seega suur huvi vähendada oma energeetilist jalajälge. reneb. ELi võimalus neid võimeid kasutada on olulise tähtsusega varajase hoiatamise, õigeaegsete otsuste, eelplaa- Relvajõud on samuti suurim hoonestamata maa ja infra­ nimise ja kriisile reageerimise seisukohast nii tsiviil- kui ka struktuuri avalik-õiguslik omanik. Nende omandis on militaarvaldkonnas. hinnanguliselt 200 miljonit ruutmeetrit hooneid ja 1% Euroopa kogupindalast. Selle potentsiaali kasutamine Kõnealuses valdkonnas edendatakse praegu mitmeid riik- võimaldaks relvajõududel vähendada oma energiavajadusi likke kaitseprogramme. Mõned liikmesriigid on lisaks ning katta märkimisväärse osa neist vajadustest vähesaasta- sellele töötanud välja kahese kasutusega kõrge resolutsioo- vatest ja sõltumatutest allikatest. See vähendaks kulusid ja niga süsteeme, mis täiendavad üksnes kaitsele suunatud sõltuvust ning edendaks samal aja liidu energiaeesmärke. riiklikke programme. Need kahese kasutusega süsteemid on võimaldanud liikmesriikidevahelisi uusi koostöövorme Teadusuuringute alal on komisjon koostanud energiateh- satelliitfotode kasutamiseks ning nende raames tehtavad noloogia strateegilise kava (SET), millega edendatakse hanked korraldatakse kas turul või kahepoolsete lepingute uuenduslikku ja vähese CO2-heitega energiatehnoloogiat, kaudu. Seda edukat lähenemisviisi, milles ühendatakse tsi- mis on praegusest energiatehnoloogiast tõhusam ja jätku- viil- ja kaitsevaldkonna kasutajate nõuded, tuleks jätkata. suutlikum. Kuna kaitsesektori energiavajadused on suured, võiks kaitsesektor olla teerajaja SET-kava uue energiateh- Kuna vajadus kõrge resolutsiooniga fotode järele üha suu- noloogia kasutuselevõtmisel. reneb, siis selleks, et valmistada ette kõrge resolutsiooniga satelliitfotode järgmine põlvkond − mis on kavas võtta ka- sutusele 2025. aasta paiku − tuleb uurida ja välja töötada mitmeid tehnoloogialahendusi, näiteks geostatsionaarsel orbiidil paiknevad hüperspektraalsed kõrge resolutsiooniga satelliidid või kõrgema taseme ülikõrge resolutsiooniga sa- telliidid, mida kasutatakse koos uute sensorplatvormidega (näiteks RPAS-süsteem). Konkurentsivõimelisem ja tõhusam kaitse- ja julgeolekusektor

poliitilistele põhimõtetele ning vastavalt ÜRO Peaassamb- Meetmed: lee 2. aprillil 2013. aastal vastu võetud relvakaubandusle- pingule. Samal ajal on Euroopa majanduslikes ja poliitilis- • Komisjon loob 2014. aasta keskpaigaks tes huvides toetada oma tööstust maailmaturgudel. Samuti liikmesriikide kaitsesektori ekspertidega tuleb Euroopal tagada ühtne sissetulevaid välisinvesteerin- konsulteerimiseks spetsiaalse mehhanismi, mis guid käsitlev sidus lähenemisviis (nagu tõdetakse omandi- põhineb praegustel taastuvaid energiaallikaid list kuuluvust ja tarnekindlust käsitlevas osas 2.3). ja energiatõhusust käsitlevatel kooskõlastatud meetmetel. Konsultatsioonimehhanismiga 8.1. Konkurentsivõime kolmandate keskendutakse a) energiatõhususele, eelkõige riikide turgudel ehitussektoris; B) taastuvenergiale ja alternatiivkütustele; c) energia infrastruktuurile, Ehkki Euroopa kaitsekulutused on vähenenud, suurene- sealhulgas arukate võrkude tehnoloogiale, ning vad need jätkuvalt mitmel pool mujal maailmas. Ligipääs selle abil kolmandate riikide turgudele on sageli raske poliitiliste –– uuritakse ELi praeguste energiaalaste kaalutluste, turulepääsu tõkete jne tõttu. Maailma suu- kontseptsioonide, õigusaktide ja tugivahendite rim kaitseturg − USA − on Euroopa impordile praktiliselt kohaldatavust kaitsesektorile; suletud. Muud kolmandad riigid on avatumad, aga need eeldavad sageli korvamismeetmeid, mis on ELi ettevõt- –– määratakse kindlaks võimalikud eesmärgid jatele suur koorem. Paljudel kolmandate riikide turgudel 579 ja tegevuse eelisvaldkonnad ELi tasandil konkureerivad mitmed Euroopa tarnijad üksteisega ja see energiakava koostamiseks relvajõududele; muudab konkreetse ELi tarnija toetamise Euroopa seisu- –– koostatakse soovitusi taastuvaid energiaallikaid kohast raskeks. ja energiatõhusust käsitleva käsiraamatu jaoks kaitsesektoris; selles toonitatakse ELi olemasolevate õigusaktide rakendamist, Meede: innovaatilise tehnoloogia ja innovaatiliste rahastamisvahendite kasutamist; • Komisjon algatab sidusrühmadega arutelu selle üle, kuidas toetada Euroopa kaitsetööstust –– vahetatakse korrapäraselt teavet SET-kava kolmandate riikide turgudel. Selles dialoogis juhtrühmaga. uuritakse võimalusi leevendada kolmandate • Samuti kaalub komisjon direktiivi 2012/27/ riikide turgudel nõutavate korvamismeetmete EL rakendamise kohta juhenddokumendi negatiivset mõju siseturule ja Euroopa koostamist. kaitsetööstuse baasile. Samuti käsitletakse ka seda, kuidas ELi institutsioonid saaksid toetada • Komisjon toetab fotogalvaanilist energiat Euroopa tarnijaid olukordades, kus vaid üks käsitlevat Euroopa relvajõudude näidisprojekti Euroopa ettevõtja konkureerib mujalt maailmast GO GREEN. Pärast näidisprojekti õnnestumist pärit tarnijatega. aitab komisjon seda edasi arendada nii, et projekti kaasatakse rohkem liikmesriike ning võimaluse korral laiendatakse seda sellistele muudele 8.2. Kahesuguse kasutusega kaupade taastuvatele energiaallikatele nagu tuul, biomass ja hüdroenergia. ekspordikontroll

Kahesuguse kasutusega kaupade ekspordikontroll ja rel- vakaubanduskontroll on omavahel tihedalt seotud, ning 8. Rahvusvahelise mõõtme neil on keskne roll ELi julgeolekus ja paljude lennundus-, kaitse- ja julgeoleku valdkonnas tegutsevate ettevõtete tugevdamine konkurentsivõimes. Komisjon on käivitanud ELi ekspor- dikontrolli poliitika läbivaatamise ja on läbi viinud avaliku Kaitse-eelarve vähenemisega Euroopas on eksport kol- konsultatsiooni, mille järeldused on esitatud komisjoni mandatesse riikidesse omandanud Euroopa tööstusharude 2013. aasta jaanuaris avaldatud töödokumendis. Refor- jaoks üha suurema tähtsuse, kuna sellega kompenseeritak- miprotsess jätkub teatise koostamisega; selles käsitletakse se koduturgude vähenenud nõudlust. Kõnealune eksport allesjäänud kaubandustõkkeid, mis takistavad ELi ettevõt- peaks olema lubatud vastavalt 8. detsembril 2008. aastal jatel siseturust täielikku kasu saamast. vastu võetud ühises seisukohas 2008/944/ÜVJP esitatud EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

• Julgeoleku- ja kaitsealaseid investeeringuid ja võimekust Meede: käsitlevad otsused peaksid põhinema ühisel arusaamisel ohtudest ja huvidest. Seega tuleb Euroopal töötada • Komisjon esitab osana käimasolevast aegsasti välja strateegiline lähenemisviis, mis hõlmaks ekspordikontrolli poliitika läbivaatamisest kõiki sõjalise ja muu kui sõjalise julgeolekuga seotud määruse (EÜ) 428/2009 rakendamist käsitleva aspekte. Selles kontekstis tuleks algatada ulatuslikum mõju hindamise aruande ning esitab seejärel poliitiline arutelu Lissaboni lepingu asjakohaste sätete teatise, milles visandatakse ELi strateegilise rakendamise kohta. ekspordikontrolli pikaajaline tulevikupilt ja • Ühine välis- ja julgeolekupoliitika on hädavajalik. Et esitatakse konkreetsed poliitilised algatused see oleks tõhus, tuleks seda toetada täiemahulise ELi ekspordikontrolli kohandamiseks kiiresti lepingu artiklis 42 nimetatud Euroopa ühise võimete- muutuvale tehnoloogilisele, majanduslikule ja relvastuspoliitikaga. ja poliitilisele olukorrale. See võib hõlmata ettepanekuid ELi ekspordikontrolli süsteemi • Püüdluste sidususe tagamiseks tuleb ÜJKP ja käsitlevate õigusaktide muutmiseks. muud asjakohased ELi poliitikameetmed hästi kooskõlastada. See on eriti tähtis selleks, et luua ja kasutada ära sünergiat kaitse- ja tsiviiljulgeoleku võimete arendamise ja kasutamise vahel. 9. Järeldused 580 • Et ÜJKP oleks tõsiseltvõetav, vajab Euroopa tugevat kaitsealast tööstuslikku ja tehnoloogilist baasi. Selle Kaitsevõime säilitamine ja arendamine, et hoolimata suur- eesmärgi saavutamiseks on oluline töötada välja test eelarvepiirangutest reageerida praegustele ja tulevastele Euroopa kaitsetööstuse strateegia, mis põhineb ühisel väljakutsetele, on võimalik vaid siis, kui tehakse kauge- arusaamisel sellest, kui suurt autonoomiat Euroopa leulatuvaid poliitilisi ja struktuurseid reforme. Aeg on ot- soovib säilitada esmatähtsa tehnoloogia valdkonnas. sustavalt tegutseda. • Sellise konkurentsivõimelise tööstuse säilitamiseks, 9.1. Uus raamistik tsiviil- ja sõjalise mis oleks suuteline looma mõistliku hinnaga vajalikke võimeid, on oluline tugevdada kaitse- ja koostöö arendamiseks julgeolekuvaldkonna siseturgu ning luua tingimused, mis võimaldavad Euroopa ettevõtjatel tegutseda vabalt Tsiviil- ja sõjaline koostöö on mitmetahuline väljakutse, kõigis liikmesriikides. millel on palju operatiivseid, poliitilisi, tehnoloogilisi ja tööstuslikke aspekte. See käib eelkõige Euroopa kohta, kus • Suurte eelarvepiirangute kontekstis on eriti oluline pädevusalade jagunemine ja tööjaotus muudab olukorra eraldada ja kasutada rahalisi vahendeid tõhusalt. veelgi mitmetahulisemaks. Käesolevas teatises esitatakse See tähendab muu hulgas tegevuskulude kärpimist, meetmepakett, mis võib aidata kaasa selle raske üleande la- nõudluse ühendamist ja sõjaliste nõuete ühtlustamist. hendamisele ja soodustada liikmesriikidevahelist koostööd. • ELi raamistiku tõelise lisaväärtuse näitamiseks on vaja Selles kontekstis on meie eesmärk töötada välja tsiviil- ja selgitada välja kesksete kaitsevõimetega seotud ühine sõjalise mõõtme eraldusjoone ülene integreeritud lähene- projekt, mille raames saaks ELi poliitikameetmeid misviis, milles siirdutakse sujuvalt võimete elutsükli ühelt täielikult mobiliseerida. etapilt teisele, st võimetega seotud vajaduste kindlaksmää- ramiselt nende tegelikule kohapealsele kasutamisele. 9.3. Järgmised sammud Kõigepealt vaatab komisjon läbi oma julgeoleku- ja kaitsekü- simuste käsitluse. Kaitseküsimuste rakkerühma kogemustele Riigipeade ja valitsusjuhtidega peetavate arutelude põhjal tuginedes optimeerib komisjon omaenda talituste ja sidus- koostab komisjon käesolevas teatises kindlaksmääratud rühmade vahelisi koostöö- ja koordineerimismehhanisme. valdkondade kohta konkreetseid meetmeid ja ajakava sisaldava üksikasjaliku tegevuskava. 9.2. Üleskutse liikmesriikidele Kõnealuse tegevuskava koostamiseks ja rakendamiseks loob komisjon spetsiifilise mehhanismi riiklike ame- Käesolevas teatises esitatakse tegevuskava, mis käsitleb ko- tiasutustega konsulteerimiseks. Mehhanismi vorm võib misjoni panust ÜJKP tugevdamiseks. Komisjon kutsub sõltuda käsitletavast poliitikavaldkonnast. Euroopa Kait- Euroopa Ülemkogu üles arutama 2013. aasta detsembris seagentuur ja Euroopa välisteenistus kaasatakse sellesse kõnealust tegevuskava ning liidu välisasjade ja julgeoleku- konsultatsioonimehhanismi. poliitika kõrge esindaja koostatud aruannet lähtuvalt järg- mistest kaalutlustest: ELi uus õigusriigi tugevdamise raamistik

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE JA NÕUKOGULE BRÜSSEL, 11. MÄRTS 2014 COM(2014) 158

1. Sissejuhatus kaitsmine on õigusriigi eesmärk, võib muutuda tõsiseks mureküsimuseks. Nende sündmuste ajal esitas laiem ava- 581 likkus selge nõude, et EL ja eelkõige komisjon hakkaksid Õigusriik on iga tänapäevase põhiseadusliku demokraatia tegutsema. Tulemusi on saavutatud. Kuid komisjon ja EL selgroog. See on üks aluspõhimõtteid, mis tuleneb kõigi pidid otsima ajutisi lahendusi, sest olemasolevad ELi meh- ELi liikmesriikide ühistest põhiseaduslikest traditsiooni- hanismid ja menetlused ei ole alati olnud piisavad, et taga- dest ja on seega üks põhiväärtusi, millele liit rajaneb. Seda da tõhus ja õigeaegne reageerimine õigusriigi ohustamisele. tõstetakse esile Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 2 ning sama lepingu ja Euroopa Liidu põhiõiguste harta preambulites. Samuti on see põhjus, miks Euroopa Liidu lepingu artik- Komisjon on aluslepingute kaitsja ning vastutab ELi alu- li 49 kohaselt on õigusriigi austamine üks ELi liikmeks seks olevate väärtuste austamise tagamise ja liidu üldiste saamise eeltingimusi. Koos demokraatia ja inimõigustega huvide kaitsmise eest. Seega tuleb tal kõnealuses vald- 129 on õigusriik üks Euroopa Nõukogu kolmest tugisambast konnas aktiivselt tegutseda . Septembris 2012 ütles pre- ja seda kinnitab ka Euroopa inimõiguste ja põhivabaduste sident Barroso oma iga-aastases Euroopa Liidu olukorda kaitse konventsiooni preambul127. käsitlevas kõnes Euroopa Parlamendi ees: „Meie käsutu- ses olevaid vahendeid tuleb edasi arendada, et meil oleks tulevikus neid rohkem kui praegune „pehme jõud”, mis ELi liikmesriikide ja nende õigussüsteemide vaheline vas- seisneb poliitilises veenmises, ja aluslepingu artikli 7 koha- tastikune usaldus on liidu alus. Siinkohal on määrav osa ne „raudne käsi”.” Järgmise aasta kõnes ütles ta, et „koge- sellel, kuidas rakendatakse õigusriiki riigi tasandil. Kõigi mused on kinnitanud komisjoni kasulikku rolli sõltumatu ELi kodanike ja riikide ametiasutuste usaldus õigusriigi ja objektiivse kohtunikuna. Peaksime edendama seda ko- toimimise vastu on eriti oluline ELi edasisel arenemisel va- gemust üldisema raamistiku kaudu […]. Komisjon esitab badusel, turvalisusel ja õigusel rajaneva sisepiirideta ala128 selle kohta teatise. Usun, et arutelu on meie Euroopa idee suunas. Seda usaldust saab üles ehitada ja hoida ainult siis, alustala.”130 kui õigusriigi põhimõtteid järgitakse kõigis liikmesriikides. Juunis 2013 rõhutas justiits- ja siseküsimuste nõukogu, et ELi liikmesriikide põhiseadused ja õigussüsteemid on õigusriigi põhimõtete austamine on põhiõiguste kaitse eel- põhimõtteliselt hästi kavandatud ja koostatud nii, et nad duseks, ja kutsus komisjoni üles viima kooskõlas aluslepin- suudavad kaitsta kodanikke õigusriigi mis tahes viisil gutega mõttevahetust edasi, käsitledes seda, milline võiks ohustamise eest. Kuid hiljutised sündmused mõningates olla vajadus koostööle suunatud ja süstemaatilise prob- liikmesriikides on näidanud, et austuse puudumine õigus- leemide lahendamise meetodi järele ja selle vorm. Aprillis riigi vastu ja selle tulemusena ka põhiväärtuste vastu, mille

127 Vt Euroopa inimõiguste ja põhivabaduste kaitse konventsiooni preambul ja Euroopa Nõukogu statuudi artikkel 3 (http:// 129 Vt Euroopa Komisjoni asepresidendi ja ELi õigusküsimuste conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/Treaties/PDF/Estonian/001- voliniku Redingi kõne „EL ja õigusriik – mis järgmiseks?” (http:// Estonian.pdf). europa.eu/rapied/press-release_SPEECH-13-677_en.htm). 128 Vt Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikli 3 lõige 2 ja Euroopa Liidu 130 Vt http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-12-596_et.htm toimimise lepingu artikkel 67. ja http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-13-684_et.htm EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

2013 pidas üldasjade nõukogu sellel teemal laiaulatusliku õiguse kaudu” (edaspidi „Veneetsia komisjon”) eksperdiar- arutelu131. vamuse alusel135.

Juulis 2013 nõudis Euroopa Parlament, et „liikmesriikides hinnataks korrapäraselt liidu põhiväärtuste ning demo- 2. Miks on õigusriik ELi jaoks 132 kraatia ja õigusriigi põhimõtte nõuete jätkuvat täitmist.” põhimõttelise tähtsusega Käesolev teatis on vastus neile nõudmistele. Komisjoni Õigusriigi põhimõttest on järk-järgult saanud tänapäeva- kogemuste, institutsioonidevahelise debati ja laialdaste se põhiseadusliku õiguse ja rahvusvaheliste organisatsioo- konsultatsioonide põhjal133 esitab komisjon uue raamisti- nide (sealhulgas Ühinenud Rahvaste Organisatsiooni ja ku õigusriigi tõhusaks ja järjekindlaks kaitsmiseks kõigis Euroopa Nõukogu) valdav korralduslik mudel, millega liikmesriikides. Selle raamistiku eesmärk on tegeleda olu- reguleeritakse avaliku võimu teostamist. See tagab, et kõik korraga, kus õigusriik on süsteemselt ohustatud, ja lahen- avalikku võimu esindavad asutused tegutsevad seaduses dada see134. paika pandud piirides, kooskõlas demokraatlike väärtuste ja põhiõigustega ning sõltumatute ja erapooletute kohtute Kõnealuse raamistiku eesmärk on lahendada tulevikus järelevalve all. õigusriigile ohtlik olukord mõnes liikmesriigis enne, kui tekivad Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 7 ettenähtud me- Õigusriigist tulenevate põhimõtete ja normide täpne sisu netluse käivitamist nõudvad tingimused. Seega on uus võib liikmesriikide tasandil varieeruda, sõltudes iga liik- 582 raamistik ette nähtud praeguse tühimiku täitmiseks. See ei mesriigi põhiseaduslikust süsteemist. Siiski annavad Eu- ole Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 7 sätestatud menetluse roopa Liidu Kohtu (edaspidi „Euroopa Kohus”) ja Euroopa alternatiiviks, vaid pigem ennetab ja täiendab seda. Samuti Inimõiguste Kohtu kohtupraktika ning Euroopa Nõukogu ei piira see komisjoni volitusi konkreetsete ELi õiguse re- koostatud dokumendid, mis põhinevad märkimisväärses guleerimisalasse kuuluvate olukordade lahendamiseks ELi ulatuses Veneetsia komisjoni eksperdihinnangutel, nen- toimimise lepingu artikli 258 kohaste rikkumismenetluste de põhimõtete mittetäieliku loetelu ja määratlevad seega abil. õigusriigi põhitähenduse kui ELi ühise väärtuse Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikli 2 tähenduses. Laiemast Euroopa vaatepunktist lähtudes peaks raamistik aitama kaasa Euroopa Nõukogu eesmärkide saavutamise- Need põhimõtted hõlmavad seaduslikkust, mis tähistab le, sealhulgas Euroopa Nõukogu komisjoni „Demokraatia seaduste kehtestamise läbipaistvat, aruandekohustuslikku, demokraatlikku ja pluralistlikku protsessi; õiguskindlust; täidesaatva võimu omavoli keelamist; sõltumatuid ja era- pooletuid kohtuid; tõhusat kohtulikku kontrolli, sealhul- 131 Märtsis 2013 kutsusid Madalmaade, Saksamaa, Soome gas põhiõiguste austamise üle; ja võrdsust seaduse ees136. ja Taani välisministrid üles kehtestama rohkem Euroopa kaitsemeetmeid, et tagada liidu põhiväärtuste järgimine liikmesriikides. Arutelu kohta üldasjade nõukogus vt http:// Nii Euroopa Kohus kui ka Euroopa Inimõiguste Kohus www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/ kinnitasid, et need põhimõtted ei ole lihtsalt vormi- ega ET/genaff/137301.pdf. Justiits- ja siseküsimuste nõukogu protseduurinõuded. Need on vahendid, mille abil taga- järelduste kohta vt http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/ takse demokraatia ja inimõiguste järgimine ja austamine. cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/genaff/137404.pdf. 132 Vt Euroopa Parlamendi resolutsioonid, milles ELi institutsioonidele esitatakse mitmeid soovitusi selle kohta, kuidas tugevdada Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikli 2 kaitset (Rui Tavaresi raport 2013 aastast, Louis Micheli ja Kinga Gönczi raportid 2014. aastast – http://www.europarl.europa.eu/committees/et/libe/reports.html). 133 ELi õiguse tulevikku käsitleval kõrgetasemelisel konverentsil Assises de la Justice, mis toimus novembris 2013 ja millel osales üle 600 sidusrühma ja huvitaud isiku, oli üks osa pühendatud spetsiaalselt teemale „Uue õigusriigi põhimõtete kaitsmise süsteemi suunas”. Enne ja pärast konverentsi esitatud üleskutsele avaldada arvamust saadeti arvukalt kirjalikke seisukohti (vt http://ec.europa.eu/justice/events/ assises-justice-2013/contributions_en.htm). 134 Nagu president Barroso oma kõnes liidu olukorrast septembris 135 Veneetsia komisjon, ametliku nimega Euroopa Nõukogu 2013 rõhutas, peaks see raamistik „põhinema liikmesriikide komisjon „Demokraatia õiguse kaudu”, on Euroopa Nõukogu võrdsuse põhimõttel ning olema kasutatav ainult olukordades, nõuandev organ põhiseadust käsitlevates küsimustes (vt http:// kus on tõsine süsteemne oht õigusriigile, ja käivituma kindlaks www.venice.coe.int/WebForms/pages/?p=01_Presentation). määratud võrdlusaluse põhjal” (vt http://europa.eu/rapid/ 136 Ülevaade õigusriigiga seotud asjaomasest kohtupraktikast ja press-release_SPEECH-13-684_et.htm). põhimõtetest, mida õigusriik hõlmab, on esitatud I lisas. ELi UUS ÕIGUSRIIGI TUGEVDAMISE RAAMISTIK

Seega on õigusriik põhiseaduslik põhimõte, millel on nii 3. Miks on vaja uut ELi õigusriigi vormiline kui ka sisuline komponent137. tugevdamise raamistikku See tähendab, et õigusriigi põhimõtete austamine on lahu- tamatult seotud demokraatia ja põhiõiguste austamisega: Juhtudel, kui õigusriigi kaitseks liikmesriigi tasandil keh- ei saa olla demokraatiat ja põhiõiguste austamist ilma õi- testatud mehhanismid lakkavad tõhusalt toimimast, äh- gusriigi põhimõtete austamiseta ja vastupidi. Põhiõigused vardab süsteemne oht õigusriigi põhimõtteid ja seega ka kehtivad tegelikkuses ainult siis, kui need kuuluvad koh- ELi toimimist vabadusel, turvalisusel ja õigusel rajaneva tujurisdiktsiooni alla. Demokraatia on kaitstud, kui koh- sisepiirideta alana. Sellises olukorras peab EL tegutsema, et tuvõimu, sealhulgas konstitutsioonikohtute põhirolliga kaitsta õigusriiki kui liidu ühist väärtust. suudetakse tagada sõnavabadus, kogunemisvabadus ning austus poliitilist ja valimisprotsessi reguleerivate eeskirjade Kuid kogemused on näidanud, et õigusriigi põhimõtete vastu. süsteemse ohustamisega liikmesriikides ei saa igas olukor- ras tõhusalt tegeleda, kasutades praegu liidu tasandil ole- ELis on õigusriigil eriline tähtsus. Õigusriigi põhimõtete mas olevaid vahendeid. järgimine ei ole mitte ainult kõigi Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 2 loetletud põhiväärtuste kaitsmise eeltingimus. Komisjoni tegevus ELi toimimise lepingu artikli 258 ko- See on ka aluslepingutest ja rahvusvahelisest õigusest tule- haste rikkumismenetluste algatamiseks on osutunud olu- nevate kõikide õiguste ja kohustuste tagamise eeltingimus. liseks meetmeks teatavate õigusriigi põhimõtetega seotud Kõikide ELi kodanike ja riigiasutuste usaldus kõikide teiste mureküsimuste lahendamisel139. Kuid komisjon saab alga- 583 liikmesriikide õigussüsteemide vastu on elulise tähtsusega tada rikkumismenetluse vaid siis, kui kõnealused problee- kogu ELi kui vabadusel, turvalisusel ja õigusel rajaneva si- mid kujutavad samal ajal endast ka ELi õiguse konkreetse- sepiirideta ala toimimise jaoks. Praegu peab iga liikmesriik te sätete rikkumist140. automaatselt tunnustama ja täide viima teise liikmesriigi kohtu otsust tsiviil- ja kaubandusasjades ning ühes liik- On probleemseid olukordi, mis jäävad ELi õiguse regu- mesriigis välja antud Euroopa vahistamismäärust oletatava leerimisalast välja ja mida ei saa seega lugeda aluslepingu- kurjategija suhtes tuleb teises liikmesriigis täita138. Nende test tulenevate kohustuste rikkumiseks, kuid mis sellest näidete põhjal on selge, miks kõik liikmesriigid peaksid hoolimata kujutavad endast süsteemset ohtu õigusriigi tundma muret, kui ühes liikmesriigis õigusriigi põhimõt- põhimõtetele. Sellises olukorras võiks rakendada Euroo- teid täiel määral ei austata. Seepärast on EL vägagi huvi- pa Liidu lepingu artiklis 7 sätestatud ennetus- ja sankt- tatud õigusriigi põhimõtete kaitsmisest ja tugevdamisest sioonimehhanisme. Komisjon on üks osapooltest, kellele kogu liidus. nimetatud alusleping annab õiguse teha põhjendatud ettepanekuid nende mehhanismide käivitamiseks. Eu- roopa Liidu lepingu artikli 7 eesmärk on tagada, et kõik

139 Vt näiteks otsused kohtuasjades C–286/12: komisjon vs. Ungari, avaldamata (võrdne kohtlemine seoses kohtunike ja prokuröride kohustusliku teenistusest lahkumisega); C–518/07: komisjon vs. Saksamaa (EKL 2010, lk I-01885) ja C–614/10: 137 Euroopa Kohus ei viita õigusriigile kui lihtsalt vormi- ja komisjon vs. Austria, avaldamata (andmekaitseasutuste protseduurinõudele, vaid rõhutab ka selle sisulist väärtust, sõltumatus). täpsustades, et „õigusriigi põhimõtetel põhinev liit” tähendab, 140 Komisjoni tegevus põhiõiguste harta järgimise tagamiseks et ELi institutsioonide üle peab olema kohtulik kontroll illustreerib seda aluslepingust endast tulenevat õiguslikku mitte ainult sellest seisukohast, kas nende tegevus vastab piirangut. Nagu komisjon oma 19. oktoobri 2010. aasta aluslepingule, vaid kas see vastab ka „õiguse üldpõhimõtetele, teatises „Euroopa Liidu strateegia põhiõiguste harta mille hulka kuuluvad ka põhiõigused” (vt ex pluribus otsus rakendamiseks” (KOM(2010) 573 lõplik) selgitab, on ta kindlalt kohtuasjas C–50/00 P: Unión de Pequeños Agricultores (EKL otsustanud kasutada kõiki tema käsutuses olevaid vahendeid 2002, lk I-06677, punktid 38 ja 39); otsus liidetud kohtuasjades tagamaks, et liikmesriigid hartat täiel määral austavad. C–402/05 P ja C–415/05 P: Kadi (EKL 2008, lk I-06351, Eelkõige puudutab see harta artiklit 47, milles sätestatakse, punkt 316). Seda on kinnitanud ka Euroopa Inimõiguste et igaühel, kelle ELi õigusega tagatud õigusi rikutakse, on Kohus, mis omistab õigusriigile sisulise aspekti, sätestades, et õigus tõhusale õiguskaitsevahendile sõltumatus kohtus. see on mõiste, millest lähtuvad kõik Euroopa inimõiguste ja Kuid komisjon saab seda liikmesriikide vastu rakendada põhivabaduste kaitse konventsiooni artiklid (vt näiteks Euroopa „üksnes liidu õiguse kohaldamise korral”, nagu on sõnaselgelt Inimõiguste Kohtu kohtuasi Staffordvs. Ühendkuningriik, sätestatud harta artiklis 51. Vt näiteks otsus kohtuasjas 28. mai 2001, punkt 63). Tuleb rõhutada, et prantsuskeelses C–87/12: Kreshnik Ymeraga ja teised vs. Ministre du Travail, versioonis ei kasuta kohus mitte ainult terminit „pre-eminence de l’Emploi et de l’Immigration, avaldamata; C–370/12: du droit”, vaid ka terminit „Etat de droit”. Thomas Pringle vs. Iiri valitsus, Iirimaa ja Attorney General, 138 Vt ostus kohtuasjas C–168/13: Jeremy F vs. Premier Ministre avaldamata, ja C–617/10: Åklagaren vs. Hans Åkerberg (avaldamata, punktid 35 ja 36). Fransson, avaldamata. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

liikmesriigid austavad ELi ühiseid väärtusi, sealhulgas õi- on valmis käesoleva teatise alusel pidama nendes küsimus- gusriigi põhimõtet. Selle reguleerimisala ei piirdu üksnes tes edasisi arutelusid liikmesriikide, nõukogu ja Euroopa ELi õiguse alla kuuluvate valdkondadega, vaid annab õi- Parlamendiga. gusriigi kaitsmiseks ELile õiguse sekkuda ka valdkondades, kus liikmesriigid tegutsevad iseseisvalt. Nagu selgitatakse komisjoni teatises Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikli 7 rakenda- 4. Kuidas uus ELi õigusriigi mise kohta, annab selleks õiguse tõsiasi, et „kui liikmesriik rikub põhiväärtusi viisil, mis on piisavalt tõsine, et kuuluda raamistik toimib artikli 7 reguleerimisalasse, võib see õõnestada ELi aluseid ja tema liikmete vahelist usaldust vaatamata sellele, millises Raamistiku eesmärk on anda komisjonile võimalus leida valdkonnas rikkumine aset leidis”141. koos asjaomase liikmesriigiga lahendus, et ennetada kõne- aluses liikmesriigis õigusriigi põhimõtetele süsteemse ohu Siiski saab Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikli 7 lõikes 1 sätes- tekkimist, millest võiks kujuneda ilmne olulise rikkumise tatud ennetusmehhanismi käivitada ainult siis, kui esineb oht Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikli 7 tähenduses ning mis olulise rikkumise ilmne oht, ja Euroopa Liidu lepingu ar- nõuaks kõnealuse artikli mehhanismide käivitamist. tikli 7 lõikes 2 sätestatud sanktsioonimehhanismi ainult juhul, kui „mõni liikmesriik rikub oluliselt ja jätkuvalt” Liikmesriikide võrdsuse tagamiseks kohaldatakse raamis- Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 2 sätestatud väärtusi. Mõle- tikku samal viisil kõikide liikmesriikide suhtes ja õigus- ma artiklis 7 sätestatud mehhanismi käivitamise lävendid riigile süsteemse ohu määramisel lähtutakse ühesugustest 584 on väga kõrged ja näitavad selgelt, et need mehhanismid võrdlusalustest. on oma olemuselt viimane abinõu. 4.1. Mis käivitab uue raamistiku Hiljutised sündmused mõnes liikmesriigis on näidanud, et nendest mehhanismidest ei piisa alati, et reageerida kiiresti Uus raamistik käivitatakse olukorras, kus liikmesriigi ame- õigusriigi põhimõtete ohustamisele mõnes liikmesriigis. tiasutused võtavad meetmeid või taluvad olukordi, millel on tõenäoliselt süsteemne ja ebasoodne mõju õigusriigi Seega on olukordi, kus olemasolevate vahendite abil ei kaitseks liikmesriigi tasandil loodud institutsioonide ja ole võimalik õigusriigi põhimõtete ohustamisega tõhusalt järelevalvemehhanismide terviklikkusele, stabiilsusele või toime tulla142. Uut ELi raamistikku õigusriigi kui ELi nõuetekohasele toimimisele. peamise ühise väärtuse tugevdamiseks on vaja rikkumis- menetluste ja Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 7 sätestatud Uus ELi õigusriigi raamistik ei ole ette nähtud kasutami- mehhanismide täienduseks. Raamistik täiendab kõiki Eu- seks põhiõiguste üksikute rikkumiste või kohtuvigade pu- roopa Nõukogu tasandil õigusriigi kaitseks juba kehtesta- hul. Selliste juhtumitega saab tegeleda ja peaks tegelema tud mehhanisme143. Selles kajastub ELi eesmärk kaitsta nii liikmesriigi õigussüsteem, mida täiendavad Euroopa inim- oma aluseks olevaid väärtusi kui ka saavutada kõrgem vas- õiguste konventsiooni – mille osalised on kõik ELi liikmes- tastikuse usalduse ja lõimumise tase vabadusel, turvalisusel riigid – alusel loodud kontrollimehhanismid. ja õigusel rajanevas sisepiirideta alas. Raamistiku peamine eesmärk on tegeleda õigusriigi põhi- Uue õigusriigi tugevdamise raamistiku loomisega püüab mõtteid ähvardavate ohtudega (2. jao tähenduses), millel komisjon muuta meetmeid, mida ta tulevikus võib olla on süsteemne iseloom144. Ohustatud peab olema liikmes- sunnitud võtma, selgemaks ja prognoositavamaks, tagades riigi enda poliitiline, institutsionaalne ja/või õiguslik kord, samas, et kõiki liikmesriike koheldakse võrdselt. Komisjon tema põhiseaduslik ülesehitus, võimude lahusus, kohtuvõi- mu sõltumatus või erapooletus või tema kohtuliku kont- rolli süsteem, sealhulgas konstitutsioonikohtute poolt, kui 141 Komisjoni teatis „Liidu aluseks olevate väärtuste austamine ja edendamine”, 15. oktoober 2003, KOM(2003) 606 lõplik. 142 Mõningatel juhtudel võib õigusriigiga seotud süsteemseid 144 Põhiõiguste järgimise „süsteemsete puuduste” mõiste puudujääke lahendada Rumeenia ja Bulgaaria ühinemisaktidel kohta ELi õiguse reguleerimisalas vt näiteks otsus liidetud põhinevaid koostöö- ja kontrollimehhanisme kasutades. Kuid kohtuasjades C–411/10 ja 493/10: N.S., avaldamata, need mehhanismid, mille aluseks on otseselt ELi esmased punktid 94 ja 106; ja otsus kohtuasjas C–4/11: Saksamaa õigusaktid, käsitlevad ühinemiseelse ajaga seotud ja seega vs. Kaveh Puid, avaldamata, punkt 36. Mõistete üleminekuolukorda. Seega ei saa neid rakendada õigusriigi „süsteemne” ja „struktuurne” kohta Euroopa inimõiguste põhimõtete ohustamise korral kõigis ELi liikmesriikides. konventsiooni kontekstis vt ka ministrite komitee 12. mai 143 Euroopa Nõukogu statuudi artiklis 8 sätestatakse, et õigusriigi 2004. aasta resolutsioon Res(2004)3 (olulist süsteemset põhimõtteid ja inimõigusi tõsiselt rikkunud liikmesriigi probleemi esile toovate kohtuotsuste kohta), milles on esindusõiguse võib peatada ja ta Euroopa Nõukogust isegi käsitletud Euroopa Inimõiguste Kohtu rolli süsteemsete välja heita. Nagu Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 7 sätestatud probleemide kindlakstegemisel (https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc. mehhanisme, ei ole ka seda meedet kunagi käivitatud. jsp?id=743257&Lang=fr). ELi UUS ÕIGUSRIIGI TUGEVDAMISE RAAMISTIK need on olemas – näiteks uute meetmete vastuvõtmisel talle oma „arvamuse õigusriigi põhimõtete kohta” ja põh- ametiasutuste poolt või laialtlevinud tavade rakendamise jendades oma kahtlusi ning andes asjaomasele liikmesrii- ja riigisiseste õiguskaitsevahendite puudumise tulemusel. gile võimaluse vastata. Arvamus võib olla asjaomaste ame- Raamistik käivitatakse, kui tundub, et õigusriigi kaitsmise tiasutustega peetud kirjavahetuse ja kohtumiste tulemus meetmed liikmesriigis ei suuda nende ohtudega tõhusalt ning sellele järgneb vajaduse korral edasine teabevahetus. toime tulla. Komisjon eeldab, et asjaomane liikmesriik teeb kooskõlas Raamistik ei takistaks komisjonil oma ELi toimimise Euroopa Liidu lepingu artikli 4 lõikes 3 sätestatud lojaalse lepingu artikli 258 kohaste volituste kasutamist ELi õi- koostöö kohustusega kogu protsessi vältel temaga koos- guse reguleerimisalasse jäävates olukordades. Samuti ei tööd ja hoidub enne komisjoni hinnangu saamist kohalda- takistaks see Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 7 sätestatud mast mis tahes pöördumatuid meetmeid seoses komisjoni mehhanismide otsest käivitamist, kui olukorra ootamatu tõstatatud probleemsete küsimustega. Kui liikmesriik selles halvenemine mõnes liikmesriigis nõuab ELi jõulisemat protsessis koostööd ei tee või seda koguni takistab, võetak- reageerimist145. se seda ohu tõsiduse hindamisel arvesse.

4.2. Raamistik kui kolmeetapiline Protsessi selles etapis avalikustab komisjon hindamisme- protsess netluse algatamise ja oma arvamuse saatmise, kuid liikmes- riigiga peetava teabevahetuse sisu hoitakse reeglina konfi- dentsiaalsena, et aidata kaasa kiirele lahenduse leidmisele. Kui on selgeid märke, et mõnes liikmesriigis on õigusriigi 585 põhimõtted sattunud süsteemsesse ohtu, algatab komisjon kõnealuse liikmesriigiga struktuurse suhtluse. Selle protses- Komisjoni soovitus si aluseks on järgmised põhimõtted: Teises etapis, kui küsimus ei ole vahepeal rahuldavalt la- hendatud, saadab komisjon, kui ta leiab, et on objektiiv- • keskendumine lahenduse otsimisele kõnelause seid tõendeid süsteemse ohu kohta ja et asjaomasele liik- liikmesriigiga dialoogi pidamise teel; mesriigi ametiasutused ei võta sobivaid meetmeid olukorra • kõnealuse olukorra objektiivse ja põhjaliku hindamise heastamiseks, kõnealusele liikmesriigile „soovituse õigusrii- tagamine; gi põhimõtete kohta”.

• liikmesriikide võrdse kohtlemise põhimõtte austamine; Soovituses toob komisjon selgelt välja muret tekitavad • viitamine kiiretele ja konkreetsetele meetmetele, asjaolud ja soovitab liikmesriigil tuvastatud probleemid mille saaks võtta süsteemse ohuga toimetulemiseks kindlaksmääratud tähtaja jooksul lahendada ning teavita- ja Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 7 sätestatud da komisjoni sel eesmärgil võetud meetmetest. Vajaduse mehhanismide rakendamisest hoidumiseks. korral võib soovitus sisaldada konkreetseid viiteid olukorra lahendamise viisidele ja meetmetele. Reeglina on sellel protsessil kolm etappi: komisjoni hinnang, komisjoni soovitus ja komisjoni soovituse järelmeetmed. Komisjoni hinnang ja järeldused põhinevad asjaomase liik- mesriigiga peetud dialoogi tulemustel ning mis tahes täien- Komisjoni hinnang davatel tõenditel, millega seoses tuleb samuti liikmesriigi arvamus ära kuulata. Komisjon kogub ja vaatab läbi kogu asjakohase teabe ja hindab, kas on selgeid märke süsteemsest ohust õigusriigi põhimõtetele, nagu eespool kirjeldatud. See hinnang võib Komisjon teavitab avalikkust soovituse saatmisest ja selle põhineda vihjetel, mis on saadud kättesaadavatest allikatest peamisest sisust. ja tunnustatud institutsioonidelt, eelkõige Euroopa Nõu- kogu ja Euroopa Liidu Põhiõiguste Ameti organitelt146. Komisjoni soovituse järelmeetmed Kolmandas etapis jälgib komisjon järelmeetmeid, mida Kui komisjon jõuab selle esialgse hinnangu tulemusel arva- asjaomane liikmeriik on talle saadetud soovituse suhtes musele, et õigusriigi põhimõtted on tõepoolest süsteemses võtnud. Jälgimine võib põhineda edasisel suhtlemisel as- ohus, algatab ta asjaomase liikmesriigiga dialoogi, saates jaomase liikmesriigiga ning keskenduda näiteks sellele, kas teatavate muret tekitavate tavade rakendamine jätkub või 145 Vt ka komisjoni 15. oktoobri 2003. aasta teatis (joonealune kuidas liikmesriik täidab vahepeal võetud kohustusi olu- märkus 15). korra lahendamiseks. 146 Vt eelkõige nõukogu määruse (EÜ) nr 168/2007 (millega asutatakse Euroopa Liidu Põhiõiguste Amet) artikli 4 lõike 1 punkt a (ELT L 53, lk 1). EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Kui asjaomane liikmesriik ei võta määratud tähtaja jooksul Sõltuvalt olukorrast võib komisjon otsustada paluda nõu soovituse suhtes rahuldavaid järelmeetmeid, võib komisjon ja abi ELi kohtuvõrgustike liikmetelt, näiteks ELi riigikoh- kaaluda võimalust käivitada üks Euroopa Liidu lepingu ar- tute esimeeste,149 ELi Riiginõukogude ja Kõrgeimate Hal- tiklis 7 sätestatud mehhanismidest147. duskohtute Assotsiatsiooni150 või kohtunike nõukogude151 võrgustikult. Komisjon uurib koos nimetatud võrgustike- Institutsioonidevaheline suhtlemine ga, kuidas saaks vajaduse korral sellist abi kiiresti osutada ja kas selleks on vaja konkreetseid meetmeid. Komisjon teavitab Euroopa Parlamenti ja nõukogu korra- päraselt ja põhjalikult igas etapis tehtud edusammudest. Komisjon küsib reeglina ja asjakohastel juhtudel nõu Eu- roopa Nõukogult ja/või tema Veneetsia komisjonilt ning Kolmandate isikute eksperdiarvamuste kooskõlastab oma analüüsi nendega kõikidel juhtudel, kui kasutamine ka nemad sama küsimust arutavad ja analüüsivad. Eksperdihinnangu saamiseks õigusriigi põhimõtetega liikmesriikides seotud konkreetsete küsimuste kohta võib komisjon küsida eelkõige hindamisetapis välisekspertide, 5. Kokkuvõte sealhulgas ELi Põhiõiguste Ameti ekspertide arvamust148. Välisest eksperdiarvamusest võib olla eelkõige kasu võrd- Käesolevas teatises tutvustatakse uut ELi õigusriigi raamis- leva analüüsi koostamisel teistes liikmesriikides kehtivate tikku kui komisjoni panust ELi võimekuse tugevdamisse eeskirjade ja tavade kohta, et tagada liikmesriikide võrdne õigusriigi põhimõtete tõhusal ja võrdsel kaitsmisel kõigis 586 kohtlemine õigusriigi põhimõtete ühesuguse mõistmise liikmesriikides. Sellega täidab ta Euroopa Parlamendi ja alusel ELis. nõukogu esitatud nõudeid. Välistamata aluslepingutes edaspidi kõnealuses valdkonnas tehtavaid parandusi – mida tuleb arutada osana laiemast arutelust Euroopa tu- leviku üle –, põhineb see aluslepingutes sätestatud olemas- olevatel komisjoni pädevustel. Lisaks komisjoni tegevusele on selles, et toetada ELi otsusekindlust kaitsta õigusriigi põhimõtteid, määrava tähtsusega roll Euroopa Parlamendil ja nõukogul.

147 Vt ka komisjoni 15. oktoobri 2003. aasta teatis (joonealune 149 Euroopa Liidu Kõrgemate Kohtute Presidentide Ühendus (vt märkus 15). http://www.networkpresidents.eu/). 148 Põhiõiguste Amet võib anda nõu oma nõukogu määruses (EÜ) 150 Euroopa Liidu Riiginõukogude ja Kõrgeimate Halduskohtute nr 168/2007 määratletud ülesannete mõjualas (vt joonealune Assotsiatsioon (vt http://www.aca-europe.eu/index.php/en/). märkus 20). 151 Euroopa kohtunike nõukogude võrgustik (vt http://www.encj.eu). Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programm (REFIT): hetkeseis ja tulevikuväljavaated

KOMISJONI TEATIS EUROOPA PARLAMENDILE, NÕUKOGULE, EUROOPA MAJANDUS- JA SOTSIAALKOMITEELE NING REGIOONIDE KOMITEELE BRÜSSEL, 18. JUUNI 2014 COM(2014) 368

I. Sissejuhatus tagasi mitu ettepanekut, mida seadusandjad oli kaua blo- keerinud, ja tunnistas kehtetuks mitu õigusakti. Kokku 587 määrati kindlaks üle 100 meetme, millest pool moodus- Euroopa Liidu õigusaktidel on majanduskasvu tagamisel ja tasid uued ettepanekud eesmärgiga lihtsustada olemasole- töökohtade kindlustamisel keskne roll. Ettevõtjad vajavad vaid õigusakte ja vähendada regulatiivset koormust. Muud ELi, kes kindlustab kõigile võrdsed tingimused ja eden- meetmed on toimivuskontrollid ja hindamised, mis on dab konkurentsi. Avalikkus ootab Euroopalt oma huvide välja töötatud ELi õigusaktide tõhususe ja tulemuslikkuse kaitset, olgu siis tervise ja turvalisuse, keskkonna kvalitee- hindamiseks ning tulevaste regulatiivse koormuse vähen- di, eraelu puutumatuse või mõnes muus valdkonnas. Üks damise algatuste ettevalmistamiseks. õigusnorm, mida kohaldatakse kõikides liikmesriikides, võib olla palju lihtsam ja tõhusam, kui hulk erinevaid norme, millega reguleeritakse sama valdkonda riiklikul ja Komisjon on need kohustused täitnud. Käesolevas teatises piirkondlikul tasandil. Õigusaktide lihtsuse tagamine võib antakse ülevaade REFITi rakendamise praegusest olukor- olla tõeline proovikivi: poliitikaeesmärgi saavutamiseks ei rast ja määratakse kindlaks uued meetmed. Tutvustatak- tohi minna tingimata vajalikust kaugemale ja vältida tuleb se seda, kuidas komisjon tugevdab veelgi horisontaalseid kattuvaid eeskirju. reguleerivaid vahendeid: mõju hindamist, hindamisi ja sidusrühmadega konsulteerimist. Käsitletakse ka seda, kui- das ELi institutsioonid, liikmesriigid ning ettevõtlussektori Euroopa Komisjon tegeleb sellega oma õigusloome kvali- ja kodanikuühiskonna sidusrühmad täidavad igaüks oma teedi ja tulemuslikkuse programmi (REFIT) raames, mille rolli vastutuse jagamisel õigusloome kvaliteedi saavuta- eesmärk on tagada ettevõtetele ja kodanikele lihtne, selge mise eest. REFITi raames võetavad meetmed – ettepane- ja prognoositav regulatiivne raamistik152. Programmi ees- kute tagasivõtmine, muudatused ja õigusaktide kehtetuks märk on vähendada bürokraatiat ja regulatiivset koormust, tunnistamine – toovad hästi esile ELi tasandi õigusaktide lihtsustada ja parandada õigusaktide väljatöötamist ja kva- võimalikud eelised: kui 28 erineva liikmesriigi meetmed liteeti, et poliitikaeesmärgid oleks võimalik saavutada ja asendatakse ühe ELi meetmega, mis lihtsustab regulatiivset ELi õigusaktidest kasu saada kõige väiksemate kuludega ja keskkonda ettevõtete ja kodanike jaoks. minimaalse halduskoormusega, täielikult austades alusle- pingute põhimõtteid, eelkõige subsidiaarsuse ja proport- sionaalsuse põhimõtet. Komisjon vaatab REFITi raames Teatisele on lisatud üksikasjalik tulemustabel, milles on pidevalt ja süstemaatiliselt läbi kõik ELi õigusaktid, et näidatud iga üksiku REFITi algatuse rakendamise olukord selgitada välja koormus, ebakõlad ja ebatõhusad meetmed ja märge täiendavate meetmete kohta. Uute meetmete ula- ning määras kindlaks parandusmeetmed. tus sõltub käesoleva aruande ajastamisest. Uued kohustu- sed kanduvad üle komisjoni järgmisesse ametiaega ja seda silmas pidades on neid hoolega kaalutud. 2013. aasta oktoobri teatises REFITi kohta153 esitas komis- jon ambitsioonika tegevuskava. Ta määras kindlaks vald- konnad, kus kavandatud algatustega ei jätkata. Ta võttis

152 SWD(2013) 401 (final), 1. august 2013. 153 COM(2013) 685 (final), 2. oktoober 2013. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

II. Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja valdkondades, sealhulgas aruandlusnõuete vähendamine ja ühtlustamine. tulemuslikkuse programmi rakendamine Toidualaste õigusnormide REFITi kiire ja põhjalik rakendamine on komisjoni jaoks toimivuskontroll esmatähtis ning ettepanekute ettevalmistamisel, nende vas- tuvõtmisel Euroopa Parlamendis ja nõukogus ning rakenda- Toimivuskontrolli käigus uuritakse raammääruse pea- misel liikmesriikides on tehtud märkimisväärseid edusam- misi põhimõtteid ja rakendamist järgnevate määruste me. Järgnevalt antakse ülevaade kõnealustest meetmetest. ja haldustoimingute abil. Keskendutakse asjakohasu- sele, ELi lisaväärtusele, tulemuslikkusele, tõhususele Komisjoni võetud meetmed ja sidususele. Hõlmatud on ka toiduga kindlustatu- se aspektid. Toimivuskontroll on näide komisjoni ja Enamik eelmise aasta oktoobri REFITi teatises esitatud liikmesriikide ühise hindamistegevuse kohta161. lihtsustamist ja koormuse vähendamist käsitlevaid seadus- andlikke ettepanekuid on kavas vastu võtta käesoleval aas- tal154. Komisjon on juba esitanud olulised lihtsustamisette- panekud seoses äriühingutega, nagu näiteks ELi standardse Komisjon kohaldab põhimõtet „kõigepealt mõtle väikes- 155 162 588 käibedeklaratsiooni kehtestamine ja Euroopa väiksemate tele” ja on sellega seoses võtnud ka meetmeid VKEdele kohtuvaidluste menetluse parandamine,156 mis ootavad lihtsustatud korra kohaldamiseks ja mikroettevõtjatele või- seadusandja otsust. maluse korral vabastuse andmiseks. Tulemustabelis sisalda- vad seitseteist REFITi meedet vabastusi mikroettevõtjatele Pärast parlamendi ja nõukoguga konsulteerimist kiitis ko- ja lihtsustatud korda VKEdele. Lisaks vähendati mikroet- misjon ametlikult heaks 53 menetluses oleva ettepaneku tevõtjate registreerimise ja loa saamise tasusid kemikaalide, tagasivõtmise, kaasa arvatud kõik üheksa REFITi algatust, tervishoiu ja tarbijakaitse valdkonnas. sealhulgas ettepanekud käibemaksukohustuste lihtsustami- se, Euroopa osaühingu põhikirja157 ja mullakaitse kohta158. 2013. aasta oktoobri REFITi teatises märgiti, et arvestades Komisjon otsustas jätta praegusel ametiajal esitamata mitu õigusloomeprotsessi kestust, tuleks olemasoleva õigusraa- töös olnud ettepanekut159 ja ta valmistab ette õigusaktide mistiku piires teha kõik võimalik koormuse viivitamatuks kehtetuks tunnistamist, nagu ette nähtud160. leevendamiseks, keskendudes eelkõige VKEde toetamisele. Seda tehakse näiteks tarbijatele mõeldud toidualase teabe Alustatud on toimivuskontrolle jäätmeid, lindude ja nen- valdkonnas,163 kus toidukäitlemisettevõtjatel ja eelkõige de elupaikade kaitset (Natura 2000), reisilaeva ohutust VKEdel on raske aru saada, milliseid eeskirju (ELi ja/või si- ning üldisi toidualaseid õigusnorme käsitlevates õigusvald- seriiklikke, üldisi või toidukategooria erieeskirju) konkreet- kondades. Need loovad aluse lihtsustamise ja regulatiivse sel juhul nende suhtes kohaldatakse. Komisjon on avalda- koormuse vähendamise edasiste algatuste jaoks nendes nud suunavaid dokumente ja töötab välja andmebaasi ELi ja siseriiklike märgistusnõuete kohta164. See peaks aitama toidukäitlemisettevõtjatel kiiresti kindlaks teha, milliseid 154 23 ettepanekust, mis komisjon kohustus esitama lihtsustamise nõudeid nende suhtes kohaldatakse. ja regulatiivse koormuse vähendamise tagamiseks, võeti 2013. aastal vastu kaks ja 2014. aastal on kavas vastu võtta Täiendavaid algatusi rakendatakse interneti paremaks kasu- veel 15 ettepanekut. 155 COM(2013) 721. tamiseks, et lihtsustada ja parandada regulatiivsete nõuete 156 COM(2013) 794. rakendamist, millest saaksid kasu haldusasutused, ette- 157 9. aprillil 2014. aastal vastu võetud ühe osanikuga äriühingu võtjad ja tarbijad. Tuginedes praeguseks internetimüügis ettepanek hõlmab kõnealuse varasema ettepaneku põhielemente. 158 REFITi raames võeti tagasi ka ettepanekud, mis käsitlevad ravimite kohta üldsusele antavat teavet, kuritegevusohutuse 161 Tegevust jälgib parema õigusliku reguleerimisega Euroopa statistikat käsitlevat määrust, disainilahenduste tegelev kõrgetasemeline töörühm, kuhu kuuluvad riikide õiguskaitset, ühenduse patenti (ettepanek muudeti tõhustatud õigusloomeeksperdid. Töörühm vaatab koos komisjoniga koostööks) ja autojuhi kaardi funktsioonis juhilubasid. läbi ja töötab välja aruka reguleerimise tegevuskava ELi ja 159 See oli seotud järgmiste valdkondadega: juuksurite tööohutus liikmesriikide tasandil. ja -tervishoid, luu- ja lihaskonna vaevused, keskkonnas leiduv 162 http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/sme/small-business-act/ tubakasuits ning kantserogeensed ja mutageensed ained. think-small-first/. 160 Need hõlmavad ohtlike preparaatide klassifitseerimist, 163 Määrust 1169/2011 kohaldatakse alates 2014. aasta pakendamist ja märgistamist, koostööd toidualastes küsimustes, detsembrist, välja arvatud kohustuslik toitumisalase teabe terasestatistikat, rahapesu andmebüroode koostööd ning märgistus, mida hakatakse kohaldama alates detsembrist 2016. raskeveokitele tagantjärele peeglite paigaldamist käsitlevaid 164 http://ec.europa.eu/food/food/labellingnutrition/foodlabelling/ õigusakte. proposed_legislation_en.htm. Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programm (REFIT): hetkeseis ja tulevikuväljavaated valdavaks saanud energiamärgistamise kogemusele, uuri- takse samalaadse lähenemisviisi kasutamise võimalusi toi- Riigihange dualase teabe esitamiseks tarbijatele. Uued riigihangete direktiivid võeti vastu käesoleva Tarbijatele mõeldud toidualast teavet käsitlevad õigusaktid aasta veebruaris ja neid hakatakse kohaldama alates hõlmavad erandeid, lihtsustatud korda väikeste koguste ja 2016. aasta aprillist. Nendega soodustatakse elekt- jaemüüjate jaoks165 ning paindlikkussätteid, mis võimal- rooniliste riigihangete laialdasemat kasutamist ning davad liikmesriikidel kohandada märgistusnõuded VKEde edendatakse meetmeid VKEde regulatiivse koormuse erivajadustele166. Õigusaktidega on muu hulgas ette nähtud vähendamiseks ja juurdepääsu lihtsustamiseks, vähen- igal kalendriaastal üks ühtne kuupäev uute meetmete ko- dades originaaldokumentide esitamise nõudeid ja toe- haldamiseks ja soodsad üleminekumeetmed. Kõik nimeta- tades väiksemaid riigihankeid. Komisjoni hinnangul tud jõupingutused peaksid lihtsustama ja parandama õigus- võib näiteks ettevõtja koostatud kinnituste kasutami- aktide rakendamist olemasoleva õigusraamistiku kohaselt. ne vähendada ettevõtete halduskoormust 169 miljoni euro võrra,170 e-hangetega oleks aga võimalik kokku- Seadusandja võetud meetmed hoid, mis moodustab 5–20% riigihankekuludest171.

Alates 2013. aasta oktoobrist on seadusandja (parlament ja nõukogu) võtnud vastu mitu olulist lihtsustamist ja Samas ei ole mõnikord mõju hindamise etapil planeeritud koormuse vähendamist käsitlevat ettepanekut: kutsekvali- 589 fikatsioonide tunnustamist käsitleva muudetud direktiiviga kulude kokkuhoidu võimalik saavutada seadusandlikus lihtsustatakse tunnustamismenetlusi ja lihtsustatakse teabe- menetluses tehtud muudatuste tõttu, nagu näiteks seoses le juurdepääsu;167 uus riigihankeid käsitlev õigusraamistik tootjate registreerimisega elektri- ja elektroonikaseadme- 172 sisaldab meetmeid, millega muudetakse riigihange lihtsa- test tekkinud jäätmete korral . Seadusandja ei toetanud maks ja vähendatakse halduskoormust ning soodustatakse jäätmesaadetiste ja keskkonnamõju hindamist käsitlevate 173 elektroonilisi riigihankemenetlusi. Uue määrusega sõidu- keskkonnaalaste ettepanekute lihtsustamist . Hilinenud meerikute kohta vähendatakse halduskoormust ja paran- maksmisega võitlemine äritehingute puhul, ettevõtte raa- 174 datakse nõuete täitmist satelliitnavigatsioonisüsteemide ja matupidamisnõuded, statistika kogumine, käibemaksu kontrolliasutustega ühendatud digitaalsete sõidumeerikute kooskõlastamine ja käibemaksukohustuste lihtsustamine abil. Sotsiaalsete ja sõidumeerikutega seotud eeskirjade ko- on valdkonnad, kus liikmesriigid on ilmutanud vastumeel- haldamisalast jäetakse oskustööliste eriolukorraga arvesta- sust koormust vähendada, viidates subsidiaarsuse põhi- miseks välja alla 7,5 tonni raskused sõidukid, mida kasuta- mõttele või tuues välja täiendavaid siseriikliku poliitikaga takse üksnes 100 km raadiuses töökohast. seotud põhjendusi.

Need ettepanekud peaksid oluliselt vähendama VKEde kulusid. Väärtpaberite siseturuga seotud prospekti ja ava- likustamisnõuete lihtsustamist käsitleva määruse168 abil 170 Direktiivid 2014/24/EL ja 2014/25/EL. Esialgse tõendina enda koostatud kinnituse vastuvõtmise ja üksnes saavutatav kokkuhoid on näiteks 20% ehk vahemikus edukalt pakkujalt tõendavaid dokumente nõudva 20 000–60 000 eurot prospekti kohta. Õigusaktidega di- lähenemisviisi abil vähendatakse avalike hangetega gitaalsete sõidumeerikute kohta169 kaasneks kulude vähene- seotud halduskoormust 80% võrra. Vt ka mõjuhinnang: mine 20% ehk kokku 415 miljonit eurot. http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/ PDF/?uri=CELEX:52011SC1585&from=EN. 171 E-hanked juba kasutusele võtnud avaliku sektori ja võrgustiku 165 Erandid hõlmavad näiteks vahetult põllumajanduslike sektori hankijad räägivad üldiselt 5−20% kokkuhoiust; majapidamiste või väikeste kohalike jaekauplejate müüdavaid kogemused näitavad ka seda, et investeeringukulud teenitakse toiduaineid. Lihtsustatud korda kohaldatakse muudel VKEde kiiresti tagasi. Arvestades ELi hanketuru suurust, suurendaks iga seisukohalt olulistel juhtudel, näiteks võib toitumisalane teave 5% kokkuhoidu avaliku sektori vahendeid ligikaudu 100 miljardi põhineda üldiselt kehtivate ja heakskiidetud andmete järgi euro võrra. (E-hangete strateegia – COM(2012) 179 (final)) tehtaval arvutusel, vältides kallist laboratoorset analüüsimist. 172 Direktiiv 2012/19/EL. Loodeti, et ettepanek liikmesriikide 166 Kõnealused sätted võimaldavad liikmesriikidel näiteks nõuda, tootjaregistritevahelise andmeedastuse ja koostalitlusvõime et pakendamata toidu korral ja restoranides antakse teavet kohta aitab tootjatel kulusid ligikaudu 66 miljonit eurot aastas allergeenide või talumatust põhjustavate ainete kohta ainult kokku hoida. Seadusandja ei võtnud seda osa komisjoni suuliselt või nõudmise korral. ettepanekust vastu. 167 Direktiiv 2013/55/EL, avaldatud 28. detsembril 2013 (ELT L 354). 173 Seadusandja oli vastu hindamismenetluste ja -meetmete 168 Komisjoni delegeeritud määrus 862/2012. koordineerimiseks ja integreerimiseks välja töötatud 169 Euroopa Parlamendi ja nõukogu määrus (EL) nr 165/2014, kohustuslikule ühe akna süsteemile, mis kiirendaks otsuste 4. veebruar 2014, autovedudel kasutatavate sõidumeerikute tegemist keskkonnamõju hindamise direktiivi raames (2011/92/ kohta, millega tunnistatakse kehtetuks nõukogu määrus EL), piirates äriühingute jaoks tõhususest tulenevat kasu. (EMÜ) nr 3821/85 autovedudel kasutatavate sõidumeerikute Seadusandja oli ka kohustusliku elektroonilise andmevahetuse kohta ning muudetakse Euroopa Parlamendi ja nõukogu vastu jäätmesaadetiste valdkonnas, kus aastane hinnanguline määrust (EÜ) nr 561/2006, mis käsitleb teatavate autovedusid kokkuhoid äriühingutele oleks 44 miljonit eurot. käsitlevate sotsiaalõigusnormide ühtlustamist. 174 Vt allpool III jaotis: uus ELi ettevõtlusstatistika struktuur. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Mitu tähtsat lihtsustamisettepanekut, millega kaasneb 2014. aasta alguses jõustus mitu lihtsustamisettepanekut oluline kokkuhoid, ootab vastuvõtmist seadusandja poolt: tollis intellektuaalomandi õiguskaitse tagamise ja elektroo- näiteks komisjoni ettepanek kehtestada ühtsete eeskirjade nikajäätmete tagasivõtmise valdkonnas. Määrusega, mis süsteem ettevõtete maksubaasi arvutamiseks – see vähen- käsitleb intellektuaalomandi õiguskaitse tagamist tollis,178 daks tunduvalt ühtsel turul tegutsevate äriühingute mak- vähendatakse halduskoormust ja -kulusid, võimaldatakse sukohustuse täitmisega kaasnevaid kulusid175. Mõnel juhul paremat riskijuhtimist ja parandatakse intellektuaaloman- seevastu võib õigusloomeprotsessi käigus praegu toimuva di õiguskaitset. Elektri- ja elektroonikaseadmetest tekki- arutelu tulemuseks olla hinnangulise kokkuhoiu vähene- nud jäätmeid käsitleva direktiiviga179 vabastatakse väike- mine. Näiteks on oht, et komisjoni ettepanekus standardse jaemüüjad elektri- ja elektroonikaseadmetest tekkinud käibedeklaratsiooni kohta kavandatud 15 miljardi euro jäätmete tagasivõtmise kohustusest. On oluline, et kõik suurune aastane kokkuhoid ettevõtlussektoris võib märki- liikmesriigid rakendaksid kõnealuste ettepanekute lihtsus- misväärselt kahaneda, kui nõukogus arutlusel olnud teatud tamist käsitlevaid ja koormust vähendavaid sätteid ning muudatused vastu võetakse. kasutaksid täielikult nende eeliseid.

Liikmesriikide võetud meetmed Siiski leidub märkimisväärseid näiteid selle kohta, et liik- mesriigid ei kasuta ELi õigusega pakutud lihtsustamise või- Liikmesriikidel on oluline kohustus rakendada ELi õigus- malusi või suurendab siseriiklik reguleerimine koormust aktid õigeaegselt ja kohaldada neid täies ulatuses. Sellega valdkondades, mis ei kuulu otseselt ELi õigusaktide regu- seoses on liikmesriikide ametiasutuste ülesanne kasutada leerimisalasse. Nii on see näiteks toiduohutuse valdkonnas, 590 neid võimalusi, mida ELi õigus pakub lihtsustamiseks, kus ei kasutata alati väikeettevõtetele võimaldatavat lihtsus- 180 ning tagada ELi õiguse võimalikult tulemuslik ja tõhus tatud korda, kaupade autoveo valdkonnas, kus mõned kohaldamine riiklikul, piirkondlikul ja kohalikul tasan- väikeste tarbesõidukite sõiduaja salvestamise siseriiklikud dil. Hinnangute kohaselt tuleneb kuni kolmandik ELi nõuded ELi õiguses reguleerimata valdkondades suuren- 181 õigusaktidega seotud halduskoormusest liikmesriikide davad väikeste äriühingute regulatiivset koormust, ja 182 rakendusmeetmetest176. äriühingute raamatupidamisnõuete valdkonnas . VKEd saaksid märkimisväärset kasu, kui liikmesriigid kasutaksid tarbijale toidualase teabe esitamisel täielikult ära määruse Üks näide suurte erinevuste kohta liikmesriikide vahel kohaselt lubatud paindlikkust. Komisjon jälgib kõnealuste on riigihanke valdkond, kus hiljutise hinnangu koha- ja kõigi muude REFITi meetmete rakendamist liikmesrii- selt oli hankemenetluse tavaline kestus 11–34 nädalat, kides ning kajastab hetkeseisu 2015. aastaks kavandatud 183 keskmine kulu inimtööpäevades erines liikmesriigiti tulemustabeli järgmises väljaandes . aga neljakordselt177. Teine näide on keskkonnamõju hindamise valdkonnast, kus kogu protsessi keskmine Komisjon teeb liidu acquis’ rakendamisel kõigis sektorites kestus liikmesriikides jääb vahemikku alla viie kuu liikmesriikidega tihedalt koostööd ja kõrvuti kasvava tähe- kuni 27 kuud ning arendajate keskmised otsesed ku- lepanuga õigusloome kvaliteedile on välja töötatud hori- lud jäävad vahemikku alla 4000 euro kuni 20 000 eu- sontaalse regulatiivse mõju järelevalve. Komisjon jälgib rot projekti kohta. näiteks halduskoormuse vähendamise tegevusprogrammi (programmi ABR+) kohaselt liikmesriikide valikuid õigus- aktide rakendamisel seoses 12 kõige edukama prioriteetse

178 Määrus nr 608/2013. 179 Direktiiv 2012/19/EL. 180 Lihatöötlemissektoris lubavad ELi toiduohutust käsitlevad õigusaktid liikmesriikide ametiasutustel kehtestada väikeste äriühingute teatud investeeringute suhtes lihtsustatud korra. 181 ELi õiguse kohaselt nõutakse üle 3,5 tonnise täismassiga väikeste tarbesõidukite sõiduaja salvestamist ja sellest 175 Komisjoni ettepanek ettevõtte tulumaksu ühtse konsolideeritud nõudest vabastatakse kuni 7,5 tonnise sõidukiga kohalikke maksustamisbaasi kohta (KOM(2011) 121) on menetluses sõite tegevad oskustöölised, kuid mõne liikmesriigi siseriiklikes alates 2011. aasta märtsist. eeskirjades nõutakse üle 2,8 tonnise täismassiga sõidukite 176 KOM(2009) 544: „Halduskoormuse vähendamise sõiduaja salvestamist. tegevusprogramm Euroopa Liidus - Sektoripõhise vähendamise 182 Direktiiv 2006/46/EÜ. kavad ja 2009. aasta meetmed” 183 Koos käesoleva teatisega esitatav REFITi tulemustabeli 177 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/publicprocurement/docs/ esimene väljaanne ei sisalda veel teavet rakendamise kohta modernising_rules/executive-summary_en.pdf liikmesriikides. Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programm (REFIT): hetkeseis ja tulevikuväljavaated meetmega,184 mis võeti ajavahemikus 2007–2012 haldus- ELi õigusaktide kaardistamist ja sõelumist, mis korralda- koormuse vähendamise tegevusprogrammi raames185. Selle ti esmakordselt REFITi raames 2013. aastal. Komisjoni tegevuse eesmärk on jagada parimaid tavasid rakendamise REFITi tegevuskava kohta alates oktoobrist 2013 laeku- alal ja kontrollida, kas kohapeal on saavutatud haldus- nud eri sidusrühmade märkusi ja ettepanekuid võeti samu- koormuse hinnanguline vähenemine. Esialgsed tulemu- ti arvesse186. sed kinnitavad mõnes liikmesriigis kulutuste kohta antud hinnanguid valdkondades nagu Intrastat, tööstustoodangu Komisjon leiab kõnealuse analüüsi põhjal, et lihtsustami- uuringud ja digitaalsed sõidumeerikud. Piisava hulga järje- se ja koormuse vähendamisega seotud uued algatused on pidevate kvantitatiivsete andmete ja statistika hankimisel ennast õigustanud mitmes valdkonnas. Need algatused tekkisid siiski teatavad raskused ning riikide tasandil on hõlmavad isikut tõendavaid dokumente ja reisidokumen- saadud rakendamise parimate tavade ja edasise lihtsusta- te käsitlevate ELi õigusaktide lihtsustamist, uue tervikliku mise võimaluste kohta suhteliselt vähe näiteid. Kõrgeta- ettevõtlusstatistika struktuuri väljatöötamist (vt allpool), semeline liikmesriikide õigusloomeekspertide rühm on käibemaksu alal ühe akna süsteemi laiendamist kõikidele väljendanud kindlat toetust komisjoni ja liikmesriikide tootja ja tarbija vahelistele tarnetele187 koos sellega kaasne- koostöös tehtavale ELi õigusaktide praktilise kohapealse va ELi käibemaksualase veebiportaali väljaarendamisega, et mõju järelkontrollile. Komisjon jätkab koostööd liikmes- teavitada ettevõtjaid riiklikest ja ELi käibemaksueeskirja- riikide ja sidusrühmadega, et anda usaldusväärsemat teavet dest, ning kolmandate riikide kodanikele kehtestatud vii- ELi õigusaktide mõju kohta. Kõnealuse töö tulemused li- sanõudeid käsitlevate õigusaktide kodifitseerimist188. satakse järgmisesse REFITi tulemustabelisse. 591 Uus ELi ettevõtlusstatistika III. Uued REFITi algatused struktuur ELi õigusloome eesmärgipärasuse säilitamine nõuab pi- Komisjon töötab selle nimel, et ühtlustada ette- devaid jõupingutusi. Seepärast rakendab komisjon RE- võtlusstatistika võrdlusraamistikku ja lihtsustada FITit kui pikaajalist programmi ning ajakohastas hiljuti andmete kogumist. Vastuseks ettevõtjate kaebustele käivitati ELi sisekaubanduse statistika projekt (SIM- 184 1) Suuremal hulgal VKEdel saada kasu lihtsustatud STAT). Projekti raames katsetatakse uut andmeko- raamatupidamise/auditeerimise korrast – 14. juuni 2006. aasta direktiiv 2006/46/EÜ; 2) liikmesriikidel vabastada gumistehnikat, mis peaks aitama paremini kasutada mikroettevõtjad raamatupidamisdirektiivide teatavate kogutud statistilisi andmeid, lihtsustades ja vähenda- nõuete järgimisest – 14. märtsi 2012. aasta direktiiv des sellega äriühingu aruannete esitamise kohustust. 2012/6/EL; 3) lihtsustada ja ühtlustada jäätmesaadetistest Kõnealust kulutõhusat lähenemisviisi saab raken- teatamise süsteemi – komisjoni 2010 aasta juuli soovituskiri liikmesriikidele; 4) nõuda riigihankemenetluses üksnes dada ka muudes statistikavaldkondades (nt rahvus­ pakkumise võitnud ettevõtjalt sobivuse tõestamiseks vaheliste äriühingute, rahvusvahelise teenuskauban- dokumentide esitamist – KOM(2011) 896; 5) vähendada duse ja välismaiste otseinvesteeringute statistika) vastajate arvu statistika koostamisel ELi-sisese kaubanduse ning see võetakse positiivsete katsetulemuste korral kohta – 31. märtsi 2004. aasta määrus nr 638/2004; 6) vähendada aruandlusnõudeid ELi tööstustoodangu kohta – kasutusele laiemas ettevõtlusstatistika integreerimist nõukogu 19. detsembri 1991. aasta määrus 3924/91 ja käsitlevas raammääruses. komisjoni 11. juuli 2008. aasta määrus 36/2009; 7) jätta ära arvete suhtes kehtestatud lisanõuded ja kasutada ulatuslikumalt elektroonilisi arveid – nõukogu 13. juuli 2010. aasta direktiiv 2010/45/EL; 8) jätta käibemaksu tagastamise menetluses ära nõue täita taotlusvormid maksu tagastava liikmesriigi keeles paberkandjal – nõukogu 12. veebruari 2008. aasta direktiiv 2008/9/EÜ; 9) digitaalsed sõidumeerikud, eelkõige digitaalsete sõidumeerikutekasutuselevõtt ja nende kasutamise lihtsustamine, pidades silmas käsitööndusega 186 Komisjon sai märkusi ja ettepanekuid liikmesriikide tegelevate ettevõtjate sõidumeeriku nõuetest vabastuse edasist ametiasutustelt (FI, DE, NL, UK), äriühingutelt, ametiühingutelt laiendamist ja täiendavaid lihtsustamismeetmeid – 19. juuli ja muudelt kodanikuühiskonna organisatsioonidelt. Esitatud 2011. aasta määrus nr 3821/85; 10) kaotada veotariifidest arvamustega saab tutvuda komisjoni aruka reguleerimise teavitamise nõue / leevendada tõendavate dokumentide veebisaidil: http://ec.europa.eu/smart-regulation/refit/ sõidukis hoidmise nõuet – nõukogu 12. juuli 2008. aasta index_en.htm määrus nr 569/2008 (millega muudetakse määrust nr 11/60); 187 Algatuse eesmärk on vähendada piiriülese kaubanduse 11) lihtsustada kaupade autoveo ja reisijateveo nõudeid – takistusi ning kaitsta liikmesriikide käibemaksutulusid, muutes 21. oktoobri 2009. aasta määrus 1071/2009 ja 21. oktoobri ELi käibemaksusüsteemi lihtsamaks, erapooletumaks ja 2009. aasta määrus 1072/2009 ning 12) lihtsustada munade mõjusamaks. märgistamist – Euroopa Parlamendi ja nõukogu 17. detsembri 188 Muud algatused hõlmavad tuumaküsimusi käsitlevate 2013. aasta määrus (EL) nr 1308/2013. õigusaktide läbivaatamist, tagasipöördumistunnistuste alast 185 Vt halduskoormuse vähendamise tegevusprogrammi ettepanekut ning tekstiilitooteid ja kahesuguse kasutusega lõpparuanne SWD(2012) 423 (final). kaupade importi käsitlevate määruste läbivaatamist. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Komisjon valmistab ette õigusaktide kehtetuks tunnista- heide, telekommunikatsioon ning õigusaktid loata sisene- mist ka teistes valdkondades: energiamärgistamine,189 veo- mise, transiidi ja elamise kohta195. hinnad ja veotingimused,190 ühine põllumajanduspoliitika ning keskkonnaalase aruandluse ühtlustamine. Lisaks sel- Muudes põhivaldkondades, mille kohta valmistatakse ette lele kontrollib komisjon liidu acquis’d seoses politseikoos- poliitikaülevaateid, nagu digitaalne ühtne turg, on tähtis töö ja õigusalase koostööga kriminaalasjades, et välja selgi- teha kindlaks olemasolevad takistused ja hinnata õigus- tada õigusaktid, mille võib seoses aluslepingutes sätestatud likku raamistikku kulude ja lihtsustamisvõimaluste seisu­ üleminekuperioodi lõpuga kehtetuks tunnistada191. kohalt196. Need ülesanded on REFITiga selgelt seotud.

Komisjon peab seadusandlikus menetluses takerdunud Kõik uued algatused on soovituslikult ära toodud komis- ettepanekute tagasivõtmist heaks seadusandlikuks juh- joni talituste töödokumendis ja vajavad veel kinnitamist timiseks, mis annab võimaluse alustada uuesti või otsida komisjoni 2015. aasta tööprogrammis. kavandatud õigusloomealase eesmärgi saavutamiseks alter- natiivseid lahendusi. Seadusandjale esitatud ja menetluses olevate ettepanekute põhjaliku kontrolli tulemusena teh- Kemikaalialased õigusaktid ti kindlaks veel ettepanekuid, mis on aegunud või mida seadusandja ei toeta ja mille kohta tuleks teha ettepanek Komisjoni arvates on vaja jätkata ELi, liikmesriikide need tagasi võtta. Need hõlmavad ettepanekuid järgmistes ja sidusrühmade tasandil jõupingutuste tegemist, et valdkondades: investeeringute tagamise skeemid, lennun- lihtsustada kemikaale käsitlevate õigusaktide, eelkõi- 592 dusjulgestustasud, rasedad töötajad,192 fond naftareostusest ge REACHi rakendamist, ja kaaluda konkreetseid põhjustatud kahju hüvitamiseks ning mikroettevõtjate va- valdkondi, kus oleks võimalik lihtsustada eeskirju ja bastamine teatavate toiduhügieeni nõuete täitmisest, kuigi vähendada koormust. Seda tuleb teha nii, et saavuta- väiksemad ettevõtjad oleksid neist saanud olulist kasu193. takse tervise- ja keskkonnakaitse kõrge tase, säilitades kõnealuses valdkonnas Euroopa tööstuse konku- Uuest ametiajast tulenevatel ajastamisega seotud kaalut- rentsivõime ja uuendustegevuse ning kaupade vaba lustel keskendub praegune komisjon 2014. aastal peamis- liikumise siseturul. Komisjoni korraldatud REAC- tele teemadele. Pärast oma tegevuskava läbivaatamist ot- Hi läbivaatamise197 tulemusena 2013. aastal selgus sustas komisjon jätta päevakorda ainult kõige olulisemad vajadus teha mõned kohandused, kuid õigusaktide küsimused. toimimist hinnati siiski positiivselt, mistõttu praegu ei ole neid tarvis muuta. Komisjon tunnistab siiski Komisjonil on keskpikas perspektiivis kavas käivitada vajadust vähendada REACHi finants- ja halduskoor- mitu uut kehtivate ELi õigusaktide ja asutamislepingu must VKEdele ning parandada kõikidel tasanditel kohaldamise hindamist ning toimivuskontrolli, sealhulgas REACHi rakendamist. järgmistes valdkondades: tarbijate kaitse seoses osaajalise kasutamise õigusega, hilinenud maksed, müügipakendite õiguslik raamistik, disainilahenduste süsteem ELis, direk- 197 tiivid prospektide kohta, vastastikuse tunnustamise põhi- mõtte kohaldamine eesmärgiga parandada selle toimimist siseturul,194 süsinikdioksiidi kogumine ja säilitamine ning 195 Muud valdkonnad hõlmavad vasikaliha turustamisstandardeid, väikeste tarbesõidukite ja sõiduautode süsinikdioksiidi loomaliha märgistamise eeskirju, äärepoolseimate piirkondade programmi, kütusekvaliteedi direktiivi (kui see on üle võetud ja täielikult rakendatud), naftavarusid, kalanduskontrolli käsitlevat määrust, tuumaohutust, standardimist, asbestist 189 Külmkappide (direktiiv 2003/66), kodumajapidamises põhjustatud reostust, loomkatseid, strateegilist keskkonna kasutatavate nõudepesumasinate (direktiiv 1999/9) ja hindamist, üleujutuste ohtu, lenduvaid orgaanilisi ühendeid, pesumasinate (direktiiv 1995/12) energiamärgistamine pärast keskkonnaalase aruandluse ühtlustamist, lenduvaid orgaanilisi uute rakendusmeetmete vastuvõtmist. ühendeid, kindlustust (kui rakendamiskogemus on piisav), 190 Nõukogu määrus nr 11 veohindade ja veotingimustega seotud koolitust, kvalifikatsiooni ja juhilube maanteetranspordis, diskrimineerimise kaotamise kohta 16. augusti 1960. aasta meretransporti ja ohutust, laevaheitmete ja lastijäätmete Euroopa Majandusühenduse asutamislepingu artikli 79 lõike 3 vastuvõtmist sadamates, käibemaksuga elektrooniliste arvete rakendamisel. esitamist ja piiratud ulatusega ühe akna süsteemi, aga ka 191 Protokolli nr 36 (üleminekusätete kohta) artikkel 10. ehitust ning klaasi- ja keraamikatööstust. 192 KOM(2008)600/4 196 See hõlmab internetipõhiseid teenuseid käsitlevate õigusaktide 193 KOM(2007) 90 (lõplik). läbivaatamist – direktiiv 98/84/EÜ tingimusjuurdepääsul 194 Pidades silmas nõukogu 2013. aasta detsembris esitatud põhinevate või seda sisaldavate teenuste õiguskaitse kohta üleskutset esitada hiljemalt 2015. aasta keskpaigaks aruanne ja direktiiv 2000/31/EÜ infoühiskonna teenuste teatavate vastastikuse tunnustamise põhimõtte kohaldamise kohta õiguslike aspektide, eriti elektroonilise kaubanduse kohta (vt http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ siseturul. pressdata/en/intm/139846.pdf). 197 COM(2013) 49, millele on lisatud SWD(2013) 25. Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programm (REFIT): hetkeseis ja tulevikuväljavaated

kohustuse tugevdada jätkuvalt kõnealuseid vahendeid ja Sellel eesmärgil on juba võetud parandusmeetmeid, muid horisontaalseid meetmeid, keskendudes muu hulgas sealhulgas oluliselt vähendatud tasusid. Aastal 2014 veelgi enam reguleerimisega kaasnevate kulude ja kasu hin- on kavas võtta uusi meetmeid, muu hulgas konkreetse damisele ning halduskohustuste, näiteks aruandlusnõude abi andmiseks VKEdele toimetulekuks 2018. aastaks vähendamisele199. ettenähtud väikeste tootmismahtude registreerimis- tähtajaga; väga ohtlike ainete haldamise tõhusamate Mõju hindamine viiside kindlakstegemiseks ja ohtlikele kemikaalidele alternatiivide leidmiseks; VKEdega teabevahetuse pa- randamiseks ning selleks, et analüüsida REACHi mõju Komisjoni mõju hindamise süsteem toimib poliitikatsükli VKEdele, konkurentsivõimele ja uuendustegevusele. varases järgus, mil töötatakse välja uusi ettepanekuid as- Keskpikas perspektiivis kaalutakse muid keemiliste jatundlikuks poliitikakujundamiseks vajaliku tõendusma- ainete loamenetluse parandamise meetmeid, et muu- terjali kogumiseks ning tagatakse komisjoni ettepanekute ta see menetlus äriühingute jaoks paremini prognoo- kooskõla subsidiaarsuse ja proportsionaalsuse põhimõtte- sitavaks. Kõnealused meetmed hõlmavad näiteks luba ga. Alates süsteemi loomisest aastal 2002 on seda pidevalt vajavate ainete loetelu harvemat muutmist, lubade tugevdatud ja täiustatud, nagu näiteks läbivaadatud suu- andmise protsessi lihtsustamist mõningatel madala ris- niste avaldamisega 2009. aastal ning täiendavate suuniste- kitasemega erijuhtudel ja sotsiaal-majandusliku mõju ga eri valdkondades (konkurentsivõime ja mikroettevõt- suuremat arvesse võtmist uute ainete lisamisel autori- jad, põhiõigused, sotsiaalne ja territoriaalne mõju). Mõju 198 hindamise käigus täiustatakse pidevalt tõendusmaterjali seerimisele kuuluvate ainete loetellu . 593 – andmeid ja teaduslik nõuandeid. Selleks et hõlbustada kiiresti kindlaks teha mõjuhinnangu tulemused, sealhulgas On oluline, et tööstussektor ja liikmesriigid osaleksid kasu ja kulud, võttis komisjon 2013. aastal mõjuhindami- aktiivselt REACHi rakendamisel. Nende tegevus võiks se aruannetes kasutusele kokkuvõtte kahelehelise standard- hõlmata näiteks riikliku kasutajatoe suutlikkuse suu- vormi. Kogemustele tuginedes (alates 2010. aastast üle 350 rendamist ja/või kaubanduskoja pakutavat nõustamist mõjuhinnangu) on komisjoni eesmärk hindamise suuni- seoses REACHi rakendamisega ning ühtlasi paremat seid ajakohastada ja ta soovib 2014. aasta juunis käivitata- koordineerimist liikmesriikide piires ja nende vahel. va avaliku arutelu raames kuulda sidusrühmade seisukohti. 2014. aastal käivitatakse rida algatusi, mis käsitlevad kemikaalide sektori õigusloome kvaliteeti, sealhulgas Järelhindamine kõige olulisemate kemikaale käsitlevate õigusaktide (välja arvatud REACH) kulude kumulatiivne hinda- ELi õigusaktide korrapärase järelhindamisega tehakse mine ja toimivuskontroll. kindlaks, kas need on andnud soovitud tulemusi ja aval- danud loodetud mõju. Hindamiste kavandamine on pare- maks muutunud ja hindamiste ajakava avaldatakse Europa Selle töö põhjal tehtud järeldused, sealhulgas tööter- 200 vishoidu ja tööohutust käsitlevate õigusaktide käimas- veebisaidil . Hindamispoliitika ja hindamismeetodite olev hindamine ning varasema REACHi läbivaatamise täiendavaks tugevdamiseks korraldas komisjon 2013. aasta tulemused, annavad tervikliku pildi ja pakuvad tule- novembrist 2014. aasta veebruarini uute hindamissuuniste üle avaliku arutelu. Selle tulemusi võetakse arvesse eelseis- vikuväljavaateid mis tahes edasiste võimaluste kohta 201 parandada kõnealuse valdkonna õigusloome kvaliteeti. vas hindamissuuniste läbivaatamises . Hindamissuuni- Komisjon kutsub sidusrühmi ja liikmesriike ühiselt sed sisaldavad viiteid poliitika igakülgseks hindamiseks nende küsimuste üle arutlema ja sel viisil panustama 2010. aastal kehtestatud toimivuskontrollidele, mille abil ülevaatlikusse 2016. aastaks kavandatavasse aruandesse. hinnatakse sidusust ja järjepidevust regulatiivsete vald- kondade vahel ja valdkonna piires ning seda, kas kogu 198 poliitikavaldkonna laiem regulatiivne raamistik vastab ees- märgile. Sellest ajast alates on toimivuskontrolle teostatud mitmes poliitikavaldkonnas, nagu keskkond (ELi mage- veepoliitika), tööhõive ja sotsiaalpoliitika (töötajate teavi- IV. horisontaalsed meetmed tamine ja nõustamine), tööstuspoliitika (mootorsõidukite REFIT on osa komisjoni ulatuslikumast aruka reguleeri- 199 Vt COM(2012) 746. mise poliitikast, mis hõlmab mõju hindamist, sidusrühma- 200 Vt komisjoni aruka reguleerimise veebisait: http://ec.europa.eu/ dega konsulteerimist ja hindamist. Komisjon on võtnud smart-regulation/evaluation/index_en.htm 201 Kõnealuse avaliku arutelu tulemusena saadi 53 vastust riigiasutustelt, sidusrühmadelt ja kodanikelt. Need avaldatakse 198 Üksikasjalikuma teabe saamiseks vt lisatud komisjoni talituste koos kokkuvõtva aruandega komisjoni aruka reguleerimise töödokumendid. veebisaidil: http://ec.europa.eu/smart-regulation/index_en.htm EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tüübikinnitus) ja transport (lennunduse siseturg)202 ning jon avaldab viitena oma õigusloomealastele kavatsustele. nende tulemusena on võimalik ette valmistada mitu sea- Hiljuti käivitati elektrooniline teavitussüsteem207. Veebisai- dusandlikku ettepanekut, mille eesmärk on lihtsustamine tide paremaks muutmiseks tehakse jõupingutusi, et muuta ja koormuse vähendamine203. kommenteerimine ja tagasiside andmine lihtsamaks. Si- dusrühmadelt saadud individuaalsed vastused avaldatakse Konsulteerimine sidusrühmadega tavaliselt 15 tööpäeva jooksul pärast konsultatsiooni lõpe- tamist ja kokkuvõttev aruanne hiljemalt siis, kui komis- Dialoog kodanike, sotsiaalpartnerite ning ettevõtlussek- jon ettepaneku vastu võtab. Mõned liikmesriigid koguvad tori ja kodanikuühiskonna sidusrühmadega aitab tagada süstemaatiliselt arvamusi ja ettepanekuid sidusrühmadelt, ELi õigusloome läbipaistvuse, sihipärasuse ja sidususe. kes võivad anda väärtusliku panuse komisjoni püüdlustesse Konsulteerimine sotsiaalpartnerite ning teiste sidusrühma- parandada Euroopa tasandil õigusloome kvaliteeti. dega on sätestatud aluslepingutes ning see on eriti oluline proportsionaalsuse ja subsidiaarsusega seotud probleemide Samuti on komisjonil kavas teha ettepanekuid suhtlemise tuvastamisel204. Komisjon korraldab konsultatsioone po- laiendamiseks sotsiaalpartnerite ja sidusrühmadega, eel- liitikatsükli kõigis etappides. Konsultatsioonide kvaliteedi kõige väikeste ja keskmise suurusega ettevõtetega (VKEd), ja suunamise parandamiseks ning ulatuse laiendamiseks kasutades otsekontakte liikmesriikides toimuvatel kon- jätkab komisjon nende kavandamise täiustamist konsul- verentsidel ning Euroopa ja riiklike VKEde ühenduste ja tatsioonistrateegiate ettevalmistamisega poliitika väljatöö- võrgustiku Enterprise Europe kaudu peetavate konsultat- tamise etapis ja hindamiskavade jätkuva avaldamisega. sioonide vahendusel. 594 Konsultatsioonide kvaliteedi tõstmiseks annab komisjon välja sisesuunised, et nõustada ja toetada komisjoni tali- Reguleerimise kulude ja kasu mõõtmine tusi, kes korraldavad sidusrühmadega konsultatsioone väljaspool ELi institutsioone. Enne vastuvõtmist esitab Kulude ja kasu mõõtmine on aruka reguleerimise oluline komisjon need suunised avalikuks aruteluks. Ühtlasi jät- aspekt. Komisjon avaldas hiljuti reguleerimise kulude ja kab komisjon pingutusi konsultatsioonide laiendamiseks, kasu hindamise meetodite välisuuringu tulemused, mis suurendades kättesaadavust eri keeltes (eelarve piires). aitavad kaasa mõju hindamise suuniste ajakohastamisel208. Kohaldades praegu mõjuhindamiste suhtes kohaldatavaid Reguleerimisest tulenevate kulude ja kasu mõõtmine on ka konsulteerimise miinimumnõudeid, tõhustab komisjon toimivuskontrollide ja järelhindamiste keskmes. konsultatsioonide kasutamist hindamiste puhul ja toimi- 205 vuskontrollides . Komisjon soovitab asutustel kohaldada Konkreetsete tööstussektorite reguleerimiskulude hinda- konsultatsioonide läbiviimisel miinimumnõudeid. Samuti miseks korraldab komisjon kumulatiivsete kulude hinda- kaalub komisjon, kuidas parandada avalikke arutelusid ra- misi. Kaks sellist hindamist terase- ja alumiiniumitööstuse kendusaktide ja delegeeritud õigusaktide üle. kohta on juba toimunud,209 hindamisega on algust tehtud keemiatööstuses ja täiendavad tööd on kavandatud metsa- Komisjon võtab ka meetmeid tagasiside parandamiseks. Si- tööstusettevõtetes, keraamika- ja klaasitööstuses ning ehi- dusrühmadel on juba praegu võimalik avaldada arvamust tussektoris. Kumulatiivsete kulude hindamised annavad nii konsultatsioonide kavandamise kohta veebisaidil „Sinu kogu tööstusharu hõlmavaid hinnanguid mitmesuguste hääl Euroopas”206 kui ka tegevuskavade kohta, mida komis- põhiliste kulutegurite kohta. Võttes arvesse nende piiratud ulatust ja keskendumist pigem reguleerimiskuludele kui kasule, ei saa kumulatiivsete kulude hindamised olla polii- 202 Lõpparuanded on kättesaadavad veebisaidil: http://ec.europa. tikasoovituste ainus alus. Nende tulemusi võetakse arvesse eu/smart-regulation/evaluation/documents_en.htm hindamistes, toimivuskontrollides ja mõju hindamistes. 203 St töötajate teavitamist ja nõustamist käsitlev toimivuskontroll võib sotsiaalpartneritega konsulteerimise tulemusi arvestades kaasa tuua kolme direktiivi konsolideerimise, mootorsõidukite Reguleerimisega kaasnevate kulude mõõtmine ELi tasan- tüübikinnituse toimivuskontrolli tulemusena vaadatakse dil on eriti problemaatiline, kuna komisjoni õigusaktide läbi raamdirektiiv 2007/46/EÜ, vt täielik teave REFITi tulemustabelis. 204 Konsulteerimine on sätestatud Euroopa Liidu lepingu artiklis 11 ja protokollis nr 2 subsidiaarsuse ja proportsionaalsuse 207 Tellimused saab teha veebisaidil: https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/ põhimõtte kohaldamise kohta. Sotsiaalpartneritega notifications/homePage.do?locale=en konsulteerimine on Euroopa Liidu toimimise lepingu artiklites 208 Vaata uuring „Assessing the costs and benefits of regulation” 153, 154 ja 155 ette nähtud sotsiaalpoliitika kontekstis, (Õigusakti tulude ja kasu hindamine): http://ec.europa.eu/ võimaldades neil osaleda ka REFITi raames. smart-regulation/impact/commission_guidelines/docs/131210_ 205 Aluslepingutes, muudes ELi õigusaktides või cba_study_sg_final.pdf rahvusvahelistes kokkulepetes sätestatud konkreetsed 209 Vt: http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/sectors/metals- konsulteerimisraamistikud (nt sotsiaalpartneritega minerals/files/steel-cum-cost-imp_en.pdf ja: http:// konsulteerimine) on välja jäetud. ec.europa.eu/enterprise/newsroom/cf/itemdetail. 206 http://ec.europa.eu/yourvoice/index_en.htm cfm?item_id=7124&lang=en&title=Final-report. Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programm (REFIT): hetkeseis ja tulevikuväljavaated ettepanekute hinnangulisi kulusid muudetakse sageli õi- keskkonna214 ning töötervishoiu ja tööohutuse valdkonda- gusloomeprotsessis tehtavate muudatusettepanekutega ja des215. Aruandlusnõuded on ühtlustatud ühtekuuluvuspo- need sõltuvad liikmesriikide valikutest õigusakti raken- liitika ja energeetika valdkonnas216. 2015. aastal saab kõne- damisel. See tähendab, et parlamendil ja nõukogul tuleb aluse tegevuse laiendada muudesse valdkondadesse. kulude ja kasu hindamist ajakohastada, kui ettepanekuid õigusloometsüklis muudetakse210. Lisaks sellele sõltub ku- lude ja kasu mõõtmise täpsus mõju hindamiste ja järelhin- V. Õigusloome kvaliteet – ühine damiste puhul liikmesriikide, sotsiaalpartnerite ja sidus- rühmade esitatud andmete kvaliteedist. eesmärk

Tegelike kulude järelhindamise tulemusel võivad selguda Komisjon väljendab heameelt liikmesriikide ja sidusrüh- suured erinevused võrreldes eelhinnanguga. Nii kulusid made huvi üle REFITi vastu ja eelkõige Euroopa Ülemko- 217 kui ka säästu on võimalik üle hinnata211. Komisjon tunneb gu ja Euroopa Parlamendi toetuse üle . oma järelhindamistes üha enam huvi selle vastu, mil mää- ral tegelikud kulud ja tegelik kasu langevad kokku varase- Alates komisjoni REFITi tegevuskava avaldamisest möö- mas mõjuhinnangus esitatud hinnanguga. dunud aasta oktoobris on liikmesriikidelt218 ja sidusrüh- madelt laekunud palju märkusi, ettepanekuid ja arvamusi. Aruandlusnõuded Neid kaaluti 2014. aastal REFITi raames toimunud ajako- hastatud õigusaktide sõelumise käigus ja need on avaldatud komisjoni aruka reguleerimise veebisaidil, et esitada teavet 595 Regulatiivset koormust saab vähendada tõhususe, sidusu- ühiste mõttevahetuste, arutelude ja tegevuse kohta219. se ja järjepidevuse parandamise, aga ka aruandlusnõuete vähendamise abil212. Komisjon püüab uute ettepanekute Komisjonil on heameel ettevõtlussektori ja kodanikuühis- tegemisel aruandlusnõudeid piirata ja taotleb erinevate konna sidusrühmade kinnituse üle, et õigusloome kvaliteet nõuete vastavusse viimist. Aruandlusnõuete ühtlustamise on vajalik ja oluline. Vastusena mõne sidusrühma väljenda- ja koondamise meetmed tuleks võtta koostöös parlamendi tud murele kinnitab komisjon veel kord, et REFIT ei sea ja nõukoguga, kuna õigusloomeprotsessis lisatakse sageli kahtluse alla kehtestatud poliitilisi eesmärke ega kahjusta- aruandlust käsitlevaid nõudeid213. Samuti peaks teostama da kodanike, tarbijate ja töötajate tervist ja turvalisust ning riiklikul, piirkondlikul ja kohalikul tasandil läbivaatusi, keskkonda. On oluline suurendada kõigi sidusrühmade et tuvastada ELi õigusaktides sätestatud nõudeid ületavad teadlikkust sellest, millist kasu toob REFIT: nimelt püüab kohustused. komisjon tagada, et ELi seadusandlikud meetmed võetakse Komisjonile esitatavate aruannete ja komisjoni teostata- va aruandlusega seoses on komisjon teinud läbivaatusi 214 Varem seostamata aruandlussuundade ühtlustamisel tehti märkimisväärseid edusamme vett käsitlevate õigusaktide 210 Näide selle võimaliku põhjendatuse kohta on taimede puhul (merestrateegia direktiiv, vee raamdirektiiv, elupaikade ja taimsete saaduste ELi importimise eeskirjad: tehes direktiiv ja lindude direktiiv), nii et erinevate direktiivide muudatusi komisjoni ettepanekusse käimasolevas raames sätestatud nõuetele vastavad andmed ja teave seadusandlikus menetluses võidakse riskida ettevõtjate kulude tuleb esitada ainult üks kord, mis vähendab tunduvalt suurendamisega (COM(2013) 267 – komisjoni ettepanek: halduskoormust. Asulareovee valdkonnas aruandlusnõuete määrus taimekahjustajate vastaste kaitsemeetmete kohta, vt vähendamist käsitleva eraldiseisva katseprojekti tulemuste ka lisatud tulemustabel). põhjal muudetakse aruandluse nõuded lihtsamaks ja 211 Järelhindamise käigus kindlaks tehtud tegelikud kulud võivad tõhusamaks. eelhinnangust erineda tänu tehnoloogilisele arengule ning 215 Alates 2007. aastast esitavad liikmesriigid komisjonile ettevõtlusuuendustele ja tõhususele. Näiteks terasevaldkonnas töötervishoiu ja tööohutuse valdkonna 24 direktiivi on keskkonnakaitsega seotud kulud tonni kohta jäänud samaks rakendamise eraldi aruannete asemel üheainsa aruande või vähenenud umbes viimase 20 aasta jooksul vaatamata (direktiiv 2007/30/EÜ, millega muudetakse raamdirektiivi keskkonnatoime paranemisele sektoris. (Kumulatiivne kulude 89/391/EMÜ). hindamine terasesektoris: http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/ 216 2013. aastal korraldas komisjon energeetika ja sectors/metals-minerals/files/steel-cum-cost-imp_en.pdf) ühtekuuluvuspoliitika valdkonnas aruandluskohustuste 212 Aruandluse nõuded on sageli omavahel seotud, nii näiteks sõelumise, et nõudmisi lihtsustada ja ühtlustada. Sõelumine nõudega, et komisjon koostaks aruande nõukogule või võimaldas koondada ainuüksi energeetikavaldkonnas 43 parlamendile, võib kaasneda täiendav aruandluskohustus aruandekohustust, jättes neist alles 14. liikmesriikide ametiasutustele, sidusrühmadele ja 217 Vt Euroopa Ülemkogu 24.–25. oktoobri 2013. aasta järeldused, äriühingutele. konkurentsivõime nõukogu 2013. aasta detsembri järeldused 213 Määruses ühtekuuluvuspoliitika ühissätete kohta tuuakse ja Euroopa Parlamendi 17. aprilli 2014. aasta resolutsioon välja 28 aruandluse üksiknõuet 11 valdkonnas, millest TOP-10 konsultatsioonide ja VKEdele ELi õigusaktidest kuus nõuavad korrapärast aruandlust. Lõplik direktiiv tuleneva koormuse vähendamise kohta. töötajate lähetamise direktiivi jõustamise kohta sisaldab 218 Arvamusi saadi nimelt Soomest, Saksamaalt, Madalmaadest ja täiendavaid aruandlusnõudeid liikmesriikidele, mis lisati Ühendkuningriigist. õigusloomeprotsessis (vt REFITi tulemustabelit). 219 http://ec.europa.eu/smart-regulation/refit/index_en.htm. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

tulemuslikult, tõhusalt ja õigel tasandil ning neil on ilmne lahtritesse linnukeste märkimist. Haldusasutustele tuleb ELi lisaväärtus. anda volitused ja vajalikud vahendid tõenditel põhineva poliitika väljatöötamiseks, millesse sotsiaalpartnerid ja si- REFITi rakendamise kogemus on näidanud, et Euroopa dusrühmad oleksid aktiivselt kaasatud poliitikatsükli kõi- institutsioonidel, liikmesriikidel (riiklikul, piirkondlikul ja gis etappides, mõjuhindamisest kuni järelhindamiseni. kohalikul tasandil) ning ettevõtlussektori ja kodanikuühis- konna sidusrühmadel on võimalik õigusloome kvaliteet Teiseks on vaja reguleerimisprotsessi järelevalvet. Kvalitee- saavutada ainult ühiselt. Õigusloome kvaliteet tuleks seada dikontrolli on teostanud mõju hindamise komitee. Tema esikohale ja kõik ELi institutsioonid peaksid ettevalmistu- tegevust toetavad menetluseeskirjad, millega tagatakse, et setapis või õigusloomeprotsessis hindama oma poliitikava- kolleegiumile on võimalik arutamiseks esitada ainult usal- likute mõju. Koostöö liikmesriikidega on hädavajalik, et dusväärset mõjuhinnangut omavaid ettepanekuid. Euroo- koguda andmeid ja hinnata, kas ELi õigusaktid on andnud pa Parlament ja üha enam ka nõukogu teostavad komisjoni loodetud tulemusi. Ka liikmesriikide parlamentidel on mõjuhinnangute usaldusväärsust hinnates teistsugusel ta- oma roll, kui nad annavad panuse poliitikatsükli varases sandil järelevalvet. See on omapärane olukord – vähesed järgus ja kontrollides komisjoni ettepanekuid subsidiaar- reguleerivad asutused või haldusasutused kohaldavad või suse kontrolli mehhanism raames220. Samuti on oluline kohaldatakse nende suhtes samal tasandil kvaliteedikont- sotsiaalpartnerite, sidusrühmade, valitsusväliste organi- rolli ja järelevalvet nagu Euroopa Komisjoni puhul. Mõ- satsioonide ja laiema avalikkuse panus, et säilitada aruka nede hinnangute kohaselt tuleks luua täiendav väline kva- reguleerimise tempo. liteedikontrolli üksus. Komisjon ei toeta seda ideed, sest 596 see ei sobi kokku tema poliitika ja seadusandliku rolliga: Seda ühist pingutust on viimastel aastatel aruka regulee- selleks, et komisjon saaks esitada häid, igakülgselt tasakaa- rimise tegevuskavasse panustades toetanud kaks parema lustatud ettepanekuid, peab ta nende mõju ise hindama. reguleerimise ja halduskoormuse küsimustega tegelevat Kui komisjon on oma mõjuhinnangu avaldanud, on seda kõrgetasemelist töörühma. Komisjon leiab, et see toetus ja võimalik avalikult analüüsida ja kommenteerida. asjatundlikkus oleks kõige kasulikum ühendada ühte rüh- ma, millel on muudetud volitused hinnata ELi õigusaktide Kolmandaks näitab kogemus, et kvantifitseerimine on – mõju liikmesriikides ja mis panustaks kord aastas REFITi kulusid ja kasu silmas pidades –regulatiivse hindamise pu- tulemustabelis esitatud tulemuste saavutamisesse. Samuti hul vajalik. Siiski tuleb tunnistada ka selle piire. Komisjon aitaks kõnealune tegevus kaasa hindamiseks valmis olevate uurib süstemaatiliselt kulusid ja kasu oma mõjuhindamiste reguleeritavate valdkondade tuvastamisel ning valitud põ- käigus, mis hõlmavad integreeritud viisil majanduslikku, hiküsimuste hindamiste ja toimivuskontrollide läbiviimi- sotsiaalset ja keskkonnamõju. Võimaluse korral hindab ta sel. Ettepanek luua edaspidi tehtava töö toetamiseks uus neid koguseliselt. Kulude ja kasu arvutamine ei ole siiski kõrgetasemeline töörühm tehakse lähikuudel. täppisteadus. Sageli ei ole vajalikud andmed kättesaadavad. Mõju hindamise tulemusena välja selgitatud eelistatud va- likuga kaasnevaid hinnangulisi kulusid ja kasu võib olla VI. Järeldused ja vaja üles- või allapoole korrigeerida sõltuvalt valikutest, mis Euroopa Parlament ja nõukogu teevad õigusloomep- tulevikuväljavaated rotsessis ning liikmesriigid rakendamise käigus. Tegelikke kulusid on võimalik arvutada alles tagantjärele. Seetõttu Alates 2012. aasta detsembrist on komisjon tegutsenud tuleks REFITi raames keskenduda võimaluse piires kulude oma õigusloome kvaliteediga seotud kohustuste täitmise ja kasu kvantifitseerimisele kogu regulatiivse tsükli vältel, nimel. Käesolevas teatises kajastatakse REFITi raames saa- kohaldades selleks usaldusväärseid järelevalve- ja hindamis- vutatud tulemusi ja osutatakse valdkondadele, kuhu tuleks süsteeme, mis iga märkimisväärse õigusaktide läbivaatami- suunata edasised jõupingutused. se korral üle vaadatakse ja ajakohastatakse ning mis tagavad tegelike kulude ja kasu hindamise puhul vajalike andmete Senisest REFITi rakendamise kogemusest on võimalik kättesaadavuse. teha mitmeid järeldusi. Neljandaks räägib õiguskindluse ja prognoositavuse vaja- Esiteks nõuavad arukas reguleerimine ja õigusloome kva- dus koos ELi tasandil õigusaktide muutmiseks kuluva aja- liteet kindlat poliitilist tahet ning tegevuspõhimõtete ja ga kiirete lahenduste ja reguleerimise vähendamise keeru- menetluste kohandamist kõigil tasanditel – komisjonis, kate kavade vastu. Iga muudatusega kaasnevad kulud ning Euroopa institutsioonide vahel ja liikmesriikides. Õigus- üleminekukuludega ei arvestata alati piisavalt. Ülemine- loome kvaliteet ei tähenda ühekordset kiiret lahendust või kukulusid tuleb tegevuse puudumisel tekkivate kuludega hoolikalt võrrelda.

220 Ettenähtud aluslepingute protokollis nr 2. Õigusloome kvaliteedi ja tulemuslikkuse programm (REFIT): hetkeseis ja tulevikuväljavaated

Viiendaks võib tarbetu koormuse ja kulude kindlakstege- Ühtlasi jätkab komisjon tööd liikmesriikide ja sidusrühma- mine nende poolt, keda õigusaktid vahetult mõjutavad, dega, eelkõige programmi ABR+ raames, et kinnitada hin- oluliselt täiendada kvantitatiivset hinnangut. Konsulteeri- nangulist kulude kokkuhoidu, selgitada välja rakendamise mine ja arutelud on seega äärmiselt olulised. parimad tavad ning parandada reguleerimise kulusid ja kasu käsitlevate andmete kvaliteeti ja nende kogumist, mis Võttes arvesse esitatud tähelepanekuid ja tulevikku silmas on vajalik ELi õigusaktide mõju hindamiseks kohapeal222. pidades seab ,komisjon õigusloome kvaliteedi jätkuvalt esikohale ning tegutseb selle tagamise nimel. Komisjon Tuleks tõhustada Euroopa Komisjoni ja liikmesriikide va- keskendub ka edaspidi märkimisväärse ELi lisaväärtusega helist koostööd reguleerimise kulude ja kasu hindamisel. valdkondadele, järgides subsidiaarsuse ja proportsionaal- Tuleb teha ühiseid jõupingutusi, et hinnata ELi õigus- suse põhimõtet. Lähikuudel viib ta lõpule ettevalmistused aktide rakendamist riiklikul, piirkondlikul ja kohalikul mõju hindamise, sidusrühmadega konsulteerimise ja hin- tasandil. damise suuniste läbivaatamiseks. Ta muudab REFITi ko- misjoni menetluste ja menetlustavade kindlaks osaks. Parlamendi ja komisjoni käesoleval aastal algav uus ameti- aeg annab kõigile ELi institutsioonidele võimaluse tugev- Tihedat koostööd parlamendi ja nõukoguga jätkates tagab dada oma toetust arukale reguleerimisele ja õigusloome komisjon, et lihtsustamisest ja koormuse vähendamisest kvaliteedile. tulenev kasu leiab õigusloomeprotsessis kinnitust ning kutsub seadusandjat ja kõiki liikmesriike üles arendama Komisjon kutsub sotsiaalpartnereid ja sidusrühmi üles 597 välja piisav suutlikkus selleks, et panustada jõupingutus- avaldama arvamust, esitama andmeid ja tõendeid käesole- tesse oma vastavates valdkondades ja korraldada õigus- vas teatises ning sellega kaasnevas talituste töödokumendis loomeprotsessis komisjoni ettepanekutele tehtud oluliste esitatud REFITi praeguse olukorra ja tulevikuväljavaate muudatuste mõju eelhindamisi221. kohta.

221 Vt ka õigusloomeprotsessis lihtsustamise ja koormuse 222 Hinnangute kohaselt on üks kolmandik ELi õigusaktide vähendamise ettepanekutesse tehtud muudatuste analüüs regulatiivsest koormusest seotud nende riikliku käesoleva teatisega kaasnevas REFITi tulemustabelis. rakendamisega.

Support package for Ukraine

PAPER FROM THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION BRUSSELS, 25 JUNE 2014

This paper sets out the main concrete measures that the Commission is proposing for the short and medium term Highlights 599 to help stabilise the economic and financial situation in Ukraine, assist with the transition, encourage political and • €3 billion from the EU budget in the coming economic reforms and support inclusive development for years, €1.6 billion in macro financial assistance the benefit of all Ukrainians. These measures combined loans (MFA) and an assistance package of grants could bring overall support of at least €11 billion over of €1.4 billion; the coming years from the EU budget and EU based in- ternational financial institutions (IFIs) in addition to the • Up to €8 billion from the European Investment significant funding being provided by the IMF and World Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction Bank. and Development; • Potential €3.5 billion leveraged through the This engagement constitutes both a response to help stabi- Neighbourhood Investment Facility; lise the country as well as to support the reform prog- ramme and further enhance ownership by the Ukrainian • Setting up of a donor coordination platform; authorities. While some of these measures can be carried • Provisional application of the Deep and out quickly, others will require further planning and pre- Comprehensive Free Trade Area when paration. For many of them, the urgent and active support Association Agreement is signed and, if need be, of the Council and Parliament are necessary. by autonomous frontloading of trade measures;

Underpinning this approach is the ambition to help Ukrai- • Organisation of a High Level Investment Forum/ ne fulfil the aspirations which have been clearly demonst- Task Force; rated by citizens and civil society in recent weeks in the • Modernisation of the Ukraine Gas Transit System unprecedented events in Kiev and throughout the country. and work on reverse flows, notably via Slovakia; • Acceleration of Visa Liberalisation Action Plan within the established framework; Offer of a Mobility Partnership; • Technical assistance on a number of areas from constitutional to judicial reform and preparation of elections. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

All these measures should be seen as the Commission’s The Commission is currently preparing a new €140 mil- contribution to a European and international effort at lion programme for 2014 that would aim at improving providing a sustainable way out of Ukraine’s difficult eco- the financial capability of the government and support nomic situation and to support its economic and political the institutional transition, thus reinforcing the foreseen transition. The action of Member States in complemen- impact of the MFA. This would be complemented by ac- ting and reinforcing what the Commission can mobilise tions aimed at supporting civil society. The size of such on its own is crucial. The participation of partner countries a programme could be increased up to €200 million if as well as of the international financial institutions, no- there were to be redeployment from within the European tably the IMF, the EIB, the EBRD and the World Bank, Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI) and if Ukraine were to is essential to leverage what we can all offer, increase the benefit from the umbrella programme (“more for more”) visibility of our collective action and improve its impact. on the basis of proven progress in deepening democracy All elements and instruments need to be pulled together and respect of human rights. to ensure an effective and coherent European Union and international response. For the remaining period of 2015-2020, a yearly bilateral envelope of approximately €130 million is currently fore- Part of the EU’s effort is to support Ukraine on its path seen as part of the ENI with an additional €40-50 million towards political and economic reform, including those set per year from the afore-mentioned umbrella programme out in the Association Agreement /Deep and Comprehen- (“more-for-more”) subject to proven progress in deepening sive Free Trade Area (AA/DCFTA), which we stand ready democracy and respect of human rights and further signi- 600 to sign. It is essential to raise public awareness in Ukraine ficant funding from the Neighbourhood Investment Faci- as well as in third countries on the benefits and opportu- lity (NIF) described below. nities that such reforms can offer both for Ukraine and the region as a whole. As far as existing programmes are concerned, the Com- mission is currently funding a number of on-going sec- tor budget support and technical assistance programmes Economic and financial assistance which will provide input to the new Government in key areas such as economic development, public financial ma- Economic support takes the form of both macro financial nagement and justice. This represents approximately€400 and development assistance. The Commission is ready to million. mobilise some €3 billion from the EU budget in the co- ming years with the undertaking that a substantial amount In addition, the NIF will be mobilised in favour of ban- of money can be made rapidly available to help Ukraine kable investment projects in Ukraine. Experience with the address its more urgent needs, including stabilising the implementation of the NIF in the East over the past prog- financial situation and supporting the functioning of the ramming period has shown that, for an amount of €200- new administration. 250 million of grants foreseen for Ukraine for blending, one could expect a leverage effect that would generate Macro-Financial Assistance loans of up to €3.5 billion. The participation of Interna- tional Financing Institutions (IFIs) will be crucial to allow this leveraging and to exploit its full potential. A total of €1.6 billion is foreseen for macro financial assis- tance (MFA). In the short term, the Commission is ready to mobilise €610 million in loans under MFA which has Within the NIF framework, the Commission is now wor- already been agreed but is conditional on the signature of king on the possibility of setting up a dedicated window an agreement between the government and the IMF. The to support the implementation of the AA/DCFTA for the Commission is willing to propose further MFA of up to €1 relevant countries. This would allow our partners to have billion. The Commission has already deployed a mission access to a guaranteed and dedicated envelope to support on the ground to assess Ukraine’s financial needs and to investment in sectors crucial for modernisation and the prepare the ground for such MFA. This team is working adoption of EU standards (in areas such as environment closely with the IMF. and energy). We are also looking at using this facility to further leverage the investment opportunities in the pri- vate sector. Development assistance The Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP), Over the next seven years, a development assistance pac- formerly the Instrument for Stability, could be deployed to kage to Ukraine in the form of grants could amount to a target urgent actions, for example, on police reform and minimum of €1.4 billion. electoral support. Up to €20 million could be mobilised Support package for Ukraine quickly if appropriate actions are identified anda further International donor co-ordination €15 million could be added from the CFSP budget to support measures in relation to security sector reform. mechanism

Finally, Ukraine is the most important country for the EU The Commission remains in close contact with both the for operations in the area of nuclear safety and security. IMF and the World Bank on the ground in Ukraine and Currently, projects are being implemented under the Inst- at Headquarters. In order to help ensure effective delivery rument for Nuclear Safety Cooperation for a total amount and maximise the impact of the EU economic and deve- of €50 million, in the field of nuclear waste management lopment assistance described above, as well as heighten its and social projects in the affected area around the Cher- visibility, the Commission is exploring avenues to enhance nobyl exclusion zone. In addition, a further envelope of international donor coordination by setting up, together €36.5 million can be contracted in the very short term with the international community and IFIs, an ad hoc do- for actions in this field. The programming period for the nor coordination mechanism. new financial period is on-going, which will allow the EU efforts in this area to be further stepped up. Such a mechanism could take work forward on the basis of a needs assessment and of the reform programme prepared The Commission reiterates its readiness to establish anEU by the Ukrainian authorities, and provide a sustainable Trust Fund should Member States support such an ini- way out of Ukraine’s difficult economic situation suppor- tiative. This would create a vehicle that would allow Mem- ting economic and political transition. ber States to make substantial further financial contribu- 601 tions and would increase the visibility of the EU, including This donor coordination mechanism could take the form its Member States, and contribute to an effective, swift and of an international platform based in Kiev which would coordinated disbursement of funds. meet regularly to closely coordinate donor efforts to add- ress the economic situation of the country. The political The European Investment Bank (EIB) is the EU’s own guidance will be provided by high level coordination mee- policy-driven bank and already has a project pipeline in tings of the international platform. The Commission is Ukraine of up to €1.5 billion for the next three years. willing to host the meetings in Brussels. This mechanism The EIB could significantly scale this up, without diver- is open to the participation, namely, of EU Member Sta- ting from other regions, if adequate guarantee provisions tes, IMF, World Bank, EBRD, EIB, and interested third were to be granted and if the political and operational con- countries. EU participation would be led on the ground ditions allow. The EIB could then provide financing for by the EU Delegation. long-term investments of up to €3 billion for 2014 – 2016 in support of both the local private sector and economic and social infrastructure. After the Mid-Term Review of Trade and investment the EIB External Lending Mandate planned by end 2016, the EIB could further increase its activity until 2020 via While economic and financial assistance are essential, trade the activation of the €3 billion optional mandate already and investment are also key instruments in helping secure foreseen, subject to the agreement of additional funding by long term sustainability for Ukraine. All Ukrainians stand the budgetary authority. to benefit enormously from the ambitious DCFTA trade deal with the EU. For example, Ukrainian exporters will In its operations, the EIB works closely together with the save almost half a billion euros annually due to reduced other IFIs active in the region thereby contributing to a EU import duties; Ukrainian agriculture will benefit from significant leverage effect. The Commission will also explo- cuts in duties on agricultural and processed agricultural re the opportunity for ring fencing and front loading some products of almost €400 million. The different levels of of the additional guarantees for the EIB funds secured with economic development of the EU and Ukraine are reflec- the FEMIP reflows for AA/DCFTA related lending. ted by the asymmetrical nature of the Agreement. It is de- signed to provide Ukraine with favourable treatment, for For its part, the European Bank for Reconstruction and example, through the faster and broader opening of the Development (EBRD) is an IFI in which the EU and its EU market by the front loading of tariff dismantlement Member States account for a majority of the shareholding. granted by the EU combined with a longer period for si- As part of a coordinated financial assistance programme milar measures on the Ukrainian side. in support of credible structural and macroeconomic re- forms, the EBRD could make €5 billion available over the The Commission stands ready to react quickly to ensure same period, though that amount could be exceeded if eco- the rapid provisional application of the AA/DCFTA once nomic circumstances permit. a decision on its signature has been made. EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

In the meantime, the Commission is ready to offer the ear- of Understanding between the transmission system ope- ly application of those provisions of the agreement related rators of Slovakia and Ukraine for the physical reverse to the imports of goods (i.e. the reduction of tariffs and flow via the Ukraine-Slovak pipeline was brokered by the opening of tariff rate quotas) by proposing a draft Council/ Commission in December 2013 but was not signed. The Parliament Regulation on such so called ‘autonomous tra- Commission is ready to facilitate the signature by the two de measures’. These transitional trade measures, unilateral operators if requested. The Commission remains commit- in nature from the EU side, would allow Ukraine to be- ted to continue working with the relevant Member States nefit substantially from many of the advantages offered by to facilitate the creation of additional reverse flow corridors the Agreement already now, that is to say, in the period un- to Ukraine via Bulgaria and Romania and via Croatia and til it could be signed and provisionally applied. However, Hungary. the rapid implementation of such support measures would require a clear commitment by the Council and the EP to In the medium term, should circumstances allow, the fast track the approval process. Commission continues to be ready to promote a trilate- ral approach (between EU, Russia and Ukraine) for the As part of the effort to mobilise all of its assets and inst- modernisation of the Ukrainian gas transmission system. ruments in support of Ukraine at this exceptional time, the High Representative and the Commission are also With regard to transport, following the initialling of the ready to convene a High level Investment Forum/Task EU-Ukraine Common Aviation Area Agreement at the Force to explore investment and co-operation possibili- Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius, the Commission 602 ties in Ukraine. This should bring together a wide range is advancing rapidly in preparatory work to allow the of private and public economic actors, Ukrainian and EU Council to take a decision on the signature of the Agree- and IFIs together with the host country to maximise their ment and stands ready for its early implementation. The collective impact and ensure a sustainable, democratic and Commission is determined to continue working on the prosperous future for the people of Ukraine. Such an event enhancement of the EU-Ukraine transport relations, in would also provide an opportunity to help Ukraine to particular in the framework of the Eastern Partnership maximise the benefits of autonomous trade measures and Transport Panel. the AA/DCFTA. Mobility Energy and transport Mobility is an important area where the Commission Energy and energy security, and affordable prices, are es- believes meaningful, visible, short-term steps should be sential for the stability and security of Ukraine. The EU taken. While a number of them depend on the political will work with the new government in Ukraine, including decisions of the Member States, the Commission is wil- through budget support, to ensure long term diversifica- ling and ready to pro-actively facilitate swift and efficient tion of supplies and to make sure that the Ukrainian gas coordination in this area. The Commission fully recognises transmission system continues to be an essential transit the importance of mobility and people-to-people contacts route for gas supplies to the Europe. As such, the Com- for Ukrainian citizens and will support Ukrainian efforts mission will continue to work with the government in Uk- to move forward the visa liberalisation process as quickly raine to modernise its gas transmission system in co-ope- as possible in line with the agreed conditions of the Visa ration with the EIB, EBRD and World Bank, as gas sector Liberalisation Action Plan. Progress will of course depend reforms in line with the Energy Community commitments on how the new authorities are able to tackle the most im- are carried out. Provided that certain conditions are ful- portant outstanding issues. However, the Commission can filled, an initial loan could be possible in the near future. and will do its outmost to help solve the remaining issues in an accelerated manner. Completing the visa liberalisa- In the short term, the Commission is ready to assist Ukrai- tion process will lead to the abolition of the visa obligation ne in diversifying its gas supply routes, notably by ensuring for Ukrainian citizens wishing to travel to the Schengen that reverse flows with the EU, notably via Slovakia (in ad- zone for up to 90 days within 180 days. dition to Poland and Hungary as is currently the case), can be operationalised as soon as possible. The Commission In the meantime, a Visa Facilitation Agreement (VFA) is in should ensure, together with Slovakia, that the Ukrainian operation between the EU and Ukraine and the Commis- and Slovakian transmission system operators establish the sion encourages Member States to fully exploit its poten- necessary rules and process that allows gas to flow from EU tial. It gives Member States the possibility of choosing from to Ukraine in increased capacities in order to enhance the a series of measures, including waiving visa fees for certain security of supply in Ukraine. The text of a Memorandum categories of citizens. In addition, the Visa Code gives the Support package for Ukraine

Member States additional options to waive the visa fees for require grants providing technical expertise in many of the further categories, such as, for example, children. areas outlined in this paper.

In addition, the Commission is willing, subject to the ag- In addition to this, the Commission and the High Repre- reement of Member States, to offer Ukraine a Mobility sentative will continue to provide support for constitutio- Partnership promoting people-to-people contacts and legal nal reform, together with the Council of Europe and the migration options, and offering a framework for coope- Venice Commission. Assistance to support reform of the ration and practical support to the Ukrainian authorities Prosecutor’s Office and of the police through the EU-Uk- going beyond the visa liberalisation process. Such a Mo- raine Judiciary Reform Dialogue is also on-going. In addi- bility Partnership could be established very quickly should tion, in the area of electoral assistance, the possibility of there be an interest on the Ukraine side to do so. providing electoral support and technical assistance, inclu- ding to monitoring in the context of an OSCE-ODHIR Electoral Observation Mission for future elections is being People to people links and explored. education • Restrictive measures: The EU has demonstrated that it can act in a rapid and flexible manner to adopt Under the new Erasmus+ programme, the EU will offer the necessary relevant legislation. The Commission more opportunities for student mobility, academic coope- presented its proposal on Monday 24 February and ration and youth exchanges. The Erasmus programme will is about to be adopted by the Council, updated to 603 support short-term student mobility in both directions to reflect the changing reality on the ground so as to now obtain credits in a host institution, which are then recog- focus on the freezing and recovery of assets of persons nised by the home institution. It is estimated that more identified as responsible for the misappropriation of than 4,000 young Ukrainians will benefit from university State funds. The Commission stands ready to come exchanges under Erasmus+, and more than 7,000 will take forward with more proposals if and when necessary. part in youth projects and exchanges. • Humanitarian aid and civil protection: The Staff mobility for training and teaching will also be pro- Commission has opened an antenna office in Kiev moted. Ukrainian students and universities will be able to to monitor the situation and provide information, participate in high-level joint Master degrees offered by including to Member States, on humanitarian and civil consortia of European universities. Capacity building mea- protection issues. This office is in touch with all main sures will be offered to universities, to modernise curricula, relief and aid organisations to coordinate any possible teaching practices, upgrade facilities and improve gover- future activities and carry out contingency planning. nance. Erasmus + will also fund youth mobility through The Commission stands ready to provide assistance youth exchanges, European Voluntary Service and mobi- from the EU Civil Protection Mechanism should lity of youth workers. Ukraine request it. In anticipation, the Commission has already asked Participating States to the Mechanism Ukraine will continue to take part in eTwinning for sc- to take stock of possible medical related offers of hools, with 101 schools and 280 teachers already registered assistance. since the official launch in March 2013. Researchers will be able to apply for doctoral or post-doctoral fellowships of other research grants available under the Marie Sklodows- ka Curie actions.

Additional actions

More broadly, the Commission remains committed to hel- ping Ukraine build institutions which serve the interests of the state and the people by promoting good governance, rule of law and fighting corruption, etc. Making these ins- titutions fit for purpose is not just an end in itself, but also a means to securing the country’s medium and long term development, both socially and economically. Support for sustainable economic and political transition will also EUROOPA KOMISJON 2004–2014. AMETLIKUD DOKUMENDID

Support to Ukraine: indicative assistance package

Source Indicative amounts/ranges (in € million) European Commission (2014-2020) Overall development assistance (grants) 1,565 Bilateral envelope where:

=> Annual Action Programme (AAP) for 2014 140-200

=> AAPs (average) - for 2015-2020 780

=> Umbrella programme (“more for more”) for 2015-2020 240-300

Neighbourhood Investment Facility 200-250

Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) 20 604 CFSP 15 Macro financial assistance (loans) 1,610 European Financial Institutions

EIB up to 3,000

EBRD 5000 Grand total €11,175 p.m : previous programming period

AAP for 2013 (committed) 199

AAPs for 2011-2012 (on-going) 201

Instrument for Nuclear Safety Cooperation

(i) on-going 50

(ii) committed 36.5

Total € 486.5

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JMDB

Barroso I komisjoni koosseis – volinike kolleegium (tähestikulises järjekorras) Catherine ASHTON (UK) (liidu välisasjade ja julgeolupoliitika kõrge esindaja/ asepresident, alates detsembrist 2009), Jacques BARROT (FR), Franco FRATTINI (IT, 2004–2008), Siim KALLAS (EE), Antonio TAJANI (IT, 2008–2010), Günter VERHEUGEN (DE), Margot WALLSTRÖM (SE) (asepresidendid)

Joaquín ALMUNIA (ES), Catherine ASHTON (UK, 2008–2010), Joe BORG (MT), Karel DE GUCHT (BE, 2009-2010), Stavros DIMAS (EL), Benita FERRERO- WALDNER (AT), Ján FIGEĽ (SK, 2004–2009), Mariann FISCHER BOEL (DK), Dalia GRYBAUSKAITĖ (LT, 2004–2009), Danuta HÜBNER (PL, 2004–2009), László KOVÁCS (HU), Neelie KROES (NL), Meglena KUNEVA (BG), Márkos KYPRIANOÚ (CY, 2004–2008), Peter MANDELSON (UK, 2004–2008), Charlie MCCREEVY (EI), Louis MICHEL (BE, 2004–2009), Leonard ORBAN (RO), Andris PIEBALGS (LV), Janez POTOČNIK (SI), Viviane REDING (LU), Olli REHN (FI), Paweł SAMECKI (PL, 2009-2010), Maroš ŠEFČOVIČ (SK, 2009- 2010), Algirdas ŠEMETA (LT, 2009-2010), Vladimír ŠPIDLA (CZ), Androulla VASSILIOU (CY, 2008–2010) (liikmed)

Barroso II komisjoni koosseis – volinike kolleegium (tähestikulises järjekorras) Catherine ASHTON (UK) (liidu välisasjade ja julgeolupoliitika kõrge esindaja/ asepresident), Joaquín ALMUNIA (ES), Siim KALLAS (EE), Neelie KROES (NL), Viviane REDING (LU, 2010–2014), Olli REHN (FI, 2010–2014), Maroš ŠEFČOVIČ (SK), Antonio Tajani (IT, 2010–2014) (asepresidendid)

László ANDOR (HU), Michel BARNIER (FR), Tonio BORG (MT, 2012–2014), Dacian CIOLOŞ (RO), John DALLI (MT, 2010–2012), Maria DAMANAKI (EL), Karel DE GUCHT (BE), Jacek DOMINIK (PL, 2014), Štefan FÜLE (CZ), Máire GEOGHEGAN-QUINN (IE), Kristalina GEORGIEVA (BG), Johannes HAHN (AT), Connie HEDEGAARD (DK), Jyrki KATAINEN (FI, 2014), Janusz LEWANDOWSKI (PL, 2010–2014), Cecilia MALMSTRÖM (SE), Neven MIMICA (HR), Ferdinando NELLI FEROCI (IT, 2014), Günther OETTINGER (DE), Andris PIEBALGS (LV), Janez POTOČNIK (SI), Martine REICHERTS (LU, 2014), Algirdas ŠEMETA (LT), Androulla VASSILIOU (CY) (liikmed) Barroso I komisjoni koosseis – kantselei João VALE DE ALMEIDA (kantselei juhataja) Johannes LAITENBERGER (kantselei juhataja, nov 2009–veebr 2010)

Alexander ITALIANER (kantselei asejuhataja, 2004–2006), Jean-Claude THÉBAULT (kantselei asejuhataja, 2006–2009), Fernando FRUTUOSO DE MELO (kantselei asejuhataja, nov 2009–veebr 2010)

António José CABRAL (vanemnõunik)

Matthew BALDWIN, Alex ELLIS, Bo JENSEN, Clara MARTINEZ ALBEROLA, Ana MARTINHO, Arianna VANNINI, Sabine WEYAND (nõunikud)

Fernando ANDRESEN GUIMARÃES, Jonas CONDOMINES BERAUD, Pedro CYMBRON, Olivier DANDOY, Henning KLAUS, Johannes LAITENBERGER, João MARQUES DE ALMEIDA, Inês SÉRVULO CORREIA, Hugo MONTEIRO BRILHANTE SOBRAL, Michelle SUTTON (liikmed)

António José ALVES DA SILVA, Paulo ANTUNES, Dora ANTUNES DE FIGUEIREDO, Natalino BRAZ, Anabela CARNEIRO LOPES, Odete CARRELO DA CUNHA, Guilhermino José CERQUEIRA LOUSADA, Brigitte CHRISTEY, Hanna CISZEWSKA, Danielle COULONVAL, Pedro GUTIERREZ CUERVO, Sandrine DUPRET, Mojca ERJAVEC, Hervé HOTTAT, José Augusto FAJARDO LOUREIRO, Carlos FERREIRA, Maria Luísa GAIÃO, Kamila KRUPIČKOVÁ, Ritva LUOMALA-JARVI, Rita MAYER, Susana MELO, Corinne NACHI, Simona NICHITEANU, Norberto PAULA, Barbara RAYMAKERS, Fátima ROCHA TRINDADE, Hermínia SOARES, Rita TEIXEIRA MARQUES DE CASTRO DIAS, Oona VAN LANDUYT, Carmen VANDERVORST-GREGORIO, Maria Helena VIEIRA, Uta VON FREITAL, Christine WEHRHEIM (assistendid) Barroso II komisjoni koosseis – kantselei Barroso II komisjoni koosseis – kantselei Johannes LAITENBERGER (kantselei juhataja)

Fernando FRUTUOSO DE MELO (kantselei asejuhataja, 2010–2012), Hugo MONTEIRO BRILHANTE SOBRAL (kantselei asejuhataja, 2012–2014)

António José CABRAL (vanemnõunik)

Clara MARTINEZ ALBEROLA, Laurence DE RICHEMONT, Arianna VANNINI, Paulo João Lopes Do Rego VIZEU PINHEIRO (nõunikud)

Fernando ANDRESEN GUIMARÃES, Ricardo BORGES DE CASTRO, Olivier DANDOY, Henning KLAUS, Michael KARNITSCHNIG, Jakub Jerzy KONIECKI, Raquel LUCAS, João MARQUES DE ALMEIDA, Inês SÉRVULO CORREIA, Agnieszka SKURATOWICZ, Michelle SUTTON (liikmed)

Kristina BRADAITYTE-ROEKAERTS, Natalino BRAZ, António José ALVES DA SILVA, Paulo ANTUNES, Dora ANTUNES DE FIGUEIREDO, José Duarte CAPELO SILVA, Guilhermino José CERQUEIRA LOUSADA, Brigitte CHRISTEY, Maria Ramona CLIPICI, Danielle COULONVAL, Vasco DA SILVA QUEIRÓZ, Eric DEMOULIN, Sandrine DUPRET, Mojca ERJAVEC, José Augusto FAJARDO LOUREIRO, Maria Luísa GAIÃO, Pedro GUTIERREZ CUERVO, Kristyna HAMŘIKOVÁ, Hervé HOTTAT, Beáta KOVAĽOVÁ, Kamila KRUPIČKOVÁ, Eleonora LATINI, Rita MAYER, Guillaume MOREL, Corinne NACHI, Simona NICHITEANU, Fátima ROCHA TRINDADE, Hermínia SOARES, Katerina TCHOLAKOVA, Rita TEIXEIRA MARQUES DE CASTRO DIAS, Oona VAN LANDUYT, Mafalda VASCONCELOS; Maria Helena VIEIRA, Christine WEHRHEIM (assistendid) Euroopa Komisjoni peasekretärid: • David O’SULLIVAN (2000–2005)

• Catherine DAY (2005–praeguseni)

Euroopa Komisjoni asepeasekretärid:

Christian DANIELSSON (2011–2013), Eckart GUTH (2002–2006), Henrik HOLOLEI (2013– praeguseni), Alexander ITALIANER (2006–2010), Hervé JOUANJEAN (2007–2009), Marianne KLINGBEIL (2011–praeguseni), Enzo MOAVERO-MILANESI (2002–2005), Michel SERVOZ (2011–2014), Jean-Claude THÉBAULT (2009-2010)

Euroopa Komisjoni õigustalituse peadirektorid: • Michel PETITE (2001–2007)

• Claire-Françoise DURAND (2008-2009)

• Luis ROMERO REQUENA (2009–praeguseni)

Euroopa poliitika nõustajate büroo peadirektorid: • Carlos TAVARES (2004-2005)

• Enzo MOAVERO-MILANESI (2006)

• Vítor GASPAR (peadirektori asetäitja, 2006–2010)

• Jean-Claude THÉBAULT (2010–praeguseni) Euroopa Komisjoni pressiesindaja talitus: • Françoise LE BAIL (talituse juhataja, komisjoni pressiesindaja, 2004-2005)

• Johannes LAITENBERGER (talituse juhataja, komisjoni pressiesindaja, 2005–2009)

• Koen DOENS (talituse juhataja, 2010–2014)

• Pia AHRENKILDE-HANSEN (komisjoni asepressiesindaja, 2005–2009; talituse juhataja kohusetäitja, nov 2009–veebr 2010; komisjoni pressiesindaja, 2009–2014)

• Leonor RIBEIRO DA SILVA (komisjoni asepressiesindaja, 2004–2014) Euroopa Komisjon 2004–2014 Presidendi avaldus koos valitud dokumentidega José Manuel Durão Barroso

Valminud koostöös järgmiste isikutega: Koen Doens, Vincent Stuer, Ricardo Borges de Castro, Stéphanie Rhomberg, Dirk Volckaerts, Rita Guerreiro, Maya Angelova ja Mariana Correa.

Eessõna J. M. Barroso, Euroopa Komisjoni president

Euroopa Komisjon Teabevahetuse peadirektoraat Väljaanded 1049 Brüssel BELGIA

2014 – 612 lk – 21 × 25,5 cm

Trükis doi:10.2775/9357 ISBN 978-92-79-39564-2 PDF doi:10.2775/23607 ISBN 978-92-79-39587-1 EPUB doi:10.2775/63178 ISBN 978-92-79-39610-6

Luxembourg: Euroopa Liidu Väljaannete Talitus, 2014

© Euroopa Liit, 2014

Foto kaanel: © Euroopa Liit

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Printed in Belgium

NA-02-14-898-ET-C ISBN 978-92-79-39564-2 doi:10.2775/9357