RESEARCH

Recently returned from field research in , Irina Morozova offers us glimpses of nation-building in the region, and provides us with fascinating insights on how geo-political space and historical time are reflected in national monuments built in the cities of Kyrgyzstan and .

National monuments and social construction in Mongolia and Kyrgyzstan

Irina Morozova

n the changing geo-political arena of ICentral Asia, Kyrgyzstan and Mongolia have shown signs of adopting the neo- liberal corporate power model practiced by their more powerful neighbours, Kaza- khstan and Russia. The so-called ‘Tulip revolution’ - the overthrow of A. Akayev’s presidency in Kyrgyzstan in March 2005 - was perceived by Central Asian govern- ments as a destabilising and threatening power transition scheme and a turning point in the course of economic reform. While the new Kyrgyz President K. Bakiev has tended to consolidate elite around the access to strategic assets, the ruling party of Mongolia - the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (MPRP) - initiated discussions on changing the country’s political system from a parliamentary to a presidential republic. Privatisation of Kyr- gyzstan’s energy sector and disputes over nationalisation of natural resources in Mongolia indicate a possible shift of power model towards corporate elite structures. What directions might the nation-building policies take? What lexicon do the politi- cal elites choose to promote their interests among wider sections of the population? What symbols are adopted? And how do temporal interests coincide with and impact upon historical memory?

Chinggis khan, Manas and geo-politics in Bishkek and At the beginning of the 1990s, Kyrgyzstan and Mongolia found themselves in simi- lar economic circumstances. Having been Sükhbaatar monument and new high-tech buildings surrounding Sükhbaatar Square, Ulaanbaatar. Photograph courtesy of the author largely dependent on Soviet budgets, investments and trade, now the resource- within the international socialist system, cult of Chinggis khan had not only existed nese constructors to restore the socialist the statue with respect. The same cannot producing republics were in need of foreign Mongolia found itself in a more lucrative among the general population in various monument to the revolutionary hero D. be said of the national monuments in the assistance to cope with collapsing econo- position after the USSR’s disintegration. narrative and epic forms, but it had been Sükhbaatar which was left in its original Kyrgyz capital, which provoke self-depre- mies and a drastic fall in living standards. In the 1990s, in both countries diverse developed by historiographers over the place in the centre of the square. (The cating and even bitter jokes. While there is The governments were forced to let the groups in power, including ruling elite and centuries and become a form of national- Mongols also left intact the monument to some sympathy towards the monuments international markets and financial insti- intellectuals began revising the historical ist pride among the Khalkha, the dominant Kh. , the “Mongolian Stalin”, in dedicated to epic heroes such as Kozhum- tutions in and open the public domain to past and searching for symbols capable of Mongol group, living in Central Mongolia front of the National University of Mongo- kul baatyr, (1889-1955), a legendary wres- international human rights organisations uniting their populations, demoralised by and in the capital Ulaanbaatar. lia). Currently a Northern Korean project to tler known for his extraordinary strength and various NGOs. Kyrgyzstan and Mon- poverty and social marginalisation. restore the Sükhbaatar monument is being and courage, the newly invented symbols golia adopted the IMF reforms and under- In 2006, a monument to Chinggis khan discussed in Ulaanbaatar. of Kyrgyz statehood, such as the Erkindik went shock price liberalisation and hyper- In Kyrgyzstan, attempts to expand the was built in Ulaanbaatar central square, (independence) monument in the capital’s inflation and found themselves in the lists image of the legendary epic hero Manas to mark the celebration of 800 years of Geo-political pluralism, albeit selective, is Ala-Too Square, are regarded as a failed of countries with high levels of poverty. into the symbol of national unity did not Mongolian statehood. Today, this monu- still working in terms of Mongolia’s bal- attempt by the state at collective national Till about the mid-1990s, Kyrgyzstan had bring the desired results. In many parts of ment is seen as the starting point for every ancing act between the two great powers identity construction. The search for genu- been known as an ‘island of democracy’ the country, there is a tradition of perform- excursion around the capital, but certainly – Russia and China – and the involvement ine historical figures who could be propa- surrounded by autocratic post-Soviet Cen- ing or reciting parts of the Epos of Manas, not the last grand project in honour of the of a ‘third force’ - the US or any other state gandised as contributors to Kyrgyz state- tral Asian Republics; and Mongolia is still a traditional epic poem with close to half Great khan. The figure of Chinggis in the that demonstrates interest in Mongolian hood has also proved, so far, to be less viewed by many as the most open society a million lines. But not everywhere. So a centre of the monument is surrounded by land. For example, the prospective recon- than successful, partly due to the legacy of in East Asia. decision by the former President Akayev to his son and grandson, Ögödei khan (who struction of the Mongolian Parliament Soviet historiography and its focus on the build monuments to Manas not only in the inherited the core Mongolian lands from Building – an example of socialist monu- fighters for national liberation. The monu- At the same time, however, Kyrgyzstan capital Bishkek, but in other cities, such as his father) and Qubilai khan (the founder mental architecture – is believed to be ment to Kurmandjan datka (1811-1907), presented a poor example with social and Batken, in the southern region where many of the Yuan dynasty). If the inclusion of funded by Qatari investors. A host of new known as the ‘Alai queen’, situated in the ethnic conflicts continuously being esca- communities do not follow the tradition of Ögödei does not raise questions, the high-tech buildings are under construc- centre of Bishkek, is supposed to portray a lated on its territory, while the MPRP re- performing the epos, had little resonance appearance of Qubilai does: his transfer tion in the area surrounding Sükhbaa- wise, powerful and independently-minded consolidated its rule in Mongolia, claiming with the people. In the end, the affirmative of the Mongolian capital to Beijing in 1271 tar square, all funded by various foreign Kyrgyz female ruler, who struggled to sus- to be a guarantee of socio-political stabil- actions to promote the Manas epos, as is perceived by nowadays’ Mongols as a investments and it would seem without tain her people’s existence during the war ity. While economic reforms in the two well as other ideas promoted by the Presi- betrayal of national interests. much urban planning. These buildings are between the Kokand Khanate and the Rus- countries followed similar schemes, their dent, such as the “uniqueness of nomadic Despite certain nationalistic and anti-Chi- not only changing the face of the city, but sian Empire. Yet, the fact that Kurmandjan political cultures and nation-building proc- culture” and “Kyrgyzstan - a country of nese sentiments among , marking Mongolia’s adoption of a neo-lib- eventually capitulated and allowed her esses appeared to be very different: with a mountains” were not supported by many the Chinese were hired in to renovate the eral model for its weak economy. territory becoming a Russian protectorate greater normative respect for tradition, an sedentary communities, especially in the central square prior to the Chinggis monu- While certain features of the monument to does not ring true with such a triumphant apparent willingness to compromise and south, and consigned to history alongside ment appearing on it. Interestingly though, Chinggis khan may be criticised some, it’s image. a considerable degree of independency their architect, Akayev. In Mongolia, the the Mongols did not commission the Chi- safe to conclude that most Mongols view

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The present Kyrgyz President Bakiev has Galdan Boshogt khan (1644-1697), made Republic) is married with tolerance. Eth- are regarded as the second largest ethnic tions to history. neither been persistent nor inventive in huge efforts to unite the Mongol tribes nic tolerance - aimag is among the group in the south of Kyrgyzstan. In 1990, Generally, Mongolian nation-building poli- creating a new national ideology, leav- under their command and managed to most ethnically diverse in Mongolia, with against the background of a collapsing cies are seen as ‘successful’ and the Kyrgyz ing space for discussion among different sustain the independency of their small around 16 ethnic groups sharing territory economy and social deprivation, ethnic state example seen as ‘failing’. However, intellectuals and political groups about polity – the Junghar Khanate, from the without much dispute; religious tolerance diversity divided rather than consolidated the view that Mongolia is the only post- the best nation-building project. However, early 17th century to the mid-18th century. In - one can see a Kazakh mosque in proxim- communities, and bloody clashes occurred socialist country in Asia that has managed most of the concepts put forward were too Khovd, the capital of the Western Mongo- ity to a Mongol Buddhist temple; and cul- between Uzbek, Kyrgyz and Slavic popula- to avoid sharp social confrontation has local or marginal, and thus unsustainable lian aimag (province) Khovd, the portrait tural tolerance – reflected, for instance, in tions living in Osh and the surrounding recently changed (particularly in the light and unworkable at a national level. of Galdan Boshogt khan adorns the office the Khovd Mongols’ acceptance of Chinese areas. Later, while the majority of Slavic of the riots in Ulaanbaatar in June 2008, walls of officials and politicians (in contrast food (while in Ulaanbaatar it is unpopular). people left the region, the Uzbeks re-estab- following parliamentary elections). The Regional nationalisms: the to the Chinggis khan portraits which domi- Their regional exclusiveness and self-suf- lished their business domains and showed centralisation tendencies (also reflected cases of Khovd and Osh nate in Ulaanbaatar). In the city’s central ficiency confirmed, Khovd politicians and tendencies to political consolidation. Their in discussions on the transition to a presi- Scholarship reveals that every Mongol square there is an impressive monument intellectuals promote trans-border integra- leaders, periodically, tried campaigns to dential republic) and nation-building poli- tribe had its own historic nationalism. of Galdan Boshogt with a sabre. Western tion projects that aim at economic cooper- mobilise nationalism among their commu- cies in Mongolia will fail to become truly The Western Mongols, the Oirat tribes, Mongolian pride and confidence in their ation and exchange with China, Russia and nities, while the state authorities, especial- meaningful if they are not supported by

Lenin monument in the Central Square, Osh. All photographs courtesy of the author The former silk factory, Osh. The socialist slogan on the building says: “More good commodities for the people!”

Kazakhstan in the framework of a broader ly those in Bishkek, used demobilisation social reform and campaigns. Are the new Altai region concept. political technologies to neutralise Uzbek nation-building symbols referring to a One experiences quite a different picture nationalism in the struggle for power. heroic past, genealogies or cultural exclu- of ‘provincial life’ in the southern Kyrgyz Several international organisations oper- siveness empowered to convince people city of Osh. To start, a clear link with a ating in Kyrgyzstan regularly publish their the state has chosen the correct political historical group that founded a famous expert assessments on the mood of the course? Or, are these monuments and polity is missing. The rulers of the Kokand various population groups in the country. buildings insignificant against the back- Khanate, which encompassed the Osh These surveys reveal the prevalence of ground of minimal social construction? area before Russia’s conquest and annex- positive expectations, as well as the poten- With neo-liberal reform imposed upon ation, preferred to link their genealogies tial for protest and unrest among people in Mongolian society the country would, with Emir Timur, a famous 14th century the south, including Osh. Under President probably, reach the moment, when even Turkic conqueror of Central Asia, to whom Bakiev, many ‘southerners’ believe they Chinggis khan looses his consolidating the Uzbeks trace back their genealogies. have a better chance for political represen- image in the eyes of the new urban citi- At present, the Osh Kyrgyz are believed tation and gaining more social prestige. zens. to belong to ichkilik, according to them, For the last two years private construc- a core Kyrgyz tribe. The Kyrgyz from the tion has been booming in Osh: the city is Irina Morozova northern regions, in turn, like to stress seeing ever more opulent houses being IIAS fellow and lecturer at the Institute of Asian their tribes’ key role in history and cultur- built by local businessmen, officials, high- and African Studies, Lomonosov Moscow State ally oppose themselves to the southern ranking academicians and other ‘wealthy’ University. Currently she is a Humboldt fellow Kyrgyz. The genealogical trees of Kyrgyz groups. at the GIGA Institute of Middle East Studies. exhibited in the National Museums of She is the author of Socialist Revolutions in Osh and Bishkek are sketched differently Yet there has been little municipal con- Asia: Social in the Twenti- to stress the importance of one regional struction in both Khovd and Osh in the last eth Century (Routledge, 2009) . group’s origin over the others. Some eth- two decades. The factories of the former [email protected] nographers have presented substantial Soviet/socialist state have been left in evidence that the population of the Fer- ruins, the odd communist slogan daubed References: ghana valley, where the city of Osh is situ- on buildings still visible. The monuments Abashin, Sergei. 2007. Natsionalizmy v ated, and the adjacent mountainous areas from these times remain intact: one can Tsentral’noi Azii. V poiskah identichnosti. Kozhumkul baatyr monument in Bishkek. was completely recomposed and renewed still see Lenin in the central square of Osh [Nationalisms in Central Asia. In Search of in the 19th century (Abashin 2007) (due and the Mongolian revolutionary Ayush Identity.] St. Petersburg: Aleteiya. are renowned for the longest and most historic past and independent existence to the arrival of, among others, the Jung- next to Galdan Boshogt in Khovd. People’s determined resistance against the Manchu (the Western Mongols were also the last hars). In the 20th century many groups attitudes towards these monuments reveal conquest. Their leaders, and in particular to be integrated in the Mongolian People’s were classified as Uzbeks, who nowadays a recognition of these figures’ contribu-

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