Complete Dissertation Final for Gradcol 9Jan13

Diné T'áá Bi At'éego, Wholeness as a Well-Directed Person: Navajo Narratives that Revisit the Work of Kenneth Begishe

Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation

Authors Brown, Gilbert

Publisher The University of Arizona.

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Download date 08/10/2021 18:16:04

Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/272835 1

DINÉ T’ÁÁ BI AT’ÉEGO, WHOLENESS AS A WELL-DIRECTED PERSON: NAVAJO NARRATIVES THAT REVISIT THE WORK OF KENNETH BEGISHE

Gilbert Brown

______

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF TEACHING, LEARNING & SOCIOCULTURAL STUDIES

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

WITH A MAJOR IN LANGUAGE, READING AND CULTURE

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2013 2

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

GRADUATE COLLEGE

As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Gilbert Brown entitled Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, Wholeness as a Well-Directed Person: Navajo Narratives That Revisit the Work of Kenneth Begishe and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

______Date: 11/27/12 Kathy G. Short

______Date: 11/27/12 Perry Gilmore

______Date: 11/27/12 Lawrence J. Evers

______Date: 11/27/12 Theresa L. McCarty

Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College. I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.

______Date: 12/06/12 Dissertation Director: Kathy Short

STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder. SIGNED: Gilbert Brown

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I want to thank all of the wonderful people who had the confidence in me to finish this long academic journey; your encouragement was always appreciated. I want to especially thank my wife, Mary Lou, and my children, Denise, Shannon, and Jamie, for their encouragement and support. I am grateful to my grandsons, Rhys, Jennon, and Jerse, as well as my late parents, Charlie and Lorraine Brown, who were always there for me.

I am thankful to my adviser, Kathy Short, and good friend, Duffy Galda, for their guidance getting this dissertation written. Thanks so much to my niece, Karen, who did much of the transcription for me. I also want to thank my committee members, Larry

Evers, Terry McCarty, and Perry Gilmore. I have learned much from all of you.

I am also so grateful for my friends and colleagues, especially Brendan O’Connor, my Irish connection, and the members of the Indigenous Thinkers, Melo Tirado-Paredes,

Depree Shadowwalker, Candace Galla, Maxine Baptiste, Tracy Williams, Roberta

Yazzie, and Angie Hoffman, whose energy and support have urged and encouraged me.

Thanks to my dear friends and supporters in LRC, especially Maria Fierro, who was with me every step of the way. Thanks to Yetta Goodman and Norma Mendoza-

Denton, whose support has meant so much to me! I am grateful to Dr. Velez from the

Graduate College, Debbi Golden-Davis in Financial Aid, and the NASA First Year

Scholars. I sincerely appreciate the Navajo Nation for its continued financial support.

Finally, my heartfelt gratitude goes to the gracious participants in this study and to

Mr. Kenneth Begishe. I will forever be in your debt and thank you humbly and sincerely for your willingness to generously share your personal perspectives. Ahéhee’ 5

DEDICATION

I fondly dedicate this dissertation project to my parents, Charlie and Lorraine

Brown, who raised me to be the man I am today, my wife, Mary Lou, who has been a constant source of love and support during our thirty-four years together, my children,

Denise, Shannon, and Jamie, who have given me every reason to be a very proud father, my grandsons, Rhys, Jennon, and Jerse, who have brought such joy to my life, and to the youth of our great Navajo Nation, for whom, it is my hope, will live as Diné T’áá Bi

At’éego.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES...... 13

ABSTRACT...... 15

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION...... 17

Project Summary...... 17

Background Information...... 18

General Problem...... 21

Research Questions ...... 24

Rationale...... 25

Organization of Chapters...... 29

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ...... 32

Introduction...... 32

Conceptualizing Culture...... 33

The Concept of Culture As Used In This Project ...... 36

Multicultural Education...... 37

Culturally Relevant Pedagogy...... 39

Culturally Responsive Teaching...... 41

Culturally Responsive Teaching on the Diné Nation………………...... 46

Culture Based Education...... 48

The Struggle to Centralize Culture in the Curriculum...... 48

What Is Culture Based Education?...... 48

A Working Description of Culture Based Education...... 49

Indigenous Education...... 50

Culture Based Indigenous Education……...... 50

Negotiating Cultural and Linguistic Balance………...... 56

Incorporating Culture to Support Indigenous Student Success...... 58

A Call for Research Supporting Culture Based Curriculum in Tribal & Cultural Contexts...... 62 Diné Based Education...... 64

Diné Identity...... 66

K’é...... 67

Hózhó………...... 68

Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón (SNBH)………...... 68

Diné T’áá Bi At’éego...... 70

Identity Development through Diné Narratives...... 71

Summary of Chapter 2...... 73

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY...... 74

Indigenous Research from an Emic Perspective...... 74

Researcher’s Positionality and Epistemological, Ontological, & Axiological Assumptions Concerning Research...... 74 Indigenous Research Ethics...... 76

Navajo Nation Human Research Review Board...... 78

Qualitative Research, Ethnographic Interviewing: Grounded Theory...... 79

Interactions with Mr. Kenneth Begishe...... 80

Research Map...... 81

Data Collection………………...... 82

Site and Participant Selection...... 82

Selection Criteria and Description of Participants...... 84

A Sample of Convenience...... 84

Description of Participants...... 86

Interview Protocol...... 88

Data Analysis: Methods of Analysis...... 89

Attributes of a Well-Directed Person Identified by Multiple Participants...... 92

Skills Knowledge of a Well-Directed Person Identified by Multiple Participants...... 93 Relationships and Connections Identified by Multiple Participants...... 95

Summary of Chapter 3...... 99

CHAPTER 4: DATA ANALYSIS...... 101

Introduction...... 101

Addressing Research Questions through Data Analysis...... 104

First Set of Research Questions...... 104

Umbrella Category 1: Thinking - Nitsáhákees...... 107

Thinking – Nitsáhákee: Theme One – Valuing, Appreciating, Honoring...... 109 On Honoring...... 109

Valuing Diné Language and Culture in Personal Life...... 111

Valuing Relationships...... 114

Honoring Traditional Ways...... 115

Thinking – Nitsáhákee: Theme Two – Learning ...... 119

On Learning...... 119

Being Prepared for and Open to Learning...... 121

Thinking – Nitsáhákee: Theme Three – Planning Ahead...... 122

Setting Goals...... 123

Thinking – Nitsáhákee: Theme Four – Thinking Independently……....125

Being Mentally Strong, Consistent, Independent………………...126

Thinking – Nitsáhákee: Theme Five – Knowing...... 128

Knowing Prayers and Ceremonies...... 129

Knowing How to Pass Knowledge On...... 129

Knowing How to Love...... 130

Umbrella Category 2: Doing - K'é...... 131

Doing – K'é: Theme One – Having Initiative……………………...... 133

Doing – K'é: Theme Two – Respecting...... 134

Doing – K'é: Theme Three – Taking Responsibility for Self and Others...... 137 Doing – K'é: Theme Four – Independence in Actions……..………….142

Doing – K'é: Theme Five – Functioning Well in Both the Diné and Mainstream Worlds...... 144 Umbrella Category 3: Being – Iiná...... 146

Being – Iiná: Theme One – Knowing One’s Self...... 147

Being – Iiná: Theme Two – Knowing One’s People...... 150

Umbrella Category 4: Achieving Harmony – Hózhó...... 153

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme One – Relationships…………...155

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Two – Spirituality…….….…….158

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Three – Achieving Health...... 160

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Four – Achieving Balance...... 162

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Five – Achieving Wisdom……..164

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Six – Bridging Cultures...... 167

Summary of First Set of Research Questions...... 169

The Emergence of Four Umbrella Categories and Subthemes from Research Data...... 169 Addressing Research Questions through Data Analysis...... 173

Second Research Question...... 173

Narratives with Mythical Elements ...... 174

Personal Narratives of Place, Happenings, and Experiences...... 180

Narratives Providing Insight into Traditional Teachings or Ways of Teaching………………………………………………………………...... 183 Narratives Resembling Description Rather than Story...... 189

Summary of Second Research Question...... 192

The Sharing Of Four Different Types of Narratives...... 192

Summary of Chapter 4...... 194

CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION...... 196

Summary of the Research Project...... 196

Results of the Data Analysis...... 203

Anticipated Responses...... 204

Findings: First Set of Research Questions...... 211

Comparison of Findings with Begishe’s Model...... 212

Findings: Second Research Question...... 216

Cross-Case Comparisons...... 221

Comments by Age...... 221

20 to 39 Year-Old Participants...... 221

40 to 59 Year-Old Participants...... 222

60 to 95 Year-Old Participants...... 225

Comments by Location...... 228

Huerfano Chapter...... 228

Leupp Chapter...... 230

Metropolitan Tucson...... 232

Comments by Gender…...... 234

Themes Occurring Across Generation, Communities, and Genders...... 238

Other Noteworthy Observations on Data...... 240

Concept of “Mine”...... 241

Concept of “Family”...... 244

Concept of “Home”...... 249

The Function of Language in Developing a Diné Identity...... 252

Potential Significance of the Study...... 255

Implications of the Study for Practice ...... 256

Implications of the Study for the Creation of a Uniquely Diné CBE Curriculum...... 257

Implications of the Study for Diné Studies...... 265

Implications of the Study for Further Research ...... 266

Conclusion...... 268

EPILOGUE...... 272

Finding Identity through Oral Stories: Navajo Case...... 272

Culture-Based Education...... 272

Narrative Transmission...... 276

Changing Woman (Asdzaa Nádleehé)...... 277

Shiprock Formation (Tsé Bit 'Ą'í)...... 279

The Corral...... 283

Identity within the Navajo Culture...... 285

Navajo Culture-Based Education...... 286

Implications...... 289

Conclusion...... 292

APPENDIX A – RECRUITMENT LETTER……...... 294

APPENDIX B – INFORMED CONSENT FORM...... 296

APPENDIX C – U OF A IRB RECOMMENDATIONS FOR DINÉ NATION...... 299

APPENDIX D – INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 303

APPENDIX E – CONDUCTING RESEARCH WITH INDIGENOUS PARTICIPANTS……………………………………………………………………...306 REFERENCES...... 309

LIST OF FIGURES

CHAPTER 2

Figure 2-1: Framework for a Concept- and Idea-Based Social Studies Curriculum in Diné Studies...... 60 Figure 2-2: Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, A Well-Directed Person, Begishe, 1968...... 70 Figure 2-3: Diné Conceptualization of Child Development...... 71

CHAPTER 3

Figure 3-1: Research Map...... 82

Figure 3-2: Participants by Age, Gender, and Location...... 85

Figure 3-3: Categories Suggested through Data Analysis...... 95

Figure 3-4: Categories Suggested through Data Analysis in Diné Colors of Directionality...... 96

CHAPTER 4

Figure 4-1: Umbrella Categories Emerging from Data ………………...... 106

Figure 4-2: Category 1, Nitsáhákees, (North)...... 108

Figure 4-3: Umbrella Categories Emerging From Data...... 131

Figure 4-4: Category 2, Category 2 – Nahata (South)...... 132

Figure 4-5: Umbrella Categories Emerging From Data...... 147

Figure 4-6: Category 3, Category 3 – Iiná (West)...... 147

Figure 4-7: Umbrella Categories Emerging From Data...... 153

Figure 4-8: Category 4, Siih Hasin (North)...... 154

Figure 4-9: Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, Wholeness as a Well-Directed Person...... 172

Figure 4-10: Narratives Shared by Participants...... 194

CHAPTER 5

Figure 5-1: Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, A Well-Directed Person (with overlay of themes), Begishe, 1968……………………………………………...... 208 Figure 5-2: Diné SNBH Philosophy Model, Diné College...... 210

Figure 5-3: Categories Suggested through Data Analysis...... 213

Figure 5-4: Comparison of Categories with Categories and Sub-categories Suggested through this Study with Those of Begishe’s (1968) Mode...... 214 Figure 5-5: Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, Wholeness as a Well-Directed Person...... 240

Figure 5-6: AILDI 2008 Model of Indigenous Curriculum Development...... 258

Figure 5-7: Sample Mainstream (Western) Based Curriculum...... 260

Figure 5-8: Sample Diné Based Curriculum………………...... 264

EPILOGUE

Figure E-1: Gobernardo Peak, Birthplace of Asdzaa NÁdleehé, Changing Woman………………………...... 278

Figure E-2: Tsé Bit 'Ą'í, Shiprock Rock Formation, New Mexico…………...280

Figure E-3: Tsé Bit 'Ą'í Showing Column Resembling Asdzaa NÁdleehé…...281

ABSTRACT

This grounded theory qualitative study explores conceptualizations of Diné T’áá

Bi At’éego, “a well-directed person,” held by eighteen Diné people, ranging in age from their 20s to 70s, from three distinctly different communities. By inquiring into personal attributes and abilities valued in Diné culture, the groundbreaking work of Navajo philosopher Kenneth Begishe is extended.

The purpose of this study is to identify and document specific characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships currently honored and respected within Diné communities so they might be used to develop long-term

Student Learning Objectives in the creation of a Diné culture based curriculum supporting the development of a strong Diné identity in students.

The data, provided by participants through interviews, leads to the emergence of four umbrella categories (Thinking, Doing, Being, Achieving Harmony) and numerous sub-categories constituting the characteristics attributes, skills, knowledge, connections, and relationships valued and respected by the participants. The results are compared to

Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) model of “Diné T’áá Bi At’éego,” in which he indicates important characteristics of a well-directed person. The comparison suggests that Diné people continue to value many of the same characteristics Begishe identified more than four decades ago. In spite of the affirmation of characteristics represented in Begishe’s model, participants in this study provide a recurring theme that is not articulated by

Begishe – the achievement of harmony, which, a review of the literature reveals, is

closely related to three important aspects of the Diné worldview, K’é, Sa'ah Naagháí

Bik'eh Hózhó (SNBH), and Hózhó.

Study findings suggest that although Diné people who participated in the project continue to value time-honored characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships in people they admire and respect, they do hold several conceptualizations that seem to be shifting away from traditional Diné perspectives and toward those held in the mainstream.

Study data further reveals four categories of narratives used by participants to communicate and emphasize characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships exhibited by those who are “well-directed.” The narratives range from traditional accounts involving mythical elements, to first-person descriptions of individuals with whom participants were intimately familiar.

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Can school really be “a place to be Navajo,” a place to be Indigenous, a place where children learn, grow, and question from a position that values and builds upon who they are?

Teresa McCarty, A Place to be Navajo

Project Summary

Diné youth are increasingly challenged by conflicting cross-cultural experiences; some are raised away from traditional lands in urban settings; others are exposed to media influences that encourage them to abandon traditional cultural perspectives and embrace popular culture and mainstream values (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998, Jenkins, 1998).

In doing so, young people are rapidly losing touch with the epistemological base of their culture and subsequently, failing to develop strong Diné self-identities (Dole & Thomas,

2003, Jones & Galliher, 2007).

Through in-depth interviews designed to collect traditional Diné narratives and the subsequent analysis of these narratives for clues to the personal attributes revered and encouraged within the culture, this dissertation explores the Diné conceptualization of

Diné T’áá Bi At’éego with the intent of developing an epistemologically appropriate model of Diné Culture Based Education (CBE).

By identifying commonly held beliefs about the Diné conceptualizations of the

life-long maturational process and becoming a whole person, a notion that those from

the mainstream culture might equate with Maslow’s idea of self-actualization, a

conceptual model, based in Diné epistemology, is revisited, refined, and extended.

The model, which Begishe (1968) initiated, has yet to be completed, and is sorely

needed by educators supporting the social, cultural, emotional, and academic

development of Diné youth. The emerging model could be utilized as the foundation

for a culturally-based model of education firmly grounded in Diné epistemology,

ontology, and axiology with becoming Diné T’áá Bi At’éego the central, long-term

goal that the curriculum supports.

As a person who has worked for many years as a Navajo/English translator, I must caution the reader that the term, Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, does not translate directly into English, for there are no words in English that convey the nuances of all that this term encompasses. To simply state that a person is “well-directed” may imply that s/he obediently or obtusely followed along under the direction of loving, supportive family members and mentors and, as a result, has become a “good” or “respected” person. A

“well-directed” person might even be pictured as a “successful” person in accordance with mainstream values and perspectives. However, this is not the case. Becoming Diné

T’áá Bi At’éego is a complex, dynamic lifelong process. In Navajo, we use terms such as

Sa'ah Naagháí Bik'eh Hózhó (SNBH), Hózhó, and K’é to convey facets of our life’s journey that are negotiated along the path we travel to becoming Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, but these terms also have no direct equivalence in English. In this paper, I attempt to convey, as completely as possible, the impressions Diné scholars and project participants have of these terms given the constraints of the English language to do so.

Background Information

The literature involving Diné epistemology is surprisingly limited considering

that the Diné culture is the largest and one of the most researched Indigenous cultures

in the contiguous United States. Further, the fact that the Diné Nation led Indigenous

cultures in educational “firsts” (first Indigenous tribal college, first culturally-based

demonstration school) makes this an even more unexpected situation, since one might

presume that these educational firsts required an understanding of traditional beliefs

and values associated with the education of the Nation’s youth.

An area within the cultural epistemology that has been largely neglected

involves the Diné concept of a person’s developmental journey and attainment of the

ideal of becoming a ‘whole person.’ In terms of Western thought, such a person might

be viewed as one who has developed knowledge, harmony, balance, a strong identity,

and other values held dear by the Diné. One scholar, Kenneth Yazzie Begishe (1968),

began researching the concept four decades ago. His model is the sole attempt to

articulate the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and

relationships viewed as fundamental in the development of a ‘whole person.’

Kenneth Begishe is a highly regarded Diné linguist and ethnographic

researcher who has dedicated much of his life to using his Navajo language literacy

and deep knowledge of traditional Navajo culture to support and conduct linguistic

and ethnographic inquiry on diverse topics and important projects impacting people

on the Navajo Nation. Mr. Begishe has been a consultant and instructor for a variety

of institutions of higher education including Northwestern University, the University

of New Mexico, Navajo Community College (Diné College) and the University of

Arizona. He has taught Navajo literacy, Navajo language and culture, and Navajo

ethnographic interviewing methods. He is recognized for his outstanding

contributions as an ethnographic analyst. Mr. Begishe has published and presented on

such diverse topics as ethnography, education, learning styles, linguistics, Navajo

language, Indigenous knowledge systems, Navajo thought, Navajo philosophy,

Navajo human development, Navajo culture, Navajo terminology, and the human

impact of government and private sector initiatives on members of the Navajo nation.

Begishe is lauded by Indigenous and non-Indigenous peers and colleagues for

his skillful and meticulous research approach and analysis methods, which have

resulted in his becoming a noted and respected expert on Navajo life and culture

(Schoepfle, personal correspondence, 1999).

Very few researchers would feel sufficiently comfortable working on the

development of a model articulating the Diné conceptualization of a whole person. As

cultural “outsiders,” it would not be appropriate to presume to represent the

epistemological beliefs of an Indigenous culture. Even a cultural insider would feel

inadequately prepared to interpret and represent such conceptualizations in terms of

absolutes. However, as a cultural “insider” with more than four decades of experience

as an educator, I feel confident in my ability to accept Kenneth Begishe’s personal

challenge to further explore, develop, and extend his initial model of Diné T’áá Bi

At’éego, which he characterizes as a “Diné Whole Person” and refers to in the model

title as a “a Well-directed Person.” An expanded, more complete model would serve

as a resource to help researchers, educators, Diné people, and Diné decision makers

as they consider how to best support the education of Diné youth who are

increasingly experiencing cultural dissonance between their native identities and

those self-identities more visible within mainstream culture. The consideration of

such a model, which reveals and faithfully represents the characteristics traditionally

cultivated in the formative and educational practices of the Diné, would identify both

short and long-term educational goals and objectives requisite in the development of

curriculum that is truly grounded in Diné epistemology and affirms the traditional

purposes of education in supporting the development of a ‘whole person.’

Pewewardy (1994) cautions that in order for a curriculum to be truly culturally-

based, it must be grounded in the epistemological foundations of the culture. For a

curriculum to be culturally appropriate, those who develop it, facilitate its delivery,

and assess its effectiveness must recognize, understand, and affirm the long-term

learning objectives and goals desired by the culture or community the curriculum is

designed to support.

Within any culture, one of the fundamental goals of education is to produce

well-balanced, mature, capable, competent, contributing adults; however, it is

impossible to do so if the skills and knowledge being transmitted do not support the

development of such characteristics in its young people. If the Diné Nation is to ever

develop authentic, culturally-based curriculum, it must first identify and recognize the

characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships

that support the development of a ‘whole Diné person.’

General Problem

The Diné are currently facing one of the greatest challenges ever experienced

in their history. Diné youth are not only experiencing language shift, but are also in

the process of undergoing a drastic and fast-moving cultural shift as well. The

growing numbers of gang members, incarcerated youth, and disenfranchised children

and young adults from the Diné culture are indicators that there is a disconnect

between how Diné children are prepared for adulthood and the challenges they face

upon entering and successfully negotiating mainstream culture.

How can a culture, which loves, protects, and supports its children, find itself

so far removed from the realization of the high expectations it holds for its youth?

Clues to the answer to this question can be found in the educational initiatives of the

U.S. government, the history of Diné education, the educational practices arising

from the Civil Rights Movement, and the most current efforts of educators working

with Indigenous populations to ensure that curriculum developed and utilized with

Indigenous students is, in fact, based in the culture of the students.

The Diné, like other Indigenous populations throughout the world, are

increasingly challenged by conflicting cross-cultural experiences and a barrage of

overt and subliminal messages that reinforce a long held notion that being “Indian” is

bad, while embracing mainstream culture, beliefs, values, and perspectives is good.

Diné youth, many of whom are raised by parents who themselves may have

underdeveloped Diné identities due to intentional undermining of the culture by

concerted efforts by the Federal Government, struggle to develop their personal

identities without the traditional wisdom and perspectives offered through oral

narratives central to the Diné oral tradition to help guide their development into

adulthood. Many, whose exposure to mainstream culture exceeds their exposure to

traditional values, ideals, perspectives, and knowledge systems expressed through

Diné narratives grounded in traditional epistemology, develop self-identities that are

far removed from the strong Diné identities described, celebrated, referenced, or

alluded to in the Diné oral tradition.

Curriculum to which students are exposed in their formal education fails to

help Diné youth develop characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices,

connections, and relationships necessary to the development of ‘a whole person,’ for

it does not take into consideration those epistemologically-based learning goals and

maturational milestones central to Diné culture. Therefore, understanding how Diné

people view the cognitive and emotional development of their children and

identifying learning goals and objectives held by the Diné is central to developing

curriculum which will support the development of strong, well-prepared Diné adults

as they continue on their journey to becoming a whole person.

Unfortunately, in the Diné oral tradition, a “checklist” of instructional goals

and objectives were never clearly articulated, for the traditional approach utilized in

the education of Diné children differed greatly from mainstream educational

practices, and speaking of instructional outcomes was unheard of. In Diné culture, a

youngster had many teachers, and the knowledge of the culture was conveyed

through the narratives those teachers transmitted inter-generationally to the children.

These narratives, to which the children were exposed throughout their childhoods,

carried information that the children negotiated in relation to their own developmental

and maturational abilities with each new re-telling.

Today, many educators working with Diné youth are not of the culture, and

have limited access to the cultural beliefs and understandings unique to the Diné.

Those who are charged with the development and delivery of curriculum that is

culturally-based must have a framework for the development of curriculum which is

reflective of the community and culture in which they are working. Such a framework

would help educators integrate the long-range student learning outcomes desired by

the community to develop in their youth as determined through descriptions of the

characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, connections, and valued relationships

provided by members of the cultural community. Currently, such a framework is not

available. The closest epistemologically, ontologically, and axiologically-based

document related to such a framework is Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) incomplete

working model of the Diné conceptualization of a ‘whole person,’ which is not

widely available to those outside the academy.

Through this project, I have utilized a grounded theory qualitative study to

examine a very old concept from within the culture, Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, a well-

directed person. Working with project participants of diverse ages, backgrounds, and

communities, I employed interviews to explore individual conceptualizations of “a

well-directed person” held by Diné people. I sought to discover answers to the

following questions:

Research Questions

1. What do Diné people identify as characteristics of a “well-directed” person?

a) What attributes do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-directed

person to possess?

b) What skills and knowledge do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-

directed person to possess?

c) What types of connections and relationships do Diné people identify as those

recognized, valued, and maintained by a well-directed person?

2. What traditional narratives do Diné people use to discuss the requisite

characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and

relationships of a “well-directed” person?

Rationale

Working with Indigenous youth for most of my adult life, I have come to recognize the important role played by cultural identity in the healthy, positive, future- focused development of our Indigenous youth. As a man committed to the linguistic and cultural survival of my people, I have also embraced the reality of our communities requiring the support of our youth in improving the welfare of our Diné Nation. It is, however, difficult to enlist the support of youth who have not developed a strong Diné identity or assimilated traditional practices and beliefs.

Deloria (1999) acknowledges that “Indian students who come from traditional homes have considerable difficulty assimilating the practices and beliefs that they learned as children with the modernist attitude of science. And among Indian students who grew up in urban areas and whose experience in reservation communities is limited to sporadic summertime visits, an even greater difficulty in assimilating this attitude exists” (p.130).

Ball (2003) asserts that many Indigenous communities of the Americas are committed to the improvement of community health, well-being, social development, and economic growth, all of which involve gaining access to and control over education, health, and social services provided to community members. Additionally, these communities are engaged in multifaceted efforts to revitalize their cultures, assert the legitimacy of their culturally-based values and practices as integral to the fabric society as a whole, and foster among their children positive identities embedded in their

Indigenous cultures of origin. In fact, throughout the world, Indigenous peoples are seeking ways to use education to maintain, revitalize, and re-envision cultural knowledge and ways of life, as well as to empower and transform Indigenous youth and communities

(pp. 85-87).

The Indigenous peoples of America have had a long and often challenging set of experiences that have shaped the practices affecting the education of our children. Today, we remain the products of our resilient predecessors who overcame the imposed, colonizing barriers to achieving what the Diné people refer to as Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, wholeness as a well-directed person. We wish for our children an opportunity to be educated not only about their culture of origin, but also from within their culture of origin. The struggle to gain the right to offer such an opportunity to our children began long ago, after European contact and the imposition of outside control over the education of Diné youth, and continues to this day as our Nation attempts to develop educational curriculum based in Diné culture.

After rigorous review and examination of the scholarly inquiry into Culture Based

Education (CBE), I have discovered a critical gap in the literature concerning the application of the concepts of CBE in the development of curriculum for Diné students.

When developing curriculum designed to support the academic, cognitive, maturational, and social development of youth, it is vital to first identify and articulate the long-term goals associated with the curriculum. Therefore; in the development of curriculum based in a specific culture, educators must first identify the long-term goals and outcomes desired by the community for its children. Diné people have never fully articulated such goals as they exist embedded in our oral traditions and cultural epistemology. The absence of a model showing long-term goals in the development of well-directed Diné individuals remains not only a huge gap in our own literature, but makes it impossible for our educators to develop curriculum designed to help young people attain these long- term, culturally-based educational goals.

Just as mainstream American culture has adopted the concept of what Maslow conceived of as a ‘self-actualized’ person, within Diné culture, a concept exists that is referred to as Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, wholeness as a well-directed person.

According to Maslow (1970), when basic human physiological and psychological needs are satisfied, the need or desire that emerges is self-actualization. Self-actualization is described as the individual “doing what he or she, individually, is fitted for” (p. 22). It is also the desire for self-fulfillment. Haskie (2002) argues that the mainstream concept of self-actualization and the Diné concept of Sa’ah Naaghaa Bik’eh Hózhón (SNBH) (to become everything that one is capable of becoming) are synonymous. Maslow (1970)

recognized that in reality, to achieve self-actualization and “to improve oneself is a lifelong effort” (p. 107).

Like Maslow’s ‘self-actualized’ person, Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, a “well-directed person” in the Diné culture, has highly refined psychological abilities that have been developed through concerted effort over the course of a fulfilled lifetime. However, the terminology utilized to describe such a developmentally “whole” or “complete” person in the two cultures varies dramatically. Whereas in mainstream culture, the individual is credited with successfully completing the journey (for example, “a self-made man,” a self-actualized person, or an individual who “pulled herself up by her bootstraps”), in

Diné culture, others are given credit for directing and guiding the individual through his/her development (a “well-directed person).

Unlike Maslow’s hierarchical model, a culturally grounded model reflecting Diné

T’áá Bi At’éego has never been completely articulated.

Begishe (1968) began his inquiry into the very specific Diné concept of Diné T’áá

Bi At’éego more than four decades ago. The model remains, to this day, incomplete.

Although it has been published, Begishe’s initial model has been referred to sparingly in the scholarly dialogue concerning Diné education, presumably due to its incompleteness.

However; using Begishe’s facets of a well-directed person as a springboard, Chisholm’s

(1996) ethnographic investigation into the Diné conceptualization of child development yielded a model which views child maturation in the cultural contexts of good thought and good life. Unfortunately, Chisholm’s model, which describes the major milestones of

maturation, fails to provide a basic foundation for the development of curriculum, for within it, long-term educational goals are absent.

In order to identify the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, which would provide the epistemological attributes and long-term educational goals necessary to developing a truly CBE curriculum grounded in Diné epistemology, Begishe’s model must be revisited and updated to reflect current perspectives and values within the culture.

A contemporary model of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, a well-directed person, would enable educators working on the Diné Nation and with Diné students in educational settings away from the Nation to develop curriculum grounded in the epistemological, ontological, and axiological foundations of the culture (Galda, et. al. 2006) in order to support cultural revitalization and the development of strong Diné identity in our youth.

Organization of Chapters

In Chapter 1 of this dissertation, I described the problems associated with the drastic and fast-moving linguistic and cultural shift being experienced within Diné culture, which in turn, are adversely affecting Diné youth, who are losing their distinctly

Diné identity. I described my interest in the research and shared my positionality as a researcher as well as my perspectives concerning Indigenous research ethics. I described the context of the study and how and why the research and implications could be useful in creating a Diné culture-based curriculum. I specified the research questions I used to guide the data collection and analysis in this qualitative study. Finally, I provided the

rationale for conducting research that would support a truly Diné curriculum based in the epistemology, ontology, and axiology of Diné culture.

In Chapter 2, I review the professional literature that provides a context for culture based curriculum in tribal and cultural communities. In addition, I introduce and review K’é, Hózhó, and Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón, three key philosophical principles of Diné culture and identity. Finally, I introduce and discuss Kenneth

Begishe’s (1968) model of “Diné T’áá Bi At’éego,” a well-directed person.

In Chapter 3, I introduce a research project based on the Begishe model. I discuss the research design and methodology I utilize in this research project. I then expand on the qualitative grounded theory approach I employ in the investigation of the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, connections, and valued relationships of

Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, a well-directed person. I also explain the research content and the research design in detail. Finally, I describe the collection, organization, and analysis methods I used to examine the data generated through this dissertation project.

In Chapter 4, I provide an explanation and interpretation of the data, examining the qualitative results of the grounded theory methodology. In the analysis of the data derived from the grounded theory methodology utilized in this study, I have highlighted excerpts from participant interviews to inform and support the findings of my first set of research questions as well as the second research question. I have presented my findings both textually and graphically to aid the reader in comprehending the data. In this chapter, I also begin comparing the umbrella categories and sub-categories of characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a

“well-directed” person suggested by the data with the umbrella categories and sub- categories of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego introduced by Kenneth Begishe in 1968.

Chapter 5 concludes the study with a thorough discussion of the results from the data analysis for both the first and second research questions, comments regarding noteworthy observations on the data, and an exploration of the potential significance of the study (including implications of the study for the creation of uniquely Diné curriculum, implications of the study for practice, and implications of the study for further research). Finally, I summarize the findings of this study.

In this first chapter, I have introduced a problem with which, as a tribal member of the Navajo Nation, I am familiar. I have described my motivation for conducting this research, introduced the questions to be explored, and have provided a rationale for the project. The rest of the dissertation is organized to present the literature that relates to the research, to discuss the design of the research, and to explore the results of the research.

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Diné education is a self-positive concept and self- positive identity. Navajo education is a learning process and a re-learning process of what our forefathers taught in the past, for today’s generation. This education is a continual process.

Wilson Aronlith, Foundation of Navajo Culture

Introduction

In order to understand the significance of identifying the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a “well-directed person,” it is important to understand the educational perspectives that have brought

Indigenous communities to question what exactly is required to make education responsive to the needs of Indigenous youth. It is also important to examine the well- intentioned initiatives launched by mainstream decision-makers and educators in an attempt to accommodate diverse student populations (those that differ linguistically, culturally, and ethnically from European American populations), after public awareness was elevated by the Civil Rights Movement.

In spite of the circumstances that were the backdrop to everyday life for adults in

Diné communities, somehow, in spite of overwhelming odds, the people managed to sustain Diné culture. The culture survived because the oral traditions lived. With each successive generation after European contact, the narratives through which knowledge, perspectives, connection, relationship, identity, values, and spirituality were shared continued to be passed to each new generation. It is in these ancient narratives that the people will rediscover Diné identity, for it is through these narratives that descriptions of

what it is to be Diné, what it takes to be respected, what it takes to be responsible, what it takes to be connected, what it takes to achieve balance and harmony will be revealed.

Conceptualizing Culture

Anthropologists and sociologists have long struggled to provide an inclusive description of culture. During the 40s, culture was being described in behavioral terms.

Kluckhohn and Kelly (1945) explained, "By culture we mean all those historically created designs for living, explicit and implicit, rational, irrational, and non-rational, which exist at any given time as potential guides for the behavior of men" (pp. 78-79).

Soon after, Linton (1945) asserted, "A culture is a configuration of learned behaviors and results of behavior whose component elements are shared and transmitted by the members of a particular society" (p. 32). A few years later, Parson (1949) observed,

"Culture...consists in those patterns relative to behavior and the products of human action which may be inherited, that is, passed on from generation to generation independently of the biological genes" (p. 8).

In the early 50’s, although behavior continued to be central to cultural definitions,

Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952) recognized transmission, symbols, traditional ideas, values, and conditioning in their definition, "Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for behavior acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievements of human groups, including their embodiments in artifacts; the essential core of culture consists of traditional (i.e. historically derived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values; culture systems may, on the one hand, be considered as products of action, and on the other as conditioning elements of further action" (p. 47).

A decade later, Useem and Useem (1963) reverted back to defining culture in more behavioral terms, "Culture has been defined in a number of ways, but most simply, as the learned and shared behavior of a community of interacting human beings" (p. 169).

As the age of technology came into its own, Hofstede (1984) described culture in terms of programming, "Culture is the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one category of people from another" (p. 51). A few years later, Damen (1987) argued that culture was an aspect of evolution, "Culture: learned and shared human patterns or models for living; day- to-day living patterns. These patterns and models pervade all aspects of human social interaction. Culture is mankind's primary adaptive mechanism" (p. 367).

By the late 80’s, Banks and McGee (1989) were speaking as advocates of multicultural education when they observed that a group’s perspectives and perceptions of symbols, artifacts, and behaviors were critical aspects of culture, "Most social scientists today view culture as consisting primarily of the symbolic, ideational, and intangible aspects of human societies. The essence of a culture is not its artifacts, tools, or other tangible cultural elements but how the members of the group interpret, use, and perceive them. It is the values, symbols, interpretations, and perspectives that distinguish one people from another in modernized societies; it is not material objects and other tangible aspects of human societies. People within a culture usually interpret the meaning of symbols, artifacts, and behaviors in the same or in similar ways" (p. 3).

By the mid 90’s, researchers were acknowledging the hybridity of culture and examining the role of human movement on the concept of culture. Bhabba (1995) was

interested in how such movement affected identity and made an argument for examining

“border lives” as examples of instances “of transit where space and time cross to produce complex figures of difference and identity, past and present, inside and outside, inclusion and exclusion” (p. 1). These “in-between spaces,” Bhabha (1995) believed, “provide the terrain for elaborating strategies of selfhood—singular or communal— that initiate new signs of identity, and innovative sites of collaboration, and contestation, in the act of defining the idea of society itself” (pp. 1–2).

Clifford Geertz (1973) posed an interpretive, humanistic approach to culture, which he thought should be viewed as the webs of significance within which people live, meaning encoded in symbolic forms (language, artifacts, etiquette, rituals, calendars, and so on) that must be understood through interpretation such as that performed by literary critic, "Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning" (p. 5).

Gonzalez (2004) argues for educational practitioners’ perspectives of culture to be acknowledged within the established discipline of anthropology, “Disciplinary knowledge has been and is defined by the ‘knowers,’ and until it is redefined to include

‘practitioner/knowers,’ the nexus of knowledge/power will remain unchanged” (p. 23).

This perspective, anthropology as a field versus anthropology as a tool in educational application and practice, has encouraged me to explore the concept of culture from an

Indigenous perspective.

In his research on Indigenous language and culture, Timothy Begaye (2007) interviewed teachers in their first two years of teaching in Indigenous communities. The teachers, all of whom held four-year degrees from U.S. universities and identified themselves as Native, expressed a desire to return to their communities and articulated a high regard for social and cultural integration of Indigenous and mainstream ways into the curriculum. Begaye examined the participants' understanding of the concept of culture. He concluded that, “Culture seems to be defined as part of daily life and its stories, and is connected to living a life that is in harmony with the natural world. Culture is connected to religious life through reverence for various forms of life and the spiritual integrity of the soul” (p.1).

The Divisional Educational Council of the Northwest (Canada) Territories

(DECHO) issued the Aboriginal Language and Culture-Based Education, Departmental

Directive in 2004. The document, produced to help new teachers working with

Indigenous students learn about the Northwest Territories’ Indigenous populations, defines culture as “people’s customs, traditions, history, stories, spirituality, values, beliefs and language that contribute to people’s personal and collective identity. Cultures have their roots in ancient perspectives, worldviews, knowledge, and skills” (p. 9).

The Concept of Culture as Used in this Project

For the purpose of this paper, I have chosen to select aspects of culture as I have come to understand the concept through the eyes of both mainstream and Indigenous scholars. As utilized in this paper, the concept of culture will encompass the history, narratives, customs, traditions, spirituality, beliefs, values, and languages that contribute

to a people’s personal and collective identity. Culture is rooted in ancient experiences, perspectives, beliefs, worldviews, knowledge, and skills. These aspects of culture have developed, evolved, adapted, and been passed on from one generation to the next, existing in the present time as the current epistemology of a people.

Multicultural Education

The 1960s brought dramatic change to education practices in the U.S., which, up to that point in time, had primarily emphasized and focused on mainstream European-

American culture. Most applicable to my areas of research were the desegregation of schools resulting from the Civil Rights Movement and the ensuing challenge of educating classrooms filled with diverse student populations.

A movement in the 1960s and early 1970s, led by women, people of color, and gay and lesbian groups, began to pressure public schools into providing more equitable access to educational achievement. Due to the pressures being exerted, a new concept, multicultural education, began a dialogue that focused on the role of culture in the education of students. This dialogue focused on “adding to” the existing curriculum by including marginalized groups more visibly in order to support inter-racial and intercultural tolerance. The educational initiative came to be known as the “multicultural movement” (Gorski, 1999).

Unfortunately, the concept of multicultural education originated as a response to political and social upheaval in public schools that reflected the cultural mainstream. In spite of efforts to “infuse” culture into the curriculum to promote understanding, tolerance, and inequity, multiculturalism failed to eliminate the racism and disparities it

had targeted (Petrozza, 2002). In fact, members of marginalized groups continued to lag in academic achievement within public schools.

By the 1980s, a body of scholarship on multicultural education began to emerge.

Educational activists, whose research began to reveal that the concerns of marginalized groups had only been superficially addressed, refused to allow curricular tokenism to go unchallenged. James Banks (1981) examined schools as social systems from a multicultural context; however, he framed his conceptualization of multicultural education as “educational equality.” Banks asserted that in order to create a multicultural school, all facets of the school (personnel attitudes, policies, procedures, counseling, delivery and assessment methodologies, even instructional materials) had to be examined and transformed.

By the late 1980s, other researchers, including Carl Grant, Christine Sleeter,

Geneva Gay, and Sonia Nieto, questioned the effectiveness of multicultural education.

They began to develop new paradigms, which were grounded in the goal of equal educational opportunity and closely tied to both school transformation and social change.

In order to move beyond token curricular additions, they built on Banks' research, examining multiple facets of the educational process and exposing how practices in hiring, classroom and school climate, school funding, student tracking, and even instructional delivery methods contributed to an oppressive education system (Gorski,

1999).

Geneva Gay (1994) asserts that one reason the multicultural movement included cultural pluralism in school programs was to correct "sins of omission and commission."

The “sins of omission” include the historical tendency for public school curriculum to overlook, ignore, or systematically omit the histories, perspectives, understandings, and values of “others,” those who are marginalized from the mainstream. The “sins of commission” include the historical tendency for public school curriculum to include and perpetuate blatant stereotypes of “others.” These stereotypes are those that introduce individual “others” as peculiar, exotic, or romanticized figures, whose introduced image is often frozen in time, much like the cigar store wooden Indians of yesteryear.

Gay (1994) suggests there are several steps that might be followed to make curriculum more pluralistic and affirming of “others.” A first step would involve providing access to accurate, specific information describing the history, heritage, culture, and contributions of those who have been systematically excluded from curricula. Next, distorted or biased stereotypes or characterizations of “others” must be replaced in the curricula with more realistic, current information.

Culturally Relevant Pedagogy

Theoreticians and researchers attempted to capture the concept of accommodating culture in the development and delivery of instruction with a variety of terms; Au and

Jordan (1981) deemed such a curricular philosophy, “culturally appropriate; Mohatt and

Erickson (1981) preferred the term, “culturally congruent; Au and Jordan responded with, “culturally responsive; and Jordan (1985), decided on, “culturally compatible.”

Years later, Ladson-Billings (1994) coined an umbrella term, “culturally relevant teaching,” that served to describe, “a pedagogy that empowers students intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural referents to impart knowledge,

skills, and attitudes” (p.18). Using such an approach allows for the development of lessons and delivery methodologies that draw from the culturally grounded experiences, knowledge, and heritage of students being served.

The concept of accommodating students from diverse cultural backgrounds within the context of mainstream-based education is how the above-mentioned theoreticians and researchers framed their perspectives. A tremendous amount of time, effort, research, reporting, and accommodation went into addressing the cultural heritages of non- mainstream youth. From Ladson-Billing’s concept of culturally relevant teaching, a pedagogical foundation was developed, and a compatible approach ensued.

Ladson-Billings (1994) contends that culturally relevant pedagogy has three criteria:

• Students must experience academic success.

• Students must develop and/or maintain cultural competence.

• Students must develop a critical consciousness through which they

challenge the status quo of the current social order.

Gay (2000) views culturally relevant pedagogy as appropriate for educating youth from diverse backgrounds. Such pedagogy utilizes student strengths to draw on cultural knowledge, prior experiences, frames of reference, and performance styles of students to make learning more relevant and effective. By incorporating culturally relevant pedagogy into a teaching approach, culturally responsive teaching, the culture, knowledge, and heritage language of students are validated and affirmed, but are not necessarily central to the development of curriculum.

Culturally Responsive Teaching

An emphasis on culturally responsive teaching developed during the late 1980s and early 1990s, resulting from ever-increasing diversity in U.S. classrooms and a specific concern over the lack of academic achievement experienced by many marginalized groups of students despite years of education reform and educational trends such as “multicultural” education.

Pewewardy and Hammer (2003) contend that culturally responsive teaching relies on educators developing affirming dispositions toward learners and adopting a holistic approach to curriculum and instruction. Gay (2000) adds that culturally responsive teaching involves respecting the cultures and experiences of various groups by using these as resources for teaching and learning. It appreciates the existing cultural strengths and accomplishments of all students and develops them further in instruction.

In Time (2008), an educational website sponsored by the US Department of

Education, the Renaissance Group, and the University of Northern Iowa, identifies 6 characteristics of culturally responsive teaching. Culturally responsive teaching is validating, comprehensive, multidimensional, empowering, transformative, and emancipatory.

Culturally Responsive Teaching is Validating: One aspect of culturally relevant pedagogy involves the incorporation of culturally responsive teaching in the teaching/learning process. Gay (2000) views culturally responsive teaching as validating because student strengths are recognized and drawn upon to make learning more appropriate and effective. Gay (2000) describes culturally responsive teaching as that

which:

• Acknowledges the legitimacy of the cultural heritages of students, both as

legacies that affect students' dispositions, attitudes, and approaches to learning

and as worthy content to be taught in the formal curriculum.

• Builds bridges of meaningfulness between home and school experiences as

well as between academic abstractions and lived socio-cultural realities.

• Uses a wide variety of instructional strategies connected to different learning

styles.

• Teaches students to know and praise their own and others' cultural heritages.

• Incorporates multicultural information, resources, and materials in all the

subjects and skills routinely taught in schools (p. 29).

Culturally Responsive Teaching is Comprehensive: Ladson-Billings (1992) views culturally responsive teaching as comprehensive, explaining that teachers help students develop intellectual, social, emotional, and political competencies by "using cultural referents to impart knowledge, skills, and attitudes" (p. 382). In a sense, culturally responsive teachers teach the whole child (Gay, 2000). Hollins (1996) adds that education designed specifically for students of diverse cultural backgrounds incorporates "culturally mediated cognition, culturally appropriate social situations for learning, and culturally valued knowledge in curriculum content" (p. 13). Culturally responsive teaching recognizes both the importance of academic achievement and the maintenance of cultural identity and heritage (Gay, 2000).

Culturally Responsive Teaching is Multidimensional: In Time (2008) describes culturally responsive teaching as multidimensional because it involves a multiplicity of aspects. Curriculum content, learning context, classroom climate, student- teacher relationships, instructional techniques, and performance assessments are all components of culturally responsive education.

Culturally Responsive Teaching is Empowering: Gay (2000) describes culturally responsive teaching as empowering because academic competency, self-efficacy, and initiative are developed through attribution retraining, resource utilization, personal assistance, modeling of self-efficacy beliefs, and celebrating individual and collective accomplishments. In the approach, teachers hold high expectations for and support student efforts toward academic achievement.

Culturally Responsive Teaching is Transformative: According to Banks (1991) if education is to empower marginalized groups, it must be transformative. Being transformative involves helping "students to learn the knowledge, skills, and values needed to become social critics who can make reflective decisions and implement their decisions in effective personal, social, political, and economic action" (p.

131). Culturally responsive teaching is that which respects the cultures and experiences of students and then uses these as resources for teaching, learning, personal growth, and the transformation of individuals as well as their communities. Transformative learning is that which empowers the learner to become conscious of, identify, and work to affect a change in aspects of him/herself or his/her environment.

Paulo Freire (1970) articulated a theory of transformative learning which he referred to as conscientization (consciousness-raising). Freire's theory was borne out of his work helping Brazilian poor develop literacy skills as well as from liberation efforts in developing nations in Latin America and Africa. Freire was guided by his desire for political liberation and freedom from oppression.

In Freire’s (1970) theory, transformation results from the development of a critical consciousness, a process in which learners develop the ability to analyze, pose questions, and take action on the social, political, cultural, and economic conditions that influence their lives. Through problem-posing and discussion learners become aware of structures within society that contribute to inequality and oppression. Students develop an understanding of the ways in which social structures influence how they think about themselves and the world. This process consists of action and reflection in transactional relationship with each other (praxis).

Culturally Responsive Teaching is Emancipatory: Freire argues that education should foster freedom among learners by empowering them to reflect on the world and change it through praxis. In this way, transformative learning is emancipatory

(liberating) at individual and social levels because it provides learners with 1) a voice, 2) the ability to name the world, 3) and the power to construct for themselves the meaning of the world.

Other researchers affirm Freire’s view of the emancipatory nature of culturally responsive teaching (Asante, 1991/1992; Au, 1993; Erickson, 1987; Gordon, 1993;

Lipman, 1995; Pewewardy, 1994; Philips, 1983). Culturally responsive teaching does not

decree that mainstream ways of knowing, understanding, and perceiving are the sole ways of knowing, understanding, and perceiving. Such an approach helps learners understand that no single version of "truth" exists.

In order to provide culturally responsive teaching, teachers facilitate in their students the balanced development of knowledge concerning cultural groups beyond the mainstream. Gay (2000) states, "The validation, information, and pride it generates are both psychologically and intellectually liberating" (p. 35). Such freedom results in improved achievements that can include: clear and insightful thinking; more caring, concerned, and humane interpersonal skills; better understanding of interconnections among individual, local, national, ethnic, global, and human identities; and acceptance of knowledge as something to be continuously shared, critiqued, revised, and renewed

(Chapman, 1994; M. Foster, 1995; Hollins, 1996; Hollins, King, & Hayman, 1994;

Ladson-Billings, 1992, 1994, 1995a and 1995b; C.D. Lee, 1993; C.D. Lee & Slaughter-

Defoe, 1995).

At the dawn of the 21st century, Indigenous scholars and theoreticians such as

Brayboy (2005), Demmert (1983), Barnhart (2005), and Gruenewald (2008) were gaining audiences that found wisdom in their research and guidance in their words, which called for educational practices that were culturally relevant, appropriate, and contextualized. The concepts of pedagogy of place, place-based education, and culture- based education have emerged as having great potential in serving Indigenous students, their families, their communities, and their sovereign nations much better than anything previously imposed by outside agencies and organizations.

Culturally Responsive Teaching on the Diné Nation

In the late 80s, as scholars investigated Culturally Responsive Teaching in the context of mainstream schooling, researchers and educators working in tandem on the

Diné Nation were examining teaching practices at the Rough Rock Demonstration School

(McCarty, et al., 1991). The school developed and successfully implemented a bilingual social studies curriculum that was informed by the work of Hilda Taba (1962; Taba et al.

1971), whose development of curricular models focused on inductive reasoning. Taba believed that to evolve a theory of curriculum development and a method of thinking about it, one needs to ask what the present and the future demands and requirements of culture and society are. She viewed curriculum as a way of preparing young people to participate in the culture. Although Taba was not referring to Indigenous culture in her observations, the Native American Materials Development Center (NAMDC) believed strongly enough in the concept she was espousing to adapt her model for use with

Indigenous students (NAMDC, 1980).

According to Rough Rock’s first director, Robert Roessel, efforts to develop bilingualism and biculturalism of the student population attempted to incorporate a "both- and" approach, aimed at exposing children "to important values and customs of both

Navajo culture and the dominant society" (Roessel, 1977, p. 10). However, funding to develop bilingual materials and a lack of Diné educators severely limited the school’s ability to implement such a “both-and” bilingual and bicultural philosophy.

According to McCarty et al, (1991), in 1980, the school received a grant to develop a permanent bilingual social studies curriculum. Parents, teachers, and

community members were surveyed to gain insight into the local needs and related curricular goals. Interestingly, nearly all 100 people surveyed agreed that students needed to develop skills in order to participate off the reservation. However, respondents disagreed on “how” children should be taught. Many thought the school should be

"teaching the white man's way," while others maintained that the school was "the only place where children today can learn what they need to know about their language and culture" (McCarty et al., 1991, p. 46).

A common ground for those surveyed was the desire to perpetuate key Navajo values, especially K’é, meaning kinship, clanship, and "right and respectful relations with others and with nature" (Bia et al. 1983, p.3 and Witherspoon 1983, p. 524). The responses provided a basis for curriculum development and classroom interactions that involved talk shared between teachers and students, sought and clearly valued the expression of students' ideas, meaningfully incorporated the students' social environment into the curricular content, and encouraged students to use their cultural and linguistic resources to solve new problems.

The research conducted by educators and scholars at Rough Rock during the

1980-83 grant period indicated that Indigenous students can and do respond eagerly and quite verbally to questioning strategies in inquiry-based learning activities, even in their second language, in spite of the common stereotypical misperception that they do not

(McCarty et al, 1991). At Rough Rock, this occurred in the context of instruction that explicitly emphasized inductive/analytical learning processes that was firmly grounded in the Diné conceptualization of K’é.

Culture Based Education

The Struggle to Centralize Culture in the Curriculum

When Dewey (1938) called for “experiential” learning, noting that students learn more effectively and efficiently by contextualized experiences, he was laying a foundation for what we now recognize as context-based education, a concept that has continued to expand beyond cultural confluence resulting from the Civil Rights

Movement. As was mentioned earlier, the inception of Multicultural Education resulted from the desegregation of schools following the Civil Rights Movement. However innovative and exciting the concept seemed, models of multicultural education failed miserably when it came to achievement by marginalized groups in the educational arena

(Pewewardy, 1993).

What is Culture Based Education?

The Northwest Territories of Canada sponsor a teacher induction program, which supports the preparation of new and beginning teachers to become competent and effective educators. A critical part of the program is helping these teachers to develop an understanding of local schools, communities, and cultures (Northwestern Territories

Teacher Induction Program Website, 2008). The program has defined Culture-Based

Education (CBE):

Culture-based education is education which reflects, validates and promotes the values, world views, and languages of the community's cultures... Culture-based education is intended to honour all forms of knowledge, ways of knowing and world views equally.

CBE is far more than the incorporation of cultural events and traditional skills into the curriculum. The goal of culture-based education is to support all students through explicit and implicit affirmation of their cultures. When educators and the school community validate the culture of the students being served, it helps children understand their heritage and to value contributions of family, community, and ancestors, building competency, pride, and self-esteem, all of which are central in the development of a strong cultural identity.

A Working Description of Culture Based Education

For the purpose of my paper, I describe Culture Based Education (CBE) as educational practices that acknowledge, affirm, and support relationships between the culture of the school, the culture of the community served, the context in which the school curriculum is offered, and the place of Indigenous and other languages and cultures in the educational process. I have arrived at this description based on the work of scholars exploring CBE and related concepts in relation to marginalized and Indigenous students.

CBE incorporates native language and/or important elements of Indigenous culture, as articulated by members of the communities being served. Culturally based interventions are planned activities and materials designed to improve education and introduced within the education systems. They include broad programs that engage participants for long periods with a high degree of involvement (e.g., all-day immersion programs) and more specific interventions that entail less time and involvement (e.g., a specific language text).

Indigenous Education

For Indigenous peoples, education has traditionally been a way to learn about life and relationships in ways that are directly tied to experiences involving nature, participant observation, hands-on practices, and storytelling. These educational experiences take place in one’s own community and are central to cultural transmission.

Learning how to become a complete human being is the essence of Indigenous educational philosophy. It involves finding one’s identity and passion rooted in life experiences that are shaped and influenced by one’s cultural community and their resulting communal attachment (Cajete, 1994; Tiffany Lee, 2006). A core goal of

Indigenous education is to ensure that the learner becomes a contributing member of the community, and this goal is met by locating students’ experiences in their own communities (Benham & Cooper, 2000; Cajete, 1994; Johnson, 2000; Kawagley, 1995).

Indigenous education is also rooted in place, which includes a local environment, animate and inanimate components of the local environment, people, spirituality, and culture. Place is significant because it is where one learns about personal connection to a community through participation in community life and relationships with one another

(Kawagley & Barnhardt, 1999).

Culture Based Indigenous Education

Indigenous scholars have begun to address the concept of making Indigenous languages and epistemologies central in the development of curriculum serving the needs of Native communities, as opposed to the practice of infusing Indigenous language and culture into existing mainstream curriculum.

According to Yap (2004), Indigenous CBE is education that reflects, validates and promotes the cultures and languages of the First Peoples through affirmation of culture.

Culture is defined by traditional knowledge, ways of knowing, and worldviews. In contrast, the cultural identity of the people, both individually and as members of the group, include a people’s customs, traditions, history, stories, spirituality, values, beliefs, and language.

Demmert and Towner (2003) describe CBE as having six critical elements:

• Recognition and use of Native languages

• Pedagogy that stresses traditional cultural characteristics and adult-child

interactions

• Pedagogy in which teaching strategies are congruent with the traditional

culture and ways of knowing and learning

• Curriculum that is based on traditional culture and that recognizes the

importance of Native spirituality

• Strong Native community participation in educating children and in the

planning and operation of school activities

• Knowledge and use of the social and political mores of the community

Demmert and Towner (2002 & 2003) have suggested that the language and culture of a community cannot be separated from the pedagogy of the school and its educators, nor can they be extracted from the core curriculum without the risk of losing both. These scholars identified three theoretical approaches to CBE interventions: cultural compatibility, cognitive theory, and Cultural-Historical Activity Theory (CHAT).

The three approaches represent increasingly more elaborate iterations of the concept of congruence between the social-cultural dispositions of students and the social-cultural expectations of the school. CHAT, the most elaborate of the three theoretical approaches, provides a foundation for creating school conditions that facilitate linguistic, cognitive, and psychological development, enhancing student academic achievement through:

• Rich and respectful language exchanges with more competent others: teachers

and community elders

• The development of both the community language and the language of

academic disciplines

• Shared instructional activity: teachers and community elders

• Relationship forms that are familiar to the student (community-contextualized)

• Dialogue that allows discussion and development of multiple identities

• An emphasis on academic goals and their relevance to the lives of students and

their families

An Ojibwa educator, Mary Hermes (2005), argues that culture cannot be added on to the existing mainstream school curriculum as has been the practice since the inception of multicultural education in the 1980s. The institutionalization of culture without altering the existing curricular model utilized in public schools has, in effect, resulted in the dilution of culture to a superficial glance. The articulated goals of the curriculum often described lesson objectives in terms of helping students to develop an appreciation of the culture being showcased. Such a culture-appended curricular model tends to imply a necessary identity choice, whereby doing well in school is seen as selling out

Indigenous identity; “Some students and staff discussed how they perceived the teaching of academic subjects to be at odds with teaching culture. This became an identity dilemma for some students, as they interpreted academic success as tantamount to assimilation (Hermes 2005, p. 46).

In 1993, Cornel Pewewardy articulated a revolutionizing concept when he recognized that Indigenous children were having difficulty negotiating their schooling process because educators had attempted, unsuccessfully, to insert Indigenous culture into “education” rather than the “education” into Indigenous culture. The “additive” models of multicultural education to which Pewewardy was referring, were, indeed, failing children, their communities, and their Indigenous nations.

Not only did Pewewardy recognize why Indigenous children were not thriving in public schools, he also introduced the basic foundations of CBE. Without acknowledging it, Pewewardy’s observations reveal the existence of a long entrenched CBE curriculum; that of mainstream culture. Mainstream curriculum was grounded in mainstream culture.

The culture was reflected in all aspects of the curriculum; conceptualization, development, delivery methodologies, delivery materials, and assessment. It was that curriculum which was so very appropriate for children from the mainstream, but failed in the service of marginalized populations in public education. Students from the mainstream succeeded, while those from marginalized cultural groups continued to flounder.

Cajete (1994) ignited a spark in Indigenous educators worldwide when his dissertation was published. In Look to the Mountain: An Ecology of Indigenous

Education, Cajete describes key elements of Indigenous perspectives in the teaching/learning process. He advocates for the development of a contemporary, culturally-based education process grounded in traditional values, orientations, and principles, while using the most appropriate concepts, technologies, and content of mainstream education.

Tiffany Lee (2006) describes a unique University of New Mexico program,

TRIBES, Tribal Resource Institute in Business, Engineering, and Science that has wedded the concepts of community, place, and becoming a complete human being, which are viewed as the essential aspects of Indigenous education. The summer program for

Indigenous students intersects Indigenous education with an Indigenized version of critical pedagogy, one in which liberation of the individual is climaxed by an emphasis on service to community. According to Indigenous educational philosophy, in learning how to become a complete human being, an individual has to become aware of his own worth and role in contributing to the well-being of the community.

Within the TRIBES program, which offers a unique conceptualization of

Indigenous educational philosophy, students reconnect to their heritages and communities in innovative ways that motivate them to serve their communities. The program employs

Indigenous values and methodologies to help students develop what Tiffany Lee (2006) calls a critical Indigenous consciousness. Through this critical consciousness, Indigenous youth re-connect to and embrace traditional values that have long guided leaders in providing service to their communities and their people. This is what Cajete (1994), describes as, “finding one’s face” (pp. 35).

Much work in Indigenous education advises that cultural continuity (between community and school) increases school success (McCarty & Zepeda, 1995). By going through a program such as TRIBES, students experience a process of situated learning that allows them, through activities, to develop a sense of the actual challenges facing their own communities. When they return to the community, they are better prepared to actually see and comprehend these challenges realistically and with better strategies with which to address them.

The same type of situation existed for me when I first attended the American

Indian Languages Development Institute (AILDI) at the University of Arizona in 2002.

The mission of the Institute is to “mobilize efforts to document, revitalize and promote

Indigenous languages, reinforcing the processes of intergenerational language transfer.

AILDI plays a critical role in ongoing outreach, training, and collaborative partnerships with educators, schools and Indigenous communities nationally and internationally through the use of multiple resources” (AILDI, 2008).

Through AILDI, I was exposed to new learning experiences and situations that helped me to identify, understand, and be better prepared to address linguistic and cultural challenges facing my own community back in New Mexico. Upon returning to my community, I was, as were the students returning from the TRIBES program, highly motivated and empowered to put into practice the knowledge and skills I had gained from my AILDI experiences in order to help my people stabilize and revitalize our language and culture. AILDI prepared me and other participants to honor the cultural expectations of our communities by returning to serve in leadership positions.

Negotiating Cultural and Linguistic Balance

Ray Barnhardt (2002) calls for a balance between the traditional knowledges and languages of Indigenous cultures and those of mainstream educators that can support the revitalization of students' connections to their homes, communities, cultural traditions, and the larger society.

According to May (1999), reclaiming and revaluing Indigenous languages, cultures, and Indigenous "consciousnesses” to empower and improve the educational success of Indigenous students is vital. To accomplish such a feat, all levels of education would have to become more responsive to and reflective of local Indigenous communities. Schools must make learning more relevant to the lives and experiences of people from the communities. Up to this point in history, that has not occurred.

Having grown up in the Diné culture, I recognize that the culture is not directly articulated as it is taught to our children; it is more subliminal - under the surface, embedded in conversations and explanations. Whatever a teaching is, it is tied to specific components of the culture, but those components are not cited, addressed, or even spoken about. It is indirect instruction, and it is instruction that occurs a little at a time, in pieces or chunks of information that a child is provided by his elders to think about, ponder, question, test. When the time is right and the child returns to the elder with another question, a new piece of information is revealed, and the process continues. In this way, the young person initiates the teaching learning process through his or her own interest, curiosity, and desire to learn.

I have known people who are Diné cultural practitioners; everything in their lives starts with a prayer. Interestingly enough, corn pollen determines the daily paths of these people. We have two colors of corn pollen, yellow and white; they are the two types of pollen in the Diné prayer that a person follows. One man I knew made an analogy about the corn pollen; following the corn pollen is like following the yellow and white line of the highway… it keeps him going straight!

Not only was culturally responsive teaching addressed in the development of the curriculum at Rough Rock Demonstration School discussed in Section 2, but the model utilized became the first epistemologically grounded model of Indigenous education implemented on the Diné Nation (Figure 1-1). Central to the model (first discussed in section two of this paper), which was adapted from Taba (1962, and Taba et al. 1971) by the Native American Materials Development Center (NAMDC) and Rough Rock school and community members for curriculum development at Rough Rock Demonstration is

K’é, a key Diné value relating to relationships within one’s world (kinship, clanship, and respectful relations with other people and the natural world).

When considered from a Diné perspective, CBE is not only dependent upon K’é, but it is also tied to the environment because the knowledge it conveys is part of the ecology of the land and the beings that interact within the ecosystem of the land. There are strands of knowledge that come from the special relationship people have with the land and environment (learning about one’s surroundings and environment, learning the narratives and the layered meanings of the narratives, learning one’s place within the

family, clan, community) and these knowledge strands, just as with those associated with

K’é, support the development of identity.

Incorporating Culture to Support Indigenous Student Success

It has been suggested by numerous scholars in the fields of Multicultural and

Indigenous Education that to support the success of Indigenous students, educators and educational institutions need to incorporate the following: culturally pluralistic approaches (Reyhner 1990); formal and informal academic integration (Pavel and Padilla

1993); providing student-centered and experiential learning (Cajete 1994; Deloria and

Wildcat 2001); building cultural identity and building cultural capital (Delpit, 1988 and

1995); utilizing bicultural approaches (Yazzie 2000); and individualized learning within the context of a community of learners (Lipka 2002). These researchers and theoreticians argue that culture-based and place-based education, along with culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2000), are critical factors in addressing the education and socialization of strong, successful Indigenous youth.

Reyhner (1990) emphasized that culturally pluralistic approaches support the

Indigenous learner, allowing for cultural variation of perspectives and methodology to reinforce the strengths of Indigenous cultures.

In their research with Indigenous college students, Pavel and Padilla (1993) noted that students who experienced cultural integration at both a formal (curricular) and informal (non-curricular) level, fared much better than those who experienced cultural integration either formally or informally, and those who experienced no cultural

integration at all. Figure 2-1 illustrates a framework for a concept- and idea-based social studies curriculum in Diné Studies.

In his description of culturally appropriate curriculum for Indigenous students,

Cajete (1994) described activities that provided student centered-and experiential learning for Indigenous students noting that such activities addressed a broader range of student strengths developed within their own cultural experiences. Deloria and Wildcat

(2001) echoed related sentiments as they called for Indigenous student-centered learning,

“By maintaining a continuing respect for the beliefs and practices of their tribes, students can begin to see the world through the eyes of their ancestors and translate the best knowledge of the world" (p. 28). Indigenous knowledge "of the natural world, of the human world, and of whatever realities exist beyond our sense has a consistency that far surpasses anything devised by Western civilization" (p. 28).

Delpit (1988, 1995) points out that in order to include marginalized students in the curriculum, those who are not representative of the power elite in the social structure, we must first acknowledge the process through which mainstream curriculum and schools systematically privilege social groups. Mainstream curriculum institutionalizes the dominant culture through codification of culturally-based ways of perceiving, thinking, interacting, speaking, writing, etc. This institutionalization of cultural ways of knowing and being; the epistemology; the “cultural capital” (Bourdieu, 1984) of the dominant culture privilege the children of powerful groups in the social structure while excluding those of the least powerful groups. In this way, society replicates itself; those that “have” continue to be served by educational institutions that support the building of both their

cultural identity and cultural capital. Those that “have not” remain marginalized, and their ability to build cultural identity and capital is hindered.

Yazzie (2000) maintains that an alternative to assimilationist models of education would be a bicultural model which allows for the school and community to decide the purpose of education. Such a model would allow for the authentic incorporation of languages, cultures, and epistemologies of Indigenous cultures. She cautions, however, that Indigenous educators using such a model must still address the challenges presented through the diverse understandings of language, culture, and the concept of culturally appropriate education; as well as the diverse experiences and affiliations of Indigenous peoples.

Lipka, et al. (2002) in their work examining individualized learning within the context of a community of learners, jointly developed a supplemental culturally based math curriculum (MCC) with Yup'ik elders. The MCC was based on Yup'ik cultural knowledge and norms, and sought to bridge the cultures of the community and the school. The working definition of culturally based math education adopted by the elders and Lipka’s team included math content knowledge (informed by both Western knowledge and that of Yup'ik elders), pedagogical knowledge (informed by school-based practices and community-based ways of teaching, communicating, and learning), and contextual knowledge (ways of connecting schooling to students' prior knowledge, and the everyday knowledge of the community.

In 1993, a task force, commissioned by the National Organizing Committee of the

1993 World Indigenous Peoples’ Conference on Education, met to outline a framework for discussing educational rights of Indigenous peoples. Task force members were drawn internationally from the U.S., Australia, New Zealand (Aotearoa), and Canada. The

document that was submitted for discussion and refinement to all Indigenous participants at the 1993 Conference is now known as “the Coolangatta Statement.” The statement summarizes the failure of mainstream educational systems to successfully educate

Indigenous youth (1993, section 1.3.1).

Historically, Indigenous people have insisted upon the right of access to education. Invariably the nature, and consequently the outcome, of this education has been constructed through and measured by non-Indigenous standards, values and philosophies. Ultimately the purpose of this education has been to assimilate Indigenous people into non-Indigenous cultures and societies.

Volumes of studies, research and reports dealing with Indigenous people in non- Indigenous education systems paint a familiar picture of failure and despair. When measured in non-Indigenous terms, the educational outcomes of Indigenous people are still far below that of non-Indigenous people. This fact exists not because Indigenous people are less intelligent, but because educational theories and practices have been developed and controlled by non-Indigenous people. Thus, in more recent times, due to the involvement of Indigenous people, research shows that failure is indeed present, but that this failure is that of the system, not of Indigenous people.

A Call for Research Supporting Culture Based Curriculum in Tribal & Cultural

Contexts

In her book, Decolonizing Methodologies, Linda T. Smith (1999) points out that decolonization does not equate to a total rejection of all Western knowledge. Instead, she believes that Indigenous people should begin with a focus that centers their own world views and concerns in their research and inquiry and continue with that focus in developing an understanding of theory and research from their own cultural perspectives and for their own community-based purposes (p. 39). Smith later goes on to note that now that indigenous knowledge systems have achieved an amount of recognition that the

struggle for validating indigenous knowledges may now center on, “proving the authenticity of, and control over, our own forms of knowledge” (p. 104).

Iris Pretty Paint, in an invited commentary on the confrontation of existing school culture for Indigenous Educational Models for Contemporary Practice, edited by

Benham (2008), calls for research that examines curriculum that is more culturally tied to tribal communities and culture:

Indigenous educators are reclaiming the ability to educate by choosing to work in schools serving Indigenous children. Although we differ in our history, world view philosophy, languages, and customs, as Indigenous educators, we hold a common desire to preserve, protect, and promote our cultural values, teachings, and traditional educational pedagogies. In doing so, we hope to reverse the history or devastating educational practices that removed us from our culture and language and failed to effectively teach Indigenous children (AIHEC, 2007). Today the critical challenge facing schools serving Indigenous children is to implement curriculum that makes learning more meaningful to tribal context and culture (Benham, p. 176).

Since 2004, the American Indian Higher Education Consortium (AIHEC) has been working on a proposed framework for Indigenous Education Assessment. In introducing the initiative, the Consortium reiterated the need for Indigenous educators to revisit their own cultural epistemologies in order to define a culturally grounded Indigenous pedagogy of education:

A first step in developing an Indigenous pedagogy is to understand our own epistemologies—our own Indigenous ways of knowing. Indigenous educators should consider the question of what core common values influence their perspectives and take time to sort out which values should inform their praxis. What does this mean to the educator’s community and school? What are these values? In defining our own

Indigenous pedagogy, its meaning, practices, and usefulness in our own terms, we have ownership and do not merely respond to the requirements imposed by outsiders (AIHEC,

2007).

In her comparison of two Indigenous institutions of higher education (Diné

College and Te Wananga o Raukawa, a Maori university in Aotearoa New Zealand), Joan

Umiokalani Jensen (2006) explored differing approaches taken in the incorporation of

Indigenous perspectives and culture into tertiary education. The study noted a distinct cultural deference to mainstream culture exhibited in the curricula of Diné College.

However, data from New Zealand suggested that Maori culture was more prevalent in both the curricula and the institutional goals of Te Wananga o Raukawa. Jensen called for further investigation into Diné College operations through interviews from Diné people associated with the college, which her study lacked. She believed that data generated through further research might clarify how Diné epistemology informs institutional policies and processes at the institution. “The personal, everyday observation of the application of Sa'ah Naagháí Bik'eh Hózhóón, for example, will help in the increased understanding of how it informs the institutional culture at the school—something I could only hint at through examples given in documents” ( p. 48).

Diné Based Education

One of the most comprehensive descriptions of Diné education was provided by

Diné intellectual, Wilson Aronlith, Jr. (1994) in his Navajo Community College publication, Foundation of Navajo Culture. Aronlith’s description is eloquent, capturing the essence of education within the Diné cultural context while demonstrating

perspectives of Diné education that differ significantly from that of mainstream education,

This Diné concept of education can give our youth good minds, courage, strength, self-esteem, and spiritual identity, to make life complete. Our Diné education is a process of relearning. It has continuity. It is knowledge that you want to gain. Diné education is determined by what an individual wants to learn and teach.

Diné education is caring and nurturing, which is the most important element in the preparation of our youth for life (Iiná). Diné education is seeing, listening, hearing and feeling. Diné education is a basic foundation for our skills. It requires discipline to be sincere, honest, and self-confident with one’s self. Diné education is basically our religion, songs and prayers. Through this, there is a feeling, a spirit, knowledge, learning, preparation, planning and thinking of how to become skillful. Diné education can teach you to listen, see, hear, and understand to learn how to start a project, plus how to finish it properly. In this way you will have a clear mind and the process which your mind and spirit have built into your learning. You will learn to appreciate what you are learning.

Diné education means learning about the origin of motivation and comprehension. Diné motivation means having an interest and enthusiasm for challenge in any endeavor of life. Diné comprehension means using thoughts thinking process, and ideas of understanding, while planning, preparing and implementing all of these concepts, based upon the past, present and future. This means instilling positive self-esteem in oneself, while motivating and directing oneself as a Diné. This concept of Diné education will prepare one’s life by instilling the correct ingredients for our youth, so that they can respect themselves and all walks of life (creation).

Diné education reinforces Diné beliefs which were taught by our forefathers. It can help Diné re-evaluate themselves, in their goals and objectives, meeting the challenges of both cultural and educational roles. It can build a firm structure upon which to stand as a learner.

Dine education and teaching is not evil, witchcraft, magic, illusion nor fairy tales. These teachings touch the real life. Our Diné education will never fade or die away. As long as we still have the four parts of the day, the four seasons, as long as the sun still shines, it will be here. But if we ever begin to imitate and copy someone else, then only will the Diné fade away from their true identity (pp. 24-25).

Aronlith goes on to explain that through Diné education, Diné people will begin to understand more clearly their direction and destination so that the goals and objectives of the people will be achieved (p. 25).

Aronlith’s assertions make tremendous sense within the contexts of self- determination and tribal sovereignty.

Diné Identity

According to Lloyd Lee (2006), the Navajo worldview originates from the creation narratives passed inter-generationally within the culture. These narratives provide the foundation of Diné society and way of life. Diné worldview defines and shapes a distinct cultural identity. Generally speaking, the narratives, values, and beliefs

Diné people are taught from a young age profoundly influence a Diné person's approach to life.

In discussing what it is to be Diné, Lloyd Lee (2006) notes, “The three Navajo principles of K’é, Hózhó, and Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón (SNBH) … are significant markers of Navajo cultural identity to this day. These concepts are vital to the integrity and continuance of Navajo society. They demonstrate the ability to live in a present-day world based on the historical Navajo way of life (p.82).

These three fundamental principles of Diné culture are interrelated. In describing

K’é in its first position paper, Uranium and Diné Binitsekees, the Diné Policy Institute (a policy and research “think-tank” on the Navajo Nation that analyzes issues from traditional philosophical paradigm of SNBH), notes that “SNBH is a paradigm that is under-girded and informed by K’é. K’é is a principle that sustains harmony. From the

Navajo cosmogony, it is clear that k’é is the moving principle of all living things” (p. 2)

Lloyd Lee (2006) further affirms the interrelatedness of the principles by noting that

Hózhó and SNBH emphasize individual and collective harmony.

K’é

Aronilth (1994) introduces the Diné conceptualization, K’é, by explaining that within the Navajo worldview, the foundation on which all relationships are built is k’é

(respect). K’é encompasses the relationships we have with ourselves, with our relatives, with other people, with all living and non-living components of the earth, and with the entire universe. Since K’é is the basis of all relationships, the Navajo Common Law

Project (2002) points out that K’é is the basis for all law within the culture.

In his book, Navajo Courts and Navajo Common Law, Ray Austin (2009) describes K’é as a universal principle that describes the” ideal relationship among everyone in the Navajo world, where values maintain relationships that produce concord” by reinforcing the clan and kinship system through respect, kindness, cooperation, friendliness, reciprocal relations, and love (p. 84). Austin demonstrates how K’é guides the relationships and interactions of Diné society and is foundational in traditional

politics, ideas and practices of equality, and the rights of the individual and community

(p.83).

K’é , as noted by Lloyd Lee (2006), informs the philosophical principles of SNBH and Hózhó, two conceptualizations upon which the Diné worldview is based. SNBH and

Hózhó are epistemological, ontological, and axiological concepts that are the essence of the Diné way of life. Generally speaking, Diné people are directed to live a life based on the concept of SNBH and Hózhó (p. 82). A person who does so is considered a “well- directed” individual.

Hózhó

Austin (2009) describes Hózhó at both a general and a universal level. At the general level, Hózhó encompasses all that is considered good and positive that contribute to living life at its fullest. The positive characteristics include “beauty, harmony, goodness, happiness, right social relations, good health, and the acquisition of knowledge” (p. 54). At the universal level, Austin notes that Hózhó describes a state where everything, tangible and intangible, is in its proper place and functioning well with everything else, such that the condition produced can be describe as peace, harmony, an balance… a perfect state (p. 54). Simply stated, Reichard (1963) describes Hózhó as perfection, a central guiding force for which Diné people strive throughout the course of their lives.

Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón (SNBH)

Haskie (2002) notes that SNBH is a holistic philosophy representing the traditional Diné system of values and beliefs that provides teaching and learning of

human existence in harmony with the natural world (p. 31). The achievement of SNBH is the achievement of symmetry between positive and negative forces by partaking of things in moderation (Lee, 2004, p. 97). As Haskie (2002) notes, the SNBH philosophy is a system through which Diné gain knowledge and learn how to achieve health and well- being throughout their lives (p. 32).

In his dissertation, Lloyd Lee (2004) notes that Diné cultural identity is connected to how people think, speak, and act in their lifetime, SNBH. He further notes that SNBH is related to long life and happiness, and is viewed as a core value that embodies “the way

Diné people are supposed to live their lives” (p. 1).

Diné epistemology, ontology, and axiology place an emphasis on values that are central to the culture. Harmony, balance, and well-being, components of SNBH, are goals that may be developed over the course of a lifetime. Additionally, the ability to work with one another, “T’aa Na Alnish,” is viewed as essential to meeting the goals of harmony, balance, and well-being. All people are expected to demonstrate respect, “Il idli," which includes showing respect towards one’s surroundings as well as to other people. Being a happy, pleasant person, “Il Il hózhón,” is critical to personal, familial, and community well-being.

Lee (2006) explains that the complimentary philosophical principles of Hózhó and

SNBH, in interaction with one another, together outline the concepts that are the essence of the Navajo way of life. In accordance with these principles, it is the goal of Diné people to achieve balance and harmony with the relationships, K’é, they have in their lives (p. 2).

Diné T’áá Bi At’éego

In his unpublished manuscript, Kenneth Begishe (1968) explores structural relations of Diné thought. What Begishe has managed to reveal through his research is an enlightening, if not fully complete, set of epistemological relationships articulating facets of personal identity maturation that support the development of that which Diné epistemology conceptualizes as, “Diné T’áá Bi At’éego,” a well-directed person (Figure

2-2). Cross-culturally, this maturational achievement might be seen on Maslow’s

Hierarchy as a person who has achieved self-actualization.

Using Begishe’s facets as a springboard, Chisholm’s (1996) ethnographic investigation into the Diné conceptualization of child development yielded the Figure 2-

3, which views child development in the context of good thought and good life.

With the visual conceptualization of personal traits and values introduced by

Begishe and placed into a developmental model by Chisholm, we have a culture-based epistemological framework from which to examine Diné Oral Traditions and their impact upon the development of identity and literacies in Diné youth.

Identity Development through Diné Narratives

Diné narratives contain embedded theories. Theoretical constructs contained in

traditional Diné narratives direct the listeners’ attention to such values as connections with landscapes, sacred places, and kinship relationships, thus facilitating the development of a foundation of cultural understanding and a basis for the formation of a

Diné cultural identity.

The spirit of the Native American “oral tradition is a deep and unconditional belief in the value of language,” as Momaday (1997) says, “words are essentially powerful” (p. 15). Cultural identity is introduced, developed, maintained, and strengthened through exposure to our Diné words, carried through oral narratives. These narratives support the development of a knowledge base in our listeners, who are exposed to the knowledge embedded in the narratives repeatedly over the course of their lifetimes.

The multiple exposures to narratives allows for the negotiation of meaning that is developmentally appropriate for an individual at any given moment of her life.

Momaday (2000) also noted that “in a profound sense, our language determines us; it shapes our most fundamental selves; it establishes our identity and confirms our existence” (p. 103). In addition to knowledge of traditional narratives and the understandings, values, and worldviews presented through them, Diné cultural identity is influenced by one’s ability to speak the Diné language. Knowledge of the language is significant, and is present in the most fundamental of all interactions, the traditional personal introduction in Diné culture. The ideal way for learners to negotiate the meanings of Diné narratives would be through listening to them in a traditional context with the language of instruction being Diné; however, this is not always practical considering language shift in Diné communities as well as the number of Diné students

being educated away from the Diné nation in schools throughout the country. This poses an overwhelming challenge to those interested in supporting the development of an

Indigenous cultural identity with our Diné youth.

Summary of Chapter 2

In Chapter 2, I have reviewed the professional literature that provides a context for culture based curriculum in tribal and cultural contexts. In addition, I have reviewed three key philosophical principles of Diné culture and identity; K’é, Hózhó, and Sa’ah

Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón. Finally, I have introduced Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) model of

“Diné T’áá Bi At’éego,” a well-directed person.

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

[The] corral, the high stone wall: it is a great ring, a well. At night, it is perhaps beautiful when the moon shines down upon the many facets and smoothes them out, so that the figure is whole and softly defined and gleaming. And inside the ring is nothing, blackness.

N. Scott Momaday

Indigenous Research from an Emic Perspective

Researcher’s Positionality and Epistemological, Ontological, & Axiological

Assumptions Concerning Research

A linguistic anthropologist, Kenneth Pike (1954), came up with two terms often utilized by social researchers to describe their positionality in a research context. From the words “phonemic” and “phonetic,” Pike took the terms “emic” and “etic,” to represent differing perspectives that a researcher might use in the study of cultural characteristics. The term, “emic,” represents the perspective of an “insider,” a researcher whose positionality is a part of the culture, who focuses on the intrinsic cultural characteristics that are meaningful to the members of a society. The term, “etic,” represents the perspective of an “outsider,” a researcher whose positionality is not a part of the culture, who focuses on observable cultural characteristics that have meaning to people outside of the culture being investigated.

In the project, I approached the questions from an emic perspective. I am linguistically and culturally Diné in my identity. I consider myself to be an emergent

“well-directed” person. I have preconceived notions, grounded in my life experiences, around the concept of a “well-directed” person. Due to this fact, I was vigilant in maintaining objectivity in the questions I asked, the data I collected, and the analysis of

that data to ensure that the voices of the people with whom I collaborated are those that emerge and are faithfully represented.

As an elder and Diné educator, I have long observed a great deal of knowledge that has been learned and passed across countless generations of Diné has not been shared with our most recent generations of young people the way it was when I was a boy. As fluency in our language wanes and competence in our culture abates, cultural knowledge appears to be at risk. As our elders pass, they take with them bits of knowledge that have not been passed on through our narratives and oral traditions, and piece by piece, our ways of knowing, our ways of understanding, our ways of relating to the world around us, and our ways of being are silently slipping away.

In hearing members of my own Diné community and those of other Diné communities in the southwest decry behaviors associated with our youth; I hear hope. I believe it is possible to determine what the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships Diné people have come to embrace as those of a good, positive, contributing member of our society are before these understandings slip away and are forever lost to my people.

To discern these characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships, I needed a great deal of assistance. As I have done since I was a young boy, I turned first to my own elders, and I asked them to teach me. For this particular study, I turned to Kenneth Begishe, an esteemed elder who has spent the better part of his life exploring what it is to be Diné, and the many ways in which Diné people and culture are unique.

During my tenure at the University of Arizona, I have also turned to elders. These elders were the professors and scholars that I asked to teach me; however, I asked these people to teach me in the ways of the mainstream, so that one day, I, too, might be considered a credible scholar in both mainstream Diné culture that could give voice to my people. I was fortunate to learn from these elders many types of research methodologies, several of which could blend with my own culturally grounded way of asking Diné elders to teach me.

I believe that conducting ethnographic interviews utilizing grounded theory allowed the concept of a “well-directed” person to emerge from the knowledge that was shared by community members from the participating communities. Such methodologies exhibit cultural compatibility with Diné interaction, and encouraged a conversational exchange while making a space for participants to share the narratives that are so closely tied to Diné ways of being. As a cultural “insider,” I was able to combine my knowledge of western methodologies, my ability to incorporate decolonizing methodologies, and my linguistic and cultural skills, which are grounded in Diné epistemology, to data collection, data transcription, and mining the data.

Indigenous Research Ethics

Over the course of the past few centuries, research practices concerning

Indigenous communities have changed dramatically. Today, communities want research to be conducted in a collaborative manner with equitable participation by community members. These communities also expect that research being conducted will directly benefit members of the community.

At one time, a paternalistic perspective was adopted by researchers working with

Indigenous communities. Research was conducted on Indigenous people and communities, which were viewed as “subjects” of the research rather than participants having an active role in the research process or a stake in the data being gathered and the results of the inquiry.

Within time, a new perspective developed, and research was conducted with

Indigenous people and communities. According to Davis and Keemer (2002), although communities were involved, they were still not participating in the research process in the role of collaborators.

More recently, in recognition of the desire of Indigenous communities to support research that directly benefits the members of the community, participatory research has been utilized. According to Macauley et al. (1998) the goal of participatory research is the empowerment of communities to actively take control of the research process to ensure that research in communities really does benefit a community. In participatory research, the research design, implementation, analysis, and dissemination phases are shared by researcher and collaborator(s) alike.

In approaching research within my own culture, some of which was conducted in my own community, I wanted to go even further than participatory research in acknowledging, honoring, and privileging the people who worked as my partners on this project. In order to do this, I embraced an ethical stance assumed by those collaborating with Maori communities in New Zealand. Collins (1991) notes that within the culture, storytelling, listening, voice, and personal performance narratives are privileged, and

dialogue is valued as a method for assessing credibility as a knowledgeable person.

“This…pedagogy rests on an ethic of care and love and personal accountability that honors individual uniqueness and emotionality in dialogue (Collins, 1991, pp. 215-17).

This performance-based, pedagogical ethic is based in ritual and sacred spaces associated with the family and community in day-to-day life.

The Maori pedagogical ethic involves guidelines for respecting and protecting the rights, interests, and feelings of Indigenous people with whom researchers work. The guidelines suggest that researchers present themselves face to-face with community members with whom they will work. In this setting, researchers listen, show respect, share knowledge, and remain cautious, gentle and humble. In Maori culture, these characteristics, which also govern relationships with others and the environment, determine if "someone has 'good' qualities as a person" (Smith, 1999, p. 120). Similar to

Diné understandings, respect, as it is expressed through all aspects of social interactions, is the key to keeping the universe and every person’s place in it in balance and harmony.

Navajo Nation Human Research Review Board

Navajo and Western notions of ethics are not entirely incommensurable. Navajo behavior turns on relationships built around the ideals of trust, respect, equity, dependability, tolerance, and honesty: “The essence of [community-based] research lies in a partnership between the researchers and the community.… researchers wanting to work with indigenous communities should consider dedicating much time and effort to getting to know the community, gaining their trust and forging strong relationships based on mutual respect” (Colwell-Chanthaphonh, pp.492, 496).

As a member of the Diné Nation, I am fully aware of the “bad taste” left in the mouth of Diné people and communities that have been “studied” as “subjects” by researchers. In conducting research with my people, I went to great lengths to ensure that the relationship I developed with those contributing to this inquiry was one based on behaviors accepted and affirmed through traditional Navajo relationships. Appendix C contains an article produced by the University of Arizona Cooperative Extension services, Process of Conducting Research on the Navajo Reservation. Not only did I adhere to the guidelines of this document, I also followed the articulated expectations of the Navajo Nation Research Protocols, developed by the Navajo Nation Institutional

Review Board and featured in a video located on the ArizonaNativeNet website: http://www.arizonanativenet.com/news/captcha/mediaInfo.cfm?mediaID=153 . Finally, I followed the recommendations of my committee members in regards to conducting research in Indigenous communities.

It took six months from the initial application to the Navajo Nation IRB in June of

2009 to receipt of the official letter confirming the approval of this study in November of

2009. I commenced data collection in January of 2010.

Qualitative Research, Ethnographic Interviewing: Grounded Theory

To investigate the characteristics of the Diné conceptualization of “a well-directed person,” I determined that the use of a qualitative research design using Grounded Theory

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967) would serve my needs as I collaborated with Diné people of diverse age, location, experiential backgrounds, and educational backgrounds. By using the constant comparative method, upon which Grounded Theory relies, I was able to not

only determine categories of characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a “well-directed person” emerging from the data, but I also was able to systematically compare these emergent categories to those of the original

Begishe (1968) model.

Grounded Theory is a research method that is inductive, moving from specific information identified in collected data to a more generalized type of information, which allows for theory to be driven by the data, rather than the other way around. An important aspect of this methodology is the focus on the collection and analysis of data focusing on a phenomenon through which new theory is developed. Grounded Theory differs from phenomenology in that emergent explanations are new knowledge, which, in turn is used to develop a new theory (or theories) about a given phenomenon.

In gathering and analyzing data with specific applications in Diné communities and educational settings, the non-generalizable nature of this type of qualitative research would not be a limiting factor to the application of information and knowledge gathered, or to the student learning outcomes that may be teased from the emergent theoretical framework of a Diné well-directed person, which is specific not only to this particular

Indigenous culture, but also to this specific time in history.

Interactions with Mr. Kenneth Begishe

This research project began with an idea, one that I was introduced to while attending a language conference at Navajo Preparatory School years ago. During one of the conference sessions, I received a copy of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, a theoretical model of the Navajo conceptualization of a fully mature, well-balanced person of the culture. After

examining the model, I placed it into my ever-expanding file of Navajo language and culture resources, believing that I would one day want to review the topic. When it came time to write my comprehensive final exam paper, in which I provided a synopsis of the history of Navajo education, I encountered Chisholm’s (1996) model of child development in the context of good thought and good life, which was adapted from

Begishe’s earlier work. I then revisited the Diné T’áá Bi At’éego model and incorporated it into the paper. Begishe’s model became the catalyst for a period of intense reflection and illumination for me. In the end, the model became the inspiration for this research project.

When I was developing the project, I contacted Mr. Begishe; although he is a very busy man, he returned my calls and I was able to set up an appointment to discuss this project with him. After explaining the nature of my inquiry, he affirmed his support by graciously advising me to “go for it.” Throughout this dissertation process, I have kept

Mr. Begishe apprised of my progress, and he has continued to be interested and supportive. I am grateful for the time and support of this Navajo educator and philosopher.

Research Map

Figure 3-1 is a graphical synopsis of the research methodology employed in this project. The project employs qualitative methodology utilizing a grounded theory research design. There are a relatively small number of participants in the sample, which is a sample of convenience, so the results evidence high validity and low reliability. All participants are enrolled members of the Navajo nation and represent three diverse

communities. These multi-generational participants take part in primary source interviews with electronic media documentation.

Data Collection

Site and Participant Selection

The research project was conducted in one Diné community on the Nation, in one

Diné community adjacent to the Nation, and in one location remote from the Nation. In preliminary research, I determined that working directly with members of the Nation in

Diné communities allows for comparisons of traditional narratives, perspectives, and

beliefs across generations as well as across diverse locations where Diné people now reside.

I worked with Diné participants from three different regions. The first two regions were on the Nation; I conducted interviews in Northern Arizona and in the trust land section in northwestern New Mexico. The third region consisted of the metropolitan

Tucson area.

Communities worked in on the Nation are in the Central Nation (Leupp) and the

Eastern Agency (Huerfano Chapter). Both communities have relatively large populations of elders and are perceived by members of the Nation to exhibit strong traditional practices and beliefs. Off the Nation, I worked with Diné people who are living, working, and/or studying in the urban setting of Tucson, Arizona.

By investigation perspectives held by Diné people from different regions, I utilized Denzin’s (1978) subcategory of space in his description of data sources triangulation. By studying the Diné conceptualization of a well-directed person in dissimilar settings, I was able to identify which characteristics are evidenced in multiple settings, and which are context-specific.

I worked with participants of different generations and diverse experiential backgrounds, once again, using Denzin’s (1978) subcategory of time in his description of data sources triangulation. By studying the Diné conceptualization of a well-directed person across generations, I was able to identify which characteristics are described in multiple generations, and which are limited to singular or multiple generations, but not all generations.

Selection Criteria and Description of Participants

A Sample of Convenience

In my work as an educator, as an active participant within my own Diné community, as a researcher investigating the use of oral traditions in the teaching learning process, as a member of the bear and folded arm clans, as a husband, father, and grandfather, and as a mature Diné individual on my own journey to becoming a well- directed person, I have been fortunate to develop extensive relationships with Diné people and their communities. I conducted interviews with those whom I had already established working relationships as well as with those participants I met after using a snowball method to identify other Diné people who were interested in the project.

I interviewed eighteen participants, six people in each community location. Each of the six participants from the three locations represented different generations of Diné people. I identified and worked with participants ranging in age from 20 to 39, 40 to 59, and 60 to 95.

To identify potential participants on the Nation, I met with members of each community, describing the nature of my inquiry and discussing the contributions people from the community might make through collaborating with me on the project. I then asked these people to spread the word about my project within their personal, social, and professional circles. I gathered contact information from all who expressed an interest and followed up immediately, in the subsequent week, making personal contact with each person, explaining in depth the time commitment, nature of the interview questions, and

data collection techniques.

To identify potential participants in the metropolitan Tucson area, I utilized my existing professional and academic networks. As a project specialist working with

Indigenous students and their families in TUSD, I worked closely with Anselmo Ramon, who was the director of Native American Studies for the district and had a tremendously broad network of Indigenous colleagues, friends, associates, and acquaintances. Anselmo agreed to work with me in identifying multi-generational Diné family members of the community who might be interested in participating in the project. As a long-time graduate and professional student at the University of Arizona, I had worked for Native

American Student Affairs, the American Indian Language Development Institute, and the

American Indian Studies program, as well as with Karen Francis-Begay, the Advisor for

American Indian Affairs under former President Shelton. Through these U of A connections, I developed strong networks of student, faculty, staff, and community members from the rolls of the Diné Nation.

I distributed letters inviting participation in the research project through my professional and academic networks at TUSD and the U of A describing the project and requirements for volunteer participation. These letters provided contact information for

those interested in learning more about the project or in volunteering to participate. I followed up on the initial letter of invitation in an ever-broadening circle until sufficient volunteers could be identified and recruited. I have attached a copy of the letter of invitation to Appendix A.

After initial meetings with the potential participants in which I described the role of volunteer participants, I reviewed the Informed Consent Form (Appendix B) with each potential participant. I then asked to make sure each still wanted to volunteer for the project. When I successfully identified and received informed consent from 6 multigenerational participants in each of the sites, I launched my research activities.

Description of Participants

The six participants from Huerfano Chapter include four women and two men.

Naazba’í and Rita, who are both female, belong to the 20 – 39 year group. Naazba’í is in her 20s and is mother of two who volunteers and coaches at the local middle school. Rita is in her late 30s and has a Bachelor’s degree and a Master’s degree in Archaeology. She runs her own business. Ashkiił’gaii and Shanidiin, who belong to the 40 – 59 year group are both male. Ashkiił’gaii is in his mid-50s and has a Bachelor’s degree. He works for a major engineering firm. Shanidiin is in his late 50s and is employed by a BIA school. He was once a teacher, but now works as a cultural liaison. Asdzáá t’oshii and Hanibaa’ belong to the 60+ year group. Both are in their 70s. Asdzáá t’oshii works in a BIA dormitory, where she has been employed for a long time. As the director of the dorm, she works closely with children. Hanibaa’ works as a minister in a local church, and is a board member serving the same school in which Asdzáá t’oshii works.

The six participants from the Central Nation include four women and two men.

Naanazbaa’ and Tom belong to the 20 – 39 year group. Tom dropped out of the project after the first interview. Naanazbaa’ is in her mid-30s and works as a school staff member. In her position, she works closely with children. She has her Bachelor’s degree from the University of Arizona. Tom, a college student working on his Bachelor’s degree, is in his early 20s. K’énazbaa’ and Chi’í baa’ belong to the 40 – 59 year group and are both female. They are also cousins. K’énazbaa’, who is in her mid-50s, has worked for the local school district for almost 20 years. She is the mother of three grown children and has one grandchild. She has her Associate’s degree from Northland Pioneer

College, and dreams of earning her Bachelor’s degree. Chi’í baa’ is in her late 50s. She commutes to work in a neighboring community, where she works in a law firm. Chi’í baa’ also has grown children and several grandchildren. Tádezbaa’ and Will are both in their late 70s. Tádezbaa’ is a monolingual speaker of Navajo who lives a traditional lifestyle raising livestock and weaving rugs. She never went to school, but is viewed by her children as an extremely knowledgeable woman. Will, who was unable to complete the interview due to conflicting commitments, worked the land for many years before retiring.

In Tucson, I worked with Naat’iilid and Shelly who belong to the 20 – 39 year group. Both come from very strong, traditional Navajo homes. Naat’iilid, who is in her mid-20s, has finished her Bachelor’s degree and is working on her Master’s degree in

Psychology. Shelly, who is in her early 20s, just graduated with her Bachelor’s degree. In the 40-59 year group, I worked with Joan, who is living in Tucson with her family while

she works on her PhD. in the medical field, is in her early 40s. Kee is also in his early 40s and is a liaison for a local Indigenous center. Kee is married and has children. The two oldest participants from Tucson were in their early 60s. Ak’eez’baa is a grandmother who has lived in Tucson for more than 20 years. She is very active in the local school as she raises three of her grandchildren. Herb, who volunteered early on to help with the project, was unable to complete the interviews.

Interview Protocol

Interviews were conducted to provide insight into the research questions:

1. What attributes do Diné people identify as those characterizing a “well-

directed” person?

2. What traditional narratives do Diné people use to discuss the requisite

attributes, skills, knowledge, and valued relationships of a “well-directed”

person?

3. What types of connections and relationships do Diné people identify as those

recognized, valued, and maintained by a well-directed person?

4. What skills and knowledge do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-

directed person to possess?

Interviews were held with participants over a period of eight months, from

January through August of 2010. The interviews, which lasted between forty-five minutes and an hour, were conducted primarily in English; however, one participant,

Tádezbaa’, was interviewed completely in Navajo. Participants answered in whichever language they preferred.

The interviews consisted of nine warm-up questions and twenty-seven core questions designed to gather perspectives that might contribute to a better understanding of the personal traits, characteristics, and abilities respected and admired within Diné culture (Appendix D).

Interviews were conducted in places mutually agreed upon with each of the participants and included their homes, local establishments, and even their cars. Once the interviews were complete, I moved into the Data Analysis phase of the project.

Data Analysis: Methods of Analysis

Outline of Path of Analysis

1. Initial Visit with Kenneth Begishe to Discuss Data Collection and to Revisit

Original Model

2. Compilation of Data

3. Organization of Data

a. Translation, Transcription, Preparation of Data for Examination

4. Mining of Data to Identify Recurring Themes, Patterns, Expressions Suggesting

Umbrella Categories

a. Coding of Data Based on Emerging Umbrella Categories

b. Mining of Data to Identify Themes, Patterns, Expressions Suggesting Sub-

Categories

5. Initial Interpretation of Data – Identification of Supporting Categories for

Emerging Sub-Categories

6. Comparison of Mined Data with Begishe Model

7. Collaboration with Kenneth Begishe

a. Model Re-working

8. Collaboration with Begishe

a. Model Refinement

9. Collaboration with Begishe

a. Model Refinement

10. Final Participant Review of Data and Model

a. Model Completion

11. Identification of Unique, Diné Student Learning Outcomes

After gathering data in three different Diné communities, I visited Kenneth

Begishe to update him on my progress and share with him my field notes. From this visit,

I gained insight, suggestions, and recommendations that helped me as I began the task of reviewing, organizing, coding, and interpreting the data.

From data gathered through my field interviews, I addressed the research questions and utilized the data to continue developing Begishe’s model of a Diné “well- directed” person using characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships Diné people from a variety of experiential backgrounds identify as being characteristic of a “well-directed” person.

By investigation perspectives held by Diné people from different regions, I used

Denzin’s (1978) subcategory of space in his description of data sources triangulation. By studying the Diné conceptualization of a well-directed person in dissimilar settings, I was able to identify which of the above characteristics are identified in multiple settings

across generations, and which appear to be isolated to specific generations and locations on and off the Diné Nation.

After working with project participants for a period of six months, I compiled a large amount of raw data. I followed tips from Merriam (2001), who suggests a systematic process of data analysis. I utilized the process as a guide to wade through the field notes, hours of interview recordings, and my reflective journal entries to systematically examine the data I had collected.

I organized the data and began to review the field notes and to listen to the audio tapes. When possible, I used the electronic digital counter to isolate portions of the interactions that were particularly relevant to the inquiry, and that answered specific portions of each research question.

My niece, Karen, who works for an attorney, transcribed the digitally recorded interactions that were conducted in English so that I could more accurately code and organize that information. My friend and colleague, Duffy, worked with me on the digitally recorded interactions that were conducted in Diné. As I listened to and translated those interviews, she transcribed my translations using Microsoft Word. I have included many quotes from the transcripts of project participant interviews in this dissertation. I have denoted the quotes that required translation from Navajo to English with

“[Navajo/English]” at the end of the quote. Those project participant quotes that are not marked in this manner are from interview responses spoken in English.

The first step in analyzing the data involved going through the transcriptions of each interview, one by one, and identifying descriptive passages that involved the

characterization of respected individuals. After identifying these passages in each transcript, I went back and listed, alphabetically, the adjectives and adverbs (and sometimes related phrases if they were specified) used by participating individuals. After mining all participant transcripts, I then placed adjectives, adverbs, and phrases that had been introduced by more than one participant into a single Word document.

The second step in analyzing the data involved dividing the list of adjectives, adverbs, and phrases into three different lists. I began with Attributes and Characteristics.

Attributes of a Well-Directed Person Identified by Multiple Participants

Attributes and Characteristics • Accepting • Helpful • Accountable • Honest • Appreciates of • Humble prayers/blessings/good • Independent thoughts/life’s gifts • Integrity • Appreciative/Grateful • Isn’t afraid of what others think • Attentive • Kind • Caring • Leader • Cherishes family/life • Level-Headed • Compassionate • Loving • Confident • Maintains a positive outlook • Consistent • Mentally strong • Dependable • Nice • Disciplined • Non-judgmental • Educated • Open to and ready for learning • Generous • Optimistic • Good work ethic • Physically strong • Hard working • Positive • Has strong, consistent values • Reliable • Has strong traditional values • Respectful • Healthy

• Respectful of traditions, • Stands up for beliefs ancestors, elders, parents, future • Strong Diné identity generations, the natural world, • Supportive self • Strict/tough but fair • Role model disciplinarian • Secure in understanding self • Understanding • Self-control • Values family/clan • Selfless relationships/other people/ Diné • Self-respect language and culture(in their own • Self-starting lives)/children/Diné philosophy • Speaks his/her own mind • Working independently • Stable

After identifying these attributes and characteristics, I grouped those that were related together, as suggested by Merriam (1998), by umbrella categories. This is how the umbrella categories began to emerge.

I then created a list of skills and knowledge(s) exhibited by a Well-Directed person from the list of adjectives, adverbs, and phrases.

Skills Knowledge of a Well-Directed Person Identified by Multiple Participants

Skills and Knowledge • Able to apply academic, • Able to help young people mainstream book learning understand their purpose • Able to apply knowledge of • Able to learn from others many things • Able to maintain a harmonious • Able to apply traditional family life knowledge • Able to pass knowledge on • Able to demonstrate respect for • Able to provide for self and traditions/ancestors/elders/ others parents/future generations/ • Able to remain humble when self/the natural world considering the natural world • Able to guide young people • Able to share • Able to speak his/her mind

• Able to take care of self (health- • Knows s/he belongs wise) • Knows why Diné exist • Ability to teach others • Knows why things are done in a • Able to teach young people certain way values and instill Navajo values • Understands connections in kids between Diné • Acts on values/Follows one’s • Understands connections within own conscience culture • Acts with integrity • Understands importance of • Assumes responsibility for family relationships children • Understands importance of clan • Assumes responsibility for relationships learning • Understands all things come back • Embraces role in the universe to you • Knowledge and a sense of place • Lives a healthy lifestyle • Knowledge of many things • Recognizes/Acknowledges/maint • Knows and uses gifts and talents ains a relationship with a greater, in service to others universal being • Knows Diné prayers and • Recognizing the equality of ceremonies beings of the universe • Knows how to care for a child • Sets goals • Knows how to listen to others (family/personal/educational/ • Knows how to make good career) choices • Strong traditional values • Knows land • Thinks through the consequences • Knows Diné language of actions

After identifying these skills and knowledge(s), I grouped those that were related together, as suggested by Merriam (1998), and added them to the emerging umbrella categories.

Finally, I created a list of relationships and connections exhibited, valued, and maintained by a Well-Directed person from the list of adjectives, adverbs, and phrases generated by project participants.

Relationships and Connections Identified by Multiple Participants

Relationships and Connections

• Balanced relationships • Relationship with life • Emotionally balanced • Spiritual relationships • Mentally balanced • Spiritual well-being • Physically balanced • Relationship with self ( honest • Interdependent relationships with with and respects self, loves all things in the universe one’s place and job in the • Relationships with clan universe) • Relationships with elders and • Relationships with members of role models nuclear family

After identifying these relationships and connections, I grouped those that were related together, as suggested by Merriam (1998), and completed the umbrella categories with them. In accordance with Diné conceptualizations of the organization of our world, I saw the emergence of four distinct umbrella categories Umbrella categories that emerged from my data included Doing, Thinking, Being, and Achieving Harmony.

I differentiated (with Diné colors of directionality) portions of the data that seemed to fall under the emerging, general umbrella categories of the characteristics of a well-directed person. In accordance with Diné conceptualizations of the organization of our world, I saw the emergence of four distinct umbrella categories, which I called

Nitsáhákees, Nahat'á, Iiná, and Sih hasin based on Diné directionality.

Begishe’s (1968) existing model exhibits only three umbrella categories, and the four emerging from the data generated through this project was the first of many noticeable differences.

Next, I reviewed the initial research questions, then returned to reading...not only the data transcripts, but the descriptions of the data, this time looking for patterns that suggested relationships between specific descriptions of characteristics and the overarching umbrella categories. From that point, I continued to identify and code emerging characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships generated from the research questions and insights that emerged during the data collection that were placed as sub-categories under each of the broad, umbrella categories

(Denzin, 1978).

After that, I tackled the process of interpretation. Returning to my initial questions, I again mined the data for any information indicating expectations and perceptions Diné people have concerning the conceptualization of a well-directed person.

The themes emerging from this process were then aligned with the broader, umbrella

Begishe’s (1968) existing model exhibits only three umbrella categories, and the four emerging from the data generated through this project was the first of many noticeable differences.

(Denzin, 1978).

The themes emerging from this process were then aligned with the broader, umbrella

Begishe’s (1968) existing model exhibits only three umbrella categories, and the four emerging from the data generated through this project was the first of many noticeable differences.

arching umbrella categories. From that point, I continued to identify and code emerging characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships generated from the research questions and insights that emerged during the data collection that were placed as sub-categories under each of the broad, umbrella categories

(Denzin, 1978).

The themes emerging from this process were then aligned with the broader, umbrella categories and the emerging sub-categories.

After developing an initial set of themes and tentative interpretations to provide a framework for discussion, my next step was to return to the Diné communities to discuss the umbrella categories and subcategories that emerged from the data and the model development. The participants were asked to do “member checks” (Issac and Michael,

1995) by refining, changing or adding to the analytic categories, interpretations, and implications. This step provided an opportunity for participants and me to renegotiate the findings for clarity and for me to receive confirmation of the accuracy of my data or feedback and/or additional input for changes resulting in model revision if necessary.

Member checks were conducted through individual meeting with participants.

Upon completion of the participant review of the model, I visited Kenneth

Begishe to review the data and to request his input on the evolving model. By discussing the model with him, I received valuable feedback as I begin the step of finalizing the

model. I worked with Begishe to organize the information from the data in a way that will allow others, both within the culture and working with Diné communities, to gain insights and understanding to this uniquely Diné concept.

After visiting with Begishe, I continued to finalize the model based upon his feedback and the insight gained from participant “member checks.” Participants were offered the opportunity to take a look at the model and to offer suggestions or additional feedback concerning the categories and subcategories.

My final step involved the completion of the model, identifying the student learning outcomes it suggests, and to write about the investigation process employed to gather the data and, of course, the research findings.

In order to truly work with the participants in a collaborative way, my data analysis entailed repeated visits to the communities as well as visits with Kenneth

Begishe, all of which required a good deal of travel time. The entire data analysis process required twelve months to complete.

Summary of Chapter 3

Chapter 3 describes the methodology I employed for this research project, which is a grounded theory qualitative study examining conceptualizations of “a well-directed person” held by Diné people from different regions.

In order to insure the confidentially of the eighteen research participants, I secured approval from both the University of Arizona Institutional Research Board and the Navajo Nation Institutional Review Board to work with Navajo tribal members on and off the Navajo Nation. I followed the prescribed protocols from the Process of

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Conducting Research on the Navajo Reservation produced by the University of Arizona

Cooperative Extension services and the Navajo Nation Research Protocols produced by the Navajo Nation Institutional Review Board throughout the duration of the study.

I have utilized a variety of graphs and charts to support the textual explanation of the process I followed to organize and analyze the data generated through interviews with the eighteen project participants.

In Chapter 4, I examine the qualitative results derived from the grounded theory methodology and provide an explanation and interpretation of the data gathered during my investigation. I highlight excerpts from participant interviews to support my analysis of the data, and present my findings both textually and graphically.

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CHAPTER 4: DATA ANALYSIS

The Moral Universe

The real interest of old Indians was not to discover the abstract structure of physical reality but rather to find the proper road along which, for the duration of a person’s life, individuals were supposed to walk. This colorful image of the road suggests that the universe is a moral universe. That is to say, there is a proper way to live in the universe: There is a content to every action, behavior, and belief. The sum total of our life experiences has a reality. There is a direction to the universe, empirically exemplified in the physical growth cycles of childhood, youth, and old age, with the corresponding responsibility of every entity to enjoy life, fulfill itself, and increase in wisdom and the spiritual development of personality.

In the moral universe all activities, events, and entities are related, and consequently it does not matter what kind of existence an entity enjoys, for the responsibility is always there for it to participate in the continuing creation of reality (p. 46-47).

Vine Deloria, Jr. (1999)

Introduction

In describing the relationships Native people recognize within their worldviews,

Vine Deloria (1999) explains that these worldviews are universal in nature, and stem from the moral universe. Deloria also describes aspects of what he calls the Tribal

Universe, a universe that is a part of an all-inclusive continuum of life and as such is viewed as being alive. Within this living universe, all things are related (pp. 50-51). “A living universe within which events and actions have moral content necessarily suggests that all things are related. Not only is everything related, but it also participates in the moral content of events, so responsibility for maintaining the harmony of life falls equally on all creatures” (p. 52). Deloria further notes that within the Tribal Universe, all relationships are historical and endure through time. Time is important in that every entity plays a part in creating the future, and humans have a special vocation in which

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they initiate, at the proper time, new relationships and events. In addition, space

(manifested in the cardinal directions, the sacred places that define meaning for the life around them, and the specific place that each species and particular groups of humans comes to occupy and live in) determines the nature of relationships (pp. 52-57).

The aspects of relationships described by Vine Deloria (1999) as being intrinsic in the worldviews of Native peoples are evidenced within the Diné worldview. Concepts of the moral universe, the moral content of events, the all-encompassing continuum of life, the ubiquitous existence of relationships, the assumption of responsibility, and the maintenance of balance and harmony are expressed in uniquely Diné understandings and terms. Three of those key terms are K’é, Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón, and Hózhó.

In her thesis paper, Yolynda Begay describes the way in which Diné people view relationships within the culture, “At the core of Diné identity is K’é, a network of clans that interweaves the individual to community and to relations with all things in terms of time and space. K’é is the essence of an individual and establishes one’s identity at birth”

(p. viii). Ray Austin (2009) provides even more detail on the concept, “Navajo philosophy accords the term K’é a broad perspective. The K’é doctrine is an irreversible universal principle that facilitates relationships among beings in the universe… and contains values that connect Navajos to family, clan, nonrelatives, and people in general.

K’é also encompasses connections to the natural world, including earth, plants, animals, and the rest of creation” (p. 84). Analysis of the data from this project reinforces the idea that within the culture, relationships are viewed as critical.

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K’é and the relationships in encompasses is an aspect of the Diné worldview that is critical to two other fundamental concepts within the culture, Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh

Hózhóón, and Hózhó.

The Diné worldview is based on the philosophical principles of Sa’ah Naaghaí

Bik’eh Hózhóón (SNBH) and Hózhó, which outline epistemological, ontological, and axiological concepts that characterize the traditional Diné way of life (Lee, 2006). By living a life based on the concept of SNBH and Hózhó a person might come to be considered a “well-directed” individual, Diné t’aa bi ateego (having wholeness as a well- directed person). As mentioned in Chapter 1, the concept is similar to that which Maslow

(1970) conceived of as a ‘self-actualized’ person within mainstream culture.

Hózhó is a constituent element of SNBH. According to Witherspoon (1975), “the

Navajo concept of hózhó refers to that state of affairs where everything is in its proper place and functioning in harmonious relationship to everything else” (p.8). Austin (2009) elaborates, “In general, hózhó encompasses everything that Navajos consider positive and good; positive characteristics that Navajos believe contribute to living life to the fullest.

These positive characteristics include beauty, harmony, goodness, happiness, right social relations, good health, and acquisition of knowledge” (p.54).

SNBH designates “the Diné traditional living system, which places human life in harmony with the natural world and the universe. The philosophy provides both for protection from life’s imperfections and for the development of well-being” (Diné

College Catalog, 2008, p. 3). SNBH characterizes the harmonious relationships individuals share with the natural environment, the cardinal directions, animals, blood

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and clan relatives, and all things sanctioned through prayers, songs, and ceremonies.

SNBH also encompasses the balance between the male-protection way and the female- beauty way principles, which create Hózhóon, beauty and harmony (Diné College Self

Study Report, 2008, p. 7).

In reviewing Begishe’s (1968) model of a Well-Directed Person, I have noted that the Diné traditional living system is not specifically mentioned. However, Begishe does include a number of references to knowledge of the Diné culture and knowing one’s identity. It appears that Begishe, in framing his model, chose not to directly reference

Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón (SNBH) and Hózhó.

In pursuing responses to my first set of research questions, I purposely refrained from mentioning K’é, SNBH, and Hózhó to the participants in order to discover if participants addressed these aspects of the culture without prompting. It is interesting to note that many of the responses provided by the participants hit on concepts within K’é,

SNBH, and Hózhó, even when they were not mentioned specifically. In the next section, I more fully address the responses provided by the participants.

Addressing research questions through data analysis

First Set of Research Questions

Ø What do Diné people identify as characteristics of a “well-directed” person?

Ø What attributes do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-directed

person to possess?

Ø What skills and knowledge do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-

directed person to possess?

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Ø What types of connections and relationships do Diné people identify as those

recognized, valued, and maintained by a well-directed person?

SNBH is expressed in ideas and values related to the natural processes identified by the Diné within each cardinal direction. Each cardinal direction is associated with a

Navajo sacred mountain and aspect of learning. According to creation narratives, the

Holy people created the four directions. They believed that these directions have a spiritual knowledge and discipline for the Diné (Lansing, 2011, p. 23).

I have chosen to organize the information gleaned from the data analysis using the four cardinal directions because the textual analysis of participants’ responses to the interview questions led to the organization of the data into four umbrella categories.

These umbrella categories reflect contemporary perspectives of Diné participants from three age groups in three distinctly different locations. These umbrella categories are verb-based descriptions, reflecting the Diné language. A number of recurring cultural themes emerged below each of these umbrella categories.

It is striking to recognize that the themes, emerging from the analysis of the data collected over the course of a nine-month period during 2010-2011, resonate and reverberate throughout the interviews as well as in traditional narratives shared by Diné people during the interview period. The recurrence of themes and subthemes, along with their development across the course of the interview period, reminds me of the Diné inclination to communicate in a spiraling manner; first introducing a topic, then revisiting the topic throughout the interaction to build upon a theme or add details.

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The four umbrella categories are indicated in the table below and described more thoroughly throughout this chapter.

Nitsáhákees (East) Nahata Iiná (West) Siih Hasin (North)

(South) Nitsáhákees Iiná Hózhó

Thinking K'é Being Achieving

Doing Harmony

Figure 4-1 Umbrella Categories Emerging from the Data

These four categories, based on the data I collected and analyzed, bear a resemblance to areas of learning identified by Aronilth (1999), who argues that four areas of learning create a distinct Indigenous identity. “According to the teachings of our forefathers, Diné philosophy contains four important areas of learning about our body, feeling, mind, thinking, thoughts, and our whole life…” (p. 45). Each cardinal direction represents one of the areas of learning according to Aronilth (1992). The east is associated with the process Nitsáhákees, which is associated with thoughts and thinking.

The south is associated with the process of Nahata, which involves planning and putting plans into action. The west is associated with Iina, which is life, living, and everything associated with the Diné Life Way. The fourth and final process, Siih Hasin, describes the process of assurance, hope, satisfaction, and respect (which include happiness, relaxation, hope, compassion, and feelings of completeness) and is associated with the

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north (p. 28). By following these processes, one is ensured SNBH, harmony and balance of life.

Umbrella Category 1: Thinking - Nitsáhákees

The textual analysis of participants’ responses to the interview questions suggests four major categories under which all other recurring cultural themes could be grouped.

The first umbrella category is entitled “Thinking,” and encompasses five distinct recurring cultural themes, “Valuing/Appreciating/Honoring, Learning, Planning,

Thinking Independently, and Knowing.” Within each of these five themes, related sub- themes emerged from the data.

Benally (1990), in discussing the Diné concept of Nitsáhákees, characterizes it as the act or process of thinking. He explains that thinking, which comes from the early dawn light spirit, contains great energy that generates movement and is to be respected

(p. 7). Aronilth (1991) further explains that the early dawn light spirit symbolizes the east, which is the origin of good thoughts, sound mind, and mental strength. According to the Diné College Self Study Report of 2008, Nitsáhákees represents both “yesterday and

Navajo culture and language” (p. 7). In their joint dissertation, Maryboy and Begay

(1999) define Nitsáhákees (the thinking process) as the dynamics of consciousness and mind (p. 1). For the purpose of this paper, the term thinking will be defined as the dynamics of cognitive process.

When grouping participant responses, I was struck by the number of comments and allusions to mental processes, and actually recognized the umbrella category of

Thinking before finding the various explanations of Nitsáhákees and realizing its cultural

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importance. I think it is important to note that Thinking does not necessarily indicate linear thinking, as Nitsáhákees may actually suggest a more culturally familiar thought process that is non-linear in nature.

Category 1 – Nitsahakees (East)

Thinking

1. Valuing, Appreciating, Honoring a. Valuing Diné language and culture in personal life b. Valuing relationships c. Honoring traditional ways 2. Learning a. Being prepared for and open to learning 3. Planning Ahead a. Setting goals 4. Thinking Independently a. Being mentally strong, independent, and consistent 5. Knowing a. Traditional ways b. How to pass knowledge on c. How to love

Figure 4- 2 Category 1, Nitsáhákees (East)

Ferlin Clark (2010), former President of Diné College, in describing a holistic approach to the thought process that results in harmony, notes, “As a result of the lessons that begin in early childhood, Diné believe that a person recognizes the power of words and the magnitude of thoughts, prayers, and songs guarded and shared throughout a lifetime. They should honor words and speak with kindness and thoughtfulness so as to create and restore a sense of Hózhó.” (p. 39).

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In considering the holistic approach to harmony, I have come to realize that all four of the emerging umbrella categories should be working in harmony to achieve

SNBH.

Thinking – Nitsáhákees: Theme One – Valuing, Appreciating, Honoring

On Honoring

I also learned from my parents, my relatives, and my elders the significance of traditional Diné cultural knowledge which includes traditional Diné stories, ceremonies, prayers, songs, and social mores. On many occasions, I observed the way that my parents demonstrated their reverence for nature, that is, the land and cosmos through their early morning prayers with an offering of corn pollen to the Earth mother below their feet and the sky Father overhead. Finally, through our family’s participation in Navajo ceremonials or Native American Church prayer meetings I developed a strong faith in Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik'eh Hózhóón (SNBH) teachings. So naturally, these ideas or fundamental beliefs became essential to my cultural and spiritual identity as Diné and they have and continue to greatly influence my paradigm and understanding of the world around me. Furthermore, these fundamental beliefs honor the idea of K’é, or the unique relationships I have with my family, my relatives, my kin, other Navajo people, and all other people in the world but most importantly with the natural, spiritual world.

Vince Werito (2010, p. 3) Participant interviews suggest an emphasis on valuing, appreciating, and honoring what one participant termed, “life’s gifts,” and became the first subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 1.

The recurring theme Valuing, Appreciating, Honoring resonated immediately with me as I interviewed participants. Having been raised within a culture of respect and gratitude, it was clear that participants, in general, acknowledge and are grateful for that which might be termed blessings in their lives

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The theme Valuing, Appreciating, Honoring is supported by the following sub- themes:

a. Valuing Diné language and culture in personal life

b. Valuing relationships

c. Honoring traditional ways

Verney (2004), in considering cross-cultural thought processes, differentiates between Euro-American philosophy and Indigenous philosophy. She describes Euro-

American philosophy as one that engages in philosophical thinking with questions and analyzes by taking apart in a way that results in ideas losing their relationship to all other surrounding things. Verney asserts that, on the other hand, Indigenous philosophy engages philosophical thinking with talking and analyzes by making connections between all things in a holistic manner (p.136). Participants affirm Verney’s observations. Their responses are rich in references to the interconnected nature of the multiple facets of their lives.

In his model of human growth and development, Begishe (2000) notes that there are gifts that people have available to use in developing good thought and good life, all of which are to be respected, honored, and valued. He calls these Dine Ba Niilyaii, “Things placed for the benefit of the Navajo” (p. 2). The good thoughts that emerge from these gifts contribute to the development of Ya’at’eehgo Na’ada, “Life of good behavior,” Iina

Dahyilyeel, “Life with valuable possessions, and Naat’aanii Idi, “Life with leadership”

(p.7). In discussing various aspects of thinking, participants demonstrate Diné philosophies in emphasizing an appreciation for life’s blessings.

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Valuing Diné Language and Culture in Personal Life

Participant responses indicate that valuing (acknowledging, being grateful, and desiring) is a theme that bridges all age groups represented in the study and spans all locations targeted in the study. The prevalence of the theme valuing is indicative of both its personal and cultural importance.

K’énazbaa’ speaks eloquently about the role of Diné language in her life,

It’s important because that’s my primary language… the first thing that came out of my mouth was Navajo. My grandfather, and my mom and my dad always spoke Navajo to me and always encouraged me to speak Navajo. It has always been a major part of my life. And now, in my career, I do court interpreting in the courts for the county. The county court is where I speak for people in court and discuss with them in their Navajo language some of the things they are being charged with and mainly translating for them. So it’s important. [Navajo/English]

Valuing the role of Diné language and culture in personal life is discussed by

Naanazbaa’, Hanibaa’, and Asdzáá t’oshii. As Naanazbaa’ notes,

(Growing up,) I was never encouraged to speak it…but when I left home to come to college, I started realizing that that was part of who I was and I felt really, kind of lost because I didn’t have that and so I remember talking to my mom about it and asking her, you know, why didn’t you teach us Navajo?

Hanibaa’ speaks of the unique ability Navajo language has in conveying meaning,

The Navajo language what we speak with I really feel is a strong language; when you speak to your kids in the Navajo language, they can get a better sense – a better meaning out of what you tell them and have a better understanding.

Asdzáá t’oshii echoes Hanibaa’’s observations,

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I think that in the Navajo language you can say a lot of things in a more personal way than you can say (them) in the English language. When I am at home, I would prefer Navajo… My own children, they understand Navajo. But with my grandchildren, I have to explain what I am saying… because at their homes now they don’t speak the Navajo language.

These participants acknowledge the importance of their heritage language, are grateful for the role it plays in their lives, and desire the unique ability it has to convey nuances of thought and culture.

Almost all of the participants in this study, including Asdzáá t’oshii, Naanazbaa’, and Naat’iilid, discuss a cultural connection to their birthplaces or the land they consider to be home. In writing about the tie Indigenous people feel to the land, Verney (2004) states, “To understand American Indian philosophy, one must first understand our spiritual relationship, our connection with the land, with Mother Earth. If non-Natives can understand our traditional spiritual relationship with the land and its connections within the universe, hat all things have life, then one can better understand our people, our culture, and our traditional beliefs” (p. 134).

In the forward to Griffin-Pierce’s (1992) book Earth is my Mother, Sky is my

Father, Scott Momaday emphasizes the intense longing many people have for home, “In a real sense, this intense longing, this love of the landscape of home, is at the center of the Navajo worldview. Diné bikéyah is for the Navajo the point in space from which all conceptions of the cosmos proceed” (p. xv). Morphy (1995), as quoted by Battiste

(2002), notes that, “Indigenous knowledge is also inherently tied to land, not to lands in general but to particular landscapes, landforms, and biomes where ceremonies are

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properly held, stories properly recited, medicines properly gathered, and transmission of knowledge properly authenticated” (p. 13).

Asdzáá t’oshii describes the value of land,

Land is something that is valuable. Land is valuable… valuable and that you have a place to live, that you know where you come from. A secure, safe place and that you know where you come from and where you belong… So, to a Native American, where they have been born, where they came from… the land is like (my mother.) [Navajo/English]

Naanazbaa’ expresses a cultural connection to her birthplace,

When I think about it, it makes me feel really good because I just think about; I can see the scenery now. It is just very calming. So, even now, when I am driving home, you know, I know the way home and it just makes you feel really safe and comfortable and it’s just good to go home as much as you can, even though you live in the city because it helps you. It’s kind of like, I guess you could say that it’s kind of like medicine because when I meditate, I think about that place and I envision it and it helps calm me.

Naat’iilid considers home to be within the bounds of the four sacred mountains, The four sacred mountains, that is our home and I feel that that is our home. I see a mountain and I feel like I am coming closer to home. I feel that’s my home within the sacred mountains, within the reservation.

When speaking of the land, these participants acknowledge a place-based sense of being, are grateful for the ability to experience (as opposed to owning) the land, and demonstrate a desire to return to the land, if only in their minds, for the sense of security and comfort it affords.

Lloyd Lee (2006) connects the use of language and culture with relationships to other entities, including the land, “Each individual wants to speak the Diné language.

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Each thinks it important to know who your relatives are and how each human being is connected with all relations on earth and in the universe” (p. 81).

Valuing Relationships

Valuing family (the nuclear family and each parent’s nuclear family) is also a predominant theme in the participants’ responses. Hanibaa’, Naat’iilid, Naanazbaa’, and

Naazba’í view relationships in terms of nuclear family, clan relationships, and relationships to “other” groups of people that are not relatives.

In discussing the contributions her parents made to her life, Hanibaa’ says,

The stories I know have values and significance… they teach the life values similar to family teachings, things my mom and dad taught us when we were young. Those are the things I remember and really appreciate – teaching about relationships, clan, and that is something I still remember and is still a part of me.

When discussing the role of the nuclear family, Naat’iilid mentions,

Family, they come first because I learn a lot from my grandparents, I learn a lot from my parents, I learn a lot from my relatives, I learn a lot from what they call K’é, (relationships, knowing your clans, your connections).

In contrast, Naanazbaa’ discusses the effects of the absence of a stable nuclear family,

When these kids come in and they are troubled, or they’ve had some trouble with the law in the past, I ask, ‘where’s the family?’ That’s my first question.

Naazba’í speaks about her clan connections, I am born for the Bear Clan. My father is the Red House Clan. My nalii (my dad’s father) is the Reed People and I believe my mom’s grandpa is By the Water. (Clan relationship) is very important. [Navajo/English]

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Naat’iilid notes the role of her clan in her life,

I feel that my clan really represents who I am because it’s my family and also not only that but it also brings you close to other people in your family to you that share the same clans with you and you know that they are your brother, your sister, or you’re the auntie, or it holds a close relationship with other people that I come across who are Navajo.

Naat’iilid values other non-family people and reports that she admires the young women who become Miss Navajo,

For me, a good role model is Miss Navajo Nation. It seems like now they are enforcing them to be educated. I respect them a lot because they have to do a lot to be Miss Navajo. They have to speak their language fluently, they have to carry on a conversation, they have to know their traditions, they have to even butcher a sheep. The judges ask them questions in Navajo and they have to respond. They have to carry themselves very well. And also being educated, I think that is good.

Responses such as these are echoed throughout the interviews, with individuals acknowledging the importance of relationships, expressing gratitude for the wealth of blessings derived from these relationships, and recognizing a desire to maintain similar relationships. Responses suggest the tremendous importance placed not only on blood and clan relationships, but also on relationships with people having a shared Diné identity.

Honoring Traditional Ways

Participants include a wide variety of traditional practices, beliefs, and values in their discussions of traditional ways including Diné philosophy, prayers, blessings, good thoughts, being grateful for life’s gifts, honoring the land, cherishing life, and cherishing

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loved ones. The quotes I have chosen are representative of a type of spirituality that extends beyond the concept of honoring a singular “superior being” to provide insight into a shared axiology.

Participant responses indicate that honoring (recognizing, respecting, admiring) is a theme that bridges all age groups represented in the study and spans all locations targeted in the study. The prevalence of the theme honoring is indicative of both its personal and cultural importance.

Naat’iilid alludes to Diné philosophy noting,

Navajo children should learn… your clan – being able to share that, knowing who you are, knowing your culture, knowing your history of your people, knowing the creation story of how we came to be, and I would say language is really important.

Naat’iilid recalls some traditional practices,

Some important things I have learned from my elders I’d say – taking care of one another. Taking care of one another and respecting yourself, others, the plants, animals, anything that you have – treat it with care. Helping out, being helpful and really treating the elders with respect and helping them out with anything you can.

The appreciation of prayers, blessings, and good thoughts is another popular theme among participants, including KC, who states,

This little girl believes in prayer and she knows that that works for her. So whenever somebody is in need of something, say somebody is hurting, she’ll go home and she’ll pray for that person. And it won’t be just a simple little prayer, she’ll go into depth about why she is praying, what she wants, and she’s very descriptive in everything.

Ashkiił’gaii discusses the importance of prayer,

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You have to make it a point to make prayers a part of your daily activities. I think it is a spiritual awareness. I think if a person respects the things around them, they pretty much know where they will go. It is not a constant goal-setting that they have to do… it’s just with all the respect they give to their surroundings, they automatically just go where they will go and I think it is a spiritual development and it comes from our parents and the people that bring us into this world.

Chi’í baa’ was among the many participants who mention the importance of honoring the land. She describes a very special connection to the land,

I love the beauty of the land there with the landscape, the trees, the low mountains, my naaliis my immediate and family that was always there back in the days when they had sheep and horses and cows and still farming, being ranchers and I identify that when I hear land and, to me, land suggests family unit where everyone shares hand in hand what they have and they give and take from each other and it’s just a one large family that I remember I grew up in.

Naat’iilid, like other participants, recognizes how gifts are to be used,

They use those gifts in a good way to help others to be humble, to help the people around them in need of help or respectful towards nature, towards any walks of life that come. They are going to use their knowledge, their gifts, their tools for the well-being of not only themselves but for others… Whether it be knowing the language, whether it be knowing the culture. Sharing their knowledge of what they have been taught, what they have learned.

Chi’í baa’ and Hanibaa’, like other participants who have lost loved ones, discuss the importance of cherishing life. As Chi’í baa’ recalls,

The elderly know so much. With every elder that we lose, we lose all that knowledge, all that education. We look around; we are not knowledgeable in that area and there are valuable lessons that are lost.

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Hanibaa’, in speaking of her great appreciation for life, emphasizes that she plans on making the very best of what life has to offer,

Oh, yes, I know at this age – this life that I have – I really appreciate life at my age. Something that is highly valued, that’s what I think, so I think I am going to make the best out of my life and not waste it.

Almost all participants mention the importance of cherishing loved ones. As

Hanibaa’ recalls,

My father was a very highly intelligent, highly skilled person. He was a councilman and a minister, with his work he has really set a good example for me and he is someone I really look up to because with his examples. Second is my mother. I always had teaching that I have learned from her; teaching about what to do, and what not to do.

In honoring traditional ways, participants recognize, respect, and admire things and people that Begishe (2000) recognizes as gifts that people have available to use in developing good thought and good life.

Participant responses demonstrate the Indigenous thought processes that are, as

Clark (2010) described, holistic while, as Verney (2004) noted, being rich in relationships. In addition, they describe the multi-faceted aspects of learning that Aronilth

(1999) lists within Diné philosophy.

The recurring theme and sub-themes of Valuing, Appreciating, and Honoring speak of language, culture, epistemology (knowledge system), ontology (the nature of existence or being), and axiology (value and ethical systems) – the foundations of Diné identity. Therefore, participant responses indicate a desire to maintain a distinct and unique Diné identity that results in Hózhó, a state of harmony.

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Thinking - Nitsáhákees: Theme Two – Learning

On Learning

For a younger person who wants to learn, he may bring a gift like tobacco to an elder. But the elder will not tell everything all at once. The elder will give him a little bit of information, just enough to consider and think about. That bit of knowledge will help the learner become ready for the next bit of information, when he is ready.

Navajo Elder, Huerfano Participant interviews suggest an emphasis on learning, which became the second subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 1. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-theme:

a. Being prepared for and open to learning

Burkhart (2004) asserts that Indigenous epistemology differs from that of mainstream epistemology. He alleges that in mainstream epistemology, truth and knowledge are not conducive to our ends, but, instead, are ends in themselves capable of shaping human action rather than being guided and shaped by human action. Burkhart believes that within Indigenous epistemology, knowledge is not something that can be discovered by studying the world long enough or thinking long enough. Instead, he says that knowledge is shaped and guided by human actions, desires, and goals. It is something that we put to use and which may never be divorced from human action and experience (p. 45).

The quote by the elder at the beginning of this section indicates that knowledge is being shaped and guided by the actions of the elder. When considering Burkhart’s assertion, the adage, “Education is the journey, not the destination,” comes to mind.

Battiste (2002) supports this assertion, saying, and “Indigenous pedagogy values a

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person’s ability to learn independently by observing, listening, and participating with a minimum of intervention or instruction” (p. 15).

Aronilth (1999) believes that Diné epistemology is manifested in a Diné way of learning, centered on personal growth, which is characterized by feeling and talking about life (p. 45). Deloria (2001) agrees, noting that unlike mainstream conceptualizations of education, Indigenous conceptualizations do not separate knowledge and learning into professional expertise and personal growth. Battiste (2002) further observes that, “Knowledge is not what some possess and others do not; it is a resourceful capacity of being that creates the context and texture of life. Thus, knowledge is not a commodity that can be possessed or controlled by educational institutions, but is a living process to be absorbed and understood” (p. 15).

In a newspaper article by Nesima Aberra (2011) Bryan Brayboy adds to the discussion by noting that knowledge is dynamic and constantly evolving, “Indigenous people root their education in life experiences and the real world, and systematically pass on that discovered knowledge to future generations. The evolving knowledge is essential to survival. Some knowledge is open to everyone, while some is sacred and learned after special training” (p. 1).

Participant interviews support the assertions of Burkhart, Battiste, Aronilth,

Deloria, and Brayboy indicating a belief that learning and the development of knowledge are negotiated through the use of truth and knowledge within a context of experiences.

For the purpose of this paper, learning will be defined as personal growth, which is characterized by thinking, feeling, planning, experiencing, and talking about life.

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Being Prepared for and Open to Learning

In his 1964 model of a Well-Directed Person, Kenneth Begishe dedicates nearly one third of his model to thinking and learning. Among other traits mentioned in the learning process, Begishe features the ability to endure sitting during instruction, staying through instruction to completion, and accepting correction as well as having a strong foundation in thinking. In considering what it means to be prepared for and open to learning, another clue is found in Begishe’s model, which addresses attitude. Being enthusiastic about work is a foundational element within the model. For the purpose of this paper, being prepared for learning is defined as having a strong foundation in thinking and approaching learning with enthusiasm. In addition, being open to learning is defined as persevering through instruction and experiences to achieve personal growth.

Responses indicate that being prepared for and open to learning is yet another theme that bridges all age groups represented in the study and spans all locations targeted by the study. The prevalence of the theme being prepared for and open to learning suggests both a personal and cultural importance for this concept.

Naazba’í statement reiterates the importance of being open to learning,

What would be a good lesson I have learned from teachers? Patience. A lesson I learned from teachers because I was always one to want to hurry and get the assignment over with and they had to teach me a lot of patience.

Naazba’í also suggests that being prepared for learning involves enthusiasm and accountability,

I think one supervisor I had was whenever I worked at Best Buy. But what he taught me was to have a good work ethic. Be

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consistent in everything I did. You know, be held responsible for everything I did.

Chi’í baa’ alludes to the importance of being open to others because you can learn from them when she discusses how she learned perseverance from her father,

The most important thing I ever learned would be determination, persistence, and I learned that from my dad. He was always saying that if you are doing something, do it to completion, don’t do it halfway, you have a job, and who’s going to do it for you? You need to get up and do it yourself. You need to pull yourself through.

Ashkiił’gaii exemplifies a person that is open to learning from others,

The reason why I am the way I am is because they (my parents) are the ones who taught me, the people that I met, they are the ones that pointed me in the right direction. I think my mom pretty much decided on what I was going to do with myself.

Participant responses indicate that personal growth is central to learning and the development of knowledge, supporting assertions by Burkhart (2004), Battiste (2002),

Aronilth (1999), Deloria (2001) and Brayboy (2011).

In Ashkiił’gaii’s final sentence, there exists a window through which we can see learning being shaped and guided by the actions, desires, and goals of his mother through the manner in which Burkhart (2004) describes Indigenous utilization of knowledge.

Thinking - Nitsáhákees: Theme Three – Planning Ahead

Participant interviews suggest that planning ahead is a valued ability and practice within the culture. For that reason, planning ahead became the third subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 1. It is important to note that in Aronilth’s (1992) description of the areas of learning, planning was associated with the cardinal direction

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south and the process of Nahata. However, in figure 4-2, in recognizing planning as a cognitive process associated with thinking and remaining consistent with the categories emerging from my data analysis, I have placed it under the first umbrella category, which is associated with the cardinal direction east and the process of Nitsáhákees.

Participant responses indicate that planning ahead (developing in advance a scheme for acting or doing) is a theme that bridges multiple age groups represented in the study and spans all locations targeted by the study.

The recurring theme planning ahead is supported by the following sub-theme:

a. Setting goals

Garrison (2007) notes that part of Diné philosophy includes Protecting

One’s Self/Respecting One’s Surroundings, and that a significant aspect of the concept involves implementing thoughts, carrying out ideas, and putting ideas into place (p. 66). Such an emphasis on planning and setting goals is a consistent theme within the interviews. The prevalence of the theme planning ahead is indicative of both its personal and cultural importance.

Setting Goals

The setting of goals (identifying in advance a reason to implement a scheme for acting or doing) is identified through participant responses as an important aspect of planning ahead. Participants discuss a variety of goals that should be set including personal, family, and educational goals.

Naazba’í emphasizes the importance of goal-setting when describing the most important things a person can learn,

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Be motivated. Self-motivated and don’t wait for somebody or something to come along to make you move to what you want to do to pursue your goals. Set your goals. Always have a goal. Be humble but be confident at the same time... if you have respect for other people and you are a very hard worker, and you have goals set for yourself, being humble and confident, I think you can accomplish anything.

Naazba’í identifies another goal as cooperation and working together,

We’re newlyweds. So we are still trying to learn how to run together like a team of horses.

Naanazbaa’ reports that staying together is a family goal,

Well, my mother and father, a big thing that I see is that is really significant is that they are still together. They are not divorced. They are not separated… That was their main thing, was to always keep the family together.

Naazba’í describes an older sister, who has set educational goals for herself,

My older sister she has three kids. She manages to take her son to a baseball game but still pursue her college education and then work a full-time job. She manages to juggle work and also her goal is accomplishing a degree and still have time for her family.

Ashkiił’gaii also recalls his father being a goal-setter when it came to learning,

He was kind and always helpful to other people… he didn’t mind helping. I think my dad wanted to do things, he wanted to learn, and when he had the opportunity to go and do things, he did.

It is interesting to note that planning and goal-setting seem to be priorities for participants, supporting Garrison’s (2007) observations. The setting of goals and planning for the future appear to be part of the holistic

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worldview shared by Diné people that Verney (2004) and Clark (2010) describe.

Thinking - Nitsáhákees: Theme Four – Thinking Independently

In An Introduction to Navajo Philosophy, Wilson Aronilth (1999) explains the essence of a Diné philosophy of living and learning that informs Diné epistemology, ontology, and axiology. This philosophy becomes a framework of thought and way of life for Diné people and informs cognitive, intuitive, physiological, and psychological processes of learning and living a Diné way of life. Aronilth (1999) writes:

According to the teachings of our forefathers, Diné philosophy contains four important areas of learning about our body, feeling, mind, thinking, thoughts, and our whole life. We are born with these and grow with them from childhood to old age. Diné philosophy is about our artwork, beliefs, feeling, identity, language, mind, self-image, thinking, thoughts, values, moral laws, and our ways and custom, including all other capabilities acquired by our forefathers. The Diné way of learning is a way of feeling and talking about life. This type of learning is not limited, yet it has dos and don’ts to control itself. We must follow its disciplines. We have dos and don’ts to control our feelings, our attitudes, and behaviors. (p. 45)

Benally (1994) discusses the importance of thinking within Diné culture, emphasizing it is important to Diné elders that younger generations understand that thinking and knowledge should be used to empower self for harmonious purposes. By seeking knowledge and using strong, independent thinking, one internalizes hózhó.

Hózhó is often defined as beauty or a state of balance or harmony. In Diné thought,

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through the internalization of hózhó, knowledge “becomes one’s life” and “the internalized knowledge immunizes one from destructive forces in the world” (p. 30).

Transcripts of participant interviews suggest that thinking independently is valued within the culture. This finding is particularly interesting, in that Begishe’s (1968) model of a Well-Directed Person, thinking without external constraint was a major component.

Thinking independently (thinking without prompting or constraint) became the fourth subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 1. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-theme:

a. Being mentally strong, consistent, and independent

Being Mentally Strong, Consistent, and Independent In considering what constitutes being mentally strong, consistent, and independent, both the term integrity and liberty come to mind. After mining the data for clues as to how participants view these attributes, the expression being mentally strong, consistent, and independent is defined as having a thought process that is self-assured, honest, straightforward, and genuine.

In describing his mother, Ashkiił’gaii recalls her mental strength,

My mom was a, I would say she was a fighter, she was spunky, she was always challenging herself, I would say she was a survivor, a ‘scrapper!” …There were things, she did, that I look back on, she – she always had ways to make things happen!

Naat’iilid also lauds her mother’s mental strength,

I think she is strong spiritually, mentally. She is really generous and kind. She is always smiling. She always has a smile on her face. I feel like she is really strong. She is a strong lady.

Naanazbaa’ describes her grandmother’s mental consistency,

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My Grandma Polly, she’s my mom’s mother. She was always there with us when we were little… And my grandmother was just a very strong woman. She said what she felt and she stood up for a lot of things and she just did not care what people thought. You know, she was like, if you don’t say it, nobody is going to know. And even if people don’t agree with you, you still have to get that voice out there, whatever it is. Whether it is bad or good and so, I think, from her, I learned that you just have to stick to what you believe in regardless of what people say.

Being mentally independent is important to Chi’í baa’, who believes strongly in embracing and being oneself,

I think the most important value you can instill in someone is to be yourself. No matter where you go. No matter what you do. Be yourself. Do not fake or pretend to be someone, let your genuine self reveal itself.

It is interesting to note that almost all of the participants immediately mention their mothers or grandmothers when the topic of independent thinking was discussed. As Deloria (2001) notes, “Education in the traditional setting occurs by example and not as a process of indoctrination. That is to say, elders are the best living examples of what the end product of education and life experience should be” (p. 45).

Benally (2008) explains that within Diné culture, a person who maintains a state of high moral probity is considered a person who thinks. “To think is to be moral. A thinking person is one who possesses keen discernment and maintains high moral standards” (p. 133). According to Werner, Austin-Garrison, & Begishe (1996), “the foundation of good and upright moral life is good thought” (p. 424).

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The participants who speak to the topic of being mentally strong, consistent, and independent exhibited a great deal of respect for the individuals they thought embodied these attributes, indicating, again, that within the culture, being free of external constraints in both thought and action is highly valued.

Due to the holistic and interdependent relationship of thinking and knowing, independence in thought and having strong thought processes are strongly tied to knowledge and knowing, the next recurring theme.

Thinking - Nitsáhákees: Theme Five – Knowing Herbert Benally (1994) writes, “…for Navajos, knowledge, learning, and life itself are sacred and interwoven parts of a whole” (p. 23). He goes on to explain that in

Diné thought, the internalization of hózhó, knowledge “becomes one’s life” and the internalization of knowledge shields one from the destructive forces that exist in the world (p. 30).

Transcripts of participant interviews suggest that knowledge is, indeed, viewed holistically as a larger part of being. Throughout the interviews, participants tie many aspects of Diné life (family, possessions, education, land, relationships) to the development of knowledge.

Knowing became the fifth subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 1.

This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Knowing Diné prayers and ceremonies b. Knowing how to pass knowledge on to younger generations c. Knowing how to love

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Participants speak of many types of knowledge throughout the interviews, and strongly agree that knowledge should be shared.

Knowing Prayers and Ceremonies

In traditional Diné culture, a person rises before sunrise, faces east, and greets the morning sun with prayers. Very few of the participants indicate that they still follow this practice, even fewer indicate that they even occasionally participate in traditional ceremonies. However, knowledge of Diné prayers and ceremonies is viewed as a valuable asset by many of the participants. Ashkiił’gaii describes praying in the morning,

Sometimes when certain feelings come around, that’s when I pray, traditionally, I pray and lay out the corn pollen I do that and I might ask my family to join me and sometimes they do and sometimes they don’t. [Navajo/English]

Although viewed as a valuable asset, many of the participants, and surprisingly, not just the younger participants, do not possess a depth of knowledge concerning traditional prayers and ceremonies. Some attribute this to the colonizing practice of

Christianity, while others think that limited abilities in Navajo language contribute to this situation. Among those who discuss prayer and ceremonies at length, a great deal of respect is given to those within the culture who are the keepers of both.

Knowing How to Pass Knowledge On

Being capable of passing on knowledge to younger generations (implicitly by example or explicitly through direct instruction) is identified through participant responses as an important aspect of knowing. Within a culture of oral tradition,

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knowledge was continually being passed on through daily discourse, so it was not surprising to have this subcategory emerge so strongly from the data.

As Chi’í baa’ states,

…there are some things in life that you cannot do alone, you need the help of other people, they will mentor you, encourage you, and I don’t think anybody can survive life on their own; you have to have somebody there to make you accountable and give you direction.

Knowing How to Love

One of the most striking aspects of knowledge emerging from participant interviews is the emphasis placed on knowing how to love. Participants, such as Naazba’í discuss physical manifestations of love as well as emotional proximity,

I think it comes from the family. Our family is a lot like that, you know, we are very loving. We hug a lot. We talk to each other about what we are feeling. We are very close.

Although participants never mention the term Hózhó, the magnitude of thoughts, prayers, and songs mentioned by Ferlin Clark (2010) are reflected within their interviews.

Through the teaching and learning process, a person comes to own the knowledge and uses the knowledge to live a harmonious life by consciously recognizing and overcoming obstacles and using Hózhó, to overcome them. Further, the transmission of that knowledge is also viewed as a cherished act within the culture according to participants.

As Werito, (2010) asserts, “…an individual must know his role and responsibility

(innately his spiritual identity) to self, family, relatives and oral traditions in relation to seeking knowledge. In respect of and in light of such traditional perspectives, our educational life philosophy or the attainment of knowledge is seen as a process of

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becoming for a purpose, thus a transformation. Therefore, an individual’s life journey is about transformation when they realize this concept of fully becoming or evolving as a human being.

Umbrella Category Two: Doing (K'é)

Nitsáhákees Nahata (South) Iiná (West) Siih Hasin

(East) (North) K'é Iiná

Nitsáhákees Hózhó Doing Being Thinking Achieving

Harmony

Figure 4-3: Umbrella Categories Emerging from Data

The textual analysis of participant’s responses to the interview questions suggests a second umbrella category entitled “Doing,” which encompasses six distinct recurring cultural themes, “Having Initiative, Demonstrating Respect, Taking Responsibility for

Self, Taking Responsibility for Others, Having Independence in Actions, and Functioning

Capably in Both Diné and Mainstream Worlds.” Within each of these six themes, related sub-themes, many actually incorporating cognitive and emotional dispositions and abilities such as being respectful, having humility, and exhibiting a loving heart, emerged from the data.

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Category 2 – Nahata (South)

Doing

1. Having Initiative

a. Having a good work ethic b. Physically Strong c. Using one’s gifts and talents 2. Respecting

a. Respect for traditions b. Respect for others c. Respect for self 3. Taking Responsibility

a. For self b. For others 4. Independence in Actions

a. Integrity b. Humility c. Leads d. Loves 5. Functioning Well in Both (Diné and Mainstream) Worlds

a. Has positive personal and professional experiences b. Exhibits strong Diné identity Figure 4-4 Category 2 – Nahata (South)

James Chisholm (1996) asserts that within Diné culture, human development is viewed as moral development, and parents and community members strive to inculcate

“good thought,” which, in turn, is manifested through actions. He notes, “Although

Navajo parents may have many ways to instill good thought in their children, they all seem to include fostering ‘respect’ for things and for people, as well as for oneself” (p.

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167 ). In Diné culture, ‘having respect’ for a thing or person is demonstrated by taking care of or assuming responsibility for that thing or person. This connection between thoughts and action is further described by Werner, Austin-Garrison, and Begishe (1996) who note, “Admonitions to ‘think well’ abound within the Navajo traditional instructional system. That good thought inevitably leads to good actions and good outcomes is stressed” (p. 413). The components of Category 2 reflect this mindset of first developing good thoughts, then demonstrating the existence of these thoughts through one’s actions.

Doing - K'é: Theme One – Having Initiative

Transcripts of participant interviews suggest an emphasis on having initiative, the first subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 2. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Having a good work ethic b. Physically strong c. Using one’s gifts and talents Having a good work ethic is discussed by participants, especially in descriptions of parents. Hanibaa’ recalls,

My mother was somebody that was a very resourceful person… as far as I know; she always had sheep, livestock. She was a real hard-working person and nothing was hard for her; everything she did she did it well.

My father was the same, a good father that raised all of us, worked for us and provided for all our needs. He also had sheep and also went out (outside of the home) and worked.

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In addition to seeing her mother as hard-working, Chi’í baa’ and Naazba’í, like many of the participants, describe their mothers’ strength.

I think my mom is a very, very strong lady. I think of her as a person who never gave up on us, no matter what problems we had or situation we got ourselves into, she was a very strong woman and she never wavered from us and she always welcomed us home.

Naazba’í also describes her mother’s strength,

She is a strong woman, I know that. She’s been through a lot throughout her life and she still continues to move on no matter what happens.

Naazba’í, in describing her six-year old niece, mentions the importance of using one’s gifts and talents.

She’s only six years old but she is the most loving, caring little girl you have ever met. It doesn’t matter who you are, she always manages to encourage you just as small as she is.

Doing - K'é: Theme Two – Respecting

According to Lloyd Lee (2004), respect is an integral part of Diné culture (p.

114.) Begishe, Schoepfle, Platero, and Pfeiffer (nd) echo Witherspoon (1977) in noting that “respect” in Diné culture is not a “lack of intolerance,” as it might be viewed in mainstream culture, but rather a “knowing the importance of” some entity or person, and even more important, knowing one’s relationship with that entity or person (p. 8).

Throughout the interviews conducted with participants, the concept of respect is a universal. Each and every participant discussed the importance of respect and expressed concern that the lack of respect is responsible for some type of either personal or cultural decay.

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Transcripts of interviews suggest the importance of the demonstration of respect, the second subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 2. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Respect for traditions b. Respect for others c. Respect for self In discussing kinship and relationships in Indigenous cultures, Vine Deloria

(1999) notes that traditionally, “family was rather a multigenerational complex of people, and clan and kinship responsibilities extend beyond the grave and far into the future.

Remembering a distant ancestor’s name and achievements might be equally as important as feeding a visiting cousin or teaching a niece how to sew and cook. Children were greatly beloved by most tribes, and this feeling gave evidence that the future was as important as the present or past…” (p. 140).

Ashkiił’gaii, Naat’iilid, and Naanazbaa’ mention the importance of demonstrating respect for traditions and ancestors. As Ashkiił’gaii says,

Having respect for the traditions, the relationships, the knowledge, the land, our ancestors, these are things the young people must be taught. They must be taught that they are important, that they have responsibility.

Another tradition emphasized by every participant is the demonstration of respect for elders. As Naat’iilid discusses,

Taking care of one another and respecting yourself, others, the plants, animals, anything that you have, treat it with care, helping out, being helpful and really treating the elders with respect and helping them out with anything you can… being respectful towards your elders. That has always been something I grew up

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with. Treat your elders with respect. Do things for them. Talk appropriate to them. Do whatever they want you to do.

Demonstrating respect for parents and the gift of life they gave is described by

Naanazbaa’,

I guess just belief in the idea of the Diné philosophy. Just know who you are and respect the fact that your parents gave you life and that you were … just to be grateful for the gift of life and not to waste it.

Naanazbaa’, like other participants, emphasizes the importance of demonstrating respect for future generations. Naanazbaa’ describes her relationship with youngsters in her school,

The way I see it is you have to guide them and it is not necessarily with life things but it can help them. It teaches them lessons. So when I talk to students, I try to remember I need to be really honest and I need to be supportive. I need to be tough and that tough love thing. And just stick to whatever action is given and if there is a plan that we stick to it. I have to be consistent with what I do with them. And I just have to be reliable. You know, accountable. Because when I tell them that I have to do something, I have to follow through with it because they are going to remember and so I think about what a parent would do.

Within the culture, respect is not limited to other people and entities. Many of the participants in the study spoke of the importance of respecting one’s self. Naat’iilid speaks frequently of self-respect,

Being, I guess, respectful of, again, of yourself, of others, mother nature, mother earth. In acknowledging our culture, praying. Having a belief, a belief in something. Whether it be in the Navajo culture throughout ceremonies or Christianity, I feel that having some kind of belief will take you far. And language too… Being, I guess, like they say, in balance with yourself. Trying to take care of

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yourself very well, being positive and not thinking negative, trying to be happy or being strong minded.

Chisholm (1996) argues that, “the primary goal of Navajo parents (and society) is to inculcate ‘good thought’ (i.e., moral thought). Although Navajo parents may have many ways to instill good thought in their children, they all seem to include fostering

‘respect’ for a thing or person-including oneself. In the Navajo scheme of things,

‘showing respect’ for a thing or person is a manifestation of taking care of or responsibility for that thing or person” (p.167). These teachings are key to the concept of

K’é, which, as noted in the review of the literature, is a key Diné value relating to relationships within one’s world (kinship, clanship, and respectful relations with other people and the natural world). In the Diné worldview, people share the world with all things; therefore, people have relationships to all things.

McCarty (2002) says that k'é “embodies the ideals of cooperation, sharing, and respect and responsibility for oneself, one’s family, the livestock, and the land” (p.36).

Further, Roessel (1981) reinforces the emphasis on interdependence when she notes that the concept of self is not an integral aspect of the traditional Diné concept of cultural identity, “I want to help and serve my people. I want my children to help and serve others. I want other Navajos to grow up and be taught that the higher values are service – not self” (p.173). This perspective leads directly to the next finding, taking responsibility for self and others.

Doing - K'é: Theme Three – Taking Responsibility for Self and Others

Chisholm (1996) believes that it is the “giving of life and sharing of sustenance that is the highest form of Navajo moral maturation, for it is the essence of taking

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responsibility for (i.e., knowing the importance of, showing respect for) one’s family, one’s people, and all of life” (p. 176). Transcripts of participant interviews suggest that assuming responsibility for one’s self and one’s actions are very important aspect of being a mature, respected adult. This led to the theme being identified as the third subcategory below Umbrella Category 2. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Has a healthy lifestyle b. Has a positive outlook c. Is reliable With wellness being an important concern in both mainstream and Diné cultures, it is not surprising that a number of participants, when describing a person who is “on the right path,” include individuals who have healthy lifestyles. Naat’iilid describes a person she respects because he has a healthy lifestyle,

I think he has also come a long way too. I respect him a lot too. He knows the culture, knows the language, very fluent, he’s educated, he went on; I think he has his PhD. He worked back in Tuba City. He is learning the prayers along with that. I think he wants to go back to learning how to do prayers and I guess incorporating that into his life and before that he had a tough life too. He was a Vietnam vet and I think that was imbalance for him for a while. Things were not in balance with him. But I really respect him about his education and he is learning and he is telling us about it and he tells us what goes on, the meaning of things… [Navajo/English]

Naat’iilid also speaks more generally about the type of people she respects. She is impressed by people that exhibit a positive outlook and have good self-esteem,

They are just very kindhearted, very generous, very helpful. Think positively. They know who they are.

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In addition to having a healthy lifestyle and a positive outlook on life, a number of participants say that they respect individuals who take responsibility for knowing their culture. In Chi’í baa’’s description of things a young person should do, she states,

I think first of all they should learn their clan. Learn the language and everything else stems from there. And I think once again personal development comes into play and when they realize who they are and can conduct themselves properly in their own home as well as outside the home and that again adds into the public life and then back into the home, into the grandparents and to the younger people and what they need to really learn, again, is respect and their language, and just learning to interact with other people, to be a people person.

Werner, Austin-Garrison, and Begishe (1996) assert that “the good life consists of the interplay between good moral thought and resulting inevitable good activity. This leads naturally to the capacity to provide for one’s wife and, by implication, children, to live in reasonable abundance” (p. 417). Participant interviews suggest that taking responsibility for others, especially other generations, is a cultural value that remains highly regarded.

Naat’iilid describes a woman that, through her good thoughts and resulting actions, is a positive role model for young people,

I went to school with her. But she is a year younger than me and carries herself very well. I believe she is from Ganado area. Intelligent, not only that but she is Navajo, she participates in stuff back home with her family. She had run for a pageant for the Miss U of A pageant and she did not give up. She ran three times and she had finally won the title. So I respect her a lot that she did not give up even if she did not win the first time or second time and I think that really tells a lot about her character. That she really wanted it and she got it. And she carries herself very well with that

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title. She is very involved with U of A Native American community. She is really doing an outreach of trying to promote the Native American culture. Not only that but I think she will be graduating this year and going on to graduate school. So I feel that she is a good role model and has a lot of good characteristics and that she will go far in the future. I think she is, like I said, she is very well-rounded. I’m pretty sure parents and grandparents tell (their children) and point out look at this young lady, look at what she’s doing and talk to them and I think that will start a conversation with them about school and that she is Navajo and that she is doing good.

Parents and elders facilitate the process of learning for young people through the use of words and actions. Werner, Austin-Garrison, and Begishe (1996) note that, “when one has received good instruction and acquired a firm grasp of its tenets, then one lives accordingly and is in a good position to pass this knowledge on to one’s children” (p.

426). As such, teaching young people values and helping them to understand their own purposes in life is viewed as an important attribute by Naat’iilid,

Navajo children should learn…I would say knowing who you are. And there is a lot that goes with that. That goes with knowing, I think, your clan being able to share that, knowing who you are, your mom, knowing your dad’s clan, knowing your grandparents, knowing your naaliis and knowing your culture, knowing your history of your people, knowing the creation story of how we came to be, and I would say language is really important, especially if your parents speak fluently. I would l think that the parents should speak to their kids in Navajo.

Hanibaa’ agrees that guiding young people is an important part of being affirming,

I think the biggest things to teach your kids is to teach them to make a good living from when they are small, from birth… and even before they were born… and that means talking to them the right way, it’s when you don’t talk to them all the time that they don’t go the right way/do the right

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things. And for me, that’s the one that I really highly value – talking to your kids.

Werner, Austin-Garrison, and Begishe (1996) note that within Diné culture,

“correct thought is a corollary to correct performance. Good instruction therefore becomes the acquisition of good memories” (p. 422).

Another way that good thought is manifested in action within Diné culture is through reliability and dependability. Chisholm (1996) emphasizes that, “For the Navajo,

‘showing respect’ is a form of ‘taking responsibility’ for oneself and others. To a great extent, this responsibility is that of knowing the right (moral) thing to do” (p. 181).

Taking responsibility in the form of being reliable and consistent is valued by a number of participants. As Naanazbaa’ says,

I have to be consistent with what I do with them. And I just have to be reliable. You know, accountable. Because when I tell them that I have to do something, I have to follow through with it because they are going to remember and so I think about what a parent would do.

A number of participants commented on the importance of being selfless. In her interview, Chi’í baa’ describes such a person,

I have always heard when you’re not a person that gives, you’re just existing. [Navajo/English]

Hanibaa’ recalls that her father, as the head of her family’s household, was quite selfless. She describes her father as being a good provider,

My father was the same, a good father that raised all of us, worked for us and provided for all our needs. He also had sheep and also went out (side of the home) and worked. That is how he took care of us as I was growing up.

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Participant responses tend to reinforce the literature. For example, Roessel (1981) discusses her view of assuming responsibility. “As I look at Changing Woman and her two sons, I see their emphasis on service. So, I want to help and serve my people. I want my children to help and serve others. I want other Navajos to grow up and be taught that the higher values are service – not self” (p. 173).

Doing - K'é: Theme Four – Independence in Actions

As Diné grow and mature, so does their ability to think properly. Living a good life through thinking the good life is a valued ability. Werner, Austin-Garrison, and

Begishe (1996) emphasize the importance of independence within the culture, “At the time of marriage, both men and women are expected to have progressed from childhood to mature, independent thought. The goal of the growing up process is to acquire the skill, or capacity, of thought, specifically; good thought that is morally and ethically sound” (p.

414).

Transcripts of participant interviews suggest that independence and thinking and acting independently are highly valued; therefore the topic of independence became the fourth subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 2. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Demonstrating integrity b. Demonstrating humility c. Leads d. Loves Werner, Austin-Garrison, and Begishe (1996) assert that in Diné culture, “thought as action has moral force. Hence, one ought first to think about the good life” before

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acting (p. 414). Acting honestly and demonstrating integrity are valued by a number of participants. As Asdzáá t’oshii notes,

The most important thing I have learned from an elder is that life is valuable, that life is important. That the way you conduct yourself and the way you live is important.

Naazba’í, when describing what all children should learn, emphasizes humility,

The next thing would be to have a good work ethic. Be a hard worker, you know. Be motivated. Self-motivated and don’t wait for somebody or something to come along to make you move to what you want to do to pursue your goals. Set your goals. Always have a goal. Don’t ever live through life thinking that there’s nothing out there for me. Be humble but be confident at the same time. That would be it because respect and, if you have respect for other people and you are a very hard worker, and you have goals set for yourself, being humble and confident, I think you can accomplish anything.

Leadership (especially in thinking) is emphasized in Begishe’s (2000) work as an important aspect of Diné culture. In his diagram of Good Thought/Good Life, he notes that good thought manifests in the ability to lead a life of peaceful leadership, which entails being a leader for both one’s children and one’s people (p.8). Naazba’í describes her great-grandparents’ legacy of leadership,

… my great grandparents, Charlie Y. Brown and Lorraine Brown. You know, they moved on but they left a legacy here for the family. And not even for the family but for the whole community. Everyone knows about them and their hard work. Their faith in God. The love they had for their family. There are just so many things that they did. My grandfather was on many boards. He worked and he was on the board of education. He was for education. He was all about kids. All about family and he was a very smart man. I don’t know how far he went in school but back

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then I’m pretty sure it wasn’t a high school diploma. But for being as old as he was, he was just a very well-rounded person and he was a good man in general.

Witherspoon (1977) notes that the very respectful mother-child relationship is the prototype for k'é relationships. Chisholm (1996) believes that Navajo children learn respect, “from their parents’ quiet and controlled (polite) behavior toward them (p 180).

Naanazbaa’ describes her mother as a very loving person,

With my mother, she’s always been kind of like my hero, you know, and I have seen her...she is always very supportive and loving and caring but, you know, she was tough too. She would really push us, even though we were girls. We still had to be able to work and be strong but we could also be caring and nurturing.

Through the concept of K’é, respect, responsibility, leadership, humility and love are inter-related aspects within the culture that address the relationship a person has within his/her world. As Witherspoon (1977), Chisholm (1996), Werner, Austin-

Garrison, and Begishe (1996), and Begishe (1964, 2000) assert, each of these skills, abilities, and attributes are viewed as being manifestations of good thought.

Doing - K'é: Theme Five – Functioning Well in Both the Diné and Mainstream Worlds

Begishe (1968) devotes nearly one quarter of the model of Diné t’aa bi ateego, a

Well-Directed Person, to gaining and maintaining competency in both the Navajo and western worlds, indicating the importance that was once placed on bicultural and bilingual competence. Transcripts of participant interviews suggest a continued emphasis on being competent in both the Diné and mainstream worlds, the fifth subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 2. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

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a. Has positive personal and professional experiences and relationships b. Exhibits a strong Diné identity

Every participant, without exception, mentioned the importance of education.

Chi’í baa’ demonstrates her respect for academic knowledge,

Naanazbaa’ recalls some of her positive personal and professional experiences,

I really tried to monitor my grades in high school and made sure I was active, you know, in extracurricular activities. I played sports and I was in clubs and student council and that kind of thing. I just had an aspiration to go to college through a university because I had that expectation for myself. My cousins had gone to the U of A so when they were down here, I got to visit and they took me around the campus and I liked Tucson a lot better because it’s a city but it doesn’t seem, it doesn’t have that big city feel and I felt really comfortable here, in Tucson.

Ashkiił’gaii believes that strong, traditional values are important,

Coyote stories, they are the important stories for our life. It is important to know that we do certain things for certain reasons. Also, Spider woman stories, and the twins and how they used the gifts their father gave them to rid the world of ogres. These are important teachings.

Ashkiił’gaii admires those with strong Diné language skills, and connects those skills to the development of a specific identity,

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I think having a language, their language, gives people an identity. I think it is important to learn our language and our customs.

The ongoing emphasis on valuing both Diné and mainstream culture, language, literacy, and knowledge suggests that the development of bicultural and bilingual competence remains a priority for project participants. Many of the participants emphasized the importance of being successful within mainstream society.

In his dissertation, Benally (2008) underscores the continued emphasis within the culture on helping young people develop competency in both Diné and mainstream cultures, arguing that cultural balance in curriculum supports the development of strong Indigenous identity in four ways, “First, students would be equipped with both sacred and secular values to guide them in life. Second, such curricula would teach them skills and knowledge so that they can provide for themselves and serve others… Third, curricula based on the balancing construct would demonstrate how to put into practice the concept of K’é, with family, friends, and life at large. And finally, it would help students understand the interdependency of man and his environment” (p. 170).

The discussion of bicultural competency and its perceived importance in the development of a strong Diné identity dovetails into the third umbrella category emerging from the data, which involves knowing one’s self in the context of “being.”

Umbrella Category Three: Being (Iiná)

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The textual analysis of participants’ responses to the interview questions suggests a third umbrella category entitled “Being,” which encompasses two distinct recurring cultural themes, “Knowing One’s Self and Knowing One’s People.” Within each of these themes, related sub-themes emerge from the data.

Being - Iiná: Theme One – Knowing One’s Self

Benally (2008) suggests four areas of Diné knowledge around which to design instruction to make sure that students receive a culturally balanced education. These areas of knowledge include knowledge that emphasizes character and integrity, self-sufficiency entwined with service, understanding of a relationship to a person’s environment, and

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love for the family, neighbors, home, and environment. These areas work well to capture the recurring themes of “Being.”

Participant interviews suggest an emphasis on knowing one’s self, the first subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 3. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Knowing one’s relationship to the natural world b. Knowing one’s purpose Traditionally, Diné view the value of human life as being equivalent to that of the animals and the elements because they are all equally entities of the Earth. Matt (2011) notes that “the traditional Navajo worldview reveals how the interconnectedness among all life on earth, including the human life, the animal life, the elements, and the universe creates value for the natural inter-workings of an orderly system” (p. 26). Participants emphasize this awareness of one’s relationship to the natural world. In fact, knowing where you come from and having a sense of place is mentioned by Asdzáá t’oshii,

Naazba’í, and Naat’iilid.

In discussing her grandchildren, Asdzáá t’oshii notes,

I think our children today need to know who they are and where they come from.

Naazba’í mentions that being humble and maintaining humility when considering the natural world is important,

They use those gifts in a good way to help others to be humble, to help the people around them in need of help or respectful towards nature, towards any walks of life that come.

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Naat’iilid observes that understanding the equality of the beings of the universe is vital when considering the interdependence of all entities,

Hmmmm. I’d say taking care of one another. Taking care of one another and respecting yourself, others, the plants, animals, anything that you have, treat it with care, helping out, being helpful and really treating the elders with respect and helping them out with anything you can.

The observations of these participants affirm Clark’s (2009) assertion that, “the

Diné believe human behavior derives from their relationship with the natural universe, including reverence for the natural order and the sacred elements of earth” (p. 29).

Participants, especially those in the 20 – 39 and 40 – 59 year old groups, spoke of the responsibility people have to the land and animals. Participants I the 60+ group tended to speak more of the responsibility people have to the animals, especially livestock.

In his seminal work, Look to the Mountain, Gregory Cajete (1994) describes the realization of life’s purpose by noting, “In the tradition of the Nahuatl speaking Aztec of

Mexico, the ideal purpose of education is to ‘find one’s face, find one’s heart’ and search for a ‘foundation,’ a truth, a support, a way of life and work through which one can express one’s Life” (p. 35). Through their responses, participants in this study place an equally great importance on knowing one’s purpose in life. Asdzáá t’oshii notes that part of one’s purpose in life includes the discovery and embracing of one’s own gifts and talents,

… you don’t have to live in a mansion, you don’t have to have a degree, it’s good to have a degree but as long as you are educated in life and you know how to support yourself, how to support your children, how to live the best you can. To me, that’s successful,

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that’s an achievement. That’s what a lot of people need, that they are happy with themselves. Happy with their life.

In keeping with the spirit of Cajete’s (1994) observations, Naazba’í emphasizes the importance of using one’s own gifts and talents for a greater good,

Participant responses echo three of Benally’s (2008) four areas of knowledge; knowledge that gives direction to life, self-sufficiency entwined with service, and understanding the relationship of a person to his environment, which includes reverence for all living things.

Being - Iiná: Theme Two – Knowing One’s People

According to Witherspoon (1975), kinship is a set of intense, diffuse, and enduring cultural concepts, beliefs, and attitudes about solidarity that are embodied in symbols found in culturally defined reproductive processes (pp. 13-14).

Ruth Roessel (1973) describes four levels of Diné kinship. These levels include the biological family and the extended family levels, which consist of “blood” relatives, and the outfit and the clan levels, which include members that are not necessarily “blood” relatives. She explains, relatives are not thought of as being restricted to biological connections, and members of a clan use ‘sister’ and other blood-relative terms in referring to other members and even to members of ‘linked’ clans (p. xix-xx).

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Participant interviews suggest an emphasis on knowing one’s people, the second subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 3. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Having a sense of belonging b. Understanding unique connections within the culture and between Diné people

Responses provided by Chi’í baa’, Naat’iilid, Naazba’í and Hanibaa’ echo the importance of Benally’s fourth area of knowledge, K’é, (the relationships a person develops with self, family, community, cultural group, nation, and the universe). A. V. discusses the importance of having a sense of belonging,

Naat’iilid passionately emphasizes the reason Diné people are here in the universe,

Treat your elders with respect. Do things for them. Talk appropriate to them. Do whatever they want you to do. And even just yourself going over there and doing it because you want to. That you want to help them because they need that help from you. Being, I guess, respectful of, again, of yourself, of others, mother nature, mother earth. In acknowledging our culture, praying. Having a belief, a belief in something. Whether it be in the Navajo culture throughout ceremonies or Christianity, I feel that having

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some kind of belief will take you far. And language too. Trying to teach time. If I were to have a kid, I would try to teach them myself so I can at least show them something with our language. Also, there is just a lot. Being, I guess, like they say, in balance with yourself. Trying to take care of yourself very well, being positive and not thinking negative, trying to be happy or being strong minded. There are a lot of things going through my head.

Naazba’í explains some of the unique connections within the culture,

Clan relationship have been very important just because I have always had my grandmother and my mom telling me you don’t want to marry somebody you are related to so clan is very important to make sure that are not married to somebody you are related to. It’s like, marrying one of your cousins and that’s not very good. You don’t want to be married to a family member.

Hanibaa’ describes unique connections between Diné people,

For myself, I feel I really appreciate the clan because it is what my mom and my father taught me. And that is why I really appreciate it… I am Bear Clan and Folded Arm Clan and my grandfather is Mexican Clan and my paternal grandfather is Bitter Water Clan and that is how I distinguish myself as a Navajo Woman. I really appreciate my clan and I teach my children to appreciate who they are.

In his description of the Navajo theory of development, Begishe (2000) identifies eight stages in the ontogeny of Diné thought. In the fourth stage,

Hanitsékees Niíliinii Hazlii, young people recognize not only their responsibilities, but also begin to understand inter-causality and how those responsibilities came to exist. This stage of development requires an understanding of Diné clans, one’s place within the clan system, and the basis one’s responsibilities to all others has in kinship. Observations offered by Chi’í

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baa’, Naat’iilid, Naazba’í and Hanibaa’ indicate that these kinship relationships remain an important aspect of Diné identity.

Umbrella Category 4: Achieving Harmony (Hózhó)

“Walking in beauty” is walking with the Earth, feeling it and feeling that it is a part of you. Listening for and hearing the many sounds of the Earth and understanding them are what will keep one safe from harm. Donald Fixico (2010)

Nitsáhákees (East) Nahata (South) Iiná (West) Siih Hasin (North)

Nitsáhákees K'é Iiná Hózhó

Thinking Doing Being Achieving

Harmony

Figure 4-7: Umbrella Categories Emerging from Data

The Diné creation narrative is one that describes a journey from chaos to order.

An overarching concept of the narrative depicts life as a journey through which an individual negotiates harmony and balance. The term Sa’ah Naaghaí Bi k’é Hózhóón, which Diné poet Rex Lee Jim (2000) translates as “May I be everlasting and beautiful living” reflects the order that is an ideal in the present world. Jim suggests that leading a healthy, wealthy lifestyle results in “the beauty of life realized through the application of teachings that work” both at an individual and tribal level (p. 232 – 233).

The analysis of participant responses to the interview questions suggests a fourth umbrella category that echoes Jim’s (2000) observations. The umbrella category is entitled “Achieving Harmony,” which encompasses five distinct recurring cultural

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themes, “Achieving Relationships, Achieving Spirituality, Achieving Health, Achieving

Balance, and Achieving Wisdom.” Within each of these five themes, related sub-themes emerge from the data.

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Achieving Harmony - Hózhó: Theme One – Relationships

Transcripts of participant interviews suggest an emphasis on the importance of relationships in a harmonious life, the subcategory designation below Umbrella Category

4. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-theme:

a. Establishing, maintaining, and managing good relationships with self, family,

and clan

b. Establishing, maintaining, and managing good relationships within the

community and universe

Haskie (2002) in describing six levels of relationships within Diné culture builds upon Garcia’s (1991) description of how a Diné person develops a relationship with him/herself, “An individual must live the Diné principles of hózhó dóo' k'é. The self- concept, “serves to guide or influence a person’s behavior… Self-concept formation is a dynamic process. Much like a spiral beginning at birth, the self-concept expands with experiences and opportunities” (p.75). Haskie (2002) notes that Hózhó dóo' k'é are two distinct principles that people in the culture should practice at all times. “Hózhó, in its most simplified understanding, would mean achieving that delicate balance, living in harmony with all. K’é, means establishing a relationship with everything in the universe”

(p. 80).

Haskie asserts that, “essentially, the person must live in harmony (hózhó) and establish a relationship (k'é,) with him/herself (level 1)… In establishing this relationship, it means liking and loving oneself for whom one is, and accepting one’s experiences,

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both good and bad. It also means knowing oneself emotionally, intellectually, spiritually, and socially” (p. 40.)

Haskie (2002) goes on to describe the second level of relationships, the family.

“The self establishes a relationship with family” (level 2) (p. 40). The family Haskie refers to includes the nuclear and extended family as well as the clan family.

“Establishing a relationship with community (level 3) and living in harmony with the members of the community, is the next level. For the Navajo, the clan family can include community. Relationship is then established with the ethnic or cultural group, or in the case of the Navajo, the Navajo Nation (level 4)… Relationship to the Nation in which that individual resides is also established, along with the pursuit of living in harmony with them. In this study, the Nation is the United States (level 5). While the negotiation of these levels of relationship is going on, the individual is also establishing a relationship with the universe (level 6). Establishing this relationship to the universe does not simply mean a relationship with only human beings, but a relationship to everything in the universe, including nature (Haskie, 2002). Haskie goes on to note that once a relationship has been established (k'é), it must be maintained by practicing hózhó.

Naat’iilid describes a person that maintains good relationships in her life,

I respect them a lot because they have to do a lot to be Miss Navajo. They have to speak their language fluently, they have to carry on a conversation, they have to know their traditions, they have to even butcher a sheep, the judge’s ask them questions in Navajo and they have to respond. They have to carry themselves very well. And also being educated, I think that is good, because a lot of the youth don’t seem to be going to school and a lot of my family a lot of them had dropped out early and a lot of them got pregnant at an early age and they are not continuing on to school.

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So, I not only see it all over the rez but I see it a lot in my family that a lot of not going on to school so I really see Miss Navajo as an example of how to be or the characters that she has, for both male and female.

Having good familial relationships and understanding their importance is discussed by Naazba’í, who emphasizes,

Family. Be a family person. Learning more about where you come from so that you know the direction you can go; your possibilities.

Naanazbaa’ emphasizes the maintenance of clan relationships and understanding their importance, Clan relationships have been really important in my life. I was always raised to know who my relatives are and although I did not speak Navajo, my grandmother, my maternal grandmother, she would come out to Leupp and she would stay with us, our family, and so we would spend a lot of time with her and her and my mom are fluent in Navajo. So they would talk a lot in Navajo. But my father was not fluent but I kind of grew up with it in my home and through them, they taught me a lot about just certain ways you need to present yourself and act when you are at other people’s homes or when you are around elders. But we were always doing stuff. My grandmother was really the big influence in that way and so I knew that, growing up, that’s how you identified yourself and you always would be related. I think as I got older, it was instilled more in me as I got older because I was away from home. But I when I was at home, it was just always there and I didn’t really pay attention to it because I was young but it has always been there.

Responses from Naat’iilid, Naazba’í, and Naanazbaa’ discuss interpersonal relationships applicable only to Haskie’s (2002) individual, family, and community levels. Further insight into how their responses fit into Diné conceptualizations of relationships might be explained by Benally (2008). In discussing the protection prayer,

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Benally speaks to the concept of áni’, saying, “That pure genuine feeling of the heart for the family and neighbors is articulated as áni’ [mind/emotion]-when it is whole, áni’, is a tender feeling for one’s family and neighbors” (p. 117). Having that feeling is viewed as a reward for maintaining good personal relationships. Responses from Naat’iilid,

Naazba’í, and Naanazbaa’ tend to express the desire to establish, manage, and sustain these tender feelings and healthy relationships of áni’ in a balanced, harmonious manner, nurturing both Hózhó (living) and k'é (relationships).

Achieving Harmony - Hózhó: Theme Two – Spirituality

Participant interviews suggest an emphasis on achieving spirituality, the second subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 4. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Understanding that knowledge, strength, and energy come back to you

b. Attaining spiritual well-being

Within Diné ontology, all things are interrelated. K’é, Hózhó, and Sa’ah Naaghaí

Bik'éh Hózhóón (SNBH) are vital elements of spirituality. “The pillars of the Navajo worldview are Hózhó and SNBH. Hózhó means in English to ‘walk in beauty’ and live a harmonious life, while SNBH places human life in harmony and balance with the natural world and the universe. Many Native nations have a similar philosophy; for them, life is about balance, harmony, respect, and acknowledgment… Balance, harmony, respect, and acknowledgment are integral parts of how a Navajo person lives. A Navajo's conduct, lifestyle, knowledge, and spirituality are based on the philosophical principles of Hózhó and SNBH” (Lee, 2006, p.92).

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Haskie (2002) asserts that “the concept of reciprocity occurs when one has practiced the Navajo principles of hózhó dóo’ k'é (achieving a delicate balance, establishing a relationship with everything in the universe, and living in harmony with all) and then receives in return from others the very same principles of hózhó’ dóo’ k'é”

(p.80). Naat’iilid and Ashkiił’gaii convey an understanding that what you give, in terms of knowledge, strength, and energy, comes back to you. Naat’iilid describes such synergy,

Um, maybe in other ways like someone who is going a good route or like a good path. Someone who knows, I guess all around kind of person. Positive thinker. Um, They grew up knowing - really having a strong foundation of, I guess, who they are, which is their language, you know, which I know is really, well we are losing it now and I think someone who is well-directed knows their language, knows their culture but going that path, that happy path, that trail, like they know that but they also are generous and they use it in a good way. They use those gifts in a good way. They use those gifts in a good way to help others to be humble, to help the people around them in need of help or respectful towards nature, towards any walks of life that come. They are going to use their knowledge, their gifts, their tools for the well-being of not only themselves but for others.

Ashkiił’gaii addresses the achievement of spiritual well-being,

An admired person has a spiritual awareness, I think if a person respects the things around them they pretty much know which way they are going. It is not constant goal-setting; it is knowing and being aware of their surroundings, they just automatically go where they will go…

Farella, (1984) a non- Diné scholar, describes SNBH as an essence and as synthesis, but Lloyd Lee (2006) cautions that the concept cannot be essentialized, noting

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that “SNBH has to be lived and therefore is different for each person. The meanings of the words cannot be explained. SNBH is a life-long process, and each Navajo learns to understand what SNBH means. “SNBH is a process that must be understood individually and collectively” (p. 86). Both Naat’iilid and Ashkiił’gaii allude to the harmony and balance with the natural world and the universe that exemplifies SNBH as well as the ability to live a harmonious life and ‘walk in beauty’ that typifies the concept of Hózhó.

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Three – Achieving Health

Participant interviews suggest an emphasis on health and wellness, the third subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 4. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Attaining physical well-being

b. Attaining mental well-being

As has previously been noted, recognition of the interdependent relationships within the universe (SNBH) and the achievement of a life of harmony and balance

(Hózhó) are mutually inclusive. “In traditional Navajo thinking, spirituality, health, harmony, and beauty are inseparable. Griffin-Pierce (1992) asserts that holistic thinking is “a concept of interrelated totality that is fundamental to Navajo thought” (p. 188).

Further, “all the good things in life – health, prosperity, happiness, and peace – are a result of living from a spiritual perspective that acknowledges all parts of the universe as alive and interdependent” (p. 29). Naanazbaa’, Asdzáá t’oshii, and Naat’iilid suggest that they, too, recognize the close relationship between balance, happiness, physical health, and mental well-being.

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Naanazbaa’ notes the achievement of physical and mental well-being are closely related,

… it was just her way of teaching us certain things about how to just take care of stuff and be healthy and she would take us and we would gather the plants and she would say, yea, they would use this for medicine or like a tea to help with certain things. And she just told us to always be careful of where we go, especially on the land, because things might have happened there a long time ago that were not good so you would always have to be careful about where you are at and if there is any history to it, if you are not familiar with it, to just be careful. So, you’ve got to be just real cautious I guess. And a lot of times, she would just say, because I am a girl, there are certain things I can’t do and certain times I can’t do it. So, I don’t think it is really stories but it more like teaching.

Achieving emotional well-being is viewed as important. Asdzáá t’oshii describes what she thinks is lacking in mainstream society, Well, to me, I see them as respecting people who have degrees, that have big houses; but to me, they are not always happy people. Those people who live in these great big mansions and everything. I feel that they felt that was what was expected of them so they had to do it, but they are not happy people. You don’t have to live in a mansion, you don’t have to have a degree; it’s good to have a degree as long as you are educated in life and you know how to support yourself, how to support your children, how to live the best you can. To me, that’s successful, that’s an achievement. That’s what a lot of people need, that they are happy with themselves. Happy with their life.

Naat’iilid describes a person that has struggled to achieve mental balance,

He knows the culture, knows the language, very fluent, he’s educated, he went on; I think he has his PhD. He worked back in Tuba City. He is learning the prayers along with that. I think he wants to go back to learning how to do prayers and I guess incorporating that into his life and before that he had a tough life

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too. He was a Vietnam vet and I think that was imbalance for him for a while. Things were not in balance with him. But I really respect him about his education and he is learning and he is telling us about it and he tells us what goes on, the meaning of things. [Navajo/English]

In discussing physical and mental well-being, Naanazbaa’, Asdzáá t’oshii, and

Naat’iilid speak holistically, emphasizing the inter-related nature of the healthy aspects of a “good life.” In Diné culture, the concepts of health and well-being are associated with hózhó and finding harmony. Lori Alvord (1999), the first female Navajo surgeon, discusses the Diné perspective of well-being, “Beauty to Navajos means living in balance and harmony with yourself and the world. It means caring for yourself, mind, body, and spirit and having the right relationship with your family, community, the animal world, the environment-earth, air and water-our planet and universe” (p. 186). Without hózhó, the achievement of SNBH could not be possible.

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Four – Achieving Balance

As previously stated, a simple understanding of the Diné concept of Hózhó would be the achievement of a delicate balance that enables one to live in harmony with all things. Transcripts of participant interviews suggest that achieving balance, the fourth subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 4, remains a significant aspect of the culture. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Balancing one’s life, livelihood, and responsibilities

b. Feeling fulfilled in life’s work and life

c. Negotiating Diné and Mainstream culture

Chi’í baa’ discusses taking responsibility for balancing responsibilities,

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You get things, you make things happen and you live life that way by making things happen for yourself and you get things done for yourself and my dad always said, rely on yourself, don’t ever rely on somebody else to do it for you. Rely on yourself and make things happen.

K’énazbaa’ thinks that loving what one does is important,

My mother showed us the way to work, and to do the work well, to love the work and to take pride in the work we do. That is how she works, with loving hands and a loving heart.

Hanibaa’ notes the ability to enjoy life is something to be appreciated,

I know at this age - this life that I have - I really appreciate life at my age; even as a young person up to now. Something that is highly valued, that’s what I think, so I think I am going to make the best out of my life and not waste it. That’s how I have been thinking about life up to now and as I grow older, I am not going to change.

Haskie (2002) states that “SNBH represents the Diné traditional system of values and beliefs that provide teaching and learning of human existence in harmony with the natural world” (p. 31). Further, Lloyd Lee (2004) notes that “SNBH is a holistic philosophy in which dualities of positive and negative forces exist. A person tries to achieve balance, a symmetry between the two forces, while partaking of things in moderation” (pp. 96-97).

Responses by Chi’í baa’, K’énazbaa’, and Hanibaa’ tend to express the tension between the competing aspects of adult life that must be balanced within this duality of forces. Therefore, the achievement of balance requires a focus of attention and constant negotiation on the part of the individual. When successful, hózhó is maintained and the

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physical, spiritual, social, and environmental aspects of the individual’s life are in balance.

Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Five – Achieving Wisdom

In Navajo philosophy, the seeking of knowledge (education) is the process of learning and teaching and is referred to as nánitin (the wisdom of teaching) and ohoo’aah

(the knowledge attained or the outcome of the teaching) (Aronilth, 1999). Benally (1994) writes, “For Navajos, knowledge, learning, and life itself are sacred and interwoven parts of a whole” (p. 23).

Participant interviews suggest an emphasis on achieving wisdom, the fifth subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 4. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-theme:

a. Applying knowledge, skills, abilities, and attributes in service to others

In describing a well-respected, very wise Diné leader, Chic Sandoval, Haskie

(2002) lists specific knowledge, skills, abilities, and attributes that Sandoval utilized in service to the Diné people, “Chic was a visionary, he was an agent of change, he modeled the goals he envisioned, he served as a go-between [mainstream and Navajo cultures], and he was a vanguard for the people he led. It was the combination of these leadership qualities that led to his success in preserving the Navajo culture” (p. 95).

Knowledge, skills, and attributes such as those ascribed to Sandoval are echoed by participants as they discuss a myriad of aspects associated with wisdom. Naat’iilid recognizes that wisdom involves knowledge, which comes from understanding the basics of the culture,

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Chi’í baa’ describes a person who applies his knowledge, skills, abilities, and attributes in service to others,

Yes, I can think of some of the guys that are leaders or I think they are very educated. I know one that went to higher ed and he is really educated and he is speaking and writing and explaining things and another one who only had a high school education but he is still way up there, very knowledgeable, and with his work and, again, always willing to teach. I think that the most knowledgeable person is the person that is always ready to teach and share some of his knowledge with someone else. And I think those are the most educated regardless of how much education they have and again I go back to the elderly. I always call them homeschooled because they know so much. They stayed home and they learned so much. Somebody taught them along the lines and they passed that on and I think those people are well balanced.

Naat’iilid believes that having the ability and depth of experience to teach others is an asset,

I guess they share those gifts with others. Whether it be knowing the language, whether it be knowing the culture. Sharing their knowledge of what they have been taught, what they have learned. I think that they are not keeping it to themselves. They are teaching it to others, they are not keeping it to themselves. They are sharing their knowledge to help their people to help people understand them and just being that role model for them. Not keeping to themselves but sharing.

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According to Werito (2010), a fundamental premise in the concept of SNBH is that knowledge is holistic, spiritual, and has harmonizing and opposing principles capable of either harmonious or destructive outcomes (p. 5). He further asserts that “in Navajo philosophy, knowledge is power when it is attained; therefore, it should be sought only for harmonious outcomes” (p. 5). Both Naat’iilid and Chi’í baa’ allude to the harmonious outcomes that result from the utilization of knowledge and wisdom to teach other individuals.

Benally (1994) believes that in seeking knowledge, one internalizes hózhó, balance and the ability to live harmoniously with all things in the universe. Through the internalization of hózhó, knowledge “becomes one’s life” and protects the individual from destructive forces (p. 30). Werito (2010) further notes that “through the process of learning and teaching, nánitin doo ohoo’aah, an individual truly owns the knowledge he or she has sought and uses that knowledge to live a long and harmonious life by being aware and conscious of destructive forces or obstacles in life and using the knowledge of hózhó to overcome them.

Although participant responses never specifically address the destructive forces to which Benally and Werito refer, it is possible to infer from Naat’iilid and Chi’í baa’’s quotes that one of those destructive forces could be the failure to share knowledge of

Diné culture, including Diné identity, relationship structures, and narratives that contain a wealth of historical information and cultural understandings. Participant responses suggest that maintaining balance to avert destructive forces that erode Diné culture continues to be valued by Diné people.

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Achieving Harmony – Hózhó: Theme Six – Bridging Cultures

Transcripts of participant interviews suggest an emphasis on bridging cultures, the sixth and final subcategory designation below Umbrella Category 4. This recurring theme is supported by the following sub-themes:

a. Successfully negotiating Diné and mainstream cultures

Cleary and Peacock (1998) state that, “Bridging both worlds has been used as a metaphor to describe the need for American Indian students to find a comfort level in both their own and the majority culture, to be able to move in and out of both worlds, to shift gears, so to speak (p. 112).

Haskie (2002) refers to “bridging” as a connection between two cultures.

Connection takes place when members of different cultures come together and learn about each other’s culture. According to Haskie, the first step to bridging involves the development of a cultural identity. She argues that, “successful bridging involves cross- cultural exchanges. In order to exchange cultures, people in both cultures must know their cultural identity and practices. Bridging cannot occur unless people are knowledgeable about their cultural identity” (p. 70).

Haskie (2002) further asserts that the second step of bridging involves adopting the practices of the other culture, creating a successful combination of the two, which allows for the preservation of the secondary culture (p. 69).

According to participants, it is important for an individual to be able to negotiate both Diné culture and mainstream culture. Naat’iilid recognizes that Miss Indian USA has managed to do just that,

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I think she is, like I said, she is very well-rounded. I think she is very respected with the U of A community with the Native American students, as well as with the other students who are not Native because she’s like an advocate. She has really been; I see all her stuff everywhere, like she has been trying to get people to know about not only the Navajo culture but just the Native community. Like she represents them very well. She wants other people to know about us, about the Native American population. I guess get our voices heard. And so I think she is really involved with the U of A community but also the community back home.

Naanazbaa’ expresses disappointment that she was not raised to speak the Navajo language,

But when I left home to come to college, I started realizing that that was part of who I was and I felt really, kind of lost because I didn’t have that and so I remember talking to my mom about it and asking her, you know, why didn’t you teach us? Why didn’t you speak it with us, you know, and what she told me was that her experiences growing up and in school and back in her day, they were kind of negative. And that because she spoke Navajo and had that accent that she was kind of made to feel less educated or not as smart. In her way, she did it because she wanted us to be able to go out and be well-spoken in English and educated. And that was kind of her way and I don’t think she really thought that it would affect us that way but myself and my younger brother and my oldest brother, we all feel the same way. [Navajo/English]

Hanibaa’ equates education with success in mainstream and Diné culture,

We want our kids to have the best education, all of us think that way. We try to get the best things to educate our children. All of us (on the Board) think that our children should go as far as they can with their educations, graduating from high school and then on to college. With their education, we all expect them to get a better job, and to help their own children have a good life with their education.

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The establishment of k'é relationships, is necessary in the development of hózhó, balance, which, in turn, combines with SNBH, harmony, which is indicative of a fulfilled life. Fundamental to the development of a cultural identity is development of these three aspects of Diné culture. As Haskie (2002) notes, in order to span cultures, a relationship with oneself has to be established and developed (p. 70). Participant responses evidence the belief that a strong Diné identity is fundamental to the ability to successfully negotiate both Diné and mainstream cultures.

Summary of First Set of Research Questions

The Emergence of Four Umbrella Categories and Subthemes from Research Data

At the beginning of this chapter, the philosophical principles of Sa’ah Naaghaí

Bik'eh Hózhóón (SNBH) and Hózhó, which outline epistemological, ontological, and axiological concepts that are the essence of the Diné way of life, were introduced. Diné people are directed to live a life based on the concepts of SNBH and Hózhó (Lloyd Lee,

2006). As mentioned previously, a person who does so is considered a “well-directed” individual and is referred to as Diné t’aa bi ateego (having wholeness as a well-directed person).

Participant responses appear to uphold the principles of K’é, Hózhó, and SNBH, which, according to the Diné College Self Study Report (2008), place human life in harmony with the natural world and the universe and characterizes the harmonious relationships individuals share with the natural environment, the cardinal directions, animals, blood and clan relatives, and all things sanctioned through prayers, songs, and

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ceremonies (p.7). In addition, responses indicate that participants value the balance that creates beauty and harmony, Hózhóon.

Living a life based on SNBH and Hózhó supports the development of what

Begishe (2000) identified as Diné t’aa bi ateego, and characterizes Maslow’s (1970) observation, that people are not only what they are but are also “what their possibilities are, potentialities and highest possible development” can be (p. 116).

In speaking of the moral universe, Vine Deloria, Jr. (1999) notes that all activities, events, and entities are related, and regardless of the existence an entity enjoys, it is responsible for participating in the ongoing creation of reality (p. 47). Through collaboration in this study, Diné participants assumed responsibility for the creation of reality, and did so in a very interesting way.

Within the umbrella themes and subthemes generated through the analysis of data

(Figure 4-9) participants contributed, certain aspects of Diné worldviews are introduced and revisited in a cyclical, spiraling manner that is consistent with what Deloria (1999) describes as “a direction to the universe, empirically exemplified in the physical growth cycles of childhood, youth, and old age” (p. 46). Just as these growth cycles circle back yet continue to follow a pattern of development, so do the participants’ responses, which introduce certain cultural concepts (relationships, balance, harmony, respect, responsibility, Diné identity, well-being, tradition, learning, independence, the sharing of knowledge, appropriate utilization of one’s gifts and talents, and the successful spanning of cultures) and often circle back, facilitating the development of a deeper understanding of the cultural concepts.

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As Deloria (1999) reminds us, the purpose of life is “to find the proper road along which, for the duration of a person’s life, individuals are supposed to walk” (p. 46).

Along the walk, one must assume responsibility for the enjoyment of life, the fulfillment of one’s self, the internalization of wisdom, and the spiritual development of one’s personality. In Diné culture, traveling that road in balance and harmony and being recognized as Diné t’aa bi ateego is the result of a traditional process of education.

As adults responsible for the education of Diné youth, it is our challenge to ensure that those characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships recognized as ideals within the culture are introduced, developed, and reinforced through an educational curriculum that supports the development of a strong cultural awareness and Diné identity in our young people. Through the incorporation of the descriptions provided by participants, many of which describe aspects of K’é, Sa’ah

Naaghaí Bik'eh Hózhóón, and Hózhó, into a culture-based curriculum, we would be taking the first steps in directing Diné youth toward the life of Diné t’aa bi ateego, wholeness as a well-directed person.

I have summarized the findings suggested by participant responses to the first set of research questions in Figure 4-9. The chart indicates the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships recognized, valued, respected within the culture and attributed to individuals who are viewed as “going down the right path.” These aspects of a “well-directed person” have been organized into four umbrella categories in the chart.

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It is my contention that individuals who wish to create a curriculum that privileges our unique and revered culture and seeks to support the development of a strong Diné identity within our young people should begin by asking questions, similar to those posed in this study, in order to seek answers from members of the communities they wish to serve. From the responses such inquiry generates, it would be possible to

design, create, and incorporate into a CBE curriculum the types of learning experiences that develop the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships desired as a result of the developmental and educational experiences of our

Diné youth.

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Addressing Research Questions through Data Analysis

Second Research Question

Ø What traditional narratives do Diné people use to discuss the requisite

attributes, skills, knowledge, and valued relationships of a “well-directed”

person?

In her book, Indigenous Methodologies, Margaret Kovach (2009) describes the role of narratives within Indigenous cultures, “Stories remind us of who we are and of our belonging. Stories hold within them knowledges while simultaneously signifying relationships. In oral tradition, stories can never be decontextualized from the teller. They are active agents within a relational world, pivotal in gaining insight into a phenomenon. Oral stories are born of connections within the world, and are thus recounted relationally. They tie us with our past and provide a basis for continuity with future generations” (p. 94).

It is the recognition, identification, and description of connections that serve to reinforce and replicate relationships that are critical within a culture recognizing connection between all things. Relationships provide for Diné people a sense of belonging and collective identity.

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experiences as the kókoma and mósoms (Cree: Aunties and Uncles) experienced them and passed them along to the next generation through oral tradition” (p. 95).

In my second research question, I sought to discover what traditional narratives

Diné people use to discuss the requisite attributes, skills, knowledge, and valued relationships of a “well-directed” person. When I asked participants to think about an

“old story” that described a “well-directed person,” I believed that the question would elicit narratives that would fall into Kovach’s (2009) first category. However, in reviewing transcripts of participant interviews, I discovered that when participants asked for clarification of the type of stories I was looking for, I failed to provide consistent responses. As a result, the types of “old stories” shared by participants varied, depending on individual interpretations of what I was asking for, from Kovach’s first and second categories to descriptions of people viewed as “well-directed.”

Narratives with Mythical Elements

Asdzáá t’oshii, Ashkiił’gaii, and Ak’eez’baa provided the type of traditional narratives that I had anticipated hearing from participants, those that feature mythical elements or anthropomorphized animals and emphasized attributes, skills, knowledge, and relationships valued within the culture.

Asdzáá t’oshii came up with two narratives. The first narrative she shared features anthropomorphized animals and emphasizes perseverance, quick thinking, and abilities,

Well, you know, like I’ve used the ant and the dove. The ant is such a tiny thing I can’t do anything and the dove is flying way up there. I can do everything. I can see everything. But one day the ant was walking along and he was looking for food along the stream and then he fell into

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the stream and being an ant as tiny as he was, he couldn’t do anything for himself except he grabbed onto a leaf. The dove was flying around up there and so she flew down, she pulled a leaf out of the stream saving the ant. And the ant thought, “What can I ever do to repay the dove for saving me?” He found a way. There was a hunter that was there and this ant saw this hunter and it was going to shoot the dove because the dove was flying up there again. And so the ant thought, “What in the world can I do, I’m just nothing, I’m so small?” But, what he did is that he crawled up onto the man’s leg into his shoes and his leg and he stung him just when he was going to shoot the dove. And so that way the hunter missed his shot and saved the dove. So there is always something you can do; don’t ever think I am too small, I can’t do anything. I have no abilities. There is always something you can do. That’s one of the stories I have used with the children. [Navajo/English]

This narrative is one that has counterparts in other cultures. In fact, Aesop told a very similar story, emphasizing the value of the same characteristics. When working with individuals from non-mainstream cultures who have been exposed to the narratives of the dominant culture for generations, it is not easy to discern which narratives are original, and which have been modified in response to the mainstream stories.

The second narrative Asdzáá t’oshii referred to was a coyote story, which could not be recounted because the interview took place in April and not during the winter months. The story, which also features anthropomorphized animals, emphasizes acceptance, appreciation, and affirmation of people as they are,

I heard this story about, a coyote story, and its April now but it cannot be told but the teaching and story was that the coyote was trying to get his children to act like a duck, like a songbird, like different animals that he wanted things that he wanted his children to have but he could not make them.

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He tried to make his children into something they weren’t and I think that is what we do a lot of times. We try to make other people what we want them to be but they are themselves and we can’t make them into something and I think that is where a lot of marriages fail and where they get married and they think I wonder if he’s going to be like this or she’s going to be like that and they are themselves and they are going to be who they are and I think it took me a while to learn that you have to respect who they are and let them be who they are and try to just support who they are and let them be who they are and just give them support in that. And where you need to steer a little, to change a little, you can do that but you can’t change the basic person. And it took me quite a long time.

I find it interesting that not only does Asdzáá t’oshii’s reference to this particular coyote story apply to marriage, but it also applies to Diné children. When Asdzáá t’oshii points out that many marriages fail because one person cannot re-create another, I am struck that such a perspective provides a possible reason for why mainstream education is failing our Diné children. When we try to make them over in schools using mainstream curriculum, materials, and methodologies that privilege mainstream values, beliefs, understanding, and knowledge, we are not allowing them to be themselves. In fact, we are not demonstrating a respect for who they are.

When Ashkiił’gaii was asked if he knew of a traditional narrative that emphasizes attributes, knowledge, skills, or values of a well-directed person, he replied by referring to the types of stories that contain such an emphasis,

Basically these were part of the creation stories and the stories of the coyote - and how sly he is - and some of the characteristics that the animals took on, the bear, the turkeys, and the coyotes… they all had their characteristics and the stories were only told in

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the winter. And so I think those are important stories about our lives and it is important to know there are certain times of year that we do certain things and for certain reasons and those are the things that are important. Basically it was always a comparison between the winter stories on how the coyote is. Stories of how the coyote tries to trick other beings out of their eyes or the food they are eating. The teachings there are that those are our own behaviors, also. And from that, I was told, don’t be like the coyote, don’t be too greedy and don’t be too (laughing) conniving. Don’t be too greedy.

When Ashkiił’gaii was asked if he could think of other stories that emphasized more than not being greedy or conniving, he answered by referring to stories with mythical elements that emphasize perseverance, tenacity, and bravery,

Another important story is the Spiderwoman… that’s a story you can tell at any time of the year with Huerfano Mesa, and Governador Knob, the sacred mountain. And then the stories of the twins - how they found their father and were challenged by him and how they overcame the obstacles that their father gave them and how they were able to rid the world of the monsters. Those, I think, are important.

When Ashkiił’gaii was asked if he could describe, in more detail, some of the specific characteristics addressed in these stories that might be applicable to a young person who was traveling down the wrong path in life, he continued,

These people, they are irresponsible and do not want to be accountable for their actions… it is somebody else’s problem not theirs… Our uncles told us, don’t be like the coyote - not being responsible for your actions to other beings in what you are doing… The ones going down the wrong path are not saying, “It’s my fault,” instead they say, “It’s his fault.” We place the blame on somebody else instead of us saying, “I knew it was wrong and I did it.”

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Ashkiił’gaii did relate the details of a twin story, a story with mythical elements, when he was asked a second time if a traditional narrative came to mind when considering the characteristics of a well-directed person,

I think a lot of it had to do with the twins, how they were conceived and how they were born and how they went to go find their father after they grew up and the challenges they were given by their father like the fire, and the oven, and the monsters - things they had to face like the monsters because their father tricked them and they were able to get advice from the wind, and beings that cared for them and helped them to surpass these challenges. That’s an important story. And how they were able to dress themselves and camouflage themselves when the giant birds picked them up and how they were able to slay the giant birds. I think those are important.

In the narrative Ashkiił’gaii described, the twins remain humble, and solicit advice and help from other entities in response to the challenges they face. In addition, the twins remain calm and are able to think through each of the challenges, carefully planning their actions.

Although he did not relate an entire narrative in these examples (perhaps because he was responding to another Diné person who he assumed was familiar with the narrative), the stories Ashkiił’gaii referred to emphasize responsibility, accountability, honesty, integrity, generosity, transparency, perseverance, tenacity, bravery, humility, quick thinking, level headedness, and preparation as being ideals within Diné culture.

Many of these characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships emerge as sub-categories in both Begishe’s model and the model suggested through this study.

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When asked to share a traditional narrative, only a two of the participants, Asdzáá t’oshii and Ashkiił’gaii, shared narratives with mythical elements that have embedded within them an emphasis on attributes, skills, knowledge, and relationships of a well- directed person. It is interesting to note the age of these participants; both of them are over 50. Asdzáá t’oshii is in the over 60 age group, while Ashkiił’gaii is in the 40 to 59 year old group.

Why is it that only these two participants shared the very old stories, while participants who were both older and younger did not? Perhaps it is because these stories were traditionally told in Navajo, and being native speakers of Navajo, the old stories would have been some of the earliest language they might have heard.

Perhaps these individuals were exposed to these stories before electricity came to their areas of the Nation, which made radio and TV accessible. It is important to note that

Asdzáá t’oshii and Ashkiił’gaii are from Huerfano. Electricity became available to people living in Huerfano Chapter in the early 1960s. Perhaps, being closer to Diné tah (where many of the narratives originated), the stories were more common in the Huerfano area when these participants were growing up than they were in other locations.

It is possible that once Christian missionaries began to infuse biblical stories into their interactions with Diné people, the traditional, mythical narratives were not utilized to help instill and reinforce values as much as they once had been. In addition, it is possible that when radio and television brought pop culture to the nation, the sharing of this type of narrative waned and was supplanted by mainstream entertainment.

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Another possible reason for so few participants sharing traditional, mythical or anthropomorphized narratives might be that over time, as people began to move away from traditional subsistence, they had less time to participate in the oral traditions of the culture, which typically occurred while working, relaxing in the evenings, or during the long winter nights.

Personal Narratives of Place, Happenings, and Experiences

The following narratives, shared by Ak’eez’baa, K’énazbaa’, and Chi’í baa’, belong to the second category of narratives described by Kovachs (2009), narratives that are “personal” and feature events or incidents as Dine people experienced them and passed them along orally to successive generations (p. 95).

When asked to share an “old story” that described a “well-directed” person,

Ak’eez’baa recalled a narrative explaining that characteristics and attributes valued in individuals are also valued in families and clans of our culture,

My paternal grandfather shared the story about a little baby that was left behind at a gathering, like a squaw dance, where there were people from other tribes that all came. The people found a baby when everyone left. The people decided to give it to the Bit'ahnii (Folding Arm Clan), which is my clan, because it is a very nurturing clan. So, the baby was raised by the Bit'ahnii Clan. So that is what my paternal grandfather let us know to teach us who we are, that is our clan. My mother was like that; anybody that came to the house she welcomed them. She never let anyone leave her house without a gift. So that is like my foundation; that is how I live, the Bit'ahnii Clan way.

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Ak’eez’baa reinforced the nurturing aspect of her clan respected in Diné culture by telling about her mother’s practice of giving guests little presents when they come to her home.

K’énazbaa’ emphasized the cultural lessons learned from one of the most horrific events within Diné culture,

Like the story of the Long Walk. It’s about our people going through hard times and yet, even after all that suffering and all the atrocities that they went through, they still persevered and they went through all that. I think that is what made them resilient and also made them stronger and made them to endure hardship and then to just also to be strong in their beliefs with their prayers, songs - that kept them strong both physically, mentally, emotionally, and then spiritually. This is what made them strong, I believe this is how it was. So that’s the way our grandfathers, grandmothers - fraternal and maternal grandparents have that experience in their lifetime before us. Now we have different problems and experiences that we are facing, but now, since our grandparents have faced such hardships, we know how to face our challenges. Even though we are faced with different trials, the different things that we go through in life. The trials that they went through, we are learning through the trials that they went through. Knowing what they went through makes us stronger ourselves, and we know how to deal with things better. And then just looking back and we are facing all these different types of trials that we go through. We learn from how our grandparents and parents went through their challenges when they share them with us, that is how we learn to overcome the challenges we are facing today. [Navajo/English]

Although K’énazbaa’ does not recount the events of the Long Walk, (again, perhaps because she was speaking to another Diné person who she assumes is familiar with the story) she does strongly emphasize the lessons that we, as a people, have taken from that particular historical event.

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When asked to share an “old story,” Chi’í baa’ described an experience her uncle had that emphasizes the importance of having the ability to butcher an animal,

The one that comes to my mind instantly is about my uncle when he was in Vietnam and he… When we were in Vietnam, we applied that butchering skill and everything and he says one day they are walking through the jungle and him and his comrades they were hungry – and there was a wild pig there and we knew that was food and I told them jump on him with a spear and just spear him in the back and one of the guys did that and they butchered it – and I applied my butchering skill I learned from my mother. We butchered the pig and we ate in the jungle. It was survival for me back in the jungles and I always think that a lot of times you tell somebody to butcher a sheep and they frown on it and I always tell my kids it’s not a matter of the sheep being smelly or eww it’s no good, it’s survival skills. Those are survival skills and you are never going to know when you are going to end up just you and sheep and you are going to just sit there and starve when if you knew these butchering skills you could do something. And I learned that from my uncle and these are just skills that were learned at home, everyday skills that became a life saver. [Navajo/English]

When asked to share an “old story,” Ak’eez’baa, K’énazbaa’, and Chi’í baa’ shared personal narratives that feature events or incidents that explicitly address attributes, skills, knowledge, and relationships that are integral within the culture. All of these narratives have been shared with the participants by elder relatives. Within the narrative or as a preface to the narrative, each of these participants mentions the relative that originally related the narrative or provided the information they describe. These narratives and descriptions evidence historical references to longstanding Diné value systems.

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Again, it is interesting to note the age and location of these participants. All three individuals are in their 50s; however, they are younger than Asdzáá t’oshii and

Ashkiił’gaii. Ak’eez’baa, who resides in Tucson, was originally from Tsaile, while

K’énazbaa’ and Chi’í baa’ are from Leupp. It is interesting that the narratives related by these three women fall into Kovach’s (2009) second category, personal narratives, and do not contain mythical elements or anthropomorphized animals. As with Asdzáá t’oshii and

Ashkiił’gaii, their first language is Navajo. All three claim a very strong tie to traditional

Navajo teachings; however, they also attended boarding schools and were removed for extensive amounts of time from their families.

As with Asdzáá t’oshii and Ashkiił’gaii, the delayed influence of mass media in their lives might play a part in the type of narratives that they readily share. Perhaps, having been raised closer to Diné tah, traditional stories were more common where they grew up. In addition, the influence of Christianity as well as the more increasingly mobile nature of the culture during their lifetimes may also play a part in the type of narratives each shared.

Narratives Providing Insight into Traditional Teachings or Ways of Teaching

The following narratives, shared by Shanidiin, Hanibaa’, and Naanazbaa’, differ significantly from the traditional “mythical” or “personal” narratives described by

Kovach (2009), which relate the events of a happening, incident, occurrence or experience. In fact, some may say that they are not narratives at all, since they do not contain the elements of a mainstream “story,” characters, plot, setting, conflict. I am reticent to call them anything else, since they were volunteered by the participants in

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response to the request for “an old story.” The narrative related by Shanidiin is actually a description of some fundamental elements of Diné culture that are taught through traditional narratives. Hanibaa’ provided a description of how stories were generally utilized in teaching lessons when she was a girl and includes a description of who told the stories and what the stories taught. Naanazbaa’ described how her grandmother approached teaching, not with stories, per say, but instead by referring to how things were done, “years ago.”

Although Shanidiin did not refer to or provide a specific narrative, he does describe in detail the inter-relatedness of all things, the cycle of seasons, of human development, and the plants,

As Diné people, we say that if we do not protect the things in our environment, the weather will change. Our depreciation is with our kids today, they don’t know their clan, they seem to be inclined to intermix within other nationalities and within their own tribe, they don’t respect the clan relationships and they don’t respect what we call the “fundamental standards,” and that means there will be change coming in terms, according what to what the old folks used to say, if things don’t go along with the fundamental standards, then the change is on its way.

The Navajo standards are a set standard. We always know the sun will always come up in the east and go to the west… we always know that we have the four types of season seasons will come in a certain cycle and be a certain amount of time. Also as standards, we say that we are, as a child born into purity and from their we grow into adolescence or young adults, and from there you go into adulthood, and from there you go into being grandparents and that is the full cycle there, and you will always go into that cycle... and it goes from the beginning of time and it goes full circle. It goes from the beginning of time and then it goes all the way around until you become an old person. The belief that the

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old folks have and some of us believe, then we know where our responsibility is when we become a grandparent, then we need to establish a standard that we need to give our grandchildren and our children for it too, and that they need to follow – that is what we call a standard.

How we live and what we grow, they all go with the season; so everything is related. All things are related, not only people are related. You are related to the plants that grow, and also you’re related to the animals, and to the seasons. And we respect the plants, too, they are those that give us life, and we respect them too, we don’t just go and start plowing up the ground and do things with it, we really see some of the things we need to share and save. Those are some of the things we respect and believe.

The other part of our belief is that we think that anything taken from the ground should be done with reverence. You go in and start digging around or start drilling with no prayers whatsoever and the idea is money and just making a living and that’s where we get hurt - with no prayers and no respect and no religion.

Unlike the previous narratives, Shanidiin does not introduce or refer to a specific event; instead, he discusses his basic understandings of some central perspectives of Diné culture, evidencing a depth of understanding of the cyclical nature of Diné thought and worldview. Shanidiin’s response describes a collective understanding of how things are and reflects the wisdom of multiple generations of Diné people.

Like Shanidiin, Hanibaa’ did not provide a specific narrative; however, she does discuss the role of traditional narratives in teaching young people and identifies the type of lessons that were taught as well as who might tell a child a story,

I remember they were telling a story, a coyote story, and they were only told at night. There were stories about the string games. They were stories, but they taught us things,

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the significance of the stories… they would tell us why the stories were significant as they told the story. My mom, my dad, and my aunt… and they did also tell stories to us. …Yes, and being a lady and her work… as a lady, you take ownership of your house, that’s the way I was told. Even as I remember as a child, by your chores and duties you learn these things-how to be a woman. Cooking, learn how to cook they teach you as you get older, until the time you get married (if you get a husband) and that’s when you use the learning. …Yes, that’s what they tell us, get up early in the morning, and don’t be lazy. That’s what they tell us, I remember being told. So those are the stories that I can remember, but now I have chosen this life [as a minister] and now I recognize it [Christianity] has lots of teaching about knowledge and how to live a good life.

Hanibaa’’s memory of the role of narratives in teaching children what is expected of them illustrates the importance these narratives once held; however, her recognition that these narratives have been supplanted by, in her case, Biblical stories and teachings, speaks to the reason these stories are no longer as common as they once were. Hanibaa’’s final sentence indicates that she consciously chooses to convey lessons through mainstream Christian narratives rather than the traditional narratives to which she was exposed as a child.

Hanibaa’ offers an explanation of how traditional narratives were shared when she was a child in the 1940s,

OK, back in the past when we were all small, we didn’t have all this electricity and all these modern conveniences, and we didn’t have anything, …TV, and we were without all those conveniences… and then at night, when it gets dark, you have all those people telling stories when it is dark. But now, my life has changed and that is the reason why I don’t hear those stories anymore.

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Hanibaa’’s explanation of when stories were shared might provide a hint as to why the telling of traditional narratives with mythical elements seems to have declined in her lifetime. She seems to believe that with the introduction of radio and TV to Diné households, traditional stories were replaced with other forms of engagement.

Like Shanidiin and Hanibaa’, when Naanazbaa’ was asked to share a story describing a “well-directed” person, she did not provide a narrative. Instead, she recalled how her grandmother approached teaching,

I was talking to my grandmother and she would always say “years ago,” and she would tell me about things. Like, when we would go on our walks, she would not necessarily tell us about people but she would say the old people would say this land is a certain way because… and you’ve got to take care of it and she would just, it was not really stories but it was just her way of teaching us certain things about how to just take care of stuff and be healthy and she would take us and we would gather the plants and she would say, yeah, they would use this for medicine or like a tea to help with certain things. And she just told us to always be careful of where we go, especially on the land, because things might have happened there a long time ago that were not good so you would always have to be careful about where you are at and if there is any history to it, if you are not familiar with it, to just be careful. So, you’ve got to be just real cautious I guess. And a lot of times, she would just say, because I am a girl, there are certain things I can’t do and certain times I can’t do it. So, I don’t think it is really stories but it more like teaching.

Yeah, teaching and morals and I can’t even think of any stories. Like my uncle used to tell us stories but it wasn’t about people, it was more just about, like stories that were told and predicting things that happened in the future so I don’t really know if there is anything.

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Like the responses provided by Shanidiin and Hanibaa’, Naanazbaa’’s response reflects the wisdom of collective generations that has been shared through the oral traditions of the Diné people.

When asked to share an “old story” describing a “well-directed” person, Shanidiin,

Hanibaa’, and Naanazbaa’ offer descriptions of the type of knowledge that was conveyed through traditional narratives. While Shanidiin’s description provides specific information conveyed through the oral tradition, the descriptions shared by Hanibaa’ and

Naanazbaa’’s focus on the methods used to share traditional knowledge with others.

These descriptions have been shared with Shanidiin, Hanibaa’, and Naanazbaa’ by elder relatives. Within the narrative or as a preface to the narrative, each of these participants mentions the relative that originally related the narrative or provided the information they describe. These descriptions evidence historical references to longstanding Dine value systems. In addition, the narratives are part of their own lived experiences; through the teachings of elders, all three have gained a wealth of knowledge that can be shared and reinforced through the oral tradition of the culture.

Again, it is interesting to note the age and location of these participants. Hanibaa’ and Shanidiin are in the group of participants from Huerfano that are over 60. Naanazbaa’, who is from Leupp, is in the 20-39 year-old group.

Shanidiin shares what he calls, “fundamental standards” of Navajo ontology, emphasizing the importance of respecting these standards. On the other hand, Hanibaa’ and Naanazbaa’ offer descriptions of how teaching happened in their very different childhoods. Hanibaa’, who is 72, describes the role of storytelling in lessons delivered at

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home. Naanazbaa’, who is 35, relates a description of how her grandmother would teach her without using stories.

Hanibaa’, as stated above, mentions her Christian beliefs, and infers that she prefers to use Christian teachings to share knowledge.

Being a member of the youngest group of participants, it is possible that

Naanazbaa’ does not necessarily associate the traditional narratives of the Diné culture with her own internalization of traditional knowledge and perspectives. However, in acknowledging that her grandmother did not utilize stories to share traditional knowledge, Naanazbaa’ hints that she might never have heard the traditional narratives while growing up in Leupp.

Narratives Resembling Description Rather than Story

The following descriptions, offered by Naazba’í and Naat’iilid when asked to tell an “old story” describing a “well-directed person,” differ dramatically from the traditional and personal narratives shared by Asdzáá t’oshii, Ashkiił’gaii, Ak’eez’baa,

K’énazbaa’, and Chi’í baa’ They also differ from the narratives offered by Shanidiin,

Hanibaa’, and Naanazbaa’, which focused on the type of knowledge shared cross- generationally with or without the use of stories. The responses provided by Naazba’í and

Naat’iilid focus on specific individual that they believe embody the ideals of a “well- directed” person. Like those shared by Shanidiin, Hanibaa’, and Naanazbaa’, they do not include “mainstream” story elements such as characters, plot, setting, or conflict.

However, they are more like a recitation of qualities admired by these two participants than the narratives that describe traditional teachings or ways of teaching like Shanidiin,

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Hanibaa’, and Naanazbaa’ offered. I would characterize these passages as descriptions rather than anecdotes or narratives.

In response to the request for an “old story,” Naazba’í relates a description of her grandfather, which her grandmother has shared on various occasions,

I know that the story that my grandma always tells me is that my grandfather he was kind of a drifter, that’s what she would call him, and his mother was, I hate to say mentally ill, but I think that’s what they said she was, she was kind of slow. But it did not matter to him that she was like that. He still managed to buy her stuff. In that aspect, he was a good person. A good son. A good father. A good grandfather. And throughout his life, he never had anything easy. He never had anything and he had to work to get what he wanted and where he wanted. He started from nothing and the community and people in Bloomfield knew who he was because of all the good works that he did. He valued education.

Naazba’í’s description of her grandfather does not relate a specific incident or event. Instead, it emphasizes the characteristics that her grandfather was known for; hard work, perseverance, the ability to provide for loved ones, generosity, and community involvement. In much the same way that the narratives shared by Shanidiin, Hanibaa’, and

Naanazbaa’ credit others (primarily elders) within their responses, Naazba’í credits her grandmother, who has shared the description intergenerationally, with being the originator of the description.

In her response, Naat’iilid also describes a relative. She believes her uncle is on the path to becoming a “well-directed” person,

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A person who comes to mind, older than me, a relative, would be a perfect example. I think he has also come a long way too. I respect him a lot too. He knows the culture, knows the language, very fluent, he’s educated, he went on in school, I think he has his PhD. He worked back in Tuba City. He is learning ways and the prayers along with that. I think he wants to go back to learning how to do prayers and I guess incorporating that into his life.

Before that he had a tough life. He was a Vietnam vet and I think that was imbalance for him for a while. He kind of seemed like he drifted away from that [traditions, the culture, the language] after Vietnam; that kind of messed up his head a little. Things were not in balance with him. But now, as he is older, he is going back to that. I think that is really neat and I respect that from him a lot.

But I really respect him about his education and he is learning and he is telling us about it and he tells us what goes on, the meaning of things, Even though he knew his language really well, very fluent, and his wife, too, is very fluent, but they did not teach their kids the Navajo language either. And so they don’t know anything about the culture or about the language, which is weird, and I don’t really think that they are interested. But now that their dad is coming back, I see it, even though his kids do not, I see them as family that acts really neat and so I look at him as he is going back to that [the traditions] and I feel he is a strong role model within my family I feel that the males are not so dominant in my family. For him to come in and share stories, tell us the meaning of things, it is really neat for him to do that and share his knowledge with us, like I said. [Navajo/English]

Although their responses may not have entailed the type of narratives I had anticipated eliciting, the descriptions of relatives that Chi’í baa’ and Naazba’í believe exemplify “well-directed” people are interesting in that they reflect a high regard for a strong work ethic, discipline, generosity, education, family, and sharing knowledge with others - characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and

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relationships that emerged in many participant responses to the first set of research questions.

Perhaps these two participants focused more on the portion of the question that referred to a “well-directed person” than the part that requested “an old story” and in doing so, believed that a description was the type of response I was looking for. Perhaps these participants view the terms “old” and “story” differently than I do. Even so, both managed to provide a detailed response of a person viewed as “well-directed.”

Summary of Second Research Question

The Sharing of Four Different Types of Narratives

At the beginning of this section, I introduced Kovach’s (2009) description of the role of narratives within Indigenous cultures. Kovach asserts that narratives reinforce our sense of identity and belonging by reminding us of connections within the world while, at the same time, conveying knowledge (p.

94). It comes as no surprise, then, that participant responses tend to echo a sense of belonging and collective identity.

Kovach (2009) identifies two general categories of narratives. The first category includes narratives containing “mythical elements,” while the second category includes

“personal narratives of place, happenings, and experiences” (p. 95).

In my second research question, I attempted to determine which traditional narratives fitting the description of Kovach’s (2009) first category Diné people use to introduce and reinforce the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a “well-directed” person. Unfortunately, my interview

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protocol was insufficiently specific to do so. For this reason, participants relied on their own interpretations of what an “old story” was, and as a result, the types of narratives shared by participants demonstrated tremendous variation.

I identified four categories of narratives shared by participants. The first two are those described by Kovach (2009), Narratives that Hold Mythical Elements and Personal

Narratives of Place, Happenings, and Experiences. The third and fourth categories of narratives include stories that did not fit into Kovach’s categories. I called these two additional categories Narratives Providing Insight into Traditional Teachings or Ways of

Teaching, and Narratives Resembling Description Rather than Story (Figure 4-10), which, like Kovach’s categories, bear names that are descriptive of the content of the narratives.

In spite of the fact that I was unable to collect a wide variety of narratives characterized by mythical elements as was my original intent, I found that every one of the participants’ responses provide narratives that advocate for or extoll the virtues of characters whose characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships closely paralleled the responses provided to the first set of research questions, regardless of the type of narrative being shared. I was pleasantly surprised to discover that participant narratives actually supported and reinforced the emerging

“picture” of a “well-directed person” from the culture, demonstrating consistency in the perspectives offered both through the sharing of narratives as well as in descriptions elicited through other interview questions (Figure 4-10).

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Summary of Chapter 4

In the analysis of the data derived from the grounded theory methodology utilized in this study, I have highlighted excerpts from participant interviews to inform and support the findings of the first set of research questions as well as the second research question. I have presented my findings both textually and graphically to aid the reader in comprehending the data.

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It is important to recognize that the four umbrella categories and themes emerging from data collected working with Diné participants describing the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a “well- directed” person bear a striking resemblance to the three categories and sub-categories introduced by Kenneth Begishe in 1968. In addition, the categories and themes emerging through this investigation and analysis reverberate throughout the interviews as well as in the four categories of narratives shared by the participants, suggesting that these characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships are present on the minds of Diné people of different generations, different genders, and living in different communities. These findings and their implications are further discussed in

Chapter 5.

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CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS and DISCUSSION

THE WAY THINGS ARE

There is an old bull elk that lives near here and he is huge. He can jump one of those fences like nothing. There is an old story that talks about people and the animals, and what will happen when they begin to share the same places.

The elders used to say that the world was made in a way so that the animals, like the elk, had mountains to live in and the people had the flat lands to live on. They said when the time came that the animals and the people were living in the same places; time would be coming to an end. Now, the elk are forced to jump fences of the land they share with the people. That time is coming.

Diné Elder, New Mexico

Summary of the Research Project

The Diné, like other Indigenous populations across the continent, are pressured to embrace mainstream culture, beliefs, values, and perspectives through pop culture, the media, and even from within their own communities (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998, Jenkins,

1998). Diné youth struggle to develop their personal identities with reduced exposure to the traditional wisdom, perspectives, values, and ideals that were, at one time, routinely introduced and reinforced through oral narratives central to the Diné culture. Many, whose familiarity with mainstream culture exceeds their familiarity with traditional values, ideals, perspectives, and knowledge systems, develop self-identities that are far removed from the foundational Diné cultural aspects of K’é, SNBH, and Hózhó (Dole &

Thomas, 2003, Jones & Galliher, 2007).

Farella (1984) described SNBH as “wholeness; continuity of generations; one’s relationship to the beginning, to past and to the universe; responsibility to future generations; life force; and completeness” (p. 180). Farella (1996) describes Hózhó as a

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central theme of Navajo philosophy which is “not just an understanding of the whole, but that it is the whole” (p. 17). Farella further states that living in SNBH sa'ah naagháí bik'eh hózhó means “continually restoring, finding, and practicing balance in one’s daily life” (p. 24). The ability to live in balance is gained primarily through acquisition of knowledge through ritual, narratives, songs, and experience in life. Witherspoon (1983) describes K’é as kinship, clanship, peace, love, and “right and respectful relations with others and with nature (p. 524).

With the encroachment of mainstream culture and imposed educational curriculum, learning through Diné narratives within the community has been undermined.

Unfortunately, the mainstream curriculum fails to help Diné youth develop characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships necessary to the development of ‘a whole person,’ for it is not epistemologically, ontologically, or axiomatically rooted within Diné culture (Brown, 2006, pp. 2-3).

The development and implementation of a Diné culture-based curriculum would allow communities to proactively intervene to prevent further erosion of Diné culture and

Diné identity. Central to curriculum that will support the development of strong, well- prepared Diné adults would be the understanding of how Diné people view the cognitive and emotional development of their children and the identification of learning goals and objectives affirmed by community members as they consider the journey to becoming a whole person (Galda, D., Daniel, J., & Juan, A. 2007 and Galda, Daniel, Juan, & Lopez

2008).

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To facilitate the development and delivery of culturally-based curriculum, a framework that reflects the epistemological, ontological, and axiomatic perspectives of the community would be helpful; however, such a framework does not exist. The closest document related to such a framework is Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) conceptual model of a ‘whole person,’ which is not widely accessed by those outside the academy. The goal of my dissertation project has been to analyze in-depth interviews to help identify the personal characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships revered and encouraged within Diné culture for the purpose of informing an epistemologically, ontologically, and axiomatically appropriate model of Diné Culture

Based Education (CBE).

This dissertation explores the Diné conceptualization of a “whole person” and has extended research initiated by Begishe (1968). The model, tentatively titled, “Becoming a Complete Person,” could be utilized as the foundation for a culturally-based model of education firmly grounded in basic principles and beliefs of Diné culture.

When I began this project, I sought the answers to my main research questions.

The first was prompted by work initiated in the 1960s by Kenneth Begishe:

3. What do Diné people identify as characteristics of a “well-directed” person?

d) What attributes do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-directed

person to possess?

e) What skills and knowledge do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-

directed person to possess?

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f) What types of connections and relationships do Diné people identify as those

recognized, valued, and maintained by a well-directed person?

The second question was prompted by my personal and professional interest in the traditional narratives of my people:

4. What traditional narratives do Diné people use to discuss the requisite

characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and

relationships of a “well-directed” person?

Prior to commencing this project, my research agenda has entailed an inquiry into the grounding of curriculum in Indigenous language, culture, oral traditions, and epistemology rather than those of the mainstream population. This dissertation project involves the identification of desired educational outcomes as they are articulated by members of three Diné communities. By identifying the educational outcomes desired by the communities, the curriculum development process may then be guided, not by mainstream epistemology, ontology, or axiology, but instead by those of each community. The information that emerges is truly grounded in Diné culture.

To investigate the characteristics of the Diné conceptualization of “A Well-

Directed Person,” I have utilized a qualitative research design using Grounded Theory

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to collaborate with Diné people of diverse age, location, experiential backgrounds, and educational backgrounds. By using the constant comparative method, upon which Grounded Theory relies, I have been able to determine categories of characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships attributed to a “well-directed person” that emerged from the data. I have

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also been able to systematically compare these emergent categories to those of the original Begishe (1968) model.

The research project was conducted in three Diné communities. The first, Leupp, is on the Nation. The second is the Huerfano Chapter which is both on and adjacent to the

Nation. The third is Tucson, an urban area in southern Arizona which is nearly 300 miles south of the Nation.

Leupp Chapter is located in the southwestern portion of the Diné Nation and is part of the Western Navajo Agency, which is in north-central Arizona. According to the website, NavajoBusiness.com, in 2009, the Chapter had a total Indigenous population of

1700 with a median age of 29.5 and 52% of the population was female and 48% was male. Nearly 35% of the population was under the age of 18, while 9% was over the age of 65. There were also 370 households in the Chapter with an average household size of

4.5 people.

According to its website, Huerfano Chapter is located in the northeastern portion of the Nation, and is part of the Eastern Navajo Agency. The Chapter covers approximately 90 square miles and serves the communities of Adobe, Bisti, Blanco,

Carson, Gallegos, Jacquez, and Otis, New Mexico. It is in an area referred to as the

“Checkerboard Area” which is composed of land that includes Navajo Trust land, tribally allotted land, privately owned land, New Mexico state land, and Bureau of Land

Management land. In 2010, the U.S. Census Bureau reported that 93.7% of the 2,633 residents were Indigenous people. According to the website, NavajoBusiness.com, in

2009, the median age of the population was 38, and 47% of the population was female

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while 53% was male. Nearly 28% of the population was under the age of 18, while 12% was over the age of 65. There were also 550 households in the Chapter with an average household size of 3.3 people.

Both Leupp and Huerfano communities have relatively large populations of elders

(65 and over) and are perceived by members of the Nation to exhibit strong traditional practices and beliefs.

Off the Nation, I worked with Diné people who are living, working, and/or studying in the urban setting of Tucson, Arizona. Tucson is located in south-central

Arizona and is the second largest city in Arizona. According to the U.S. Census Bureau’s

Quickfacts website, the city of Tucson’s population in 2010 was 520,097, with 2.7% of the population being American Indian and Alaska Native persons. The website Tucson- arizona-living.com reports the median age of the population is 32.1, and 49% are female, while 51% are male. Nearly 24.6 of the population is under the age of 18, while 11.9% is over the age of 65 The website further reports that there are 192,891 households in the city with an average household size of 2.4 people.

Tucson is home to the University of Arizona. It was through personal and professional connections I have made at the University that I was able to meet and recruit many of the participants who I eventually worked with in this study. According to its website, the University of Arizona, a land grant institution founded in 1885, is a “public research university serving the diverse citizens of Arizona and beyond.” In the fall semester of 2012, the university had 29,719 undergraduate, 6,962 graduate, and 1,376 professional and medical students (University of Arizona Website, 2012). In its Total

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Minority Student Enrollment Trends Fall 1983 to Fall 2012 report, the University reports a total minority enrollment of 32% in 2010, with 2.9% (1,153 students) of the student population being Native American. Although specific tribal demographics are not readily available, from my experience working with NASA, Diné students appear to greatly outnumber students with other tribal affiliations.

I met the participants in the study who are enrolled at the University of Arizona through the Native American Student Affairs, where I worked as a Retention Intervention

Specialist for several semesters. All four of the participants associated with the

University of Arizona had come from the Nation to study in various programs. Three were from the Western Agency of the Navajo Nation, headquartered in Tuba City, while the fourth participant was from the Eastern Agency.

In preliminary research, I determined that working directly with members of the

Nation in Diné communities allows for comparisons of traditional narratives, perspectives, and beliefs across generations as well as across diverse locations where

Diné people now reside.

By investigation perspectives held by Diné people from different regions, I utilized Dentin’s (1978) subcategory of “space” from his description of data sources triangulation. By studying the Diné conceptualization of a well-directed person in dissimilar settings, I attempted to identify which characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships are evidenced in multiple settings, and which are context-specific.

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By working with participants of different generations and diverse experiential backgrounds, I used Denzin’s (1978) subcategory of “time” from his description of data sources triangulation. By studying the Diné conceptualization of a well-directed person across generations, I was able to identify those characteristics which are described in multiple generations, and those which are limited to singular or multiple generations, but not all generations.

My dissertation research is unlike any inquiry ever conducted on the Diné

(Navajo) Nation or with Diné people. It investigates the culturally-grounded perceptions of my people in regards to describing success within our culture. My project entails an inquiry into a concept unique to the Diné culture: Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, “a well-directed person.” I ask people from my culture to identify the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships they attribute to individuals that are considered “successful” within our culture and communities. The data generated is utilized to identify a set of educational outcomes specific to our culture that could then be incorporated into the curriculum development process for our young people.

Results of the Data Analysis

This section addresses my original research questions. I begin with the type of responses I had anticipated gathering through the participant interviews. I then describe the responses participants provided to my first research question, “What do Diné people identify as characteristics of a ‘well-directed’ person?” I follow with a comparison of my findings with Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) model. Finally, I describe the responses participants provided to my second research question, “What traditional narratives do

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Diné people use to discuss the requisite characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a ‘well-directed’ person?”

Anticipated Responses

Having grown up in what I consider to be a traditional Diné household in the

1950s and 1960s, I first looked at Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) model of “Diné T’áá Bi

At’éego” using the lens of my own experiential background. I considered the type of responses that research participants of a similar age and background might provide. In examining Begishe’s model, I realized that the responses I would provide if asked to describe a “well-directed person” would support those perspectives reflected in the model, which Begishe worked on during my childhood years. For this reason, I thought that research participants who were my age and older might provide responses that were close to those traditional perspectives with which I was raised and are expressed in

Begishe’s model. In considering how our culture has evolved during my lifetime, I thought that research participants who were in their 20s, 30s, and 40s might provide responses reflecting a changing perspective of what a “well-directed person” is.

I also thought that research participants living farther away from Diné tah (the traditional homeland of the Diné people and the place referenced in the Diné creation narrative) might have experienced some amount of cultural shift that might result in their descriptions of a “well-directed person” being somehow different from those living on the Nation or closer to Diné tah. As it turns out, I was a bit surprised by the homogenous nature of the responses across generations as well as across locations in this study.

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In studying Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) model, which explores structural relations of Diné thought, I focused on his three umbrella categories; “Is Not Lazy,” “Has a Strong

Foundation in Thinking,” and “Is Not Externally Constrained.” I began to think of these umbrella categories and the sub-categories below them in terms of characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships that I, as a parent or grandparent might want to see my children or grandchildren develop. In an attempt to express Begishe’s umbrella categories in positive terms, I recognized the following themes; “Has a Good Work Ethic,” “Is Open to Learning,” and “Has a Strong Identity”

(Figure 6.1).

When considering what it is to have a “good work ethic,” I reflected on the behaviors and characteristics Begishe had in his first category, “Is Not Lazy.” Many of these characteristics seem to reflect the traditional teachings I remember as a boy. Many of these teachings were very much an affirmation of what my mom used to say, “If you don’t get up early in the morning, you will end up in poverty. But, if you get up early, before the sun rises, you will get the blessing.” This was my mom’s version of the western notion that the “early bird gets the worm.”

Since rising early without having to be awakened by an alarm or parents was an attribute that was highly valued in my early years, I actually expected to see the same attitudes reflected in the interview responses. I was quite surprised that, even with the question designed to elicit a description of what each participant does every morning, only two specifically responded that they got up early.

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I wasn’t sure what to anticipate when it came to participant descriptions involving a work ethic. I remember, being enthusiastic about work and having the initiative to begin work without being told was highly valued in my family, as well as other families I knew as a child and young man. However, I wondered if, in a rebellious response to the somewhat militaristic boarding school experience, people of my generation and younger might have internalized the desire to demonstrate a lack of initiative in school (and if so, was the reluctance to appear as a “self-starter” reflected in participant responses). I was pleasantly surprised to find that in describing people they respected, most of the participants referred to a person with initiative and a good work ethic, and used the term

“hard worker” to refer to that type of individual.

Before I conducted interviews, I had no preconceived idea of how the participants might respond when it came to Begishe’s characterization of “has a strong foundation in thinking.” In his model, Begishe dedicated nearly one third of the subcategories below this umbrella category to components of a healthy work ethic, demonstrating a strong tie back to the first umbrella category. However, this umbrella category of his model implies that the ability to think is viewed, perhaps, more like a process than a simple characteristic. As a process, thinking supports other cognitive characteristics (having a good learning attitude and having the motivation to stick with hard work, including formal and informal learning situations, and following through commitments, including formal and informal education, to completion).

Participants failed to characterize thinking as a process supporting learning in their responses. In fact, a person’s ability to think was not mentioned as the underlying

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factor in achievement, nor was it expressed as a necessary component of the foundation to completing lessons or an entire educational pathway. For that reason, I decided to equate this category to “being open to learning” as a characteristic.

When anticipating participant responses that might support Begishe’s third umbrella category, I imagined that they would refer to clan relationships, independence of thought, and effectively negotiating both Diné and mainstream languages and cultures in ways that are reflected in Figure 5-1. I was not anticipating references to thinking, though, since, throughout my life, I had rarely, if ever, heard thinking being referred to as underlying the specific abilities shown on the chart. Instead, I thought participants might utilize terms and expressions such as “self-confidence,” “self-assured,” and “speaks his/her mind.”

In analyzing the data, I was surprised to discover that participant responses did not emphasize clan relationships as I had anticipated. Instead, most participants focused on discussing the nuclear family, which was attributed to the development of independence, being well adjusted, and having a strong identity. There was also a strong emphasis on speaking one’s mind and acting on one’s principles in participant responses, most notably in describing their parents.

Another surprising aspect of responses provided by participants had to do with the bicultural competence inferred by Begishe’s model. Instead of emphasizing the equal importance of both cultures, participants emphasized being successful in mainstream education and culture.

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As I had anticipated, thinking was not directly attributed as an aspect underlying independence, planning, or awareness. There was, however, a great deal of discussion surrounding the importance of setting goals and following through to accomplish them. I began to refer to this area of Begishe’s chart as “strong identity.”

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In further considering Begishe’s umbrella categories and the alternative IDs I attributed to them, “Has a good work ethic,” “Is open to learning,” and “Has a strong identity,” I began to think about the type of questions I might include in interviewing participants. I realized that I had to be careful not to ask questions biased toward

Begishe’s perspectives as well as questions that were influenced by my reflections on

Begishe’s model. I decided it would be best to include questions that focused on determining what people currently conceptualize as a “well-directed person.”

Eventually, the interviews I conducted consisted of nine general “warm-up” questions and twenty-seven core questions that sought to answer my research questions.

Of the twenty-seven core questions, twenty-four were designed to obtain descriptions of the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships that currently characterize “Diné T’áá Bi At’éego,” a “well-directed” person within the

Diné culture. The remaining three core questions were designed to elicit traditional narratives that might further shed light on the conceptualization of a “well-directed” person.

From participant responses to the twenty-four questions that addressed my first research question (“What do Diné people identify as characteristics of a “well-directed” person”), I was able to construct a framework consisting of four main categories (Figure

5-9). Responses tended to describe mental activities (such as thinking and knowing, which are fairly close to Begishe’s recurring theme of “thinking”), physical manifestations of the mental activities (actions), identity (knowledge of self and Diné people, which are close to Begishe’s sub-themes under “not externally constrained”), and

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the attainment of fulfillment (spirituality, balance, wisdom). I decided, in keeping with

Diné verb-based linguistic patterns, to refer to the four main categories as Thinking,

Doing, Being, and Achieving Harmony.

It is interesting to note that, upon further research, I discovered that the categories suggested by participant responses were very close to those included in Diné College’s model of SNBH Philosophy (Figure 5-2). In the Diné College model, the four cardinal directions are not only representative of life stages, but are also representative of a framework of education. In the model, the directions Nitsáhákees (Birth, Thinking),

Nahat'á (Adolescence, Planning), Iiná (Adulthood, Living), and Sihasin (Old Age,

Assuring) together comprise the Diné traditional living system and represent the essence of the Diné outlook on life.

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I was reassured that the responses of such a diverse group of Diné people would fall into categories that are so closely aligned to SNBH. However, even though the critical elements of the traditional Diné living system and outlook on life are part of the rhetoric in which participants engage, I was still skeptical as to the extent to which those critical elements are currently incorporated into teaching our youth. All of the participants provided examples of young Diné people who are not on the right path in life, indicating that cultural erosion has resulted in many of our youth being culturally disconnected.

Many of the participants themselves lamented that they had never been taught the language, causing them to miss out on cultural teachings. Some, like Naanazbaa’, have actually pursued learning the language as adults trying to make up for time lost with parents and elders who spoke the language. Responses indicated that it was not until reaching adulthood and being in environments far removed from home that participants gained the perspective that allowed them to appreciate just what had been lost in not knowing the language of their culture. Responses of elders indicate that they, too, feel a loss due to not being able to communicate with members of younger generations in a language that, as Hanibaa’ pointed out, was capable of conveying the nuances of the culture.

Findings: First Set of Research Questions

Ø What do Diné people identify as characteristics of a “well-directed” person?

Ø What attributes do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-directed

person to possess?

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Ø What skills and knowledge do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-

directed person to possess?

Ø What types of connections and relationships do Diné people identify as those

recognized, valued, and maintained by a well-directed person?

In investigating what Diné people identify as characteristic of a “well-directed” person, I sought to discover what characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships were noted or described. As Ashkiił’gaii notes,

That person [a well-directed person] knows what they are doing… there is no doubt about what it is they are doing… there is no hesitation about what they are doing because of the way they were taught and the way they were brought up and the values that they were given and they know pretty much what they’re made up of and that makes them strong. And they have had someone coaching or mentoring them to be that way.

Ashkiił’gaii continues,

The expression ‘a well-directed person’ means to me that ‘I wish I was a well- directed person!’ For me it has always been a realization that one moment, this is where I am gonna go. And then when I think I know where I am going, then I am past where I wanted to be, and it is not what it is made out to be… I was doing that and I am DOING THAT and as I look back over my life I think, and now what? …Out of all that what have I learned? I have learned that the value of life is just to enjoy it as much as possible by the fairest way possible, not by being conniving or greedy, just to enjoy it the way it is.

Comparison of Findings with Begishe’s Model

In comparing the umbrella categories emerging from the data with those originally suggested by Begishe in 1968 (Figure 5-3), I found that three of the umbrella categories closely parallel Begishe’s main categories.

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Within each of the four main categories of the framework, Thinking, Doing,

Being, and Achieving Harmony, subcategories were suggested by participant responses. I was struck by the similarities of these sub-categories with sub-categories in Begishe’s model (Figure 5-4).

Begishe’s sub-categories tend to be expressed as specific behaviors, many of which are observable. As a result of the questions posed to participants, the sub- categories suggested by participants tend to be expressed as general characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships. However, as indicated in Figure 5-4, the sub-categories of both models, tend to address many of the same topics, even if they may not belong to the same umbrella category in each model.

For example, under the umbrella category Is Not Externally Constrained, Begishe lists

“thinks for oneself.” A similar topic, “thinking independently,” is found in the umbrella category, Thinking, suggested by participant responses.

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Begishe calls his first main category Not Lazy. This category is similar to the umbrella category I refer to as Doing, with both focusing on evidencing initiative, responsibility, independence, and respect. One notable difference is that Begishe’s sub- categories below Not Lazy omitted Functions Well in both Worlds as the umbrella category Doing did. However, a very similar sub-category (Successful in both Cultures)

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appears in Begishe’s third main category, Not Externally Constrained. In the model developed from this study, Functioning Well in both Worlds fits better with the umbrella category Doing because participant responses evidence a strong tie between having initiative and doing well in mainstream schooling and society.

Begishe’s second main category, Has a Strong Foundation in Thinking, is very similar to the category I call Thinking, with both addressing the ability to focus attention and efforts on working hard and learning. These two categories differ in that Begishe’s sub-categories emphasize being able to direct one’s attention to focusing efforts on work, while the sub-categories suggested by participant responses emphasize several diverse aspects of thought (valuing, appreciating, honoring, learning, planning, thinking and knowing).

Begishe’s third category, Not Externally Constrained is similar to the category I call Being. In Chapter 5, I noted that in studying Begishe’s model, I have come to think of this main category in terms of exhibiting both a specific tribal and individual Diné

“identity,” which allows an individual to experience success in both Diné and mainstream cultures. Begishe’s sub-categories emphasize relationships, independence in words and thought, and bridging both cultures, while the sub-categories suggested by participant responses tend to focus on two major aspects of Diné identity, Knowing One’s Self and

Knowing One’s People.

A significant difference from Begishe’s model is that a fourth umbrella category was suggested through this study. Begishe’s model had only three umbrella categories

(Figures 5-3, 5-4). The fourth category prompted through participant responses was

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Achieving Harmony. This particular umbrella category seems to be in agreement with the concepts of Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón (SNBH) and Hózhó, which emphasize harmony and balance in the development of well-being. Nothing in Begishe’s original model appears to refer to the holistic relationships represented in these two Diné concepts.

From initial discussions with friends and family, I was able to foresee participant references to balance and harmony as important aspects of being a well-directed person and had wondered prior to beginning this inquiry why Begishe’s model did not incorporate these concepts. At the time Begishe developed this model, SNBH was associated with the Navajo ceremonial system, which was designed to produce or restore the conditions symbolized by SNBH when a person was considered to be out of balance

(Witherspoon, 1977 p. 19). Since restoring a person to balance is ceremonial in nature, it may not have been perceived as appropriate to openly discuss these concepts in the literature of the time. However, contemporary literature (Haskie, 2002, Lee, 2004,

Benally, 2008, and Matt, 2011) has come to addresses SNBH and Hózhó in terms of Diné ontology and axiology.

Findings: Second Research Question

Ceremony I will tell you something about stories, [he said] They aren’t just entertainment. Don’t be fooled. They are all we have, you see, all we have to fight off illness and death. You don’t have anything

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if you don’t have the stories. Their evil is mighty but it can’t stand up to our stories. So they try to destroy the stories let the stories be confused or forgotten. They would like that They would be happy Because we would be defenseless then. He rubbed his belly. I keep them here [he said] Here put your hand on it See, it is moving. There is life here for the people. And in the belly of this story the rituals and the ceremony are still growing. What She Said: The only cure I know is a good ceremony, that’s what she said. Leslie Marmon Silko (1977)

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Kovach (2009) explains that within Indigenous epistemologies, there are two general types of narratives. Both teach that there are good and bad consequences of living one’s life in a certain way. The first category includes those narratives “that hold mythical elements, such as creation and teaching stories” (p. 95). These were the types of narratives I had sought to elicit through the interview questions. The second category of narratives include those that are “personal narratives of place, happenings, and experiences as the kókoma and mósoms (Cree: Aunties and Uncles) experienced them and passed them along to the next generation through oral tradition” (p. 95). These were not the type of stories that I had anticipated eliciting through the interview questions.

In my second research question, I sought to discover what traditional narratives

Diné people use to discuss the requisite characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a “well-directed” person.

Ø What traditional narratives do Diné people use to discuss the requisite

characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and

relationships of a “well-directed” person?

When I asked participants to think about an “old story” that described a “well- directed person,” I believed that the question would elicit narratives that would fall into

Kovach’s (2009) first category. However, in reviewing transcripts of participant

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interviews, I discovered that when participants asked for clarification of the type of stories I was looking for, I failed to provide consistent responses. As a result, the types of

“old stories” shared by participants varied, depending on individual interpretations of what I was asking for, from Kovach’s first and second categories to descriptions of people viewed as “well-directed.”

Asdzáá t’oshii, Ashkiił’gaii, and Ak’eez’baa provided the type of traditional narratives that I had anticipated hearing from participants, those that feature mythical elements or anthropomorphized animals and emphasized characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships valued within the culture.

When asked to share a traditional narrative, only a two of the participants, Asdzáá t’oshii and Ashkiił’gaii, shared narratives with mythical elements that have embedded within them an emphasis on characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a well-directed person. It is interesting to note the age of these participants; both of them are over 50. Asdzáá t’oshii is in the over 60 age group, while Ashkiił’gaii is in the 40 to 59 year old group.

Why did only these two participants share the very old stories that held mythical elements, while participants who were both older and younger did not? Perhaps it is because these stories were traditionally told in Navajo, and being native speakers of

Navajo, the old stories would have been some of the earliest language they might have heard.

Perhaps these individuals were exposed to such stories before electricity came to their areas of the Nation, which made radio and TV accessible. It is important to note that

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Asdzáá t’oshii and Ashkiił’gaii are from Huerfano. According to participants from the

Huerfano area, electricity became available to people living in the Chapter in the early

1960s. Perhaps, being closer to Diné tah (where many of the narratives originated), the stories were more common in the Huerfano area when these participants were growing up than they were in other locations.

It is possible that once Christian missionaries began to infuse Biblical stories into their interactions with Diné people, the traditional, mythical narratives were not utilized to help instill and reinforce values as much as they once had been. In addition, it is possible that when radio and television brought pop culture to the nation, the sharing of this type of narrative waned and was supplanted by mainstream entertainment.

After reviewing the interview transcripts, I think the most likely reason that I was unable to elicit more of the Kovach’s first category is that the questions I used as prompts were not worded accurately enough and participants were not thinking specifically enough about those types of narratives. Again, I believe the way I phrased the question posed to these participants as well as the lack of consistency I exhibited in answering their requests for clarification of what I meant by “an old story” could be the reason that I did not elicit a narrative from Chi’í baa’ or Naazba’í As members of the 20-39 year old

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group from Tucson, they might have thought that they were sharing “stories,” since it is clear that the individuals they describe are spoken of and are highly regarded by family members.

Cross-Case Comparisons

This section examines the participant responses by age, gender, and location.

When designing this research project, I decided to examine the conceptualization of Diné

T’áá Bi At’éego from multiple perspectives within the culture, as recommended by

Denzin (1978) in his discussion of data triangulation. In doing so, I was attempting to provide what Altrichter et al. (2008) refer to as a “more detailed and balanced picture of” what Diné people of different ages, genders, and locations consider to be the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a successful person within the culture (p. 147).

Comments by Age 20 to 39 Year-Old Participants

The younger participants (aged 20 to 39) offer evidence that they continue to respect Diné language, cultural values, and traditional knowledge. However, many acknowledge that they are not as familiar with these aspects of Diné culture as they might wish (a sentiment echoed by members of the other two age groups when referring to younger Diné people). Many of these participants emphasize that they have developed what they know of Diné language and culture within their nuclear family or with the support of their grandparents. None of these participants mentioned any type of interactions with family members at the clan level.

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All of these participants speak highly of role models such as close relatives (as opposed to clan members) and those remarkable, highly respected young women that become Miss Navajo and embody traditional values, cultural practices, and Diné knowledge.

The majority of these younger participants emphasize the importance of traditional spaces in their lives. Returning home and seeing the familiar places, landmarks, and of course, the sacred mountains appear to represent a desire to reconnect with their Diné language and culture.

All of the participants belonging to the youngest group were educated exclusively in public schools within their communities as youngsters and in public institutions of higher education if they continued on to tertiary education.

Every member of this youngest group characterizes their home life as children as very stable with both parents present in the household or with divorced parents who effectively collaborated in providing a good upbringing. In fact, one pervasive theme in their responses is the importance of working to maintain a strong nuclear family that is equally supportive of every child and adult.

40 to 59 Year-Old Participants

Those participants that are in the 40 to 59 year-old group demonstrate a great reverence for and knowledge of the language, traditional values, traditional practices, and cultural knowledge. Members of their immediate and extended families are credited with having taught the language abilities and cultural knowledge evidenced by these participants. Most of these participants speak in Diné throughout their interviews. Many

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of these participants express sadness and remorse when discussing young Diné people who are not well versed in the language, cultural norms, or cultural values. The majority express a great concern for what they perceive to be a rapid erosion of respect for the culture. These participants are also troubled by seeing that elders are no longer valued for all they might offer to younger generations of Diné people. Being in the group that actually bridges the younger and older generations, they are in a position to witness the exchanges and interaction (or lack of interaction) between the members of these two generations. These participants are old enough to clearly recall a time when elders were treated with the upmost respect, and their responses tend to indicate a sense of responsibility and even guilt that they or members of their own generation failed to instill this respect in their children.

Whereas the youngest participants in this project express dismay that they do not know more of their language or culture, this group of participants frequently laments that they have been remiss in ensuring that they passed the language and culture to their children. Many say that they once believed that doing so would interfere with their children’s academic progress in mainstream, English-only school environments. I strongly believe that this can be attributed to their own experiences in schools, stemming from a time when Diné children were punished for speaking their heritage languages.

It is interesting to note that the participants in this age group (as well as in the 60 to 95 year-old group) speak at length of the strength of either their mothers or fathers, and the impact their modeling of good work ethics, integrity, and sense of responsibility within the family and/or community had on them. When discussing people they respect,

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they tend to mention both younger and older people who exhibit good work ethics, assume leadership positions, act with integrity, and are responsible individuals who have

“good” families.

The people in this middle group speak of a lifelong connection to the land. Many refer to a time when the land was viewed as a communal resource and how that is no longer the situation within their communities. All discuss eloquently and knowledgably issues and challenges faced by the Tribe and affecting its members, aspects that are not discussed in depth by the members of the younger or older groups.

Since many members of this group have, at some time in their lives, left the

Nation to live and work in other parts of the country or world, responses often address the rapid and surprising linguistic, social, and cultural changes that have occurred during periods of absence from their homes.

The majority of references to traditional narratives emerge from this group, which is interesting because none of the youngest group mentioned traditional narratives, even when asked specifically if they knew of any that described a “well-directed” person.

Members of this group attended government funded boarding schools at some time in their elementary or secondary schooling experiences, with some referring to the trauma they experienced when they were being indoctrinated to the school rules and policies.

It is interesting to note that about half of this group indicated that they had come from families that had experienced the burden of the emotional and physical effects of

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divorcing parents and the emotional and economic hardships of living in single-parent households.

60 to 95 Year-Old Participants

The oldest participants (aged 60 to 95) express greater knowledge of Diné language, land, cultural values, and traditional knowledge than their younger counterparts. In fact, all of them spoke Diné during all or part of their interviews. They have a tendency to share more life experiences reflective of Begishe’s categories than do the younger participants. They also discuss how those experiences sustain the cultural values, beliefs, and traditions in their daily lives. When discussing their early learning experiences with Diné language and culture, these elders are also much more likely to note what they had learned not only from their parents and grandparents, but also from members of their extended families.

In spite of the tremendous depth and fluency members of this group exhibit with aspects of Diné language and culture, their interview responses tend to be profoundly influenced by their lifelong exposure to and participation in Christian religions. In fact, members of this group are much more apt to mention Christian practices, values, beliefs, and perspectives than those in the two younger groups. These participants frequently allude to the experiences in BIA and Christian boarding schools that continue to influence their adult perspectives.

Members of this group describe their role models as having been one of their parents. Their parents are characterized as having been respected, active members of the community who were diligent and capable workers that were not afraid of doing a day’s

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work. All the participants in the group seem to have internalized the importance of community involvement, and are still either actively involved in working for their local schools or supporting them in some manner (volunteering, attending meetings, sitting as board members, etc.) The majority specifically mention participation in some type of language or cultural teaching. In addition, all of these elders have assumed leadership positions of one type or another within their own families and communities.

The ties to the land held by members of this group are characterized as being more holistic than those of the youngest group. As does about half of the 40 to 59 year old group, members of this group speak of the land as something with which they have a reciprocal relationship. The land provides resources and sustenance to family members and their livestock, and in return the people view the land as a living entity that is respected, revered, and for which they are stewards. Most members of this group still live in the same places in which they were born and raised.

In assessing the stability of their home lives as youngsters, members of this group do not note any issues with divorce or death of a parent. It was noted that when a parent

(the father) was absent, it was normally due to work commitments away from the community or Nation, especially during the Depression and WWII. Extended family and clan relations supported those who were in need during these times.

Group participants discuss clan interactions and relatives (but usually in contexts of the past) when discussing family. All speak at length about their grandchildren and/or great-grandchildren, expressing tremendous pride and high hopes for their futures.

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When examining group responses by age, it is clear that the Diné language and culture continue to be highly regarded and valued. Unfortunately, it is also clear that knowledge of both has been detrimentally impacted by a variety of forces from within the culture as well as from pressures imposed by mainstream culture. While traditionally, language and culture were transmitted by family members across the generations, it seems that members of the younger generations represented in this project have not had the same type of rich familial learning experiences, with extended family and clan members playing key roles in transmission, as did the elders in this study. Instead, the younger study participants indicate that what they know of Navajo language and culture relied on transmission by parents and grandparents.

When describing people that are viewed as well-directed within their communities, it is surprising that participants in all age groups are just as likely to describe young people as well as elderly people. Descriptions of these individuals across generations are fairly consistent, with participants citing similar characteristics, attributes, behaviors, and values in their interviews.

This group of participants, by virtue of their lived experiences, spends a great deal of time reminiscing about the past and comparing it with the present. They note the dramatic changes they have seen in social interactions, language, cultural norms, traditional beliefs, personal and communal priorities, family structure, child rearing, and social ills impacting individuals and communities. The perspectives they offer through their interviews provide anecdotal evidence of the magnitude of culture and linguistic shift within Diné society.

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Comments by Location Huerfano Chapter

Participants from Huerfano provide the majority of references to oral narratives.

In addition, they were the only participants to offer complete traditional narratives in response to the interviewer prompts. I had not expected this to be the case; however, upon reflection, perhaps this is due to their proximity to the sacred mountains of Diné tah. Having spent most of their lives in the cradle of Diné culture, these people may have been exposed to the narratives more often or for longer periods of their lives.

The Huerfano participants are also much more forthright in sharing personal experiences that directly related to specific locations in the area they call “home.”

Although participants from all three interview sites refer often to their ties to the land that they consider to be their home, this group frequently referenced specific places and the importance of these places in their personal anecdotes. Again, I feel that this may have something to do with where they live and the proximity of their land to Diné tah.

The people of Huerfano are the participants that express a great concern over the shift away from the communal sharing of space (land) and responsibility (with an emphasis on the welfare of children of the community) that they have witnessed and believe is a fairly recent phenomenon, a theme I will address later in this chapter.

This group also addresses the challenges they have faced in negotiating traditional

Diné beliefs and values with their very strong Christian beliefs and values. It is interesting to note that they mention Biblical stories and characters just as frequently as they reference traditional narratives and entities. I believe this may have a great deal to do with the strong and long-standing presence of the Christian churches within the

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community. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2000), there are currently eight

Christian churches in the Chapter. Many of the participants were raised within Christian traditions and belief systems, and some express viewpoints that evidence a bridging of the two ways of knowing and being.

Somewhat related to the notion that people from this community have been strongly influenced by tenants of Christian religions is my observation that the Huerfano participants, when describing individuals going down “the wrong path,” tended to include moral judgments based in the Bible or in Christian teachings.

According to the 2000 census, 64.2% of the population spoke Diné at home, while only 35.8 % spoke English only. The Huerfano Chapter claims a greater reliance on

English than does the Leupp community. This could be due to the proximity of Huerfano to English speaking communities, and the multi-lingual, multi-cultural nature of the

Checkerboard Area.

The members of this group speak highly of community leaders of the past. They tell anecdotes that portray these leaders as people of great personal integrity who were much more humble, community-oriented, and aware of and responsive to the needs of their constituents than government officials today. Several of the participants from different age groups actually identify the same community leader as a person that represented the ideals of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego. I believe these responses might be the result of the close-knit nature of the community and the tendency of community members to meet frequently on a social basis, allowing them to idly chat about local events, the news, and others.

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Leupp Chapter

Participants from Leupp discuss extremely strong ties to the land. Most continue to raise livestock or at least help relatives when it comes to shearing sheep, hauling hay, or caring for cattle. Two of the participants are weavers, and raise sheep primarily for the wool. In reviewing their interview responses, I am reminded of a quote by N. Scott

Momaday (1994) who notes, “From the time the Indian first set foot upon the continent, he centered his life in the natural world. He is deeply invested in the earth, committed to it both in his consciousness and in his instinct. The sense of place is paramount. Only in reference to the earth can he persist in his identity” (p.1). The responses shared by Leupp participants strongly suggest that they feel their sense of place to be the most important aspect of their personal identities.

In their reminiscing, every member of this group fondly recalls the communal and familial activities centered on the homes and the surrounding lands in which they were raised. Many of these memories focus on physical activities involved in gardening, working with livestock, cooking, cleaning, and chopping wood. In addition, they speak much more frequently than participants from other locations about their childhoods. It seems to me that having been raised in a rural area, these participants have grown to fondly recall the activities that filled their days and the people with whom they shared these activities, especially their parents and grandparents.

I believe a clue to the emphasis on parents and grandparents when sharing memories can be found in Tádezbaa’’s reminiscing. As Tádezbaa’, an elder from Leupp, describes her parents and grandparents, she continually reiterates how much she learned

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from them, as well as the importance of all they taught her. Perhaps the sequencing of my interview questions evoked those specific memories.

One thing that really stands out to me is the way in which people from Leupp address one another. I grew up surrounded by people who used specific relationship nomenclature to address one another, and it wasn’t until I was listening to the recordings of the interviews that I realized that the people from Leupp, especially those in the middle- and older-aged groups, are still using this traditional form of address, which is based in Clan relationships. Witherspoon (1977) explains that “In Navajo society, everyone is addressed by a k’é term. This is in accord with the Navajo ideal of relating to everyone as a kinsman. Personal names are never used in address, and they are not used in reference when the person to whom the speaker is referring is in the presence of the speaker. Personal names isolate the individual and emphasize his distinctiveness and his separateness, failing to establish, express, or recognize any relationship between the speaker and the person addressed” (p. 88). In conversation, people from Huerfano tended to use the individual’s given name. Perhaps this has something to do with the strong

Christian influence people in Huerfano have experienced. In the creation narrative, the explanation of how clans came into existence traditionally guided how people address one another. It seems that the use of traditional relationship nomenclature is being perpetuated in this community. Another possible explanation for people in Leupp using the traditional forms of address might lie in the number of people in the Chapter who identify Diné as the language of their home. According to the 2000 census, 72.6% of the

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population spoke Diné at home, while only 27. 4 % spoke English only. Of the three communities, Leupp evidenced less language shift than the other two.

It would be hard to imagine that such a shift in everyday forms of address has not had some type of impact on Diné identity. It seems as if this observation is tied to a number of other observations I have made throughout the study and will be discussing as the “concept of mine” under the Unanticipated Themes Recognized in the Data section.

Although a Christian presence is maintained in Leupp, participants did not reference their Christian beliefs or doctrines as often as participants from Huerfano, and unlike the Huerfano participants, did not use Biblical references or references to Christian doctrine in describing individuals who are “going down the wrong path.” The U.S.

Census Bureau lists seven Christian churches in the Chapter.

Another interesting trend in the responses participants from Leupp shared is their characterization of young people within the community as exhibiting strong leadership abilities. This is much different from the responses provided by Huerfano participants, who described past leaders who were elders.

Metropolitan Tucson

Participants from Tucson reside in various neighborhoods within the city limits.

Some are living temporarily within the community as they attend college, while others have relocated more permanently for work or personal reasons. These participants tended to be younger, as a group, than the participants in Huerfano and Leupp. Most were raised in bilingual English/ Diné speaking homes by tertiary-educated parents who emphasized the value of education in their homes.

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One of the first observations I made about these participants is that, in their interviews, they all stress a connection with the tribal lands they view as “back home,” even those that identify their residence as being in Tucson. Many become pensive, describing in great detail the feelings they experience when returning “home.” Some describe a sense of place by situating “back home” within the four sacred mountains or with familiar land forms and geographical markers. In his book, Wisdom Sits in Places,

Keith Basso writes of this close affiliation of the land and a sense of cultural identity,

“Knowledge of places is, therefore, closely linked to knowledge of the self, to grasping one's position in the larger scheme of things, including one's own community, and to securing a confident sense of who one is as a person” (p. 34). A common theme, especially among the younger Tucson participants, was the connection they make with

“back home” being the place they spent (or continue to spend) time with their grandparents. In fact, all the Tucson participants articulate a strong connection with their grandparents and/or elders “back home.”

Naanazbaa’, who was a member of the youngest group of participants, works in a

Tucson charter school emphasizing Tohono O’odham language and culture. In her interview, she laments never having learned her own Diné language. Due to her affiliation with the charter school, she has come to understand just what she missed as far as the transmission of her own culture through the Diné language. As with other members of this younger group, it was college that brought Naanazbaa’ to Tucson. While studying at the university, all of these youngest participants became painfully aware of their lack of Diné linguistic and cultural knowledge, seemingly intensifying the melancholy

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associated with their lack of proximity to the spaces they refer to as “back home” and the people they love who remain there. It is important to note that these younger Tucson residents share a mutual respect for the women who become Miss Navajo Nation. When questioned about the ideals of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, they all refer to Miss Navajo Nation as a good role model who is going down “the right path.” All mention the important role played by these women in representing the culture while continuing to practice and preserve the language and culture of our people.

The participants from Tucson who were in the 40 to 59 year-old and the 60 to 95 year-old groups, recognize the importance of their role as grandparents in the intergenerational transmission of language and culture to their grandchildren. Ak’eez’baa proudly mentions that she has taught her grandchildren, who live in Tucson, to speak some Diné, and that they already know their four clans. Unfortunately, the interview questions failed to elicit more information on the type of language and culture teaching done by tribal members who are far-removed from the traditional spaces of the Diné

Nation.

Comments by Gender

One of the most notable facets of this study lies in the surprising congruence in responses by gender. As I reviewed the data to compare the perspectives offered by male and female participants, I could not get over the similarities reflected in participant comments between genders. In fact, I was able to discern only one major difference.

When asked to describe a young person who was “going down the right path,” female participants tended to mention either a younger relative or someone they personally

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know. Male participants, on the other hand, referred to respected elders who are (or were) prominent members of the community, many of whom had already passed on.

Another notable observation was that the male participants tended to express a desire to pass more teachings (especially those concerning respect) on to youngsters, including those young people to whom they may not be related. Female participants did not make any such comments.

Finally, it was the male participants in this study who, when discussing specific interventions for young people “going down the wrong path,” suggested that these children were lacking affection, love, and intimacy in their lives, and lamented that, in a dramatic change from what might have once been acceptable, only immediate family are now viewed as being welcome to offer this type of emotional support and mentoring to young people. A few male participants noted that the involvement of extended family seems to have been supplanted by outside institutions, such as schools and government agencies, and some [negligent] parents seem to view these institutions as responsible for their children. Again, female participants did not comment on the lack of affection in the lives of troubled young people. It is possible that the displacement of responsibility from immediate and extended family to outside institutions has its roots in BIA intrusion in

Diné social and family structures through policies and practices, including the forced removal of young people from their homes to attend off-reservation boarding schools.

By and large, most of the perspectives and observations offered by male and female participants are in agreement. When speaking about their parents, both speak more about their mothers than fathers. Often, both genders admire their mothers and view

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them to be (or to have been) strong, hard-working, knowledgeable women for whom they have (had) a great deal of respect. Although it might seem odd to people outside of Diné culture, I should note that it has been my experience that the attributes and characteristics centering on emotion and nurturing experience in the relationship a Diné person has with his/her mother would not necessarily ever enter into a conversation or an interview situation. Within the culture, it goes without saying that a mother would be loving and nurturing. Especially when conversing with older Diné people, I would not have expected references of this nature, and the data reflects this expectation.

More of the participants of both sexes speak about their grandmothers than grandfathers or other elders. Almost all participants describe the rich learning experiences they enjoyed with their grandmothers and the important knowledge these women shared.

Although participants tend not to describe their very close relationships with their grandparents, I experienced an overwhelming sense of love, respect, and deep admiration as participants reminisced about the special connections they had with them.

Participants of both genders are in agreement about the home lives of young people they know who are “going down the wrong path.” Many are disturbed by the lack of intergenerational transfer of what participants characterize as Diné values (respect for others and the world around us, self-respect, a good work ethic, motivation, a sense of responsibility). A common perception is that that often, the absence of direction and support from parents results in young people making the wrong decisions. Some participants describe parents as not caring about their children or as negligent in their responsibilities toward their kids, while others claim that the parents never understood or

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practiced the Diné teachings themselves. One male participant attributed such ignorance to the boarding school era, during which young people were removed from Diné households and did not see the values and teachings modeled during their most impressionable years.

A common observation about young people “going down the wrong path” describes their abuse of drugs and alcohol. Participants of both genders address their concern that this is a practice that now, more than ever before, is being intergenerationally transferred.

Both older men and women, in describing a young person in their community who is “going down the wrong path,” are just as likely to describe youngsters with whom they have a personal relationship or connection as they are to describe children, teens, and young adults they do not know well. A wide variety of these participants tend to give specific examples of how these young people are “going down the wrong path.” They also offer specific interventions that could be used to help change the direction of the lives of these troubled youth – everything from the intercession in and resolution by extended family members (which they also acknowledge is frequently unwelcome or hostilely rebuffed by the parents) to intercession in and resolution by community institutions.

Unlike their older counterparts, younger participants of both genders tend to describe either peers or friends when they speak of individuals who are “going down the wrong path.” None described relatives, as did some of the older participants. In addition, these younger participants did not introduce or discuss any possible interventions at all.

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Themes Occurring Across Generations, Communities, and Genders

A pervasive theme that emerges across generations, locations, and genders involves the emphasis on respect. Throughout every single interview, participants mention the importance of respect – respect for elders, respect for one another, respect for the land, respect for the Diné culture, and self-respect. Without exception, every participant describes the erosion of respect within the culture. Even when not being overtly discussed, the data demonstrates a relationship between the diminishing evidence of respect observed by participants and the negative characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships ascribed to individuals who are

“going down the wrong path.” As one male participant stated, “They don’t have respect, not for anyone, or for anything, or for themselves … and without self-respect, they are nobody; they have no identity.”

Another theme echoed across age groups, locations, and genders involves an enduring respect for Diné language, cultural values, traditional knowledge(s), and identity. When describing role models, participants across the board described individuals that embody traditional values, cultural practices, and Diné knowledge. Even though younger participants may not be as familiar with these aspects of the culture, all participants articulated a desire to see the continued transmission of these cultural components across generations. Younger respondents tended to express the central role of nuclear family and grandparents in this intergenerational transfer of language and culture, while middle-aged and elderly participants tended to emphasize the importance of the

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role of grandparents, aunts, and uncles (including clan relationships) in the transmission of these components of Diné culture.

An additional topic that is prevalent throughout the interview data involves the intimate relationship that all of these individuals have with the land they identify as their

“home.” For individuals who have spent the majority of their lifetimes on traditional lands, data indicates that there is a deep and abiding familiarity with and respect for the land. For those who are living (or have lived) away from the land, returning home and seeing the familiar places, landmarks, and of course, the sacred mountains remains a very grounding experience.

Every participant spoke about his/her concept of family. Many of the younger participants (under 40) focused on the importance of maintaining a strong nuclear family of a father, mother, and children. They also tended to include grandparents in discussing their “families.” Those participants who were over 40 frequently mentioned cousins, aunts, uncles, and clan members in addition to their nuclear family and grandparents.

Regardless of age, location, or gender, participant responses stressed the importance of working to maintain a strong nuclear family that is equally supportive of each member.

Participants across genders, locations, and generations, through their descriptions, painted a similar portrait of the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships they value and respect in young people from their communities and in the people they identify as well-directed. The frequently repeated adjectives and adverbs used to describe these qualities allowed for the development of the model, “Diné t’aa bi ateego, Wholeness as a Well-Directed person” (Figure 5-5), which I

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am confident, after follow up discussion with participants, suggests the ideals revered and respected by study participants.

Other Noteworthy Observations on Data

As I began to examine the data, I noticed topics introduced and expanded upon by research participants that, although not directly related to my initial research questions, emerged as pervasive themes across generations, genders, and locations. In this section, I would like to note these themes because I believe their prevalence in participant responses represents the participants’ perceptions of the results of cultural shift occurring at this point in time within the Diné culture. I have included these topics in the event that

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those reading this dissertation might find these perceptions of interest or worthy of further investigation. I will begin with a concept that was initially introduced in the interview Ashkiił’gaii.

“Concept of Mine”

I have dubbed the most notable theme repeated across generations and communities, “the concept of mine.” Different participants note the emphasis on individual rather than collective “ownership” and “territoriality” that was once more common within the culture. Ashkiił’gaii was the first person to note the change in the concept,

I used to think land didn’t matter, everything was open range. When I was young, I remember the places where we could go to get our horses and our sheep. We could graze there. We could go there and camp and we would graze, and at that time, I didn’t think it was a big deal. Then, I went away to school, and when I came back from school, all of a sudden, I heard people say they were fencing off their land for grazing, and I thought, “Wow,” it is just like the Wild West all over again - cutting up the pie. And people were saying, “This is mine!” And I said, “Oh, I didn’t know this belongs to you.” And I thought, how can that be?”

And so then, I learned how ownership was created, not by our grandparents, but mostly by the government. And that is how I became aware of that. And ownership means, that is where you can graze your animals… “My land.”

Ashkiił’gaii goes on to discuss how fences, which were unnecessary in the distant past, began to proliferate across the landscape, delineating land allotments that cannot be “owned.”

Ashkiił’gaii seems to be uncomfortable with the fences and the inference that the land can be viewed as private property. Verney (2004) recognizes such a discomfort when she contrasts the way in which land is viewed by Euro-Americans of the

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mainstream and Indigenous people. “The land, viewed by Euro-Americans, is seen as an object, a commodity to be owned and viewed as an investment for profit; it is there to develop and commercialize for financial gain” (p. 134). In contrast, with Indigenous people, “there is a strong relationship (interdependent relational bond) between land and people. Land is Mother Earth. We came to be from within the womb of Mother Earth.

Mother Earth is home for all living beings; human people, animal people, plant people, everything in the universe. Therefore, Mother Earth, as an interdependent sustainer of life, is not to be stripped, taken apart, or desecrated, nor should boundaries of property

(ownership) be placed upon her” (p. 134).

Ashkiił’gaii alludes to the Dawes Act of 1887 when he notes that the Federal government was the source of the concept of ownership. The Dawes Act (General

Allotment Act) created individually-owned land allotments for some Indigenous people arguing that as long as they held their lands in common, Native people would never know the security of private property or the “progress” such assimilation would bring. By 1934 when the allotments ended, the policy had, “wreaked havoc in Indian communities and eviscerated tribal governments” (Bobroff, 2001, p. 1561).

Ashkiił’gaii also ties the “concept of mine” to attitudes currently exhibited by parents in the culture concerning their children. In discussing the change in attitudes about who has the “right” to admonish or even speak to children who are not acting appropriately, Ashkiił’gaii notes,

The parents are not engaged in their [children’s] development, the parents are not involved. They say back in Carson, “That is our daughter, that is our son; don’t scold them.” They can scold them themselves the way they

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want to. So, we kind of step back and let them do the teaching, the scolding themselves. But the moment we take it upon ourselves and tell the young kid, “Stop what you are doing,” and the mother overhears you scolding the child, the mother will come to you and tell you to your faces and tell you what you can do with your advice. And they turn around and you say, “OK… fine, I will leave it” and so you watch this going on and it is only because the parents made it to where you can’t do that.

You know, we used to have our parents. We would be doing something [wrong] and our parents would say, “I want you to talk to such-and-such a person and they would take you to that older person and that person would talk to you and advise you what you were doing wrong and we don’t have that anymore. We don’t have somebody we can turn to for leadership and advisement.

When we were growing up, our uncles had roles in our family that we had, our uncles would scold us. Our uncles would whip us and that was their responsibility, and our parents just worked and they fed us. And we were scared of our uncles. But today, we don’t have that to turn to modify behaviors.

And the other thing is the media is there. Like with my son, I try to drag him away from the TV, and I say, “Let’s go do this outside.” But if I leave him alone, he gets his own ideas. It’s not just one child; I see a lot of kids who are not being guided because their parents don’t want to engage with them.

Ashkiił’gaii discusses the changing view of who is responsible for children from the traditionally more communal notion that raising children is the responsibility of all adults in the community to a more mainstream perspective that how a child is raised is

“nobody else’s business.” Austin (2007) affirms Ashkiił’gaii’s observations when he notes that “Since the first Europeans arrived in the American southwest, Navajo culture, language, spirituality, and identity (all known as the Diné Life Way – Diné bi’ó’ool’ii) have been under constant attack from the outside. The philosophy underlying the Diné

Life Way has also steadily eroded over the last century as knowledgeable elders die off

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and each new generation of Navajos increasingly embrace Anglo-American culture” (p.

10).

Like Ashkiił’gaii, Hanibaa’, Shanidiin, and K’énazbaa’ also specifically mentioned the evolving nature of ownership and territoriality when it comes to land, personal property, and the responsibility for raising a child “correctly.” Three decades ago, Begishe (1982) reported that Diné people described three major threats to their way of life; forced relocation, reduction of livestock, and/or denial of access to traditional lands due to government and private sector initiatives. Specifically as a result of fencing required by such initiatives, Schoepfle, Burton, and Begishe (1984) almost prophetically predicted that members of the Navajo nation would “soon be unable even to know about their neighbors or visit them” (p. 888). It appears that participants in this current study perceive this to be happening.

I have observed the shift in ownership while working as a land “right of way agent” with the people in the Navajo Checkerboard Area, an area consisting of Navajo

Trust land, tribally allotted land, privately owned land, state land, and Bureau of Land

Management land. Intergenerationally, when families are dealing with allotments and inheritance rights, they are abandoning the traditional view of communal sharing and opting to pursue land ownership rights through mainstream court proceedings in order to secure income from gas, oil, and timber royalties.

“Concept of Family”

He lived by the traditional concept of K’é, the Navajo word for kinship which also embodies human values such as compassion, respect, honor, generosity, and humility," they said. "He wanted the people to revisit and

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reflect on traditional k'é teachings and what it means to the Navajo people and to ensure that these valuable teachings be shared with the next generation.

From a Public Statement by the Family of the Late Marshall Plummer April, 2010

I have called the second most notable theme repeated across generations and communities, the shrinking “concept of family.” Participants of various ages and locations note the shift in an emphasis and greater reliance on nuclear family and grandparents as opposed to extended family and clan.

Deloria (2001) explains that traditionally, “The family was not the nuclear family of modern-day America… The family was, rather, a multigenerational complex of people, and clan and kinship responsibilities that extended beyond the grave and far into the future” (p. 44). Naat’iilid is one of the few that speaks of her family in a more traditional way,

My clan is [states in Navajo] and I feel that my clan really represents who I am. My mom and my dad’s side, my grandparents and I guess the closer to who I am because it’s my family and also not only that but it also brings you close to other people in your family to you that share the same clans with you and you know that they are your brother, your sister or you’re the auntie or it holds a close relationship with other people that I come across who are Navajo.

K’énazbaa’ describes her somewhat narrower view of “family” when she differentiates between immediate and extended family,

I think family is important, just how you relate to your kids, your spouse and just within your immediate family, your parents, your siblings, and then your niece and nephews… and your extended family like your aunts and uncles and even your grandparents, so family is very important in my life. How you refer to your family goes back to K’é, to your clan…

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Naazba’í, who is in the youngest group of participants, defines her immediate family differently from K’énazbaa’,

What I consider immediate family is from my great grandparents on down. All of their 11 kids and all of their kids, that’s what we consider our immediate family.

Along with noting an increasingly narrower view of immediate family than those of past generations, participants seem to be quite concerned with the negative effects of divorce in both mainstream and Diné cultures. Naanazbaa’ is quite emphatic when she says,

Well, my mother and father, a big thing that I see that is really significant is that they are still together. They are not divorced. They are not separated. Nowadays, you know, because I work with kids, I work with high school kids and I see that the family structure is not there. But my parents, although they were raised differently, like I said my mom was more traditional and my dad was, well, he knows certain things but he was not raised to be traditional Navajo man but they do have that family foundation. That was their main thing, was to always keep the family together.

Other participants also note the impact of divorce and resulting single parent households on children, many of whom are left without adult supervision, direction, or appropriate modeling due to time constraints based mainly on time demands from the workplace.

It is important to note that, through the questions I asked (What is your clan? In what ways have your clan relationships been important in your life?), I had intended to prompt students to think about people with whom they are close so that they would be prepared to discuss people they respect and consider to be well-directed. It was not my intent to investigate changing family dynamics within the culture. That being said, I

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believe that the pattern of participant responses I have noted resonated with me because I have noticed a change in the relationships of many Navajo families over the course of my lifetime, and I think that there are actually a variety of factors at play on participants view of family.

First, I think that it is quite possible that the perceived changing dynamics could be the result of multiple generations of Navajo children attending and living in residential boarding schools. Due to the isolation from their communities, the clan and kinship relationships that would normally have become a part of their everyday realities were neither modeled nor developed. Instead, the emphasis in the schools was on the nuclear family structure and interactions modeled by teachers and employees. In addition, as the children were learning English, they were taught only nouns that represented mainstream conceptualizations of family. This practice not only reinforced the mainstream notions of family, but also succeeded in eroding an understanding of traditional Navajo clan and kinship nomenclature and relationships.

I also believe that this seemingly evolving concept of family could be affected by the “concept of mine.” In the more traditional conceptualization of clan and kinship, a baby was “born into a clan.” so, in a manner of speaking, it was born for the

“community” of the clan. The child belonged to the community rather than the community belonging to the child. However, mainstream culture tends to supplant that notion from the moment of birth. When a mother supplies the information for the baby’s birth certificate, she is asked to give only the names of the baby’s parents; there is no opportunity to include maternal or paternal clan affiliation or any other information

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without relevance in the demographic and information collection protocols of the mainstream. In this manner, the mother and father are subliminally encouraged to think of the baby as “their baby.” From the day of birth forward, the central role of the nuclear family is reinforced and affirmed through social interactions, laws, and the media.

Perhaps this is why Ashkiił’gaii notes that contemporary parents are much more territorial when it comes to “their” children, fencing off, in a manner of speaking, more traditional, kinship and clan-based access to interactions with and the disciplining of

“their” children.

Years ago, responsibility for the welfare of Diné children extended well beyond the immediate family, with grandparents, aunts, and uncles routinely participating in child rearing activities and decisions that, within the legal and social norms of the mainstream, are viewed and reinforced as the exclusive purview of the parents. I honestly believe that this has contributed significantly to the isolation of parents and nuclear families from their extended and clan relations and the benefit that such relationships provide within traditional Diné culture.

Another explanation for the perceived changing dynamics in the “concept of family” could actually be related to the first noteworthy theme, “the concept of mine.”

Schoepfle, Burton, and Begishe (1984), reporting on results of a (Navajo) nationwide survey designed to indicate attitudes tribal members exhibit toward development on the

Nation (and subsequent adverse effects of the impact of development on land and lifestyles including the forced removal from traditional landholdings, the fencing off of land, and government-managed grazing and residence allotments of land parcels), note

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that the more educated the individual, the stronger the desire to keep a traditional subsistence-based lifestyle viable and traditional land holdings intact in the face of development as a “means of transferring valuable Navajo cultural knowledge to younger generations” (p. 901). These researchers further assert that this traditional way of life, which includes the keeping of livestock that makes access to traditional landholdings critical, “must be passed on, because without it the traditional extended family will not continue… leaving Navajos isolated emotionally and economically (p. 901).

Sadly, for many contemporary Diné children, it appears from my perspective that the understanding of clan membership seems to have become diminished to the point of providing “marriage potential” information (who you may and may not marry due to clan affiliation) with only a vague, detached awareness of the nature of the rich and dynamic relationships traditionally shared among clan members.

“Concept of Home”

A common theme echoed by participants living, working, and studying in metropolitan Tucson was the interesting conceptualization of where their home is, a theme I have labeled the “concept of home.” Each of these participants identified “home” as a place on traditional Diné lands. Naanazbaa’ says,

When I think about it, it makes me feel really good because I just think about, I can see the scenery now. I grew up where there was just a lot of flat land, there were not a lot of trees, and a lot of red rock, red sand. But we are real close the peaks. The San Francisco peaks. So, I remember we would play out at the back of our house and it’s just all flat and then you have the peaks. And, I would just always sit out there. There was one area where I would sit out and watch the sunset. So when I think about being home or being young, I just makes me feel good because I guess I just go back to that kind of place where it was just calm

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and peaceful and I just felt really good and it is the complete opposite of where I am. And, now, it is just completely…you know, that silence is just very calming. So, even now, when I am driving home, you know, I know the way home and it just makes you feel really safe and comfortable and it’s just good to go home as much as you can, even though you live in the city because it helps you. It’s kind of like, I guess you could say that it’s kind of like medicine. Because when I meditate, I think about that place and I envision it and it helps calm me.

While Naanazbaa’’s discussion of home focuses on a visually rich, emotionally peaceful description of Diné tah, Asdzáá t’oshii provides a more emotional description,

Land is valuable; it is our home. With it, you have a place to live and you know where you come from. A lot of people move from here and there so, to me, I think they don’t value land as the Navajos or the Native Americans do. And that’s the way, I think, most natives feel. A secure, safe place and that you know where you come from and you know where you belong.

I find it very interesting that people who have moved away from homelands and are living in an urban area continue to consider traditional spaces

“home,” and describe in great detail those spaces and the importance of them in their lives. I must admit, I became much more conscious of my own inclination to do so while residing in Tucson.

While the two previous noteworthy concepts suggest a shift away from traditional divergent conceptualizations of ownership and family toward a more convergent mainstream perspective, the “concept of home” seems to be doing the opposite – moving away from the mainstream mindset that home is where you reside to the more traditional understanding that, as Asdzáá t’oshii points out,

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home is the homeland of your people – it is a place to which one feels inextricably connected.

I am struck by this notion of “home” as one that would support the intergenerational transfer of language and culture through situated learning. So many of the participants in this study expressed a strong spiritual grounding to the traditional places and spaces of Diné tah and through their responses conveyed, what I interpret as, a sense of yearning and nostalgia for the connections, the interactions, and the sense of well-being that have traditionally been associated with those places and spaces.

In their (Navajo) nation-wide survey, Schoepfle, Burton, and Begishe

(1984) discovered that the grounding of individuals to the land was so strong that, even when they moved off the nation, Diné tribal members attempted to maintain some traditional connections to the land. “…more [highly] educated Navajos are more likely to migrate to border towns, live in nuclear family households, and do without livestock. However, the study supports evidence that they have attempted to keep their herds intact, apparently by leaving them in the care of other relatives” (p. 888). This finding suggests that, in continuing to keep livestock, not only are the ties to “home” maintained, but perhaps those extended kinship relationships, which are so very closely associated with traditional subsistence upon the land, are also maintained.

Clearly, participant responses in this project have provided three interrelated noteworthy themes that suggest that Diné culture is experiencing

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significant shifts in response to influences of mainstream perspectives on ownership, family structure, social norms, and economy. While the first two of these shifts seem to be toward mainstream perspectives, the “concept of home” appears to be either a conscious or unconscious move toward traditional Diné perspectives and values. It is possible that these noteworthy themes would warrant further inquiry and research by those interested in the dynamics of the Diné culture.

The Function of Language in Developing a Diné Identity

For quite some time, Indigenous researchers, including Evangeline Parsons-

Yazzie (1996), Lloyd Lee (2006), and Sheilah Nicholas (2008), have been questioning whether or not it is possible to be a Native person of a particular Indigenous culture without knowing the language of the culture.

Although this particular study did not focus on the connection of Navajo language knowledge to becoming Diné T’áá Bi At’éego or the development of a Diné identity, a number of the participants seemed to infer a link between Navajo language competency and the comprehension and internalization of culturally appropriate attitudes and behaviors including respect (of others as well as self), responsibility, self-control, humility, and a strong work ethic.

The perspectives expressed by participants of this study seem to parallel the perspectives identified by Nicholas (2008) as being held by Hopi elders, “Users of Hopi, and particularly, older users of Hopi perceived a direct relationship between Hopi linguistic competency and the development of a Hopi moral fiber manifest in culturally

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appropriate attitudes and behaviors of self-discipline, respect (naakyaptsi, self-respect and tuukyaptsi, respect for others), accountability, and responsibility” (p. 357).

Nicholas’ (2008) research, in turn, is compatible with findings reported by Diné scholar Evangeline Parsons-Yazzie (1996) in her examination of issues related to Navajo language shift, one of which involved cultural shift resulting from the loss of the language. Elderly Navajo participants in her study assert that it is necessary to know the

Navajo language in order to know Diné values such as compassion, love, and respect.

Lloyd Lee (2006) calls for the members of the Navajo Nation to define that which makes a person Navajo, and discusses the significance of language as an issue to be addressed in Navajo Nation enrollment criteria, “The Navajo Nation brings to the

American Indian identity discussion table its own distinct view of identity based on cultural features such as worldview, language, kinship, land, pride, and respect. None of these historical and current cultural identity markers are written in the enrollment criteria;

Navajo enrollment continues to use race and blood. As its population increases and its society changes, can the Navajo Nation continue to be distinctly Navajo with its current enrollment criteria” (p. 101)?

A number of the younger participants in this study expressed disappointment in the fact that they do not know the language; however, not one indicated that knowing the language was a critical aspect of being or feeling Diné. As Lee (2006) points out, “Each individual wants to speak the Diné language. Each thinks it important to know who your relatives are and how each human being is connected with all relations on earth and in the

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universe. They take pride in being Navajo and respect their ancestors’ tenacity to survive” (p. 101).

In a brief, personal conversation with Mr. Kenneth Begishe (2013), I asked what, after years of working so closely with tribal members across the nation and learning so very much about our language and culture, his personal perspective on the question is.

His response was a considered, confident affirmation that the most important factor influencing whether a person might be considered Diné T’áá Bi At’éego lies not in the language s/he speaks, but rather, in the essence of direction s/he has received throughout life’s journey. He observed that when children are born, they are already on the right path. The direction they receive from those in their lives will either help them remain on the path or allow them to stray from the path. A good family that provides a good upbringing will successfully transmit the culturally appropriate ways of being and doing to the child, who will grow to become an accomplished individual that successfully integrates Diné culture and western education to negotiate both ways of living.

After considering the perspectives of these Indigenous scholars and reviewing the interview transcripts of this project’s participants, I am inclined to agree with Mr.

Begishe that language is not an essential requisite of becoming Diné T’áá Bi At’éego.

Throughout our lives, we all stray from the path that will lead us to being considered

Diné T’áá Bi At’éego. The people that are in our lives offer guidance and the experiences that we face afford perspective; however, it is the choices that we make in response to these gifts that determine our ability to remain on the path. That being said, I do believe,

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though, that knowing the Navajo language does facilitate and support the process of becoming Diné T’áá Bi At’éego.

Our Diné language, like our spirits, is grounded in the land that is home to our people. It evolved throughout our history to precisely describe our experiences, our relationships, our knowledge, our perspectives, and our land. Our language is an important factor in allowing a person to fully comprehend, appreciate, and embrace all that our unique Diné identity represents. For this reason, it is my most sincere hope that language and culture revitalization efforts will be embraced and employed on the Nation to help sustain our way of being.

Potential Significance of the Study

Our language is powerful… in school, when I am teaching our language in school, I teach them that our language is powerful… look what it did with the Code Talkers in WWII. Watch your language, it is very powerful. Sometimes when you are mad at someone, you say something bad, and that is very powerful. Our language is very powerful. It carries our culture. It carries the words of all that have come before us. Our language and culture make us Navajo. Honor the language. It will bring you knowledge.

K’énazbaa’

Prior to the commencement of this study, I conducted an exhaustive review of the literature in the field of Indigenous education and failed to find any mention of the Diné conceptualization of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, “a well-directed person” being linked to student learning or curriculum development on the Diné Nation. Additionally, my research failed to identify any process models Indigenous people of diverse cultures might currently be using to ensure that traditional views of an “educated” person within

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any Indigenous culture are being systematically incorporated into a curriculum development processed based in Indigenous epistemology, ontology, and axiology.

In conducting this study, I have called upon my academic preparation, personal experiences as an educator, and knowledge of Diné language and culture to work with study participants in investigating the conceptualization of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, an ideal deeply rooted in Diné culture, that is used to describe a person from the culture who is widely viewed as knowledgeable, virtuous, successful, respectful, industrious and admirable. The data, gathered through working with members of the culture representing multiple communities, generations, and experiences, suggest characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships that are highly valued within the Diné culture.

In addition to contributing to the fields of Indigenous Education and Culture

Based Education, this study holds the potential to contribute to the field of Diné Studies.

My extensive literature review failed to locate a culturally based description of the Diné conceptualization of a “well-directed” person. Such understandings hold the potential of assisting researchers conducting inquiries into aspects of the Diné worldview.

Implications of the Study for Practice

By conducting this study, I have been the first to follow a curriculum development process, described by Galda, Daniel, and Juan (2008) and shown in Figure

5-6, that has allowed me to systematically examine a cultural concept specific to an

Indigenous people.

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Indigenous people of diverse cultures locally, nationally, and worldwide may gain insight from this study on how they themselves might investigate culturally-based conceptualizations within their communities that may result in the identification of student learning outcomes unique to their own cultures. By following the steps I have followed, they, too, might be able to determine what people from their cultural communities value in the development and education of their children; those that might have been developed through traditional educational experiences prior to western contact and colonization. It is those qualities, skills, and knowledge that, once identified, provide community-generated learning goals that can be woven together to create a uniquely

Indigenous curriculum which is firmly rooted in and grows out of a culture’s epistemology, ontology, and axiology.

Implications of the Study for the Creation of a Uniquely Diné CBE Curriculum

This investigation into the conceptualization of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego has the potential to contribute to the fields of Indigenous Education and Culture Based Education by leading to the development of a culture based curriculum for Diné Students. This study has generated data that can inform and improve learning experiences and learning

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outcomes for Diné youth by aligning these aspects of the school curriculum with the values and beliefs of their homes. In this way, learning environments in which our young people study may become much more supportive of the students being served.

Specific to education in Diné communities, this study has provided the type of information (Figure 5-5) from which our oral traditions, our unique way of viewing the world and our relationships within it, our values, our spirituality, our knowledge – all of the components of our revered Diné culture – can become the central component of the educational curriculum we create for our young people as we help them negotiate their own growth and development as Diné people living in a larger global context among people with differing linguistic and cultural identities.

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At this point, it must be noted that it would not be possible to infuse the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a

“well-directed” person into the mainstream curriculum and expect to achieve the long- range student outcome of developing a “well-directed” person. This is because mainstream curriculum, which is grounded in and arises from mainstream culture, as illustrated in Figure 5.7, not only privileges mainstream (Western) subject matter content and the English language, but also privileges mainstream epistemology, ontology, and axiology, elements of which are introduced, taught, and reinforced throughout both the written and “invisible” curricula through written curricular objectives as well as the expectations of adults in the learning environment through their attitudes, choices, and actions (Galda and Brown 2011). The combination of explicit and implicit privileging of mainstream beliefs, values, perceptions, understandings, knowledge and language would often be in direct conflict to those of Diné culture, and this would be quite confusing to

Diné learners. So even when mainstream curriculum is taught in schools in Native communities, the curriculum continues to privilege the mainstream, not only through learning experiences and acculturation experiences, but also through the expectations that all of the learners are being prepared for success in the mainstream – whether it be mainstream institutions of higher learning or in vocations and careers within mainstream society.

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As noted in the first chapter of this dissertation, Pewewardy (1995) cautions that in order for a curriculum to be truly culturally-based, it must be grounded in the culture

(p.129). For a curriculum to be culturally appropriate, those who develop it, facilitate its delivery, and assess its effectiveness must recognize, understand, affirm, and incorporate the long-term learning objectives and goals desired by the culture or community the curriculum is designed to support.

Within any culture, one of the fundamental goals of education is to produce

well-balanced, mature, capable, competent, contributing adults; however, it is

impossible to do so if the skills and knowledge being transmitted do not support the

development of such characteristics in its young people. If the Diné Nation is to ever

develop authentic, culturally-based curriculum, it must first identify and recognize the

characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships

that support the development of a ‘whole Diné person.’

Having identified the characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships of a “well-directed” person, it is possible to begin working on a uniquely Diné curriculum that would support the development of our children’s

Diné language abilities and cultural identities. The data provided by this study can be used to determine long-range student learning outcomes that reflect the conceptualizations community members have provided of a “well-directed” person. We then can use the following questions to determine the requisite, short-range curricular goals and activities that will develop the desired characteristics, attributes, skills,

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knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships into a Pre-K to Grade 12 curriculum:

a. What are the personal characteristics and attributes described by the

research (community) participants that will be targeted for development in

our Diné students?

b. What are the types of skills and knowledge described by the research

participants that will be targeted for development in our Diné students?

c. What are the practices described by the research (community) participants

that will be targeted for development in our Diné students?

d. What are the connections and relationships described by the research

(community) participants that will be targeted for development in our Diné

students?

e. Can these characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices,

connections, and relationships be infused into the subject matter to

reinforce personal characteristics and attributes of a well-directed person

across the curriculum? If so, how will we build them into learning

experience and instructional methodology?

f. Should mainstream values of individualism and territoriality/ownership be

affirmed or reversed?

The final question will involve returning to community members to ask for their direction and guidance in making the decision to affirm or refute these values, and other

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values that seem to be seeping into the culture from the mainstream due to language and culture shift, through the curriculum.

From these long-range student learning outcomes, we can then systematically scaffold the introduction, teaching, and reinforcement of characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships into Pre-K to Grade 12 learning experiences. The resulting curriculum might look like that illustrated in Figure 5.7 by

Galda and Brown (2011).

In comparing Figure 5-7 with Figure 5-8, it becomes clear why the two sample curricula are distinctly different. The epistemology, ontology, and axiology of a culture are what drive curricular decision-making processes (Galda and Brown, 2011). Those curricular designers and education practitioners engaged in the delivery of instruction that are of the culture are often not even conscious of how their worldviews dramatically shape their conceptualization and creation of curriculum and the learning experiences they employ to support the development of knowledge, skills, and “character” explicitly and implicitly privileged within the culture.

Figures 5-7 and 5-8 also consider the pervasive nature of a cultural worldview within a curriculum. The figures demonstrate the explicit and implicit presence of cultural worldview in the written and “invisible” curricula.

Specific to education in Diné communities, this study holds the potential of

providing a framework from which our oral traditions, our unique way of viewing the world and our relationships within it, our values, our spirituality, our knowledge – all of

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the components of our revered Diné epistemology, ontology, and axiology can be

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justified to tribal and mainstream governments and education departments as being the central component of a legitimately Diné CBE curriculum we develop for our youth as we help them negotiate their own growth and development as Diné people living in a larger global context among people with differing cultural identities.

Implications of the Study for Diné Studies

My extensive literature review failed to locate a culturally based description of the

Diné conceptualization of Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, a “well-directed” person. Considering the extensive amount of research done with Diné people, especially in the fields of linguistics and anthropology, this is quite surprising. Clearly, there are Diné concepts and ideas that have yet to be studied in spite of the attention the culture has received in academia. Perhaps this project will inspire other Diné people to reflect on and inquire into other concepts and ideas stemming from our unique traditional culture.

By conducting inquiries such as this into cultural conceptualizations of how

Native communities believe a person from their cultures “should be,” a tremendous amount of insight can be gained that will help us to better understand the fundamental belief and value systems that guide people within cultural groups. It is my sincere hope that the results from this project will help those within the discipline of Diné Studies to better understand this particular aspect of Diné culture.

Finally, the results of this inquiry hold the potential of assisting researchers conducting inquiries into aspects of the Diné worldview by providing an example of how such research might be approached. I have attempted to clearly document the process so that others might better determine if it is an approach that they could utilize.

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Implications of the Study for Further Research

I anticipate that if this study succeeds in producing a widely accepted model of the Diné conceptualization of a “well-directed” person, which is then utilized in educational settings to develop Diné Based Education (DBE) curriculum, Diné educators, educational institutions, and researchers will want to conduct further inquiry into other conceptualizations and aspects of Diné culture that can help identify long-range student learning outcomes for inclusion in DBE curriculum. Some examples of such inquiry might include:

1. How might student learning outcomes, curricular goals, objectives, and activities

based on the Diné conceptualization of “a well-directed person” be incorporated

into a DBE curriculum at specific grade levels or within subjects?

2. What type of narratives could be incorporated into a DBE curriculum to help

identify, promote, and develop learning outcomes that support the development of

a well-directed person?

3. How might the Diné philosophies of K’é, Sa’ah Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón

(SNBH), and Hózhó contribute to DBE?

4. What type of narratives could be incorporated into a DBE curriculum to help

identify, promote, and develop learning outcomes that support the development of

K’é, SNBH, and Hózhó?

5. What are some other examples of important Diné conceptualizations, beliefs, or

values that might help identify more long range student learning outcomes for a

DBE curriculum?

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I would highly recommend the use of a grounded theory research design for those who are interested in conducting an inquiry into Diné conceptualizations and philosophies. I found the constant comparative analytic procedure, with its emphasis on the use of textual units of analysis that can be interpreted and be represented as categories, a perfect fit for revisiting Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) category-based model.

Analyzing my data and organizing it into categories suggested by participant responses made comparing and contrasting my data with Begishe’s categories so much easier than if I had chosen a different methodology.

I would also strongly recommend the use of structured interviews for data collection. I found the data generated from the interviews to be extremely rich, much more so than that which would have been collected through a survey or using secondary sources. I would, however, make sure that I conduct some “dry runs” using the interview questions developed for the study. Had I done so, I might have been better prepared to help participants understand more precisely what I was looking for when I asked them to share “an old story!”

Finally, I highly recommend that the collection and analysis of data be conducted concurrently. Because I did so, the initial set of categories suggested by participant responses in the first few interviews, made the data analysis process much more smooth and efficient. I honestly believe that it actually ended up saving me valuable time, and allowed me to focus my attention on portions of texts that were reinforcing the emerging categories as well as on portions of texts that might be suggesting I had missed possible

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categories or that the categories previously identified were not accurately representing the data.

Conclusion

I have long been intrigued with Diné scholar Kenneth Begishe’s (1968) model of

Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, A Well-Directed Person. Although the model has been in existence since the mid-1960s, I first encountered it when I was teaching at Navajo Preparatory

Academy in Farmington, New Mexico some forty years after its creation. At that time, it never occurred to me that one day I was going to incorporate Begishe’s model into my own research.

I found the term Begishe used, Diné T’áá Bi At’éego, a familiar yet intriguing expression, which caused me first to examine my own cultural sense of self and then reflect upon how I had developed such a strong Diné identity. It is clear to me now that my educational journey is following the direction it was intended to as I find myself going through a complete circle in my personal exploration of identity as well as through a scholarly inquiry into Diné epistemology, ontology, and axiology through K’é, Sa’ah

Naaghaí Bik’eh Hózhóón (SNBH), and Hózhó.

This project has entailed an investigation into the current conceptualization of

Diné T’áá Bi At’éego. Through my dissertation research, I set out to discover if Diné people continue to attribute the same or similar characteristics identified by Begishe to successful individuals within their communities, or if they have come to value other characteristics. I also sought to discover traditional narratives that are still used to convey

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the importance of the revered characteristics. I had two research questions. The first focused on Begishe’s early work:

1. What do Diné people identify as characteristics of a “well-directed” person?

2. What attributes do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-directed person to

possess?

3. What skills and knowledge do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-

directed person to possess?

a) What types of connections and relationships do Diné people identify as those

recognized, valued, and maintained by a well-directed person?

4. The second question was prompted by my personal and professional interest in

the traditional narratives of my people:

a) What traditional narratives do Diné people use to discuss the requisite

characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and

relationships of a “well-directed” person?

Utilizing qualitative, ethnographic interviews, I followed a grounded theory research design to collect data through interviews, discussions, and correspondence with multi-generational Diné tribal members living in three distinctly different communities on and off the Nation. I employed a series of questions designed to elicit descriptions of the personal characteristics, attributes, skills, knowledge, practices, connections, and relationships admired and revered within the culture and communities represented.

Data provided by participants indicates that the majority of characteristics identified by Begishe are still valued; however, there are exceptions. Primarily, the

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emphasis on “rising early” and “waking up on one’s own” is completely missing from participant responses, although they do emphasize other aspects of having a good work ethic.

Participant responses affirm Begishe’s model in terms of the emphasis on identity, relationships (especially close family), responsibility, bi-cultural competency, education, and independence.

One category that emerged from the data collected, “Achieving Harmony” is very different from anything represented in Begishe’s model. Participants in this study place a great deal of emphasis on physical and emotional health and well-being. Perhaps at the time Begishe completed his model, these were not issues within the culture in the same way that they are now. It is also possible that people today recognize that we can exert greater influence on our own health and well-being.

I was not as successful as I hoped I would be in gathering traditional narratives introducing and reinforcing the characteristics valued in a well-directed person. As mentioned in the previous chapter, I attribute the lack of success to not having worded my question eliciting narratives carefully or specifically enough to guide participants in the selection of their responses.

I do hope that those serving the educational needs of our Diné youth will consider this inquiry when they attempt to develop curriculum that will support their development of strong Diné identities and their abilities to exercise self-determination in their lives. As the Diné leader, Manuelito emphasized, education is the answer for Diné people. It is

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important to keep in mind that our people must be educated from within our culture in order for our culture to survive.

My grandchild, the whites have many things which we Dinés need, but we cannot get them. It is as though the whites were in a grassy canyon and there they have wagons, plows, and plenty of food. We Dinés are up on the dry mesa. We can hear them talking but we cannot get to them. My grandchild, education is the ladder. Tell our people to take it. Hastinn Ch'il Haajiin (Manuelito), 1893

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EPILOGUE

Finding Identity Through Oral Stories: Navajo Case

As an epilogue to this dissertation, I am synthesizing and including portions of papers I wrote for Dr. Perry Gilmore and Dr. Kathy Short at the beginning of my doctoral program. With the urging of these professors, I went on to present information from the papers at the American Anthropological Association (AAA) conference in 2006. Not only was writing the papers academically and culturally important to me, but my resulting initiation into the culture of the academy was, as well.

Culture-based Education

When writing my first major papers for my doctoral program, I examined narratives from within the Navajo oral tradition. I then advocated for the inclusion of oral narratives into Culture-based Education (CBE) curriculum in order to make learning experiences more culturally relevant and meaningful to Navajo students.

Navajo elders and parents are gifted storytellers who are responsible for the intergenerational transfer of knowledge to Navajo children through the use of traditional oral narratives. Many of the narratives describe historical events or contain family and clan information that the parents consider important teachings for the Navajo children to learn and know. In Navajo culture, the use of oral narrative is one facet in the multifaceted process of finding meaning and negotiating one’s own cultural identity.

As a student of multicultural education, I have always believed that CBE holds the potential to build a culturally enriched context for Navajo children to enhance understanding of their own identity and an understanding and appreciation of their

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community’s individuality. Through the writing of these papers and my presentation at

AAA, I was attempting, as an emerging scholar, to illustrate how, for generations, Navajo children have developed a unique, Navajo identity through listening to and learning the place-based narratives describing the sacred mountains of the Navajo Nation and the places we view as special. At the center of this identity, there exists a spirituality that is based in relationships. Our Navajo identity involves having and demonstrating respect for the relationships that exists between our Navajo people, the world, and the universe of which we are a part, and of course this includes all things in our natural environment. I argue that it is critical to incorporate the oral traditions of the Navajo people into contemporary school curriculum to ensure that our youth will be able to develop strong

Navajo identities.

CBE is rooted in the idea that American Indians engage in the process of educating their children through both Indigenous wisdom and knowledge (Brayboy,

2005). Because traditional narratives within the Navajo culture have embedded within them the wisdom and knowledge of countless generations, they introduce young people to concepts concerning the natural world and the place of the Navajo people within it, helping them to build cultural awareness, understanding, and knowledge through participation in the process of storytelling. Our culturally rich traditional stories describe how Navajo people came to be, how we came to the southwest region of North America, and how we came to know so much about the environment in which we live. Through narrative examination and collaborative learning, incorporation of the oral tradition into learning activities helps to foster the development of a strong sense of Navajo identity.

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Scholars argue that the use of traditional narratives engages youngsters in learning about their own cultures and actively developing an identity grounded within the culture.

According to Native scholars Demmert and Towner (2003), CBE supports the process of enculturation for contemporary Indigenous youth because it allows for the following:

1) Recognition and use of Indigenous languages 2) Pedagogy that stresses traditional cultural characteristics and adult- child interactions as the starting place for one’s education 3) Pedagogy in which teaching strategies are congruent with the traditional culture as well as contemporary ways of knowing and learning (opportunities to observe, opportunities to practice, and opportunities to demonstrate skills) 4) Curriculum that is based on traditional culture, which recognizes the importance of Native spirituality, and places the education of young children in a contemporary context (including the incorporation of legends, oral histories, and fundamental beliefs of the community) 5) Strong Native community participation in educating children and evident in the curriculum, planning, and operation of school/community activities. 6) Knowledge and use of the social and political mores (p. 5).

Navajo oral creation narratives fit within the depiction of CBE presented by

Demmert and Towner because they allow for the cultural epistemology, ontology, and axiology to be infused into the education of our young people in a traditional format within the contemporary context of schooling. The incorporation of our narratives would promote literacy in Navajo language and culture within schools.

The utilization of CBE affords a different education initiative than that utilized in the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) schools of the past. The curriculum and materials used by BIA schools was designed to assimilate Indigenous students into the mainstream

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through the use of cruel and extreme methods to abolish their language and cultural ties.

Unfortunately, the “hidden curriculum” of public schools has continued to replicate the old BIA curricular agenda. In speaking of the “hidden curriculum” of public schools, I refer to the ongoing reinforcement of mainstream language and culture that exists within public schools. Educators and community members alike reinforce the beliefs, perceptions, norms, values, and perspectives of mainstream American culture and the

English language by centering the curriculum development process within it.

Even when schools attempt to be more culturally responsive to the students they serve by incorporating cultural referents and brief or isolated (as opposed to integrated) cultural, historical, or linguistic lessons focusing on Native Americans, they continue to privilege the language and culture of the mainstream in everything from the planning and structuring of the lessons, the presentation of the lessons, and the assessment of the learning. The themes used for these short sessions are sometimes unfamiliar to Navajo children because the topics presented tend to be about different Indigenous tribes from different regions, which have little, if anything, to do with Navajo Culture.

The learning experiences that connect Navajo students to their identity contain narratives with epistemological, ontological, and axiological content such as the Navajo creation narratives, the stories of Navajo sacred places, and narratives describing the sacred mountains of the Navajo. These are the stories that were once told to all Navajo children in their early childhood years. Such stories have many connections for the

Navajo people, and include a way of thinking about the relationship of their existence as natural beings to the other elements of the earth and universe. These narratives are not as

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common as they once were. It is possible to learn older, traditional narratives from elders, but it is important to do so in a respectful manner.

Narrative Transmission

Since transmission of traditional narratives is becoming increasingly (and alarmingly) limited, the following method is suggested by Cajete (1994) for requesting that an elder share an oral story. I have used this approach and found that the elders near my home in the Huerfano community are very accommodating.

• First, I introduce myself and explain why I am asking for the story

• Next, I ask the elder to tell me the story

• After hearing the story, I attempt to discover the meaning of the story by asking questions about it

• The fourth step involves negotiating meaning and relating it to my own life experiences

• Within the oral tradition, every learner has his or her own unique interpretation of each story, so, the next step is to work at taking ownership of the narrative, finding a creative meaning and making sure that the knowledge contained in the narrative is significant to me.

• Next, I share the outcome of the knowledge I have learned knowledge by telling the story and teaching others about the meaning of the story

• Then, I celebrate in the spiritual sharing and spreading of Indigenous knowledge among the people in the communities

• Finally, I remember to be thankful for the gift of knowledge brought forth through the oral stories.

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Cajete (1994) believes that teaching and sharing are part of the process of becoming more whole and spiritually mature, for it is the experience of being fully immersed in the story and applying it to our own experience that allows for a spiritual understanding of the story.

The process for learning and sharing traditional narratives suggested by Cajete

(1994) offers insight into how oral stories are constructed and reconstructed over time, keeping them current yet firmly grounded within the epistemology, ontology, and axiology of the culture. Each time an oral story is repeated it is renewed, and the process provides a continuum of connection to place, ancestors, and the present, thus making oral narratives useful tools in a CBE curriculum.

Narratives Containing Epistemological, Ontological, and Axiological Content

At this point, I will introduce examples of Navajo narratives that contain Navajo epistemological, ontological, and axiological content. The first tells of Changing Woman

(Asdzaa Nádleehé) (Figure E-1). This is one version of this significant Navajo story, which I will use for this for this paper. This brief description of Changing Woman contains referents to our creation, our place in the world (Dinétah), our sacred mountains, and our wealth of knowledge.

Changing Woman (Asdzaa Nádleehé)

Asdzaa Nádleehé was a child created by the Holy People. Her children were born to resolve mean acts of the monsters against the Navajo people during the times when

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there was disorder on the Navajo land (Dinétah).

Asdzaa Nádleehé was born on Gobernador Peak (Ch’óol’ii) (Figure E-1), which is one of the sacred mountains of the people. Navajo First Woman and First Man raised

Asdzaa Nádleehé at this sacred mountain. Under their guidance and in a mystical and magical way (according to Navajo stories), she quickly became a young woman. She had the first sacred Puberty Ceremony (Kinaalá) on Ch’óol’ii mesa and this was Navajo the first Kinaalá ceremony. Shortly after that, Asdzaa Nádleehé gave birth to twins. The two boys were Monster Slayer (Naayéé’Neezghání) and Child Born of Water (Tó

Bájíshchíní). When the twins grew older, it was their duty to get rid of the big monsters that were disturbing the Navajo people.

Within the story of Asdzaa Nádleehé, Navajo knowledge is conveyed through the activities in which the characters participate, and is related to the past, present, and the

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future. This particular story confirms how, “Indigenous knowledge embedded with a cultural context, expressed through language, ceremony, artifacts, cosmology and social relationship”(Paci J.C.D.& Krebs L, 2004, p. 263) are important elements of learning used in the development of knowledge. It is through stories like Changing Woman, when shared by educators through a truly CBE curriculum, that Navajo children will be introduced to insights and knowledge grounded within the culture. In addition, the concept of a distinct and unique Navajo identity will be reinforced.

Shiprock Formation (Tsé Bit 'ą'í)

With the picture below (Figure E-2) and the narrative that follows, I will provide an example of the significance of Navajo oral stories connected to a particular sacred place. The photograph is an aerial view of the 1,700 foot rock formation known as

Shiprock Monument (Tsé Bit 'ą'í). Tsé Bit'ą'í translates into English as the “rock with a wing.” The location of this formation is 30 miles south of the town of Shiprock, New

Mexico on the Navajo Nation. It is near another point of interest on the Navajo Nation,

“Four Corners Monument,” where Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah meet.

Shiprock is a sacred place for Navajos that should not be considered simply as a piece of geography. The formation itself shapes and constrains the stories that are told or could be told about it. In the oral tradition, Tsé Bit 'ą'í represents a ship that sailed out to the desert when the land the Navajo people call home was completely under the water in the past.

Navajo elders speak of Tsé Bit 'ą'í as a birth place for the Navajo that functions to

“ensure

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identity” for them.

As shown in the picture (Figure E-2), this sacred place has threadlike rock bridge formations that lead to Tsé Bit 'ą'í, a fitting illustration to Dyson and Genishi’s (1994) assertion that “stories, like communities, are social constructions rooted in language… stories are also a crossroads where these constructions take form, where people gather with their own interests and agendas and… their unique histories. Those histories are replete with experiences both ordinary …and extraordinary. At the crossroads where the extraordinary and the everyday meet, stories transmute the common-place into an alternative reality; …they create the hope of better futures in which the tensions of the present might be eased or resolved (p. 240).

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If one looks closely at the rock formations of Tsé Bit 'ą'í (Figure E-3), it is possible to discern an image of a Navajo woman standing at the base facing to the east. I don’t remember when I became conscious of this image, which, in the rock formation, is surrounded by a Navajo traditional hooghan and a corral. However, from the first time I recognized the image, I was able to discern that the woman is holding a baby. Based on my knowledge, I immediately connected the image to Asdzaa Nádleehé from the Navajo creation story. I could see why so many of our narratives incorporate the imposing countenance of Tsé Bit 'ą'í.

Tsé Bit 'ą'í is crucial to the oral narratives focusing on Asdzaa Nádleehé and the distinct identity of the Navajo people. It is because of Asdzaa Nádleehé’s creation that all

Navajo children are considered prized and sacred gifts from the Holy People. After she was raised by Navajo First Woman and First Man, Asdzaa Nádleehé, she created the first four original Navajo clans and human beings began to emerge in the world. The Navajos today have increased to over 50 clans.

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Culture shapes the mind, it provides Navajo children with the tool kit by which they construct not only worlds but also our very conception of themselves and power

(Bruner, 1996). In Navajo communities, children learn to respect the natural environment of their community in their early childhood years. Narratives of Asdzaa Nádleehé bring our children spiritual knowledge. It is because of her creation that all Navajo children are considered prized and sacred gifts from the Holy People. The Holy people ask parents to teach their children the kinship ties and to know their clans, which are important elements of our culture stemming from our time of creation as explained through our traditional narratives.

Today, many Navajo identify themselves through knowledge by their clan relationship. The story of Asdzaa Nádleehé adds the spiritual knowledge of the clans, their relationships to one another, and the distinct identity membership in each clan supports, all of which are a primary focus of CBE.

After the creation of the four original clans, Asdzaa Nádleehé gave birth to her twin sons. Again, Tsé Bit 'ą'í emerges as an important place in the Navajo oral tradition, for it is the site of a very important battle that one of Asdzaa Nádleehé’s sons fought.

As stated earlier, Asdzaa Nádleehé’s twin sons were born to help the Navajo people who were being disturbed by monsters in a time of disorder on Dinétah.

One of the twins, Naayéé' Neizghání, who is also known as Monster Slayer, engaged in an epic battle against the giant bird monster at the top of Tsé Bit 'ą'í.

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Naayéé' Neizghání, was tossed from the top of Tsé Bit 'ą'í by the giant monster and was saved by an eagle feather before he hit the ground. Afterward, Naayéé'

Neizghání, killed the giant bird monster with the bow and arrow given to him by his father, the Sun.

In order to develop a strong Navajo identity, our youth must have knowledge of

Dinétah, our place on this earth. As Keith Basso (1996) notes, “Knowledge of places is linked to knowledge of the self, including one’s own community” (p. 34). The foundation of Navajo identity, shared through songs, narratives, and ritual, is a knowledge of our sacred places and an understanding of our own relationships to those places.

The Corral

The Navajo use a variety of methods to mark a newborn child’s identity. One with which I am very familiar involves providing the new baby with a sense of place. In some families, a newborn child’s identity is marked when its umbilical cord is buried in the family corral. Burying the umbilical cord in the corral, which is a safe and sacred place, acknowledges that the Navajo family has been given a gift from Mother Earth, in the form of the child. In return, the family returns the child’s umbilical cord to Mother Earth, emphasizing the ties the family and the child have to its place of birth, and the relationships all members of the family, including the newborn, have to all things in the universe. The act of returning the umbilical cord to Mother Earth emphasizes that cultural identities and relationships to other Navajo, to other entities, and to the universe are important to our Navajo people.

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The corral is significant for the Navajo people, who, for many years have kept livestock. Mother Earth is the provider of Navajo daily subsistence and sheep make up the traditional livelihood for many Navajo people. In the Navajo culture, sheep are a valued possession because they are pets, food, and a source of wool for the Navajo weavers. The interior of the corral is valued because, with its high walls, it provides a safe place for the livestock to stay at night. The corral symbolizes that, growing up, the child will be always feel safe and secure by knowing that his/her umbilical cord is in a protected place, safe within Mother Earth.

The story of the corral is a valuable cultural teaching for Navajo children, many of whom are seeking the meaning of their cultural identity like lost sheep without a corral. This cultural lesson of identity can help Navajo children, even those far from

Dinétah, learn about their people, the tie to the land that their people have, and the tie to the Holy People that their kinship relationships represent. Navajos place high value on self-identity and this is why Navajo children are taught to know kinship clans.

In addition to burying the umbilical cord, Luci Tapahonso (2001), Navajo poet and University of Arizona professor, speaks of the practice some Navajo people have of burying the newborn child’s placenta next to the family sheep corral because of the corral’s sacredness (p. 97).

Kiowa scholar and poet N. Scott Momaday eloquently and poetically describes the corral as sacred place:

[The] corral, the high stonewall: it is a great ring, a well. At night, it is perhaps most beautiful when the moon shines down upon the many facets and smoothes

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them out, so that the figure is whole and softly defined and gleaming. And inside the ring is nothing, blackness. (p. 36)

Both Tapahonso and Momaday refer to the corral as a safe and sacred protective place for the sheep, the umbilical cord, and the placenta. Such references, from within and without the culture, point to the embedded nature of Navajo epistemology, ontology, and axiology within narratives of the Navajo oral tradition. Traditional narratives have embedded within them valuable lessons that relate to a myriad of topics on Navajo culture and cultural identities. The telling and sharing of oral traditions, similar to the

Navajo umbilical cord stories that have been passed on for many generations, is a relevant tool for teaching in a Navajo CBE curriculum.

Identity within the Navajo Culture

The strong cultural identities of Navajos are also introduced and reinforced in the creation stories, the stories describing a family’s clan relationships, and the stories of the sacred mountains that link the Navajo people to the land. Cultural identity is maintained and strengthened through knowledge of our traditional narratives, knowledge of our place in the universe, and knowledge of one’s kinship relationships. Navajo children are expected to know their clan relatives and to know how to introduce themselves as members of their clan.

Asdzaa Nádleehé created the first four Navajo clans, and as stated earlier, the

Holy People ask Navajo parents to teach our children their clans and their relationships.

The protocol of introducing oneself by identifying one’s clans must be honored and well presented. A Navajo person will first identify the maternal clan, then the paternal clan, followed by the maternal grandmother’s clan, and ending with the paternal grandfather’s

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clan. This process distinguishes one’s identity and allows those who are listening to the introduction to recognize the ways in which they might be related to the speaker. Formal introduction is essential in Navajo culture because it allows for self-identification and positions a person in regards to his/her relationship with others.

One of my personal experiences with identity happened recently at a French restaurant in Washington, D.C. A Peruvian restaurant attendant asks me about my national affiliation and I told her I was a member of the Navajo Nation. The response to my tribal membership was, “So you are pure Native American?” This was a surprising response for me. It was the first time the word “pure” was used to describe my Navajo identity. To me, it illustrates how, from culture to culture, identity is viewed so very differently. The idea of blood quantum (pure) is not a Navajo construct. It is an idea imposed by the federal government that fails to consider the cultural identity of an individual. Had this woman been able to understand my formal introduction in Navajo, she would not have asked such a question, for I do reference a historical connection to the

“Mexican Clan,” which helps other Navajo people understand my cultural grounding.

Navajo Culture-based Education

A conversation with an Indigenous scholar, Bryan Brayboy, led me to see how my own stories could be developed as theories. Brayboy said, “I once had an encounter with a colleague who told me that people like me ‘told good stories’ and later added that because I told good stories, I might not ever be a ‘good theorist.’ Oral stories and experience are our theories” (Brayboy, personal communication, 2005a).”

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What Brayboy (2005a) was able to explain to me is that knowledge systems are based in theory – the explanations for observable and unobservable phenomena that a society embraces. In fact, Indigenous narratives are the vehicles that transmit theory.

“Stories are not separate from theory: they make up theory and are, therefore, real and legitimate information and indigenous ways of beings” (Brayboy, 2005, p. 430).

Oral narratives were the vehicles traditionally utilized in the intergenerational transference of knowledge by Indigenous people of the Americas. Our language, our sense of reality, our negotiation of meaning, our sense of self are firmly entrenched in the oral tradition. Therefore, it makes sense that education grounded in the Navajo culture would rely heavily on traditional narratives to help students to learn. As Momaday (1997) notes, “Language is the context of our experience (p. 86).” Our narratives are about where (we) have been, who are we, and where we can be, because they convey meaning in different voices. Our Navajo narratives have been told and retold for many generations; they are highly adaptable and can be presented to different audiences.

As a Navajo educator, I have often questioned how I could develop curriculum supporting the development of a unique Navajo cultural identity that would be grounded in the narratives of our oral traditional. I believe a good place to start would be with weaving our narratives into a Navajo CBE curriculum.

CBE is an educational experience that is firmly grounded in the culture it is meant to educate. That would require that CBE curriculum designed to serve Navajo students would be grounded in the Navajo worldview, language, kinship relationships, and land.

A CBE curriculum designed to serve Navajo learners would necessarily utilize our

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traditional form of teaching and learning, the oral tradition, to introduce and reinforce knowledge that is to be transmitted. Such knowledge would include and understanding of where the Navajo came from, the places we have been, and the places we will go.

Narratives such as the story of the corral and the child’s umbilical cord contain theoretical constructs of the Navajo. These narratives introduce and reinforce relationships held by our people to the landscape, the sacred places, our origin, and our relationships – all of which are critical elements in our worldview.

In our communities, the elders and the parents are the storytellers. Navajo narratives are used to teach community members a variety of things. Not only are the narratives used to convey knowledge to community members, but they also aid in the development of critical skills such as listening, remembering, and thinking that are used to comprehend and understand of the world around them. In addition, Navajo narratives teach moral values such as living a good life, being a responsible person, and valuing education. This holistic process of storytelling is what Basso (1996) characterizes as moral tools with psychological implications (p. 41). As tools for teaching and learning, narratives and the oral tradition are firmly entrenched into Navajo communities and lives.

The inclusion of traditional oral narratives into a Navajo CBE is an appropriate way to introduce young children to their heritage language. According to Basso (1996), the use of traditional narratives allows young people to be immersed in their mother tongue in a meaningful way, since these narratives are neither frivolous nor meaningless; instead, they provide a continuum of connections to our sacred place and our ancestors.

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I learned my first language from my mother, who would speak to me fluently in

Navajo and tell me winter oral stories. I am very proud that my mother continued to speak to me in Navajo throughout her life. My first language is important and I am very proud and honored to speak Navajo.

Navajo people have strong oral traditions, which are the vehicles for the transmission of culture and knowledge. This tradition is important and must continue to be practiced to educate young Navajo children. Navajo parents, as well as schools serving

Navajo youth, need the support and encouragement to teach children in Navajo. As

Cajete (1994) notes, “We must again create the kind of education that creates great human beings” (p. 68), by using the oral tradition to teach our children the Navajo language and culture. It is through the linguistic and cultural teachings of my parents that

I have become the human being that Cajete refers to.

Conveying traditional oral narratives in Navajo supports language retention and helps in preventing Navajo children from growing up with Navajo as their second language. Today, there are many Navajo people who do not speak Navajo. Some take

Navajo as a foreign language in high school or in college. Navajo parents should start teaching their children Navajo by telling and sharing oral creation stories in Navajo; however, for many who do not speak Navajo themselves, it is not possible to do so. This is another reason that I believe a Navajo CBE curriculum should incorporate traditional

Navajo narratives that are related in the Navajo language.

Implications

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Navajos believe their language is a sacred gift from the Holy People. Through our language, our oral tradition has developed and has transmitted our culture intergenerationally through traditional narratives for thousands of years. The use of

Navajo narratives has supported our children’s learning for the same amount of time. As

Demmert and Towner (2003) argue, CBE supports the achievement of students by centering their culture within the curriculum. I believe that a Navajo CBE curriculum that builds on our oral tradition and incorporates our traditional narratives would work best to serve Navajo children as they develop Navajo language proficiency, cultural knowledge, and a distinctly Navajo cultural identity.

When children think positively about their identity, when they are proud of their heritage, and when they understand what makes them unique among the peoples of this earth, they excel, going beyond their perceived limitations and the expectations of public schools.

The Navajo Nation owns a high school, Navajo Preparatory School, in

Farmington, New Mexico. Navajo Prep is an example of a school that has tried to embrace elements of a Navajo Culture-based Education. Navajo language, culture, and history classes, although not the core of the curriculum, are infused into the curriculum at

Navajo Prep, thus, the model of education being utilized at the school is an additive model.

Navajo Prep is the school where I have taught Navajo language and Navajo culture. Most of the students who graduate from Navajo Prep go on to attend college after they graduate. Many Navajo Prep graduates continue to reach for the highest goals

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through scholarship and research. My own experience teaching the students at Navajo

Prep was very rewarding; it was great to see students being proud of their Navajo heritage.

The Navajo Nation wants our children to be the best and the brightest students.

The expectation is that our Navajo children will become leaders of their people and role models for future generations. As a Nation, we are always looking to the future and want our children to attend schools that have challenging, innovative curriculum. The inclusion of Navajo cultural components into the mainstream curriculum at Navajo Prep and the resulting achievement of its students demonstrate the importance of making the language and culture of the students being served a priority in the curriculum. Navajo students who do well in college are the students who have developed knowledge of both their own and the mainstream culture and, more importantly, have developed strong Navajo identities

If infusing elements of the culture into mainstream curriculum is effective in helping our students develop strong Navajo identities, I can only imagine how centering the curriculum in our culture and making the curriculum Navajo would support the development of greater cultural understanding and knowledge. I argue that the use of the oral tradition as a Navajo methodology and inclusion of traditional narratives cross- curricularly would not only make learning experiences more familiar and meaningful to our students, but would also support their literacy development in the Navajo language.

Lipka and McCarty (1994) note that there is continued support for language revitalization and cultural knowledge development in schools that serve Indigenous children. If Navajo children are taught in a traditional manner, in their native Navajo

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language, through the narratives that fit the cultural paradigms of their communities, we would be using a truly Navajo CBE curriculum, and our children would once again develop a very strong Navajo identity. Our language and culture will, no doubt, be revitalized if Navajo children, speaking Navajo, learn the sacred oral narratives of their people and become storytellers who share their narratives in order to keep our language and culture alive.

Conclusion

In conclusion, I would like to say that I have written from a Navajo perspective, taking into considered the important and sacred elements of the Navajo culture. There is unfathomable knowledge in Indigenous ways of knowing, and sharing this knowledge in our traditional manner through Navajo oral narratives will enable our people to continue the ways of our ancestors in the contemporary school setting.

I have begun my journey in writing about the significance of Navajo narratives.

Through my own imagination and understanding of the Navajo creation narrative, I have tried to paint a picture showing the importance of our oral traditions in teaching and learning about our origins, our sacred places, and our relationships to all other entities.

My hope is that these are not the only stories I will write because there are other sacred places that I can make significant connections to.

In the future, I would like to write in greater detail about the image of the woman visible in the Shiprock formation. Additionally, I would like to write more on the overall theme of Changing Woman, exploring the narratives that discuss the time she will return

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to Dinétah to restore order and rid the Nation of modern day monsters that have been disrupting the harmonious connections in Navajo society.

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APPENDIX A – RECRUITMENT LETTER

The following is a letter of invitation to be sent to potential participants through my professional and academic networks:

Greetings,

I am a student at the University of Arizona studying Diné Culture-Based Education. I am asking for your help! I wish to explore what skills, knowledge, characteristics, and attributes Diné people want to see our youth develop in and out of schools. I want to use this information to help all Diné community members, our elected officials, school administrators, and educators make better decisions as they prepare our young people for successful lives.

In my research, I will ask questions about how Diné people view success in our culture. I want to know how we identify a good, responsible adult. I want to know why we respect certain people in our culture. I will ask questions about your life, your experiences, and examples of successful, well-directed people you have known in your life.

I will work with you to put your ideas, perceptions, perspectives, and experiences concerning the concept of a good, successful, responsible Diné person into written form. From these ideas, perceptions, perspectives, and experiences, I will work with you and other volunteers to identify the goals people working with our youth should strive to reach. My goal is to help Diné people have more control over what our children are taught and value.

This type of relationship, where people work together to produce a product, is called a collaborative relationship. I enjoy collaborating with other Diné people, and hope that you will consider collaborating with me to improve Diné education.

I am looking for a person who would be willing to:

1. Meet with me four different times this summer and fall for about two hours to participate in conversations describing your ideas.

2. Allow me to ask him/her questions concerning successful Diné people he/she knows or has known

3. Feels comfortable reviewing the information I collect to make sure it is accurate and that he/she is comfortable with me using it in a paper for my college graduation requirements.

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I will supply references from Diné community members who have known me for many years and who are familiar with this type of research. These people will be willing to talk to you about me, my personal ethics, and what you can expect if you decide to work on this project with me.

If you might be interested in working with me, would you please fill in and return the attached postcard?

Thank you so much for considering this invitation to participate in a research project!

Sincerely,

Gilbert Brown Huerfano Chapter

Yes, I am interested in this project, and I would like to discuss it with you.

My name is ______.

My phone number is ______.

My e-mail address is ______.

My home address is ______.

Please circle the days you are available to visit with Gilbert: Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday

Friday Saturday Sunday

When is a good time for Gilbert to call you at home?

Please circle a day:

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday

Friday Saturday Sunday

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APPENDIX B – INFORMED CONSENT FORM

SUBJECT'S CONSENT FORM

Project Title: Utilizing Diné Conceptualizations Conveyed through Oral Narratives to Identify Student Learning Outcomes for a Curriculum Grounded in Diné Epistemology

You are being asked to read the following material to ensure that you are informed of the nature of this research study and of how you will participate in it, if you consent to do so. Signing this form will indicate that you have been so informed and that you give your consent. Federal regulations require written informed consent prior to participation in this research study so that you can know the nature and risks of your participation and can decide to participate or not participate in a free and informed manner.

PURPOSE You are being invited to participate voluntarily in the above-titled research project. The purpose of this project is to provide information on and insights pertaining to the Diné conceptualization of a “well-directed person.” Through interviews and research using historical document, on-line websites, and current published information, the project explores how Diné people view others they admire and respect. It examines attributes, characteristics, skills, knowledge, and relationships Diné people historically and currently attribute to “well-directed,” respected, successful Diné people they know or have known.

SELECTION CRITERIA The Principal Investigator, Gilbert Brown, will discuss the requirements for participation in this study with you. To be eligible to participate, you must be Diné and between the ages of 20-10. A total of 18 individuals will be enrolled in this study, six at each of three Diné communities.

PROCEDURE(S) The following information describes your participation in this study which will last up to one year:

• Interviews with participants will involve four 1-hour conversations in June, July, August and September of 2009. • Follow-up visits inviting collaboration and feedback on model construction and finalization will involve two 1-hour conversations in September and December of 2009. • Transcripts of these meetings will be examined to determine attributes, characteristics, knowledge, skills and relationships that are commonly attributed to “well-directed” people in Diné communities.

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• Participants will be encouraged to examine and approve of the content each has contributed to the final project. RISKS None Anticipated

BENEFITS There is no direct benefit to you from your participation.

CONFIDENTIALITY Your participation and data collected concerning you will be kept in the strictest of confidentiality. No data or information concerning you will be included in the final report unless you approve first. Your name will not be identified in the final report unless you approve first.

PARTICIPATION COSTS AND SUBJECT COMPENSATION There is no cost to you for participating except your time.

CONTACTS You can obtain further information from the principal investigator Gilbert Brown, Ed.S. at (520) 400-1878. If you have questions concerning your rights as a research subject, you may call the University of Arizona Human Subjects Protection Program office at (520) 626-6721. (If out of state use the toll-free number 1-866-278-1455.)

LIABILITY Side effects or harm are possible in any research program despite the use of high standards of care and could occur through no fault of yours or the investigator involved. Known side effects have been described in this consent form. However, unforeseeable harm also may occur and require care. You do not give up any of your legal rights by signing this form. In the event that you require or are billed for medical care that you feel has been caused by the research, you should contact the principal investigator Gilbert Brown, Ed.S. at (520) 400-1878.

AUTHORIZATION Before giving my consent by signing this form, the methods, inconveniences, risks, and benefits have been explained to me and my questions have been answered. I may ask questions at any time and I am free to withdraw from the project at any time without causing bad feelings or affecting my medical care. My participation in this project may be ended by the investigator or by the sponsor for reasons that would be explained. New information developed during the course of this study which may affect my willingness to continue in this research project will be given to me as it becomes available. This consent form will be filed in an area designated by the Human Subjects Committee with access restricted by the principal investigator, Gilbert Brown, Ed.S. or authorized representative of the Language, Reading, and Culture Department. I do not give up any of my legal rights by signing this form. A copy of this signed consent form will be given to me.

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______Subject's Signature Date

______

Parent/Legal Guardian (if necessary) Date

______

Witness (if necessary) Date

INVESTIGATOR'S AFFIDAVIT:

Either I have or my agent has carefully explained to the subject the nature of the above project. I hereby certify that to the best of my knowledge the person who signed this consent form was informed of the nature, demands, benefits, and risks involved in his/her participation.

______

Signature of Presenter Date

______

Signature of Investigator Date

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APPENDIX C – UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA IRB RECOMMENDATIONS FOR DINÉ NATION ARIZONA COOPERATIVE EXTENSION 10/08 AZ1472 Process of Conducting Research on the Navajo Nation

College of Agriculture and Life Sciences Introduction

Conducting research on Native American Reservation lands demands a unique protocol that prospective researchers need to understand and respect in order to proceed in an ethical and culturally sensitive manner. First, and foremost, researchers must recognize that they are working on sovereign lands and that cultural and legal issues may be very different than that of their own upbringing and background.

Approval of research proposals will vary depending upon the Tribe or Nation on whose territory the research will be conducted; therefore, researchers must become informed about the requirements in place on their specific Reservation of interest. In some cases, a letter from the Tribal Council may be sufficient. In others, the approval of a tribal Institutional Review Board (IRB) may be required. No research should be conducted based on verbal approval from one individual. The researcher must insure that the appropriate Tribal representative or group has issued approval, in writing, before proceeding with any research activities.

All Research that involves Tribal individuals must incorporate an ‘Informed Consent’ form. Informed Consent should be considered an ongoing process that drives open and honest communication between the researcher and the subject throughout the term of the research. The form should be written in language that is easily understood by the subject to insure that the subject fully understands what he is signing. It must include specific statements covering:

• The volunteer nature of the subject’s participation

• The project purpose

• Selection criteria for subjects

• Duration of subject participation

• Research procedures

• Risks and benefits to the subject

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• Confidentiality measures

• Participation Costs and Subject Compensation

• Project Contacts

• Liability

Guidelines and examples of this form can be found at the University of Arizona site: http://www.publichealth.arizona.edu/StudentResources/Documents/HIPAAFAQs.swf/ .

Other universities have similar sites with Consent Form information. A federal checklist for consent forms can be found at: http://www.hhs.gov/ohrp/humansubjects/assurance/consentckls.htm .

Creation and use of an Informed Consent form is a crucial step that must be undertaken prior to engaging Tribal members in research projects that affect individuals. Navajo Nation

The Navajo Nation has developed a detailed research process; the reservation actually has an Institutional Review Board (IRB), called the Navajo Human Research Review Board. This Board composed a document “IRB Research Protocol Application Guidelines,” which the Board requires all researchers to follow before research is conducted anywhere on the Navajo reservation. Although the Navajo Nation IRB and research process is under the Navajo Division of Health, researchers in project areas other than health must follow these guidelines, if the research involves human subjects, and if these subjects are Navajo Nation tribal members. The following guidelines come directly from the Navajo Human Research Board’s (2007) IRB Research Protocol Application Guidelines.

The table of contents of this application outlines the supporting documents needed for the IRB application. The documents must be organized in the order listed in the table of contents when the researcher submits the application for review. Not all of the documents are applicable to every project, however, though the researcher will need to contact the appropriate agencies to determine whether all documents will be needed. The Procedural Guidelines for Principal Investigators (a separate document) outlines the phases of the Navajo Nation IRB application. The IRB Research Protocol Application (another separate document) describes each element of the table of contents. The table of contents lists the documents in this order:

A. Cover sheet of the IRB Research Protocol Application (NNHRRB-01)

B. Abstract of the research project

C. Part1: Community Involvement

D. Part 2: Benefits to the Navajo Nation

E. Part 3: Research Project Description

F. Part 4: Informed Consent Document

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G. Part 5: Certification by the Principle Investigator

H. Part 6: Attachments

a. Curriculum Vitae of the Principal Investigator/Co-Principal Investigator b. Approving Resolutions from Agency Councils of the Navajo Nation c. Support letters from the CEO’s of NAIHS service units and Navajo Nation program directors d. Copies of other approved IRB letters(s) e. Certificate of confidentiality (if necessary) f. OMB clearance document (if necessary) g. A copy of the written letter to the Navajo Nation Historical Preservation office (if applicable). Note: All audio or videotaped interviews with individuals or focus groups will need to submit a Class C Permit Application with the Navajo Nation Historical Preservation Office

h. Budget

Researchers must submit seventeen copies of this research proposal/evaluation to the Navajo Nation IRB Office two months prior to the anticipated date of presentation to the IRB Board. The address for regular and express delivery is:

Attn: Navajo IRB Coordinator Navajo Division of Health Window Rock Blvd., Admin. Bldg. #2 P.O. Box 1390 Window Rock, Arizona 86515 Research proposals/evaluations must be submitted in pre-punched 3-hole 8½ x 11 white bonded paper clipped by large binder clips. Each proposal should follow the outline of the table of contents listed above. Each page shall be numbered.

The researcher will need to send a research proposal to the IRB Board chair, along with a letter of interest, and then the chair will send the researcher an application packet and a schedule of the upcoming IRB meetings.

To contact the IRB for additional questions, please call:

Beverly Becenti-Pigman, Board Chair Telephone (928) 871-6650; Fax (928) 871-6259

References

Navajo Human Research Review Board (2007). IRB research protocol application guidelines. Navajo Division of Health: Author.

Navajo Human Research Review Board (2007). Procedural guidelines for principal investigators. Navajo Division of Health: Author.

The University of Arizona College of Agriculture and Life Sciences Tucson, Arizona 85721

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Dr. Sabrina Tuttle Federally Recognized Tribal Extension Program Agent, San Carlos Apache Reservation and Assistant Professor, Department of Agricultural Education

Gerald R. Moore Federally Recognized Tribal Extension Program Agent, Navajo Reservation, Window Rock, Coordinating Extension Agent, Navajo Extension Program

Jeannie Benally Federally Recognized Tribal Extension Program Agent, Navajo Reservation, Shiprock

Contact: Sabrina Tuttle [email protected]

This information has been reviewed by university faculty.

cals.arizona.edu/pubs/natresources/az1472.pdf

Issued in furtherance of Cooperative Extension work, acts of May 8 and June 30, 1914, in cooperation with the U.S. Department of Agriculture, James A. Christenson, Director, Cooperative Extension, College of Agriculture & Life Sciences, The University of Arizona.

The University of Arizona is an equal opportunity, affirmative action institution. The University does not discriminate on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, disability, veteran status, or sexual orientation in its programs and activities.

Any products, services, or organizations that are mentioned, shown, or indirectly implied in this publication

do not imply endorsement by The University of Arizona.

The University of Arizona Cooperative Extension

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APPENDIX D – INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

Research Questions

1. What attributes do Diné people identify as those characterizing a “well-directed”

person?

2. What traditional narratives do Diné people use to discuss the requisite attributes,

skills, knowledge, and valued relationships of a “well-directed” person?

3. What types of connections and relationships do Diné people identify as those

recognized, valued, and maintained by a well-directed person?

4. What skills and knowledge do Diné people identify as necessary for a well-

directed person to possess?

From data gathered through the following interview questions, I address the aforementioned research questions and utilize the data to revisit Begishe’s model of a

Diné “well-directed” person using attributes, knowledge, skills and relationships Diné people from a variety of experiential backgrounds identify as being characteristic of a

“well-directed” person:

Initial Warm-up Interview Questions

1. Make a weather-related observation (in Navajo, if necessary) and ask about the

weather.

2. How are you and your family (children, grandchildren)?

3. Ask about the livestock, the sheep.

4. You have an interesting name… why were you given that name?

5. How long have you/your family lived in the area?

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6. Explain what you are doing in college. If applicable, ask about school/college? If the collaborative partner has attended in the past: Where did you go to school? What did you study?

7. Is Navajo your first language?

8. What language do you prefer to use when speaking to your family? Friends?

Neighbors?

9. What do you usually do when you get up in the morning?

Interview Questions

1. What is your clan? In what ways have your clan relationships been important in your life?

2. What role has the Diné language played in your life? Why/How? Or Why not?

3. What do you consider to be your “home?” Where were you born? Where are your people from?

4. When you think of your land, what comes to your mind?

5. What kind of person was your mother?

6. What kind of person was your father?

7. When you think of your life, what relationships have been the most important?

8. What was the most important thing you ever learned from an older person (parent, grandparent, relative, neighbor, teacher, supervisor)?

9. Can you describe someone in your family or community you consider to be a good role model for our youth? (Traditional vs. non-traditional)

10. What is the most important value that a family can teach its children?

11. Can you describe a young person that you know that is a “good person?

12. What is it about this young person that makes him/her a good person in your opinion?

13. What words would you use to describe this young person?

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14. Can you describe the relationships this young person has (or does not have) in the community that might contribute to him/her being a good person?

15. What do you think are the most important things that our children should learn?

16. Can you think of an old story you heard as a youngster that described this/these knowledge/skills/values/beliefs?

17. Can you describe a young person that you know who is “going down the wrong path?”

18. What do you think is causing this person to go down the wrong path?

19. What words would you use to describe this young person?

20. Can you describe the relationships this young person has (or does not have) in the community that might contribute to him/her going down the wrong path?

21. What do you think are the important things this child has NOT learned?

22. Can you think of an old story you heard as a youngster that describes a person who is going down the wrong path?

23. Have you ever heard the expression, “a well-directed person?”

24. What does that (expression) mean to you?

25. What characteristics must a Diné person have to be considered a well-directed person?

26. Can you describe someone in your family or community you consider to be a knowledgeable person? What types of knowledge are important to Diné people?

27. Can you think of an old story you heard as a youngster that would provide an example of a well-directed person?

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APPENDIX E- CONDUCTING RESEARCH WITH INDIGENOUS PARTICIPANTS

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Begay, Y. (2011) Historic and Demographic Changes that Impact the Future of the Diné and Developing Community-Based Policy. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, University of New Mexico School of Architecture and Planning. Albuquerque, NM. Accessed 9 October 2012 from: http://repository.unm.edu/handle/1928/12799

Begaye, Timothy. Native teacher understanding of culture as a concept for curricular inclusion. Wicazo Sa Review. 22(1). Accessed 11 Dec. 2008 from: http://find.galegroup.com.ezproxy1.library.arizona.edu/itx/infomark.do?&contentSe t=IAC-

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Begishe, K. (1981). Nitsahakees bee haho’dil yaa, One’s development through thoughts, Mimeo on file at the Navajo Curriculum Center, Rough Rock Demonstration School, Rough Rock, AZ.

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