Chinese Grandparents in Chinese

CHINESE GRANDPARENTS IN CHINESE-CAUCASIAN BIRACIAL FAMILIES: GRANDPARENTS’ ETHNIC & RACIAL SOCIALIZATION OF THEIR BIRACIAL GRANDCHILDREN IN THE SAN FRANCISCO BAY AREA

Grace Jia Hui Chee

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Human Development and Family Studies—Doctor of Philosophy

2016

ABSTRACT

CHINESE GRANDPARENTS IN CHINESE-CAUCASIAN BIRACIAL FAMILIES: GRANDPARENTS’ ETHNIC & RACIAL SOCIALIZATION OF THEIR BIRACIAL GRANDCHILDREN IN THE SAN FRANCISCO BAY AREA

Grace Jia Hui Chee

This dissertation was a qualitative, exploratory and phenomenological study on how mono racial Chinese grandparents racially and ethnically socialize their Chinese-White biracial grandchildren. Participants included thirteen grandmothers, five grandfathers, and fourteen biracial grandchildren. All participants were living in the San Francisco Bay Area. Interviews were conducted with grandparents and their grandchildren to determine grandparents’ racial and ethnic socialization methods as well as how biracial grandchildren responded to their grandparents and how they viewed themselves as biracial individuals in the U.S. The study also considered the effect of the ecological context on socialization. The two main theoretical frameworks used in this study included: Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory and Root’s “border crossings” theory. Other biracial identity theories, such as Poston’s BIDM and Rockquemore and

Laszloffy’s COBI were mentioned as well.

This study had two main goals: 1.) Providing an examination of how Chinese grandparents have addressed their grandchildren’s biracial status, how they ethnically and racially socialize their biracial grandchildren, as well as the challenges that they have faced in the socialization process; and 2.) How biracial grandchildren view their grandparents and ecological systems in their process of racial and ethnic socialization.

This study’s findings have shown the various ways in which grandparents and ecological contexts have influenced their biracial grandchildren’s ethnic and racial socialization. Some of

these ways included: 1.) The types of racial socialization used, including promotion of egalitarianism, promotion of mistrust, and preparation for bias; 2.) Grandparents defining their own identities; 3.) The influence of growing up in the Bay Area’s schools, neighborhoods and communities; 4.) Influence of inherited traits such as one’s physical appearance (phenotype) and birth order and; 5.) Grandparents’ ethnic socialization in terms of cultural activities and practices.

A concept map was created to show the linkages between these various factors in grandparents’ ethnic and racial socialization of their biracial grandchildren. The study’s findings could be used to help inform family service agencies and health professionals better understand and work with biracial families, especially as the United States’ racial demographics continue to change over the following decades.

Keywords: Biracial children, Biracial grandchildren, Chinese-Caucasian families, Chinese grandparents, Interracial marriage

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation would not have been possible without the love, support, concern, and guidance of the following people (and animals!). First, my father and mother, Jason and Pauline

Chee, who have supported me throughout my entire academic career. They have given me the unconditional support and encouraged me to see this dissertation to the end. To my brother Sam, who gave me brotherly advice and cooked stuffing that helped me power through another chapter. I would also like to dedicate this dissertation to my two nieces and nephew, who were the motivation and my reason for writing on this particular topic. They gave me perspective in my work and helped me to set boundaries on my time.

I would also like to acknowledge my wonderful committee members. To Dr. Qin, my adviser and chair, thank you for your kindness, patience, mentorship, and dedication to reading all of my drafts. You were there to give me the “push” when I needed it. To Dr. Schiamberg, for always believing in me and for offering a listening ear. To Dr. Griffore, thank you for sitting with me and for your reassurance about my concept map. To Dr. Johnson, I have appreciated your pep talks and your belief in me. To Dr. Gold, I respect your quiet confidence and your support of my research. You gave me hope when I was struggling through the recruiting phase of my study. To Dr. Ames and Dr. Wampler, who were always willing to give me an override for HDFS 999 and Dr. Bonomi for her confidence in me and for sharing a special night (and picture!) with the MSU men’s basketball team.

This dissertation is also dedicated to my friends in the HDFS Department: Ann, Ali,

Sudha, Erica, Mingjun, Meng Chuan, Tzufen, Jinny, Amanda, Rebecca, Michael, Chris, Sheena,

Junghee, Sook In, Brian, and Jodi. They were the ones who truly understood what I was going

through. I would also like to give a big acknowledgement to the support staff in HDFS—the two

Lisa’s, Nikki, Debbie, Ruth, Adell, Doug, and Mary. All of you have been there for me when the paper was jammed in the copy machine, when I needed to borrow a laptop, and when I needed to turn in paperwork. This year, I have also lost a close colleague and friend, Dr.

Dorothy Mitstifer, PhD, who was the Executive Director of Kappa Omicron Nu (KON). I would also like to dedicate this dissertation to her and to her legacy. To my colleagues at KON, thanks for always cheering me on. Special thanks to Dr. Woodside and Dr. Whitaker for curing my back pain and to Dr. Ramskov, who gave me the opportunity to teach at a community college.

Carrying out this study would have been incredibly difficult if not for the funding that I received from HDFS, the Asia Studies Center at MSU and KON. Thank you for making this project a reality. Most of all, I would like to thank all of my participants in California who agreed to be interviewed. They have my eternal gratitude. Also, recognition goes to the many agencies that helped me to recruit (CBA, Society for the Self-Help of the Elderly, etc.). Last but certainly not least, I would like to acknowledge my two Betta fish, Milo and Leo, and my three dogs—June Bug, Arnold (rest in peace) and Ruby. All of my pets have shown me what it means to appreciate life’s simple moments.

Thus, this dissertation is a culmination of work built from passion, hope, perseverance, and support from everyone whom I have acknowledged. It is a bittersweet time for me as I leave the department, friends and colleagues whom I have had the privilege to know and to work with over all of these years. At the same time, I am also looking forward to the many possibilities and opportunities that the future might hold. I am very grateful for all that has been done for me, and

I hope that I have made a difference in others’ lives as well.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES..…………………………………………………………………………….xi

LIST OF FIGURES……………..……………………………………………………………..xii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION…………….....………………………………...... 1 Purpose of the study……………..………………………………..…...... 6

CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS…………………...……………………….9 Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory……………...... 9 Racial identity theories………...………………………...... 12 Poston’s BIDM……...... ….…………………………………...... 13 Root’s theory.…………….…………………………………...... 14 Rockquemore & Laszloffy’s COBI…….….…...…………………..……15 Rollins and Hunter’s racial socialization approaches and d messages…………….…………………………………………...... 17

CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW……………………………………………………..19 Grandparents ……………………………………...... 19 Why study grandparents….………………………………………………19 Roles and types of grandparents………….………………………………20 Gender and grand parenting roles………………….……………………..23 Women as grandmothers…..…..…………………….…….……..23 Men as grandfathers….……...... 25 Transitions in grand parenting...... 27 Racial and ethnic factors in grand parenting……………...... 28 Asian grandparents and their cultural values………….………………………....30 Why study Asian grandparents…………………………………………..32 Asian grandparents’ relationships with grandchildren…………...…...... 33 Grandchild’s gender and age……….……...…………………………….36 Grandparents’ age…..………….………………………………………...37 Intergenerational relationships……………………………...……………………39 Intergenerational families…....….………...……………………………..40 Biracial children and adolescents………………………………………………...42 Problems faced by biracial children….....……………………………..…43 Physical appearance………….…..………………………………………44 Inter-racial dating and marriage…...….....….....…………………...... 47 Development of identity….…….….…………………………………….48 Racial socialization in the family……………..…………………………………53 Racial identity development……….….……….………………………...53 Racial socialization vs. ethnic/cultural socialization…..………..……………….56 Racial socialization………...……….……………………………………56 Ethnic/cultural socialization……….……………………………………..59

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Role of parents and grandparents in racial-ethnic socialization………....60 Generation……………………………………………………………….63 Socio-economic status…………………….…………………….……….64 Quality of relationship between spouses………………..……………….65 Brief history of the Chinese immigrants in California………....…….……….…66 Gaps in the literature that my study will fill……...….…..…..…….………….…68 Gaps in research methods that my study will fill………..…...………...………..69 Research questions….………………………………………….…….……….…70

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………….72 Rationale for performing a qualitative study……..……....…….…….………….72 Grounded theory approach………….….…....………………….……………….73 Phenomenology……………………………….….…....….……………………..73 Recruitment of participants……………...………..…….……………………….74 Location of the study………………...... ………………………………74 Motivation for the proposed study………………………………………75 Recruitment strategies……………..…...………………………...... 75 Grandparents………….………...……………………………………….76 Children/adolescents……….…………...……………………………….81 Methodology………….…..………………..……………………………………85 Data analyses………….…….………..………………….………………………87 Data saturation…...….…………………………………………...... 94 Trustworthiness/rigor of data….……...…………………………………94 Reflexivity………………………………...…………………………….96

CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS……………………………...………………………………………97 Demographic data……...…..…..…………….………..…………………………97 Biracial grandchildren……….….…….………………………………….97 Grandparents……….…………………………….………………………98 Main themes and sub-themes……..…...... …………………..…………………..98 Grandparents: Ethnic socialization………...…………..…..……….…...……….99 “Inner core” as a Chinese person……..………..….….………………….99 Seeing oneself as bicultural……..……....………...…..…….………….101 Influence of living in the Bay Area……………....……..….……...……104 Effect of gender on grandparent interactions…….…....………….…….107 What is being kept and what is lost from one generation to the next……..…....108 What is being kept…………….……..…………………….…………...108 What is being lost………….…...……….…..……………………….…111 Grandparents’ strategies for ethnic socialization…………....……….……..….113 Visiting China to see their relatives…….….….…….………………….113 Attending Chinese church as another ethnic socialization strategy…....…..…..115 Benefits of attending Chinese church……….……….……….………...116 The negative aspects of Chinese church…….…...... ………...…...117 Giving a Chinese name ...... 120 Grandparents wishing that they did more/less ……………..….…….……..….122 Lessons learned and current socialization…….….....…..……..……….124

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Challenges in appreciating both Chinese and White cultures…...... 125 Grandparents’ racial socialization...……...……….…………...……….…..…128 Egalitarianism, promotion of mistrust and preparation for bias…....…...128 Parents: No preparation for bias…..…………..…….....……..…..…….129 Promotion of egalitarianism………...…….…….....……..…………….131 Promotion of mistrust………………...... …..……...…………………...134 Preparation for bias………….………...... …..……………...…………..136 Teaching about their culture through the use of role plays……….…………..138 Supporting the use of role plays………...... …….……………...138 Against the use of role plays………...... ……..……..……………….143 Effects of Asian stereotypes……………………..…..……………….……….145 Challenges to racial socialization……………..…..…………………………..150 Lack of family support: Racist White paternal grandparents…...…...... 150 Grandchildren: Ethnic socialization……..……...…………...………………..152 Influence of birth order………………..……..…….....………………..152 Influence of grandchild’s gender………..….…..……………………...154 Chinese grandparents………….…….....………..….………………….154 White grandparents………………………...….……..…………………155 The effect of geographic distance…………...….....……………………157 Grandchildren: Racial socialization…..……….……….……………………..160 Experiences with neighbors in the Bay Area….…..…..….…..….….....160 Influence of having friends’ grandparents…….……...... ……...……163 Biracial grandchildren’s challenges…………..…….…….....………………..165 Effect of phenotype………………....……..………...………….……...165 “I feel like a chameleon”: Having a fluid identity…...….....…….…..…169 Influence of peers on biracial grandchildren…….….….………..……...……172 Influence of peer relationships…………...... ……..…………..………..172 Relationships with peers in school……..……...…....…….……………173 Fluency in language and relationship with grandparents…………….…...... 175 Mono racial grandparents…….…………..….……………….…...... …….…180 Grandchildren’s future interracial relationships…….………….……….……182

CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION…………………………………………………………………188 Grandparents: Ethnic socialization…….…………..………...... ………....…190 Grandparents’ self-identity.…….....…..….….…....…..………………..190 Influence of living in the San Francisco Bay Area……...……..…...….191 Influence of gender……….……………..….………..…………….…..191 What is being kept ……………………………...……………………...192 What is being lost ……………….………………...…...………………192 Grandparent strategies for ethnic socialization………….….....…...…………193 Visiting China to see relatives...………….……...…….……………….193 Attending Chinese church……….…...………..…………….…………193 Chinese names…………….….……….……...………….……………..193 More or less socialization of their own children……………..….…..…....…..194 Challenges in appreciating both Chinese and White cultures…….……..…....194 Grandparents: Racial socialization……….….….….……….…...….……..….195

Parents’ lack of racial socialization...... ……..….………..…...195 Promotion of egalitarianism...….………………..……………………..196 Promotion of mistrust…………...…...... …………...……………196 Preparation for bias……..…...…………...... ………..………………196 Use of role plays…...…….…...... ……….……………………196 Stereotypes about Asians…………….……………………………………….197 Racist White paternal grandparents…….…………………………………….198 Grandchildren: Ethnic socialization….…….………….…….……………...... 198 Influence of birth order……….………..…...…………..………………198 Influence of gender………...….………………...…………………...... 198 Effect of geographic distance……….……..……………………………199 Grandchildren: Racial socialization……..…….….…………………………..199 Neighborhoods in the Bay Area..…………….….…...... ………………199 Friends’ grandparents and their effect…………..………….…………..200 Biracial grandchildren’s struggles……….….………..………………………200 Effect of phenotype…….………...……….……………….…………...200 Fitting in with different contexts……..…...…….……………………...201 Situational influences…...…….……….………..…………...………….203 Fluency in language and relationship with grandparents………....……….…204 Grandparents are not biracial…….………...….…....…….…………..………205 Grandchild’s future interracial relationships…….…..……………..………...205

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION, LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH...... 207 Limitations of the study, implications of the study and future research……...213 Implications of the study……...….……………………………….……216

APPENDICES………………………………………………………………....…………...... 217 APPENDIX A: Recruitment flyer……………………………………...218 APPENDIX B: Informed consent letters……..……………………...…219 APPENDIX C: Grandparent demographic questionnaire……….……..225 APPENDIX D: Grandchildren demographic questionnaire…..……..…226 APPENDIX E: Interview questions for grandparents...... …………….227 APPENDIX F: Interview questions for grandchildren……………...….230 APPENDIX G: Research questions and interview questions…………..232 APPENDIX H: Major themes and subthemes……..………………..….235 APPENDIX I: Interview questions by theoretical framework………...238 APPENDIX J: Concept map of grandparent socialization……...……...242

REFERENCES………………..………………………………………………………………243

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Rollins and Hunter (2013) racial socialization messages………………..…….……….18

Table 2: Rollins and Hunter (2013) racial socialization approaches………….……………...….18

Table 3: Definitions of terms used in the racial socialization literature…….………………...... 54

Table 4: Grandmothers’ demographics……………..…………………………………………....78

Table 5: Grandfathers’ demographics…………………..………………...... 80

Table 6: Grandchildren’s demographics…..……………………………………………………..83

Table 7: Research questions and interview questions………………..…………………………232

Table 8: Interview questions by theoretical framework……………….……………………….238

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Concept map of grandparent socialization………………..…….……………………241

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Throughout the 1800s and 1920s, 31 states in the U.S. had anti-miscegenation laws.

These laws were primarily directed toward Blacks and Whites, and prevented intermarriage

(Barnett, 1964). Anti-miscegenation laws served to define racial identity and to establish racial inequality (Moran, 2001). These anti-miscegenation laws served two purposes: First, to establish clear racial boundaries and second, to ensure that Blacks, Asians and American Indians were not allowed access to White privilege via marriage or family inheritance (Korgen, 1998). However, with passage of the 1967 Loving vs. Virginia case, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down laws that prohibited interracial marriage. Thirty years later, in 1997, the Office of Management and

Budget (OMB) issued Statistical Directive Number 15. This directive allowed respondents to the

2000 U.S. Census to indicate their membership in more than one racial-ethnic category.

According to Shih and Sanchez (2009) and Humes, Jones and Ramirez (2011), the U.S.’s biracial population is now one of the fastest growing racial groups in the U.S.

The 2010 U.S. Census reported a total of 308.7 million people in the U.S. Of this, more than 9 million people (2.9% of the population) who indicated that they were more than one race.

By the year 2050, the biracial population could constitute 21% of the total U.S. population

(Leong, 2006). Asians and Latinos will be the most mixed racial groups (Gonzalez, Umana-

Taylor, & Bacama, 2006). Likewise, the Pew Research Center found that in 2010, about 15% of new marriages were mixed, up from about 7% thirty years earlier. Biracial children are the fastest-growing group of children in the country. Between 2000 and 2010, the population of biracial children—a mix of two or more races—increased by almost 50%. By 2022, the number of biracial children in the U.S. is expected to have grown by 44% (Green, 2015, www.npr.org).

In the 2010 U.S. Census, there were 17.3 million people who reported themselves as

Asians, and about 2.6 million (15%) of the Asian population reported multiple races. Of this, 1.6 million (61%) identified themselves as being Asian and White/Caucasian—one of the most commonly reported multiple-race combinations in the 2000 U.S. Census. The number of Asian-

White individuals increased from 869,395 individuals in 2000 to 1,623,234 individuals in 2010

(an 86.9% increase within a decade) (U.S. Census Brief, 2010). In fact, Asians who reported multiple races increased at a faster rate than Asians reporting a single race. Between 2000 and

2010, the number of Asians who reported multiple races increased by about one million people

(an increase of about 60% from 2000) (Tewari & Alvarez, 2009; U.S. Census Brief, 2010). It is estimated that by 2050, the Asian American population will exceed 40 million, or roughly about

10% of the American population (Chae & Foley, 2010). Research has also indicated that approximately 60% of Asian Americans were born in countries outside of the U.S. (Sue & Sue,

2008). Thus, many Asian Americans are faced with the challenge of negotiating their identities as both Asians and as Americans.

In the social science literature, there has been increasing interest in biracial individuals and biracial families, specifically in terms of the identity issues and cultural values present in these families (Csizmadia, Brunsma, & Cooney, 2012; Renn, 2000, 2003). There have been several empirical studies that have focused on the role that parents of biracial children play in socializing their children (Phinney & Chavira, 1995; Root, 1999, 2000; Rockquemore &

Laszloffy, 2005; Rockquemore, Brunsma & Delgado, 2009; Sanchez & Bonam, 2009). Several researchers have found that mothers are more likely than fathers to be involved in their children’s racial socialization (Lesane-Brown, 2010; Rockquemore et al., 2006). Studies have shown that how minority parents socialize their children about their racial and ethnic group

membership and what this means has an impact on how their children view their racial/ethnic membership and their larger social world (Hughes et al., 2006). For example, researchers have studied Black grandmothers (Barer, 2001; Burton & Bengtson, 1985; Flaherty, Facteau &

Garver, 1987; Henderson & Cook, 2005; Pearson, Hunter, Ensminger, & Kellam, 1990; Pruchno

& McKenney, 2002; Stevens, 1984); Hispanic-Latino grandmothers/grandparents (Beyene,

Becker & Mayen, 2002; Goodman & Rao, 2007; Raphael, 1989; Umana-Taylor, Alfaro,

Bamaca, & Guimond, 2009); American Indian grandparents (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2005;

Mooradian, Cross & Stutzky, 2007; Robbins, Scherman, Holeman, & Wilson, 2005; Schweitzer,

1999; Weibel-Orlando, 1997); and White/Caucasian grandparents (Alba, 1990; Jendrek, 1994;

Pruchno, 1999). However, a majority of these studies have focused on mono-racial families and not many have examined the identity formation processes and cultural values that are specific to biracial families.

Most of the research in the literature has focused on the role that parents play in racial socialization. Very little research has been conducted on grandparents and their role in racial socialization. Therefore, at least in the parenting literature, parents who are supportive of their children, acknowledge the complexity of their children’s social experiences, and openly encourage their children to feel pride in their multiple heritages, as adults, these children feel a sense of pride, confidence and contentment with their dual heritages (Bannon, McKay, &

Rodriguez, 2008; Bowie, Carrera, Cooke, Valdivia, McAllister, & Doohan, 2013 Chavez-Reyes,

2010; Cooper, Smalls-Glover, Metzger, & Griffin, 2015; Patreese, Chaudhary, & Jones, 2014;

Thomas & Tessler, 2007; Williams, 2013). As was seen through the interviews, the biracial grandchildren tended to be more aware of their identity and have greater appreciation of and tolerance toward other racial groups. The grandparents were very supportive of their

grandchildren and even tried to influence the children’s parents to change their racial socialization and parenting styles. At this point, there is very little to no research on the role that grandparents might play in biracial families. Specifically, the role that Chinese grandparents play in helping their biracial grandchildren with racial socialization and the passing down of cultural values has not yet been examined. Although there have been studies conducted with

Chinese/Asian grandparents, few have studied Chinese grandparents who have Chinese-

Caucasian grandchildren (Falbo, 1991; Goh, 2009; Strom, Strom, Shen, Li, & Sun, 1996; Strom,

Strom, Wang, Shen, Griswold, Chan, & Yang, 1999; Tam & Detzner, 1998; Xu & Chi, 2011).

In the United States, there are approximately two million American children who have parents of different races. According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2010), interracial married couple households increased by 28 percent from 7% in 2000 to 10% in 2010. Specifically, there has been a 1,000 percent increase in the marriages between Whites and Asians (American

Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2011). According to the U.S. Census Bureau’s

American Community Survey (2010), there were 7 million grandparents who had grandchildren under the age of 18 living with them. There were 2.7 million grandparents who were responsible for the basic needs of one or more grandchildren under the age of 18 living with them. Of these caregivers, 1.7 million were grandmothers and 1.0 million were grandfathers (U.S. Census

Bureau, 2010). There were 490,000 foreign-born grandparents who were responsible for their grandchildren younger than 18. This is in contrast to the 2.2 million native-born grandparent caregivers (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). In terms of interactions with their grandchildren, 2.1 million grandparents were responsible for their grandchildren who spoke only English. Another

270,000 grandparents speak another language, but are able to speak English “very well;” 390,000 speak another language and speak English less than “very well” (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). In

terms of grandchildren, the U.S. Census Bureau (2010) reports that ten percent (7.5 million children) of children in the U.S. lived with their grandparents in 2010. Of these, 3.2 million children were living with both their grandmother and grandfather (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010).

This study is important because in an increasingly ethnically diverse society, it is important to gain an understanding of not only the importance of an individual’s ethnic identity, but how family members, specifically grandparents, might help in understanding one’s culture

(Umana-Taylor, 2004). Racial-ethnic socialization is of interest to a wide range of social science researchers because it is useful for explaining cultural stability and cultural change (Schonpflug,

2009; Tam, 2013). Human development occurs in a cultural context and is both affected by culture and affects culture (Trommsdorff, 2002). This is especially true for biracial individuals who straddle two different cultures. Research and theory have shown that an individual can be highly acculturated while still being able to maintain a strong ethnic identity (Lieber, Chan,

Nihira, & Mink, 2001).

Thus, my study will help family practitioners and gerontologists better understand

Chinese-Caucasian biracial families and the interactions between three generations within these families. The study examined the factors that affect how Chinese grandparents racially socialize their biracial grandchildren, which is an understudied topic.

This study focused on thirteen Chinese grandmothers, five Chinese grandfathers and fourteen biracial grandchildren living in Cupertino, San Jose, Stockton, Fremont, Sunnyvale, San

Mateo, and San Francisco, California. It is a phenomenological study. The participants included non-custodial grandparents (both maternal grandmothers and grandfathers) and their biracial

(Chinese-White) grandchildren. I examined:

1.) How do Chinese grandparents in Chinese-Caucasian families perceive of their relationships

with their biracial grandchildren?

1a.) What are the factors and the challenges that Chinese grandparents face when

transmitting racial socialization to their biracial grandchildren?

1b.) How does Chinese grandparents’ own Chinese identity affect the ethnic socialization

of their biracial grandchildren?

1c.) How do grandparents help support the Chinese parent’s socialization of their biracial

children?

2.) How do biracial grandchildren make sense of their relationships with their grandparents— specifically, their efforts to transmit ethnic and racial socialization?

2a.) What racial factors affect how the biracial grandchildren feel about being biracial?

2b.) What are the challenges that biracial grandchildren encounter when their

grandparents try to racially socialize them?

Semi-structured interviews were used to collect the data. Interviews lasted approximately one hour for the grandparents and forty-five minutes for the grandchildren. Grandparent and grandchild interviews were conducted face-to-face, although some of the interviews with the grandchildren were conducted via Skype, Google Chat and FaceTime. Interview questions focused on topics around discussions of race in the home, parent-child relationships, as well as relationships with peers, parent-grandparent relationships, and being raised in majority-

Chinese/Asian cities in the Bay Area of California.

Purpose of the study

The study’s purpose was to learn about the process and transmission of racial-ethnic socialization between Chinese grandparents and their biracial Chinese-Caucasian grandchildren.

I have chosen these two races because of the experiences of Chinese Americans in the U.S.—

their journey from being viewed as the “yellow peril” to being viewed as “model minorities, “to now being at par with the majority White population. Interactions between second-generation parents with grandparents and with their biracial grandchildren will also be briefly mentioned in order to see how parents might influence the grandparent-grandchild relationship. How do grandparents perceive of this relationship? How do biracial grandchildren respond, if at all, to their grandparents’ and parents’ racial and ethnic socialization messages? There is a need to consider the role that other adults, family members, and peers play in children and young adults’ ethnic-racial socialization, depending on the context that they find themselves in (Priest et al.,

2014).

The findings from the study can be used to help family and health professionals who work with these families. Although parents have been found to play an important role in helping their biracial children form their identity (Byrd & Garwick, 2004; Kenney, 2002; Qian, 2004), more research needs to be conducted on grandparents and their role. This study will begin with an assumption that parents and grandparents play an important role in the lives of their biracial children and grandchildren. Also, the majority of the studies in the literature have focused on the perspectives of the child or the parents of the child. With the changing aging demographics in the

U.S. and abroad, as well as the changing role that grandparents play, examining the effect of these changes on the racial and ethnic socialization processes of their biracial grandchildren seems to be the next logical step.

The study was qualitative. Family practitioners might find the results to be helpful in a practical way—in terms of the applications of the study’s findings to the growing biracial population in the United States. Therefore, the uniqueness of this project is that it is a pioneer

study focused on the role that Chinese grandparents play in the racial socialization of their biracial grandchildren.

CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS

A child’s family environment is a vital context that can help the child to develop his or her identity. This is true for mono-racial children and especially for biracial children, who have to integrate their biracial identities in order to develop a stable identity (Root, 1990, 1999;

Rockquemore, 1998). There are numerous factors that influence biracial families and that influence the family relationship. For example, societal, racial and cultural factors all influence the relationships that family members have with each other. Chapter two will focus on two theories that will be used in the study: a.) Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory; and b.) Root’s

(1997, 1998, 1999, 2000) “border crossings” theory.

Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory will be used because identity development is influenced by contextual factors, including parental and familial socialization. Using an ecological approach might help researchers to gain a better understanding of biracial families. In particular, how relationships within not only their family, but with larger contexts such as with peers, neighbors and community influence how grandparents transmit cultural values and how these different contexts affect how grandparents help their biracial grandchildren with their identity formation. Identity theorists such as Root (2000) believed that contextual factors present in different contexts such as those in the family, neighborhood and school help to determine the type of identity that the biracial individual adopts. These contextual factors are also examined over the life course, so they are able to consider both the interpersonal family context as well as the larger social contexts that affect intergenerational relationships in these biracial families.

Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory

In order to have a grasp on the life experiences of biracial individuals, several researchers have stated that it is important to adopt an ecological approach in order to be able to consider the

ways in which identities can change depending on the context, within the family and how identities are affected over the life span (Phillips, 2004; Quintana, Aboud, Chao, Contreras-Grau,

Cross, Hudley, Hughes, Liben, Nelson-Le Gall, & Vietze, 2006; Renn, 2012; Rockquemore &

Brunsma, 2009). Peoples’ identities are used to help them make sense of the world around them. Individuals are sensitive to the meaningful features in their environments and adjust their thoughts and actions to their context (Oyserman & Destin, 2010). Thus, according to Brekhus

(2003), identity must be seen as fluid, rather than static and permanent. Identity is enacted and managed in our daily interactions (Brekhus, 2003). The surrounding context can include schools, neighborhoods, families, and extended family members can influence family dynamics within biracial families. For example, extended family members such as grandparents, have an important influence on their biracial grandchildren’s parents. The grandparents’ influence then translates into how parents raise their children. The influence of peers and friends, not only of the biracial grandchild, but the grandparents’ and parents’ peers, might also influence how they encourage or discourage the intergenerational transmission of cultural values and how much they help their biracial children to establish their identity (Garcia-Coll et al., 1996; Rockquemore &

Brunsma, 2004).

Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory is a fitting theoretical framework to help researchers understand the effect of these contextual factors. The ecological theory states that human development is situated in five interconnected systems (the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and chronosystem) (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Crandell, Crandell, &

VanderZanden, 2010; Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2010). Briefly, the microsystem is the most “intimate” level. It refers to relationships between the individual and his or her immediate environment, including family and peers. The next level, the mesosystem, is

composed of the individual and his or her microsystem as well as other contexts, such as the school and/or the workplace. The exosystem is different from the mesosystem in that it does not include the individual. Instead, the exosystem includes events and contexts that indirectly influence the individual and his or her microsystem. For example, a biracial child’s exosystem might include the interactions at home and the interactions in their parents’ workplace. The macrosystem is the overarching system. It includes the institutional culture, such as the economy and social customs. Finally, the chronosystem includes changes and consistency in both the individual and in his or her environment. For example, over the life span, family structure might change, and there might be changes in parental employment, changes in socioeconomic status, etc. Also, there is evidence that as children move through elementary school, their racial attitudes generally become more dependent on contextual cues and therefore more flexible (Raabe &

Beelmann, 2011; Rutland, Killen, & Abrams, 2010).

Researchers have found that the contextual setting, such as the school and neighborhood, influence biracial individuals (Tizard & Phoenix, 1993). Asian-Caucasian individuals who grow up in largely Asian communities have a good sense of what it means to have an Asian identity and to be a member of the majority (Kim, 2001). They may decide to enter into a Caucasian identity later in their teen years. They do not regard themselves as being Caucasian (Kim, 2001).

The experience is different for Asian-Caucasian individuals who grow up in predominantly

Caucasian neighborhoods. They tended to be confused about the being “Asian,” and identified more with being Caucasian. Thus, biracial individuals who live in majority Caucasian communities are more likely to adopt their Caucasian parents’ identity. Those living in more diverse communities are more likely to adopt their non-Caucasian parent’s identity (Herman,

2004; Rockquemore & Arend, 2002; Root, 1998).

Therefore, using this ecological framework will inform the study by examining intergenerational relationships, transmission of cultural values and identity formation in the larger context of community, neighborhoods, peers, etc. The influence of the broader systems such as the exosystem and macrosystem might impact the experiences of biracial families and how identity and cultural values are passed intergenerationally within these families. Also, family relationships, especially in intergenerational and biracial families, are not linear.

Therefore, an ecological approach might help us to better understand these types of families.

Interactions with peers, family members or community members might provide cues as to what it means to be a member of a racial/ethnic group. This influences whether an individual chooses to identify as a member of the minority or majority group. (Phinney, 1990; Poston, 1990; Root,

1999).

Racial identity theories

The earliest studies on identity utilized “marginal man” theories. These theories suggested that biracial individuals would experience social marginality. Early researchers emphasized the “either-or” experience of being biracial. These biracial individuals felt that society required them to choose an identity that was based on only one of their racial/ethnic backgrounds to identify with (Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990). They would then internalize their marginalization and would suffer psychological distress (Park, 1928; Stonequist, 1937). One researcher, Kich (1992), states that as biracial children realize that they are different from their mono-racial peers, they experience, “frustration, anger, longing and fear of inferiority… and questions of loyalty toward one parent or the other” (p. 311). Current theorists would disagree that biracial individuals necessarily suffer distress, but they would acknowledge that biracial children’s identity development process has unique challenges. For the Asians, differences in

language and physical appearance identified them as being “non-White.” Therefore, they became easy targets for racial categorization and discrimination (Sollors, 1999). Newer models of identity theories saw biracial individuals naming themselves as being biracial. This represented a new identity resulting from the integration and expression of an individual’s multiple racial/ethnic heritages (Renn, 2003; Root, 2001).

Prior to the passage of the OMB’s directive, the United States was a society in which racial groups were considered to be discrete and mutually exclusive. Therefore, individuals who had one White and one non-white parent were socially pressured to identify with their non-White heritage. With the passage of the OMB’s directive, identifying as being biracial has become more socially acceptable. Perceptions of race have evolved from a belief in the permanence and rigidity racial categories to a viewing race as socially constructed and fluid (Omi & Winant,

1994; Smedley & Smedley, 2005).

Poston’s BIDM. The Biracial Identity Development Model (BIDM) was developed by

Poston (1990) in order to illustrate the five- stage process of identity development in biracial individuals. The final result is an integrated biracial identity. The first stage is the personal identity stage. This is when the biracial individual is not aware of their race and ethnicity. This stage is based on interactions with their peers and their family. The second stage is choice of group categorization. This stage is marked by crisis as the individual experiences social pressure to choose one identity that is socially acceptable. Enmeshment and denial is the third stage.

Confusion and guilt are common this stage as the biracial individual feels that he/she has denied an aspect of their identity. The appreciation stage is the fourth stage. It is during this stage that the biracial individual realizes that they need not choose only one identity. Realizing this allows them to appreciate that they can hold multiple identities. Finally, the fifth stage is integration.

The individual has created an integrated biracial identity. A major assumption in using these theories is that having a biracial identity is a healthier outcome for biracial individuals compared to only having one identity (Gibbs & Hines, 1992; Herring, 1992).

These researchers describe a process that is personal and internal to the biracial individual. There is no consideration of the contextual conditions that make such outcomes possible or impossible. For example, an individual might choose to identify themselves solely as

Asian and they might find this more adaptive than identifying as Asian and Caucasian. If the individual’s neighborhood and their peers are majority Asian, then adopting an Asian-Caucasian identity might cause them to face rejection from their environment. From her research, Phinney

(1989) indicated that a higher percentage of Asian American adolescents would change their race to be White if they could. She also found that Asian American adolescents also felt less ethnic pride compared to their African American or Hispanic peers.

Root’s theory. To address these contextual conditions, Root (1997, 1998, 1999, 2000) utilized the ecological perspective to rethink the process of racial identity development. Her theory argues that individuals’ identities are fluid and shaped by both micro and macro factors/influences. Although she did not explicitly mention Bronfenbrenner’s theory, we can see that her theory is aligned with the ecological perspective. She considered not only the implications of being biracial, but also the influence of contextual factors on how biracial individuals identify themselves over their lifespan. For example, she considered the

“microsystems” of inherited traits, such as one’s phenotype, birthplace, names, family values, languages used at home, and parents’ racial identities. Trait influences included individuals’ interactions with the social environment, such as with their friends at school. Social interactions determine a person’s identity at a given moment because such interactions allow for

social norms to be communicated, as well as which norms are more or less salient in a given context (Abes, Jones, & McEwan, 2007; Root, 1999; Stewart, 2009). Thus, Root’s theory involves the dynamic interactions of the micro and the macro systems with each other. These interactions shift as the contextual conditions change (Blumer, 1969; Root, 1999).

Root suggested that considering these contextual influences allows researchers to understand how biracial individuals think about and navigate the racial “borders” imposed on them. There are four types of “border crossings.” The first is termed “having both feet in both groups.” This occurs when the individual is able to consider both of their multiple identities into one. For example, a Chinese/White biracial individual might consider him or herself to be 100%

Chinese and 100% White. The second type is termed “shifting the foreground and background.”

This involves adjusting one’s identity based on the racial, ethnic or cultural context present at that time. The third type involves having to choose a border or hybrid identity. They view themselves using a biracial label (Root, 1995). The fourth type involves the biracial individual creates a home in one racial “camp” for an extended period of time and explores other racial

“camps” from time to time. Biracial individuals in this fourth type may change the ways in which they identify themselves over time (Root, 1995).

Rockquemore & Laszloffy’s COBI. Two researchers who were inspired by Root’s work were Rockquemore and Laszloffy (2005), who developed their Continuum of Biracial

Identity Model (COBI). They based their model on national interviews and therapy sessions conducted with biracial (Black-White) individuals and Black-White adult development. The

COBI is more concerned with the processes that biracial individuals use to arrive at a particular identity. In particular, the COBI also reflects Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory, in that it is a reflexive process that involves the interactions between individuals and those in their

surrounding environment (Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2005). Identity development is based on a continuum. There are two polar singular identity options (“Black” and “White”). At either polarity, there are two “blended” options that emphasize Black and White identities to a greater degree (i.e., “Blended identity with Black emphasis;” “Blended identity with White emphasis”).

In between the polar identities is a purely “blended” identity, where individuals are a blend and do not emphasize their Black or White identity over the other. Applying this broad theory to my study, at one pole is a singular (exclusively) Chinese identity. At the other pole is a singular

White identity. The area in between the poles is composed of blended identity options and different emphases on these identities. For example, an individual might have a blended identity but place greater emphasis on the Chinese identity, or place greater emphasis on their White identity. Or, that individual might also place equal emphasis on both of their Chinese and White identities. Where a biracial individual falls on the continuum depends on the adaptation that that individual has made to their social environment. Again, we can connect this theory with

Bronfenbrenner’s theory in that the influence of contextual factors in the family, neighborhood and school, coupled with the sense of validation or rejection in these environments, all influence the final biracial identity that an individual develops. Both Root’s and Rockquemore and

Laszloffy’s theories illustrate how a biracial individual decides to arrive at a singular identity or a blended identity as a result of their acceptance or denial of some part of their heritage. Also, throughout the life span, as their contextual environments change, biracial individuals’ locations along this continuum can change as well.

There have been empirical studies that have supported both Root’s and Rockquemore and

Laszloffy’s ecological theories. There are differences in the ways that biracial individuals identify themselves. For example, some will identify exclusively with one race, whereas others

will identify with both races. Some will shift from one identity to another, depending on the context that they find themselves in. Others might not identify with any of their race/ethnicities

(Rockquemore & Arend, 2003; Harris & Sim, 2002).

Contextual factors heavily influence all of these identity choices, specifically parents and family and the socialization processes used. Most of the studies have been based on Black/White biracial individuals. However, individuals from other racial backgrounds have also been studied

(Kiang, Witkow, Baldelomar, & Fuligni, 2010, ; Xie & Goyette, 1997). In Miville et al. (2005),

Rockquemore and Brunsma (2001) and Renn’s (2003) studies, biracial college students were found to shift their identities in response to the campus ecology. In particular, Renn (2003) found that the campus peer culture (e.g., acceptance or rejection in ethnic and race based student organizations) shaped identity patterns for these biracial students. Therefore, there are different contextual contexts that affect how biracial individuals self-identify.

Rollins and Hunter’s racial socialization approaches and messages. Researchers have categorized parental racial socialization messages into two categories: 1.) Racial socialization messages (Table 1); and 2.) Racial socialization approaches (Table 2). One of the most prominent and recent researchers to do this is Rollins and Hunter (2013). In terms of racial socialization messages, they divided racial socialization into four categories: Cultural socialization, minority socialization, self-development socialization, and egalitarian socialization. Within each of the categories are descriptions/examples on what racial socialization messages are conveyed. Although their studies on racial socialization were based on studies of minority parents, this information could also be applied to the grandparents in this study.

The racial socialization approaches provide further insight into the complexities of the racial socialization processes of biracial youth. Racial socialization approaches are divided into three main types: Promotive, protective, and passive. Together, these socialization messages and socialization approaches illustrate how parents (and in my study, grandparents) layer their racial socialization messages to prepare their biracial children to confront discrimination and bias. The racial socialization messages and approaches might overlap. There is a lot of overlap between the racial socialization messages and the racial socialization approaches.

Table 1: Rollins and Hunter (2013) racial socialization messages

Cultural Socialization Minority Self-development Egalitarian *Discussing current socialization & socialization socialization racial events. mistrust *Development of *Taught children *History, heritage *Taught children to self-esteem and about other groups and legacy of their expect racial positive character and encouraged people. discrimination. traits. interactions with a *Encouraged children *How to respond to *Encouraged children diverse group of to participate in discrimination. to adopt a strong people. cultural activities. *Served as role work ethic. *Taught children to *Focused on the models. *Focus on how to value equality and legacy of their *Encouraged children communicate with acceptance. cultural heritage. to be strong and to people, how to be the *Taught children to *Encouraged children stand up for their leader, and stressed respect everyone, to to trust in a higher rights. the importance of a not be prejudiced, power as a way to *Told children that good education. and to not assume deal with racial they must work that other people are discrimination. harder. prejudiced.

Table 2: Rollins and Hunter (2013) racial socialization approaches

Promotive racial socialization Protective racial socialization Passive racial socialization approach approach approach *Strengthening the child’s *Preparing children for *Did nothing to prepare their sense of self. experiences with racial children for discriminatory *No direct preparation to face discrimination. Openly talk experiences. racial discrimination. about discrimination. .

CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW

In this chapter, we will discuss the following topics: a.) Grandparents (which covers the role of grandparents, gender, Asian grandparents, and how parents might mediate the grandparent-grandchild relationship) as well as b.) Biracial children and their development, especially in terms of their identity formation and c.) Provide a brief history of the Chinese immigrant experience in the United States. This brief historical summary will set the context for the assimilation experiences of the grandparents.

Grandparents

There are few studies that examine biracial family relationships in later life (Crosnoe &

Elder, 2004; Silverstein & Bengtson, 1997; Suitor et al., 2008).

Why study grandparents. Researchers such as Bengtson (1985) and Erikson (1963) have found that grandparents are a crucial component in intergenerational relationships—they play an important role in the well - being of all the generations (Lee-Ivany, 2013). Researchers such as Brussoni and Boon (1998), Gordon (1999) and Dufion and Kowaleski-Jones (2009) have found that throughout time, grandparents have played important roles in their grandchildren’s lives. This is because grandparents provide a link to the past as well as to the future by transmitting culture and family heritage to their grandchildren (Bullock, 2005; Kolomer &

McCallion, 2005; Kornhaber, 1996; Morrow-Kondos, Weber, Cooper, & Hesser, 1997).

Grandparents often are an important source of childcare for working parents, incarcerated parents, divorced parents, or parents who have extreme financial need (Bowers & Myers, 1999;

Hofferth, 1996; Musil & Ahmad, 2002). Grandchildren who have been raised by their grandparents have been shown to have feelings of gratitude and strong emotional bonds to their grandparents, specifically to the positive influences that they feel their grandparents have had on

them (Dolbin-McNab & Kelley, 2009). The grandparent-grandchild relationship has a familial closeness that is second to the relationship that children share with their parents (Brussoni &

Boon, 1998).

Grandparenthood is a triangulated role that needs to be examined from three perspectives: the grandparent, parents and grandchildren (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952; Werner et al., 1988).

According to Szinovacz (1998, p. 258), “neglecting the multiple linkages among grandparents, grandchildren, and the children’s parents constitutes a serious limitation of current research and theorizing.” Researchers know very little about the grandparent-grandchild relationship from the perspective of the grandchild (Brown & Roodin, 2003; Roberto & Stroes, 1992). Grandparents are the arbitrators between parents and children about the values that contribute to individual and family identity (Dychtwald & Flower, 1989; Eisenburg, 1988; Thomas, 1994; Waldrop et al.,

1999; Wilton & Davey, 2006).

More research is needed on grandparents, their families, and especially intergenerational relationships in biracial families (Szinovacz, 1998). Research focusing specifically on grandparents is still not studied extensively. The ecological context and family diversity need to be taken into account (Aldous, 1995; Pruchno & Johnson, 1996; Wilk, 1993).

Roles and types of grandparents. In the literature, grandparenthood has been described as a relationship and as a social role. If grandparenthood is defined as a social relationship, researchers are interested in examining intergenerational relationships—those between grandparents and their grandchildren (Schultz, 1980). On the other hand, the social aspect involves grandparents recognizing themselves in the role (Turner, 1991). Grand parenting varies across cultural and regional contexts. Cultural norms can either emphasize or downplay grandparents’ roles and can influence how involved grandparents are with their grandchildren

(Luo, LaPierre, Hughes, & Waite, 2012; Silverstein et al., 2003). Thus, since being a grandparent lacks explicit expectations, it is difficult to “fully understand the multi-dimensional and fluid nature of this complex family role” (Silverstein & Marenco, 2001, p. 493-494). Being a grandparent has many levels: Attitudinal, behavioral, affective, and symbolic. At the attitudinal level, being a grandparent involves the norms that govern the rights and obligations of grandparenthood. The behavioral level involves the activities that grandparents undertake with and for their grandchildren. The affective (emotional) level concerns the satisfaction with their grandparent role; and finally, the symbolic level concerns the different meanings of grandparenthood to grandparents (Hayslip & Page, 2012; Legacy Project, 2012; Nussbaum &

Bettini, 1994).

There have been several studies that have looked at the meaning of being a grandparent to their individual identities. For example, grandparents have been categorized by Neugarten and

Weinstein (1964) and McDonald and Birren (2007) into several main types: formal, fun-seeking, surrogate parent, reservoir of family wisdom, and distant; a.) Formal grandparents-- follow very clear roles and maintain boundaries between parenting and grand parenting. In their sample, 33% of grandfathers and 31% of grandmothers were classified as formal; b.) Fun-seeking—approach grand parenting in a very playful manner, with 24% of grandfathers and 29% of grandmothers being classified as such; c.) Surrogate parent—these grandparents take on the role of the parent, interestingly, none of the grandfathers and 14% of the grandmothers; d.) Reservoir of family wisdom—the grandparent is seen as the “storehouse” of special knowledge and skills, with 6% of grandfathers and 1% of grandmothers falling into this role; and finally, e.) Distant—this type of grandparent has little emotional or social investment in their grandchildren, with 29% of grandfathers displaying this style and 19% of grandmothers. Similarly, Cherlin and Furstenberg

(1986) also categorize grandparents as remote, companionate and involved. The companionate style is more common among Whites than Asians (Cherlin & Furstenberg, 1986). A companionate style involves the notion of equal status and displays of affection. Cherlin and

Fursternberg (1986) believe that Asian grandparents might struggle with this since, being immigrants, they might not have a good command of English. Also, Asian grandparents might be influenced by Confucianism, which makes grandparents regard their grandchildren as unequal.

Likewise, Kivnick (1982) in a study that involved 286 grandparents, found five dimensions of meaning: a.) Centrality—this is the degree to which the grandparent role was central to their life; b.) Valued elder—this regards the grandparent as wise; c.) Immortality—the grandparent feels immortal through their kin; d.) Re-involvement with personal past—seeing grandparenthood as a life review; and e.) Indulgence—having tolerance toward their grandchildren, but without the child-rearing responsibilities (AARP, 2002; Hebblethwaite & Norris, 2011). Likewise, Wilton &

Davey (2006) identified four symbolic grandparenthood roles. These include: a.) Being there— grandparents maintain the family’s identity and in the case of divorce or other family transitions, grandparents provide stability and family continuity; b.) The “national guard” or family watchdog—grandparents are there to provide help and support when needed; c.) Arbitrators— negotiators between parents and their children, especially with family values; d.) Active participants in the family’s construction of their family history—grandparents play a role in connecting the family’s past, present and future by shaping family identity and family history.

Likewise, Block (2000) and Wilton & Davey (2006) provided the following roles for grandparents: a.) Historians—providing family history to grandchildren; b.) Mentors—providers of wisdom and knowledge; c.) Role models—socialization of grandchildren; d.) Wizards—a

source of amusement to grandchildren; and finally, e.) Nurturers—become an integral part of their grandchildren’s support system.

There are also differences in how grandmothers and grandfathers perceive and carry out their care giving tasks, to be discussed below (Baranowski, 1991; Robertson, 1977; Tinsley &

Parke, 1987). Also discussed are the differences in grand parenting satisfaction between the genders.

Gender and grand parenting roles. Gender remains a key factor in the organization of family life (Silverstein & Marenco, 2001). Let us take a look at grandmothers and grandfathers and how their grand parenting styles differ.

Women as grandmothers. In previous grand parenting studies, the majority of the participants have been women (Abel, 1991; Hochschild, 1989). According to Dufion &

Kowaleski-Jones (2007), grandmothers have always played an important role in the socialization of their grandchildren. There are three main reasons why women have been traditionally sampled. These reasons include: a.) Women are traditionally more willing to be research participants; b.) Women live longer than men; and c.) Grandmothers have more interactions with their grandchildren (Fingerman, 1995; Ice et al., 2008; Maehara & Takemura, 2007; Rossi &

Rossi, 1990; Sheehan & Petrovic, 2008; Thompson & Walker, 1982). Also, early research on grand parenting focused on mothers and daughters—the matrilineal focus that was discussed previously. The maternal grandmother role is a consequence of the mother-daughter bond (Brody

& Saperstein, 2004; Somary & Stricker, 1998).

In support of the latter point, Thomas (1986b), Fuller-Thomson and Minkler (2001) and

Minkler and Fuller-Thomson (2000) found that grandmothers had higher grand parenting satisfaction compared to grandfathers. A possible explanation for this could be women’s

socialization focuses on child -care, home and family (DeLoache & Gottlieb, 2000) and what

Hagestad (1986) termed the “female axis” of intergenerational relationships, and what Aldous

(1995) termed the, “instrumental glue that keeps lineages together” (p. 110). Other researchers also studied the differences between genders in their pre-grand parenting expectations. Somary and Stricker (1998) interviewed 152 individuals and asked them about their pre- and post- grand parenting expectations. Not surprisingly, women tended to experience greater satisfaction from their role, and especially how helpful they wanted to be to their grandchild. Women also desired their grandchild to have a central place in their lives. In all of these areas, women did better compared to their male counterparts. In terms of actual interaction with the grandchild, however, there was no difference between the two genders (Wilton & Davey, 2006). The researchers’ findings were that all of the participants experienced higher role satisfaction than before the grandchild’s birth (Somary & Stricker, 1998).

Likewise, Peterson’s (1999) participants also were highly satisfied with their role. Their satisfaction was not associated with grandparent gender, but rather on more frequent contact with their grandchildren. Similarly, Kahana and Kahana (1970), Brown and Rodin (2004), Gravenish and Thomson (1996), and Millward (1997) found that grandmothers tended to see their grandchildren more often than grandfathers, particularly caring for grandchildren during parents’ work hours (Parker & Short, 2009). There was no difference, however, in how often they looked after the child. None of the grandfathers, however, said that they took primary responsibility for the child. Most of the men stated that this responsibility was for their spouse. Also, keeping with the socialization of women, grandmothers tended to see more of their daughters’ children compared to their sons’, but there was no difference for grandfathers (Wilton & Davey, 2006).

Interestingly, Cherlin and Furstenberg (1986) and Hodgson (1992) found that there was no association between the grandparents’ gender and frequency of contact with their grandchildren.

Men as grandfathers. There has not been as much attention paid to grandfathers.

This is because stereotypical views have portrayed grandfathers as imposing, authoritarian, distant, and uninvolved (Baranowski, 1991; Gauthier, 2002; Kivett, 1991; Roberto et al., 2001).

Also, since women statistically tend to outlive men, there has been a “feminization” of older adults (Thompson, 1994). That said, interest in the role of the grandfather has grown. Men’s contributions to family life have been found to be equally as influential as women’s (Canfield,

1996; Snarey, 1993). For instance, Thomas (1986a) stated that grandfathers agreed that being a grandfather meant assuming some responsibility for their grandchildren.

Cunningham-Burley (1984) conducted a study in the United Kingdom by interviewing 18 couples. The purpose of the study was to investigate how grandparents created their roles and if any meanings were derived from this. He interviewed these couples once before they became grandparents and then twice again after the first grandchild was born. Cunningham-Burley found that it was difficult to get men’s participation because the women tended to talk more.

Also, grandfathers tended to respond to questions in a more general manner, and did not seem to want to talk about personal experiences. Cunningham-Burley (1994) also found that talking about grandparenthood was regarded as an activity for grandmothers, but not for grandfathers.

The age of the grandchild was important. Grandmothers tended to take care of the younger grandchild, whereas grandfathers became more prominent as the grandchild grew. As well,

Wilton & Davey (2006) examined how the grandfather’s age affected his ability to socialize his grandchildren. The researchers observed grandfathers, grandmothers, fathers, and mothers playing with their infant children or grandchildren. Infants tended to respond more positively to

their mothers, fathers and grandmothers compared to their grandfathers. Wilton and Davey then divided the grandfathers into age groups from 36-49 years, 50-57, and 58-68 years. Those in the

50 to 57- year age group tended to respond more positively to their infant grandchildren. From this, Wilton and Davey (1988, p. 245) concluded that, “an optimal match exists between grandfather age and grandchild age that offsets the fact that grandfathers have fewer contact opportunities with infants.”

Becoming a grandfather is an important part of a man’s development. This is because at midlife, men work to accomplish the goal of maturing and expanding their family roles

(Havighurst, 1953; Russell, 1986; Sheehy, 1998). Quite recently, there has been a focus on fatherhood and that fathers are becoming more nurturing toward their children (Hanson &

Bozett, 1991). Gender equality has also increased the importance of fathering and being a grandfather (Block, 2000). Russell’s (1986) research focused on maternal and paternal grandparents from the same family. Specifically, the focus was on grandfathers. Paternal grandfathers had less interaction with their grandchildren compared to maternal grandfathers.

Also, paternal grandfathers saw their roles as being supportive of their families. Therefore, they tended to be more traditional in their interactions with their grandchildren compared to grandmothers.

Although the grandfathers reported spending less time with grandchildren compared to grandmothers, 75% of grandfathers reported having weekly contact with their grandchildren, doing activities such as sitting talking/listening, playing rough and tumble games and cuddling.

Grandfathers rated their relationship with their grandchildren as important aspects of their lives and described their grandparent/grandchild relationship just as warm and close as did grandmothers (Russell, 1986). The grandfathers reported that they enjoyed the time they spent

with their grandchildren, because it was their way of making up for missed opportunities that they had with their children (Russell, 1986). Furthermore, grandfathers in three-generation families tended to influence their grandchildren in instrumental matters such as in jobs and finances, whereas grandmothers influenced grandchildren in more interpersonal and instrumental matters (Hagestad, 1985).

Likewise, Waldrop et al. (1999) and Whitbeck et al. (1991) found that as far as the transmission of values and teaching life lessons to their grandchildren, grandfathers were influenced by their fathers in how to behave as a grandfather. Grandfathers valued transferring lessons on family heritage, values and respect to their grandchildren (Gilford & Black, 1972;

Waldrop et al., 1999). They either copied their father’s behaviors or did the opposite. A similar result was found with a Dutch sample of mothers, who attributed their current parenting skills to their own mothers (Vermulst, deBrock & van Zutphen, 1991). In all of these studies, the researchers found strong emotional and ongoing involvement with their grandchildren.

All of these studies seem to suggest that grand parenting does not occur in isolation— there are different contexts, methods and timing that can influence it. Grand parenting satisfaction becomes more complex especially in biracial families.

Transitions in grand parenting. Transitions occur throughout life and grandparents are no exception. They have implications for the structure and function of the grand parenting role (Brown & Roodin, 2003; Elder, 1994; Schlossberg, 1984). The studies that have been done on life transitions have been cross-sectional, quantitative and non-contextual.

Moreover, there is little information on the effects of transitions based on ethnicity and gender

(Fingerman et al., 2012). Researchers have recognized the need to include more contextual

perspectives and how individual lives are embedded in and are influenced by the environment

(Hagestad & Burton, 1986).

Transitions are classified into four main categories (Schlossberg, 1984): 1.)

Anticipated—predictably occur in the life cycle and individuals can prepare for them; 2.)

Unanticipated—these are non- predictable events. For example, the death of a family member, divorce or becoming a grandparent before one is ready. 3.) Chronic (“hassle”)—these hassles are continuous. The last transition is 4.) Non-event—these are transitions that were counted on, but that never occurred. In terms of grand parenting, a non-event may occur when a grandchild has a disability or chronic illness, for example (Neely-Barnes, Graff & Washington, 2010). Some grandparents might even consider having a biracial grandchild as a grandparent role that never

“occurred.” Other non-event transitions might include grandchildren or children’s decisions not to visit or to live with or near the grandparents (Moen, 1996; Moos & Schaefer, 1986).

Racial and ethnic factors in grand parenting. There is a need to integrate minority grandparents into the research on grandparenthood. If researchers limit themselves to studying the majority population, the literature on grandparents will be limited. Studies need to extend beyond quantitative studies and include qualitative research as well. There needs to be qualitative research done on the differences in grandparenthood, the dynamics of grandparent- grandchild relationships, grandparent-grandchild outcomes, or grand parenting differences in minority populations (Szinovacz, 1998). For example, Kivett’s (1991) study is one study that addresses grand fatherhood and how ethnicity relates to this role. In the study, Kivett sampled

African American and Caucasian men who were living in a rural U.S. area. Compared with

Caucasian grandfathers, African Americans showed greater variation in the numbers of grandchildren that they had and what type of support they gave and received. Being a

grandfather was more central to African American men and their identity compared to Caucasian men. Also, African American grandchildren considered their grandparents as being more influential in teaching life skills and values compared to Caucasian grandchildren (Hunter, 1997;

Kivett, 1991). These differences represent the various meanings that intergenerational relationships represent to individuals from different ethnic groups. Similarly, Black and Hispanic grandmothers tend to play a more central role in providing nurturance for their grandchildren versus White grandmothers (Chen et al., 2011). Schmidt and Padilla (1983) conducted interviews about interactions between Mexican American grandchildren and their grandparents.

Grandmothers were found to speak Spanish (a measure of cultural transmission) more frequently to their granddaughters. Likewise, Timberlake and Stokes-Chipungu (1992) studied 100 African

American grandmothers and 100 of their grandchildren to examine the meaning of grand parenting. Their results indicated that for 85% of the grandmothers, their grandchildren were an extension of themselves. In Finland, Ruoppila (1991) found that the grandmother-mother connections were stronger than grandfather-father connections. These, too, reflect differences in family and cultural norms (Gibson, 2005; Minturn & Lambert, 1964; Pruchno, 1999; Williams &

Torres, 1998). Therefore, being a caregiver is an opportunity to preserve family heritage in the next generations (Timberlake & Stoke-Chipungu, 1992).

In studies of families in the U.S. in which the third generation is included (Nesteruk &

Marks, 2009), the most frequent help provided by grandparents is babysitting. Specific to Asians,

Kitano and Kikumura (1976) studied Japanese grandparents on the West Coast. They found that

Japanese families brought grandparents into the household to help parents with child -care.

Similarly, Huang (1976) found that Chinese American children grow up with their grandparents

who serve as their babysitters. Across both studies, maternal and paternal grandmothers were the providers of care and are the preferred in-home caregiver (Werner, 1984).

Asian grandparents and their cultural values

There is a paucity of research on Asian grandparents. There is a need for empirical research that examines the differences between Asian groups in terms of grandparent-grandchild relationships and the extent to which Asian culture is maintained and transferred by Asian grandparents (Kamo, 1998; Kruk, 1994; Szinovacz, 1998). Asians hold a special position in society. Asians are a minority, but a “model minority”—they have, for the most part, achieved parity with Whites (Barringer, Gardner & Levin, 1993). This dual identity might help biracial

Asian-Caucasian children to decrease the social distance between themselves, White majority and other minority groups (Xie & Goyette, 1997).

Although Asian grandparents have many different countries of origin, a majority of them have Confucian backgrounds and are Buddhist. For example, Chinese and Japanese Americans are more likely than Whites to live with their adult children (Kamo & Zhou, 1994; Kataoka-

Yahiro, Ceria & Caulfield, 2004; Szinovacz, 1998). Confucianism emphasizes differences between individuals based on gender and age. It also stresses the importance of family life and filial responsibility, which refers to the sense of responsibility and obligation that children have toward their parents (Hashimoto & Ikels, 2005; Hsin & Macer, 2003; Hwang, 1999; Schorr,

1980; Tseng, 2004). Family care giving is a cultural virtue, duty and responsibility (Aranda,

2002; Chappell, 2005; Fillmore & Cheong, 1980). With aging parents, filial responsibility is expressed via physical and financial support of parents. American parents tend to be independent and maintain their self-esteem versus Chinese parents who maintain their self-esteem by having other family members to rely on (Gallant, Spitze & Grove, 2010). Also, Asian cultures tend to be

collectivistic and controlling compared to western cultures. Specific to the Chinese culture,

“guan” means to govern and to love. It is a directive control and the building of close relationships between parents and children (Chao & Tseng, 2002; Davey, Fish, Askew, &

Robila, 2003).

Several researchers have studied parent-child value transmissions. They have found that children are more perceptive of parents’ values when parenting is warm and supportive (Knafo &

Schwartz, 2001; Rudy & Grusec, 2001; Su & Costigan, 2008). In contrast, when parents put too much pressure on promoting their ethnic identity, children tend to construct their identities in contrast to what their parents want (Cheng & Kuo, 2000; Rudy & Grusec, 2001). Race and ethnicity also affect parent-child relationships. Chinese parenting functions differently from that of Caucasian grandparents. For example, Sollenberger (1968) has found that it is often very difficult for parents to decide how many languages their children should learn. This is especially difficult for parents who speak more than two Chinese dialects to decide which should be taught to their children. It is possible that Chinese children who are not taught any Chinese language will be less exposed to their cultural heritage (McAdoo, 1993). This inability to speak the language might negatively impact their relationships with their grandparents. To support this point, Tseng and Fuligni (2000) conducted interviews with Asian and Latino adolescents. Their parents were recent immigrants and did not speak English. Teenagers who shared a common language with their parents tended to have the closest relationships and were able to discuss issues with their parents. These second generation teens were more likely to be able to speak and use English. As a result, these immigrant parents felt that they had less authority over their children (Tseng & Fuligni, 2000).

There are gender differences in ethnic identity formation as well. Mothers tend to develop close relationships with children, whereas fathers are regarded as disciplinarians and are not socialized to be too involved in raising the children (Su & Costigan, 2008). Therefore, these differences might affect parenting roles and formation of children’s ethnic identity. In my study, are these differences more apparent in biracial families?

Confucianism also emphasizes gender hierarchy. Grandfathers and fathers have authority in the family over grandmothers and mothers. Co-residence, specifically patrilocality is common, and these households usually include grandchildren (Bell & Chaibong, 2003; De Vos & Lee,

1993; Yao, 2000). Co-residence is common China and Taiwan and other Asian countries as well

(Freedman, Chang & Sun, 1982; Tu, Liang & Li, 1989).

Why study Asian grandparents. Asian grandparents are important influences on their children’s ethnic identity development (Su & Costigan, 2008). This is because live-in grandparents play an important role particularly in Chinese families. They expose their grandchildren to aspects of their culture-- such as decorations, food, and speaking the language of origin— these are all important components of ethnic socialization (Su & Costigan, 2008).

For example, older adults who come from Asian countries are unique because of their immigration history. Compared to White grandparents, Asian grandparents are more likely to be:

1.) Foreign-born; 2.) Not speak English; 3.) Live with their grandchildren—as McAdoo (1993) states, “when Asian Americans have their grandparents in this country, they are more likely to co-reside with them” (p. 111). That said, however, Asian American elderly do acknowledge that residing with their adult child can lead to intergenerational conflict in child rearing and socialization (Min, 1998).

Many Asian grandparents are born outside of the U.S. Prior to their life in the U.S., many were raised with very different cultural values and lifestyles from the mainstream White

American society. This has carried over to their current interactions, where many of them speak languages besides English, eat their cultural foods, and hold very different values from White grandparents (Kitano & Daniels, 1995; Lai, 2004; Lee, 1997). According to Suinn, Ahuna and

Koo (1992), an Asian immigrant individual may categorize/identify themselves in three main ways: 1.) Asian identified (separated); 2.) Bicultural (integrated); or 3.) Western identified

(assimilated). An Asian identified person has retained their ethnic beliefs, traditions and practices, but has refused (or is unable to) adjust to American culture. A bicultural person still maintains the values and traditions of his/her own ethnic group, but also incorporates the host culture’s values and traditions. Finally, a Western identified person rejects the values and traditions of his/her Asian heritage, and has instead chosen to incorporate the values, traditions, and behaviors of American culture. For the grandparents in my study, including those who were born in the U.S. or who have lived in the U.S. for forty or more years, I would venture that they are biracial/bicultural identified. Although they have assimilated Western culture and values, they have not completely rejected their Asian heritage, and want to pass on Chinese culture and values to their grandchildren.

Asian grandparents’ relationships with grandchildren. Some younger Asian individuals have been well assimilated into the U.S. White majority society via education, occupation and intermarriages (Kitano & Daniels, 1995; Kumabe et al., 1985). In particular, researchers have found that there are a high proportion of marriages outside of the Asian

American ethnic group, particularly among Asian American women (Kitano & Kikumura, 1980).

Many of these Asian American women are upwardly mobile and have a desire to enhance their status and are quickly assimilated into the majority culture (Cheung & Yamamura, 1957).

Considering this fact with older Asian grandparents, older adult grandparents have more traditional values while their children and grandchildren might tend to have more “modern”

American values (Goode, 1963). Therefore, this may lead to more conflicted relationships between Asian grandparents and their grandchildren. Also, the language gap between older grandparents who do not have a good command of English and their more assimilated grandchildren might create intergenerational difficulties, such as emotional distance between the generations (Kendis, 1989; Kennedy, 1992a). Studies have shown that the language gap has led to communication breakdowns, specifically with immigrants from Asian and Latin countries

(Kibria, 1993, Lubben & Becerra, 1983; Usita & Blieszner, 2002). To illustrate, Van Tran’s

(1988) study on young Vietnamese families found that youth who did not learn the Vietnamese language created barriers between themselves and their grandparents. Changing socio-economic conditions for Korean immigrants have been found to negatively impact their intergenerational relationships (Levitt, Guacci & Weber, 1992).

Grandchildren, who are more assimilated into mainstream Western culture, might consider their grandparents’ perspectives to be irrelevant (Kamo, 1998; McAdoo, 1993; Yee, Su,

Kim, & Yancura, 2009; Yoon, 2005). On the other hand, Asian grandparents’ knowledge of their culture and heritage may make Asian grandparents a source of knowledge about ethnic heritage.

Therefore, Asian grandparents might also help to preserve ethnic identity in their grandchildren

(Alba, 1990; Nagel, 1994). Asian grandparents offer a reference point for their grandchildren and

Asian American grandchildren “learn to be Asians” through their grandparents and other family members—grandchildren tend to model their parents in their ethnic identity formation (Bond,

1996; Su & Costigan, 2008). Society and non-family members teach them how to be “American”

(Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001; Yip, Gee & Takeuchi, 2008).

Older Asian immigrants bring their traditional culture, filial piety and notions of patrilocality (Sokolovsky, 1990). Immigrants from Asian and other non-European countries usually live in extended family households. Confucianism states that grandparents who are living in the same household as their grandchildren are to be respected and age seniority is taken seriously. Thus, Asian grandchildren are expected to use more polite language, to be more deferential and to have more formal interactions with their grandparents (Uba, 1994). Even if grandparents do not live in the same household, frequent interactions with their grandchildren can be expected, due to the emphasis on filial piety in Asian culture (McAdoo, 1993). In fact, more Asians and Asian American grandparents choose to live on their own (Davey & Takagi,

2013; Zhan & Montgomery, 2003). Where grandparents live has been found to affect the extent to which they associate with and assist their grandchildren, but has not been found to influence the quality of the relationship (www.childtrends.org; Barranti, 1985; Gladstone, 1988; Kivett,

Dugan & Moxley, 1994).

Also, we previously discussed the types of grand parenting stated by Cherlin and

Furstenberg (1986) (i.e., remote, companionate and involved). Many Asian grandparents can be classified as remote grandparents, since they live outside of the U.S. Separation due to geographical distance is the most common contributor to the remote grand parenting style

(Cherlin & Furstenberg, 1986). The Chinese grandparents in my study would be classified as companionate, as they were still within traveling distance of their grandchildren and were still involved in their lives, but not overly so.

Grandchild’s gender and age. There are mixed findings on the research about whether grandparents differentiate between granddaughters and grandsons. According to Tinsley and

Parke (1984), grandmothers are more likely to make this differentiation, but in contrast,

Hagestad (1978, 1985) finds grandfathers to be more likely to do so. The literature also is divided on this topic. Studies done by Bengtson and Harootyan (1995), Eisenberg (1988), King and Elder (1995), Kivett (1993), and Thomas (1995) found that the grandchild’s gender is of little significance to the grandparents in terms of the meaning derived from grand parenting and their satisfaction with their role. However, Kennedy (1990), Peterson (1989) as well as Shore and Hayslip (1994) found in their sample that grandparents reported greater positive relationships with their granddaughters. Young girls tended to focus more on emotional attachments and less on shared activities, in contrast to boys who focus more on shared activities

(Ponzetti & Folkrod, 1989).

Other researchers have found that girls may be more likely to identify with their minority parent and more likely to retain cultural values (Portes & Schauffler, 1994). Whether the Asian parent was a mother or father also played a role. Asian mothers were found to be more significant to their child’s ethnic socialization compared to Asian fathers (Thomas & King, 2007;

Turnage, 2004; Wilson, 1981). But, other studies have found that the father has a greater influence as the cultural transmitted in the family. This is because children tend to identify with their father’s surname (Waters, 1989; Xie & Goyette, 1997).

Most research studies have pointed to greater grandparent involvement in older compared to younger, grandchildren. For example, Cunningham-Burley (1984b) found that grandfathers tended to delay their grandfather role until their grandchildren had “grown up a bit.” Likewise,

Powers and Kivett (1992) found that rural grandparents received more assistance from their older

grandchildren compared to their younger ones (Clark, 1969; Kahana & Kahana, 1970). With increasing age of the grandchild, Hodgson (1992) found a decrease in grandparent-grandchild interactions. In a study of 85 children, young children (ages 4-5) appreciated their grandparents because grandparents were indulgent toward them. Children between the ages of 8-9 appreciated their grandparents because they were fun- loving and active. Finally, children between the ages of 11-12 found that more distance between the generations was preferable (Kahana & Kahana,

1970). However, Fuligni (1998) has found that Chinese adolescents tend to pursue autonomy at a later age compared to other adolescents. There are other researchers, however, who have reached different conclusions. For instance, Hetherington and Clingempeel et al. (1992) did not find any relationship between the grandchild’s age and the grandparent-grandchild relationship.

Some grandparents and grandchildren become “consociates” over time (Bengtson, 1985). As the grandchildren grow, the grandparent role changed to a largely symbolic one during the transition to adolescence, as adolescent identity needs tend to increase (Baranowski, 1982; Cherlin &

Furstenberg, 1986a).

For example, grandchildren who had a close relationship with their grandparents and who were able to describe their grandparents as mediators, mentors and caregivers viewed their grandparents as being important. In contrast, grandchildren who did not have contact with their grandparents because of death, geographic distance and divorce viewed their relationship as being more distant and less valuable (Kahana & Kahana, 1970).

Grandparents’ age. A factor that is less mentioned in the literature is the age of the grandparents (Aldous, 1995; Troll, 1983). One perspective of what age means is through

Kornhaber & Woodward (1981) who cite Bernice Neugarten (1974) and her concept of the aged.

She distinguishes between the “old-old” and the “young-old.” The “old-old” are the men and

women 75 years old and above who, because of infirmity, require support from others. Contrast this to the “young-old” who are between the ages of 55 and 74. These individuals tend to be vigorous and self-reliant (Neugarten, 1974). With this in mind, it is not surprising that younger grandparents are more likely to be involved with their grandchildren (Bryson & Casper, 1999;

Troll, 1983) because grandparents who are too old do not have the motivation nor the energy to be fully engaged with their grandchildren (Aldous, 1995; Burton and Dilworth-Anderson, 1991).

The age of the grandchildren or grandchild also makes a difference. For example, infants and preadolescents are easier for older adults to enjoy sharing their companionship with (Aldous,

1995). Older youths tend to have their own interests with peers (Troll, 1983). To illustrate,

Szinovacz (1998) cites the research of Strom, Collinsworth, Strom and Griswold (1993) who focused their study on older Black grandparents age 60 and older. Black grandparents felt more successful in their relationships with younger grandchildren compared to older grandchildren.

In the future, there will be a shift in the ratio of males to females (Binstock & George,

2011). Generally speaking, the sex ratio at birth is in the range of 104-107 males to 100 females

(Martin, 2011). Females tend to outlive men— at every age, their mortality rates are less than male mortality rates. By the age of 40, the number of females tends to outnumber males. In 2005, the sex ratio for older adults age 65 and older in developed countries was 68 males to 100 females (U.N. Population Division, 2009). By 2050, the sex ratio for those age 65 and older is projected to be 77 males to 100 females (Binstock & George, 2011; Martin 2011). By 2030, the non-Hispanic White population will be a minority. By 2050, the older minority population will constitute 42% of the population over the age of 65, an and the population of minority elders will nearly double by 2050 (Administration on Aging, 2013; U.S. Census Bureau, 2008).

Developmental and physical changes in later life can affect the grandparent role

(Bengtson, 1985; Hagestad & Speicher, 1981). Aging might cause grandparents to distance themselves from grandchildren in order to conserve energy (Neugarten & Weinstein, 1964). On the other hand, Troll (1985) found that as grandparents age, they might also put their energies into their grandparent role, perhaps because of an increased need to nurture the young (Even-

Zohar, 2011; Fruhauf, Jarrott & Allen, 2006; Gutmann, 1977).

Intergenerational relationships

There has been interest in intergenerational relationships and how this contributes to ethnic socialization (Cohler & Grunebaum, 1981). Intergenerational relationships are usually defined as the relationships between aging adults and adult children (McDonough-Mercier, Mack

& Wall, 1997). According to Cohler and Grunebaum (1981), researchers have used quantitative approaches to demonstrate intergenerational contact and support. The gap in the literature, however, is that there have not been many studies focusing on the psychological significance of this support (Cohler & Grunebaum, 1981).

As parents’ ideals might clash with the dominant society’s ideals, some cultural elements might be retained and other elements discarded over the generations (Choi & Kim, 2010). For example, Asian parents might retain core cultural values such as respect for parents and older adults in the family. They might think that speaking English as a first language might not be as important as retaining cultural values (Choi & Kim, 2010). Often, there is an interactive process between the family and the larger cultural context in which they are immersed. There might be an integration and co-existence of Asian culture and dominant White culture (Tardif-Williams &

Fisher, 2009). However, Stets and Burke (2000) found that Koreans and Chinese strongly adhere to their traditional cultures that are quite different from the American mainstream culture.

These Chinese and Korean grandparents are likely to have more difficulty with their grandchildren, many of whom are completely assimilated (Stets & Burke, 2000). This may erode grandparents’ authority, and might make the interactions between grandparents and grandchildren more strenuous (Detzner, 1996; Holmes & Holmes, 1995; Markides, Liang &

Jackson, 1990; Min, 1998).

Intergenerational families. Intergenerational households are households containing three or more parent-child generations. The number of intergenerational households in the U.S. increased from 3.9 million in 2000 to 5.1 million in 2010 (Pew Social Trends Report, 2010; U.S.

Census Brief, 2010).

In intergenerational families, parents occupy the intermediary position between the grandparent and the grandchild generations (Monserud, 2008). Parents serve as the “bridge” or

“gatekeeper” for the grandparent-grandchild relationship. As such, they have the ability to facilitate (or not) these intergenerational interactions (Barranti, 1985; Gladstone, 1989; King &

Wilder, 1995; Matthews & Sprey, 1985). Parents are able to cue their children to interact with their grandparents and these interactions are based on the parents’ experiences in their family of origin (Robertson, 1975). Researchers such as Van Ijzendoorn (1992) report on the intergenerational nature of parenting. As such, parents are in a unique position to influence the grandparent-grandchild relationship, via bringing grandparents and grandchildren together

(Monserud, 2008: Brown, 2003; Hodgson, 1992; Matthews & Sprey, 1985; Thompson &

Walker, 1987). When we consider the influence of mothers and fathers in facilitating the grandparent-grandchild relationship, it is important to keep in mind that each parent can mediate the grandparent-grandchild bond in their own way (Chan & Elder, 2000 cited in Monserud,

2008). In Asian families, family roles are structured largely by age (Javiillonar, 1979; Yee,

Huang & Lew, 1998). Parents and other elders (e.g., grandparents, aunts, etc.) have greater authority than do younger family members.

Gender plays a role in the ways that families maintain their kinship relationships (Bahr,

1976; Monserud, 2008). Women maintain stronger familial ties compared to men (Elder,

Downey & Cross, 1986; Fingerman, 2004). Parents tend to have closer ties to their own parents compared to their in-laws, and it is important for the paternal side to maintain these relationships with the grandchild’s mother (Burnette, 1998; Marx, Miller & Hoffmon, 2011; Monserud, 2008;

Youngblut, Brooten, Blais, Hannan, & Niyonsenga, 2010). That said, men do contribute to maintaining intergenerational ties in the family as well (Bahr, 1976; Bott, 1971). Relatively recently—during the 1970s—fathers began to be portrayed as important contributors to child development (Parke & O’Leary, 1976). Also, Brown (2003) and Matthews & Sprey (1985) found that mothers’ and fathers’ close relationships with their children and parents was related to stronger grandparent-grandchild ties (Monserud, 2008).

Creasey and Kobleweski (1991) and Dubas (2001) found that adult grandchildren have better relationships with maternal than paternal grandparents. This matrilineal advantage can be attributed to the socialization of women in society as being the “kin keepers” in the family

(Monserud, 2008; Rosenthal, 1985; Rossi, 1995). Being a “kin keeper” helps to form the foundation for family solidarity and integration. Thus, women maintain intergenerational continuity (Cohler & Grunebaum, 1981; Elder, Downey & Cross, 1986; Monserud, 2008;

Rosenthal, 1985; Rossi, 1995; Troll, Miller, & Atchley, 1979). Children tend to follow parents’ cultural ways—the feelings, attitudes and behaviors that are deemed culturally appropriate for their gender (Monserud, 2008). By observing their parents, children might be able to develop close ties with other family members, such as their grandparents (Monserud, 2008).

All of these characteristics affect grandparent and parent perceptions of their roles and predicts intergenerational assistance and support. This holds true across race and ethnicity

(Aldous, 1995; Chatters & Taylor, 1993; Hogan, Hao & Parish, 1990; Hunter, 1997; Jackson,

Jayakody & Antonucci, 1996; Szinovacz, 1998; Tinsely & Parke, 1984; Troll, 1985). Young adults who live together with their parents might positively influence the grandparent-grandchild bond, since parents will have more opportunities to mediate these intergenerational interactions.

As well, the age and health of the older grandparent (to be discussed in more detail later) can also influence these relationships.

Biracial children and adolescents

The family is considered to be a social system and is the basic of all social institutions

(Feiring & Lewis, 1978; Lewis, 1982; Lewis, 1994) that is defined by its members, culture and the community in which it exists. It is the first environment in which the child experiences intimate social interaction and it is the first place where children learn to form an understanding of self and society (McGoldrick, 1982; Mead, 1934). This understanding continues to impact the individual throughout his or her life (Diggs, 1994, 1996). Families are the locus of social constructions, opinions and beliefs about race. There have been studies that demonstrate that the role of the family is in shaping racial attitudes and hence, children’s racial socialization (Aboud,

1977; Goodman, 1964; Greenfield, 1994; Katz, 1976; Porter, 1971; Socha & Diggs, 1999).

Accorrding to Csizmadia, Rollins and Kaneakua (2014), biracial children’s ethic-racial socialization is less well understood.

Racial socialization is defined as, “the developmental processes by which children acquire the behaviors, perceptions, values, and attitudes of an ethnic group and come to see themselves and others as members of such groups. “Racial socialization conveys messages about

race, as well as silence about race (Coard et al., 2005; Garcia-Coll et al., 1996; Hughes et al.,

2006; Hughes & Chen, 1997; Steiker & MacMaster, 2008; Neblett et al., 2008; Tatum, 1997).

Thus, the family is a significant context in which managing one’s ethnic or racial identity occurs

(Alexander & LeBlanc, 1999; Gopaul-McNicol, 1992; Hecht, Collier & Ribeau, 1993; Knight,

Bernal, Garza, Cota, & Ocampo, 1993; Socha & Diggs, 1999; Vaughan, 1987). Socialization may be fostered through the presence of extended family members, since socialization occurs within and across generations. Socialization is reciprocal, from parent to offspring and vice versa (Hagestad, 1974; Lerner & Spanier, 1978; Mortimer & Simmons, 1978). Parents help to maintain and promote cultural traditions and instill racial and ethnic pride (Barnes, 1980; Boykin

& Toms, 1985; Cassels-Jones, 2007; Hughes, et al., 2006). Mothers are often more likely to be involved in the racial socialization process as well as parents who have higher education levels

(Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, & Allen, 1990). Do grandmothers have the same influence in racial socialization as well?

The process of constructing and managing one’s ethnic identity becomes much more complex when biracial family systems are involved (Orbe, 1999; Socha & Diggs, 1999). Biracial children and their families have to cope with racism and discrimination (O’Donoghue, 2004;

Pinderhughes, 1995). Forming an ethnic identity is a challenge for biracial youth compared to their mono-racial minority peers (Deters, 1997; Gibbs, 1998; Vivero & Jenkins, 1999).

Problems faced by biracial children. Researchers such as Herring (1992, 1995) and Gibbs (1987, 1989, 2003) indicate that there are two primary conflicts faced by biracial children. The first is that they must be able to integrate their dual ethnic identities while also developing a positive self-concept. They must also develop a sense of a personal identity and a positive racial identity. Biracial individuals might learn from their families to identify as biracial,

but in their school and peer environments, they might not be perceived as such. They have had to struggle with racial questions that their majority race and minority race mono-racial peers have had answered for them by the larger society. For example, one issue that biracial children face is trying to understand why the existing racial categories do not account for them. They come to realize that racial categories are subjective and arbitrary, and that race is a social construct (Spickard, 1992). This can become a major source of tension (Gibbs, 1987; Shih &

Sanchez, 2005). They must also resolve conflicts around other areas such as: their social marginality, their sexuality and choice of partners, their eventual separation from their parents, and their educational/career aspirations (Lyles, Yancey, Grace, & Carter, 1985; Social Work

Research and Abstracts, 1987). Biracial children are at risk of being categorized as “others” by larger society and by their racial and ethnic groups (Bradshaw, 1992; Root, 1992). The biracial individual must balance sustaining his or her ethnic culture while also sustaining larger White society’s values and customs.

Physical appearance. Biracial individuals have been asked, “what are you?” by others trying to ascertain their race (Kao, 1999; O’Hearn, 1998; Omi & Winant, 1986; Williams, 1992).

Physical appearance (e.g., skin color, hair texture and facial features) helps others to “define” the biracial individual and is a strong influence on identity development (Bowles, 1993; Brown,

1990; Goffman, 1959; Herring, 1992; Renn, 2004; Root, 2003). Phenotype is at the core of racial identity (Boxley, 2008; Brown, 1990; Doyle & Kao, 2007; Gaither, Chen, Corriveau,

Harris, Ambady, & Sommers, 2014; Perry, 2014; Rodriguez et al., 2015; Tizard & Phoenix,

1995; Wallace, 2003). For many White-Asian biracial individuals, their physical appearance might be ambiguous and therefore, they may experience greater identity conflicts (Morishima,

1980). For example, some identity conflicts include developing a marginalized identity, as well

as identity confusion, self-hatred, denial, and feelings of guilt and disloyalty (Choi et al., 2006;

Gibbs, 1987; Stonequist, 1937). Cooke (1997) studied these physical racial cues. Her biracial

Asian respondents were asked to identify their physical characteristics that they considered to be ethnic and to list one physical feature that would cue their ethnic/racial background. The Asian-

White respondents reported that their eyes (87% females, 70% males), hair color (40% females,

70% males), skin color (66% females, 50% males), and nose (33% females, 16% males). Eyes were listed because eyes are one of the major attributes that distinguishes an Asian phenotype

(Cooke, 1997).

Regardless of how these third generation biracial grandchildren identify themselves in ethnic or racial terms, others may assign them with ethnic or racial labels (Costigan, Su, & Hua,

2009). These assigned racial labels may result in discrimination and stereotyping (Gans, 2007).

In fact, several researchers such as Renn (2008) and Torres, Jones, and Renn (2009) have found that students of mixed race or ethnicity may be keenly aware of the ways that their multiple heritages place them at odds with the appearances and cultural knowledge expressed by their mono racial counterparts. However, some researchers have found that White biracial individuals are considered to be “honorary Whites,” in that they experience some of the privileges associated with Whiteness and transmit a White identity to their children (Bonilla-Silva & Embrick, 2006).

On the other hand, the impact of belonging to two racial groups can cause further issues if one of these groups is considered a minority or lower “status” relative to the other (Gaither et al., 2014). For example, children of White and Black heritage would have lower “status” because of their Black heritage. Here, “status” refers to how society views the biracial individual and the negative consequences that individuals experience because of their minority heritage.

Asians and White are relatively socially at par with one another, so how would this affect the

biracial child? In the U.S.’s racial hierarchy, Asian Americans are said to occupy a “middle” position between Blacks and Whites, which allows them some flexibility in how to “organize and express their ethnic identity” (Kibria, 2000, p. 80). However, empirical evidence also suggests that Asian Americans are viewed as being less American compared to White Americans

(Dovidio, Gluszek, John, Ditlmann, & Lagunes, 2010). In Kibria’s (2000) study of second - generation Chinese and Korean young adults, she found that they were often assumed by larger society to be “all the same” types of Asians, while also being perceived as “foreigners” and “not

Americans” (p. 86). In response, these young adults described their attempts at escaping their minority identities and establishing their “American-ness” (Kibria, 2000). As biracial individuals progress from adolescence to young adulthood, many of them successfully create biracial identities by blending their ethnic heritage with American culture. As Hitlin et al. (2006) found, biracial people are four times more likely to change their identity than to keep a consistent racial identity. This means that a person who identifies as a biracial Asian/White today will likely identify as either an Asian or a White at a later point in time.

For example, Shi and Lu (2007) examined the development of ethnic identity over time in two groups of biracial Chinese Americans: The first group was between 12-15 years old and the second group was 18-20 year olds. The younger group (12-15 years) showed increased motivation to speak and learn Chinese and they were more likely to have integrated both of their cultures (Shi & Lu, 2007). Other researchers such as Min and Kim (2000) reported similar findings. They studied the changes in ethnic identities over the life course of fifteen adult Asian

Americans. They found that when their participants were in school, they tried to hide their ethnic cultures, resisted learning their heritage languages, and tried their best to blend in with their predominantly White communities (Min & Kim, 2000). As they grew older, however,

these second generation Asian Americans became more comfortable with their ethnic identities, having realized that they would not be able to “escape” from their non-White phenotype.

Ultimately, these individuals came to establish their own strong bicultural/biracial identities (Min

& Kim, 2000).

Other studies found that biracial adolescents were more likely to self-identify with a minority label than with a White or “mixed race” label (Phinney & Alipuria, 1996). Another study found that biracial individuals who identified with the non-European American group (i.e., the minority parent’s racial/ethnic group). These biracial individuals cited reasons such as believing that identifying in this way was the right thing to do and that by identifying in this way, they would have contact or closeness with the ethnic minority parent (Quintana, 1999).

Inter-racial dating and marriage. A barometer of race relations has been interracial dating and marriage (Coles, 2006). There is much that is unknown about interracial marriages.

For example, we do not clearly know how (or if) interracial marriages lead to the retention of cultural traditions, assimilation and how the children are raised (Trask & Hamon, 2007). One of the biggest obstacles toward others’ acceptance of interracial marriages are because of the biracial children (Brandell, 1988; Root, 1990). Until the 1930s, biracial individuals were viewed as “inferior” to the “pure” races. Therefore, marriage between individuals of two different races was regarded as unnatural (Crippen & Brew, 2007; Haizlip, 1994; Reddy, 1994; Zack, 1993).

Thus far, the research on biracial families has centered heavily on couple and family formation.

Research focused on issues in mid and late life is absent. If these families were studied, this could shed light on interactions in biracial families and how race has influenced parents, children and intergenerational relationships (Usita & Poulsen, 2003).

In the United States, interracial marriages are between ethnic minority individuals with the White majority (Pew Research Social and Demographic Trends, 2013). The number of interracial marriages in the U.S. has increased from 310,000 in 1970 to 1.4 million in the 1990s, and is currently at over 2.6 million people (Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2008). The proportion of interracial marriages is the lowest in the Midwest region (3.5%), but is the highest in the West

(10.6%) (Simmons & O’Connell, 2003). Statistics indicate that Asian Americans have the third highest interracial marriage rate. Both race and gender shape the likelihood of entering into an interracial marriage (Smith & Hattery, 2009). In particular, Asian American women tend to out- marry at twice the rate as Asian American men—20% versus 9.2%, and Asians are considered to be “honorary Whites” (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Suro, 1999). Asian men were found to be more concerned about ethnic purity and felt more responsibility to their parents compared to Asian women (Lee & Yamanaka, 1990). Researchers such as Meng and Gregory (2005) and Qian and

Lichter (2007) believe that an indicator of how successfully a group has assimilated is that group’s intermarriage rate. These individuals are more willing to marry outside of the group

(Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2008).

Although most families support the interracial couple, the level of family approval is less than that for same-race marriages (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Rosenblatt, Karis & Powell, 1995). The degree of social stigma attached to interracial marriages makes them less visible (Davidson,

1992; Lewis & Yancey, 1995), as well as differences in religion, food tastes, and other cultural differences contribute to lower marital satisfaction (Fu, Tora & Kendall, 2001; Martin &

Bumpass, 1989).

Development of identity. Identities are a social process, are constructed via a reflexive process and are therefore constantly evolving. The identity formation process usually begins

when the individual is in adolescence and continues until the person is in his or her early to mid twenties (LaFromboise et al., 1993). There are different ways that biracial individuals may choose to identify themselves. They might identify as monoracial minorities, as monoracial

Whites, as biracial or just as “human”—and researchers have also found that the choice to use these labels depends on the social context (Brunsma, 2005; Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2002;

Rollins, 2002).

Recall that adolescence is the fifth stage of Erikson’s (1963) theory of psychosocial development (Torres & Ash, 2014). The formation of a healthy identity is the major “crisis” during this stage (Erikson, 1963). At this stage, adolescents are able to understand the abstract significance of their identity (Garcia-Coll & Marks, 2009; Knight, et al., 1993). This is the crisis of identity versus role confusion. The adolescent’s main task is to integrate their past and to prepare for their future (Erikson, 1963; Steinberg & Hill, 1978). The adolescent’s failure to develop an identity results in role confusion and their psychological and behavioral development suffers (Rosenthal, 1987). The identity formation process is dynamic and context dependent—it involves interaction between the individual and other environmental factors such as families, schools and neighborhoods (Allen, Bat-Chava, Aber, & Seidman, 2005; Kich, 1996; Kiang &

Fuligni, 2009; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2005; Suarez-Orozco &

Suarez-Orozco, 2001). The parent-child connection is vital for adolescents because parents can offer validation for the adolescent’s new identities and this validation can promote high self- esteem (Bell & Bell, 1983; Cooper et al., 1983; Demo, Small & Savin-Williams, 1987; Radina &

Cooney, 2000). These connections are even more vital for biracial adolescents, because “fitting in” at school and the process of identity formation is even more difficult for them (Gibbs, 1987;

Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2008).

Acculturation occurs when ethnic and mainstream cultures become enmeshed. Members of ethnic groups who live in the context of the mainstream culture are expected to become bicultural. Few White Americans feel that this is necessary for them to assume (Gillian, 1990;

Qualls & Zarit, 2005; Mena et al., 1987; Meng & Gregory, 2005; Ou & McAdoo, 1993).

Biculturalism occurs when biracial children maintain some of their “old” cultural traditions and incorporate the “new” traditions in their surrounding context (Phinney, 1990). Berry (1997) has found that immigrants in the second and third generations tend to straddle two cultures. This bicultural “straddling” has been found to mitigate the stress of adapting to a new environment

(Greenfield, 1994; Pyke, 2004; Sam, 2000). On the other hand, an individual might not be successful in “straddling,” and might feel torn between different cultures (Mena, Padilla &

Maldonado, 1987; Nesdale & Mak, 2003).

There are factors that influence acculturation, such as generation and gender. The members who arrive first in a country are referred to as the first generation. Subsequent generations are second, third generations, and so on. These subsequent generations tend to experience faster acculturation and therefore balance their minority culture with the majority culture (Coles, 2006). This is due to dynamic interactions between family culture and the mainstream majority culture, and large disparities between the family and the majority culture might cause conflict within the family (Costigan & Dokis, 2006; Kagitcibasi, 2007; Russell,

Crockett & Chao, 2010).

Understandings of race shift across immigrant generations (Hughes et al., 2006; Kasnitz,

Mollenkopf & Waters, 2004). This affects the racial/ethnic messages that are conveyed to their biracial children. More recent immigrants are likely to pass on traditional cultural practices compared to their peers who have been in the U.S. for longer periods of time and even to future

generations (Cheng & Kuo, 2000; Hughes et al., 2006). For example, Rosenthal and Feldman

(1990) researched generational changes in the ethnic identity of adolescent Chinese immigrants.

They found that although knowledge of one’s ethnic group and ethnic behavior decreased between the first and the second generations, the second generation still maintained a positive view of their ethnicity. Therefore, Rosenthal and Feldman concluded that although behavioral elements of ethnic identity declined with subsequent generations, Chinese immigrants retained a commitment to their culture of origin across generations.

Also, Tran (1998) found in a survey of Vietnamese Americans, that first-generation immigrants scored higher on a family values scale compared to their second-generation children.

Acculturation also has been shown to vary by gender, with women acculturating more slowly compared to men (Berry, 1997). Out of all of the minority groups, Asians have been the least segregated from Whites (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). There has been no set norm as to how children of

Asian-White marriages should be classified (Louise, 1988; Xie & Goyette, 1997). Asian ethnic groups can be fearful of “racial pollution,” particularly if the child is half Asian. The child will be identified by the race of the non-Asian parent (Murphey-Shigematsu, 1986; Root, 1990). In most interracial marriages, the White partner is usually a female, except in Asian-White marriages, in which the White partner is usually a male (Besharov & Sullivan, 1996; Robinson,

2001).

If the non-Asian spouse is partly Asian, then the child is more likely to be identified as

Asian, compared to if the non-Asian spouse is not Asian at all. The reverse is also true—if the

Asian spouse has part White ancestry, then the child will most likely be identified as White

(Qian, 2004; Xie & Goyette, 1997). Only 22% of Black fathers-White mother marriages are classified as White, compared to Asian-White marriages in which children are twice as likely to

be classified as White, since the father in White-Asian marriages tend to be men and the children take after their father (Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2008; Waters, 1997). To lend support to this point, parents might also wish to identify their children away from the minority classification and toward the White majority classification, since this is a more “valuable” classification in the U.S.

(Twine, 1999). Therefore, the biracial child might have problems identifying with their minority parent (Faulkner & Kich, 1983; Gibbs & Moskowitz-Sweet, 1991; Henriques, 1974; Root,

1990). This is an especially pressing issue in adolescence, since biracial adolescents have to decide which parent they want to align with more closely during this time and might feel divided family loyalties (Bowles, 1993; Coleman & Carter, 2007; Gibbs & Moskowitz-Sweet, 1991;

Greenacre, 1971; Herring, 1992).

Root (1990, 1996) states that biracial individuals do not follow a linear path of racial identity development. Instead, there are a variety of racial identities that change over their life.

Their identities could be in the form of accepting what is “assigned” to them by society, identification with both racial groups, identification with a single racial group, or identification with a new racial group (Henrikson & Trusty, 2004; Reynolds & Pope, 1991; Root, 1990;

Salazar, 2006; Smith College Studies in Social Work, 1993). Similarly, Garcia-Coll, Meyer, &

Brillon, (1995) found that the process of racial socialization in biracial children does not follow a consistent path. The process is shaped by different socio-cultural characteristics in the biracial individual’s environment, and can also shift depending on this context (Bonam & Shih, 2009;

Gaither, Sommers et al., 2013).

There are three main types of identities for biracial individuals that have been outlined by

Rockquemore and Laszloffy (2005). These include the following:

1.) Singular identities—The biracial individual racially self-identifies with only one of their birth parents. For example, an individual who is half Black and half White might choose to identify as purely Black or purely White (Salazar, 2006).

2.) Blended identities—These are also known as “border identities.” This category spans several existing categories (a continuum). Biracial individuals see themselves somewhere in the middle of this continuum, but tend to lean in one direction more than the other.

3.) Transcendent identities—These are individuals who do not have a racial identity. Thus, they disregard race altogether and do not believe in racial classification systems.

As mentioned in the theoretical framework section, external environmental factors help individuals to learn about racial categorization. Other individuals in the environment affect how biracial children see and understand themselves racially and their perceptions of validation or rejection (Felson & Zielinski, 1989; Standen, 1996). According to Root (1990), the biracial individual might be perceived differently depending on which part of the country he/she resides in. In my study, would living in a majority Asian city (where Asians constitute 63% of the total population) affect their perception of themselves? The interest in ethnic identity has resulted from researchers’ realization of the importance of ethnic identity development in children

(Phinney, 2003). There is little research that discusses the processes that promote ethnic identity development, even less so in biracial families (Okagaki & Bojczyk, 2002).

Racial socialization in the family

Racial identity development. Although researchers have acknowledged that an individual’s identity is made up of multiple dimensions (e.g., race, gender, SES, religious beliefs, personality, etc.), the traditional approach to studying identity has been through a single dimension such as a person’s race. Race is a social construct that describes not only how

outsiders view the members of an ethnic group, but also how describes how the members of a racial group view themselves (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1993). According to Renn (2012), race is used for: 1.) Identification—For example, to place individuals into demographic groups for various purposes; and 2.) Identity—This refers to the personal meaning that individuals and groups assign to their membership in a specific racial group. Identification is the result of external assignment/categorization, whereas identity results from an individual’s internal processes of “fitting in” with a group. Definitions of terms used in the racial socialization literature are defined in Table 1.4, below. In this dissertation, both racial identity and ethnic identity were explored.

Table 3: Definitions of terms used in the racial socialization literature

Racial Identity Ethnic Identity Ascribed racial Multi/Biracial group vs. Mono- racial *Racial categories that an ~Essence of ethnic ^Racial group #Can refer to: individual uses to name identity is to resolve any assigned to an 1.) A person’s himself/herself. Based tension between how an individual by other racial ancestry; on factors such as: individual is expected to people and social 2.) A person’s Ethnicity, physical be by the dominant institutions. chosen racial appearance, early culture/society and how identity; 3.) A socialization, and a sense the individual wants to racial group of shared experience with be perceived (Chang & membership members of a particular Kwan, 2009). ascribed to a racial group person; 4.) A (Wijeyesinghe & person’s chosen Jackson, 2012). racial group membership. *Largely influenced by ~For Asian Americans, ^Based on: Physical #Mono-racial: racial socialization most of the research has appearance, racial Reflects a single (Alvarez, Juang, & focused on ethnic ancestry, and the racial group. Liang, 2006). Can identity theories rather social construction change or remain the than racial identity of race at a given same throughout a theories. social, cultural and person’s lifetime. historical period.

Biracial individuals who have part White heritage is another way to understand how biracial individuals understand their identities that reflect both the social dominant groups (i.e.,

Whites) and socially marginalized groups (i.e., Blacks, Asians, and other people of color).

Before racial socialization can occur, the individual has to develop a racial identity.

Racial identity is defined as an individual’s self-concept. It refers to how a person feels about himself or herself in relationship to the membership in a particular group (Thomas et al., 2010).

Regarding the grandmothers and grandfathers in this study, according to Chang and Kwan

(2009), for Asian Americans, ethnic/cultural identity may develop before a racial identity, especially for the immigrant (i.e., first) generation. This is because their need to acculturate into the larger U.S./American society takes precedence over their need to understand who they are as a minority. Their main challenge focused on surviving and establishing themselves in their new country. Also, most Asian American immigrants come to the U.S. when after their formative years, when their personal identity and self-concept have already been formed. As a result, racism in the U.S. might have less of an effect on their personal identities, compared to their children (their grandchildren’s parents) and grandchildren who grew up in the majority White society.

Another possible reason for Asian Americans’ placing lower priority on their racial identity might be that any discrimination/racism that they experience is subtle compared to the discrimination/racism that is directed toward other groups (such as African Americans and

Hispanics). Perhaps this is due to many White Americans tending to dichotomize racial issues in terms of Whites versus Blacks and vice versa (Liang, Li, & Kim, 2004). Or, implicitly, many

Whites equated “White” and “American” with one another, while Asians, Blacks and other racial minorities were less likely to be associated with the term “American” (DeVos & Banaji, 2005).

The subtlety in racial discrimination could be due to the prevalent Asian American stereotype of being the “model minority” (Chen et al., 2006; Inman, 2006; Lantrip, Mazzetti, Grasso, Gill,

Miller, Haner, Rude, & Awad, 2015). This “model minority” term views Asian Americans as the one minority group that had made it in the U.S. through hard work—with some Asians being labeled as “the new Whites” (Chan & Hune, 1995; DeVos & Banaji, 2005; Wong & Halgin,

2006).

Racial socialization vs. ethnic/cultural socialization.

Racial socialization. Both racial and ethnic socialization refer to the transmission of information regarding one’s race and ethnicity from adults to children. It is difficult to distinguish between racial and ethic socialization. According to Hughes et al. (2006), there is not yet a satisfying solution for unambiguously distinguishing socialization that is racial from socialization that is ethnic.

Racial socialization is defined as the process of teaching children how to function in a society. It is the transmission of norms, information and values about race to children (Barr &

Neville, 2008; Brown, 2008; Hughes et al., 2006; Neblett et al., 2009; Thomas & King, 2007;

Thomas, Speight & Witherspoon, 2010). Racial socialization is the implicit and explicit messages about race that are passed down from parents to their children. It helps minority youth to develop positive racial identity, especially in the face of racial bias and discrimination. The research on racial socialization came out of scholars’ efforts to understand how African

American parents help to prepare their children to understand racial barriers in the U.S. (Boykin

& Toms, 1985; Tatum, 1987). In fact, the term “racial socialization” is still used almost exclusively in research with African Americans (Hughes et al., 2006). It is conceptualized as: 1.)

Exposure to cultural practices and objects; 2.) Efforts to instill pride; 3.) Discussions about

discrimination and how to cope with it; and 4.) Strategies to succeed in mainstream society

(Hughes, et al., 2006). Parents and caregivers, being mono-racial, often have experiences that are different from that of the biracial individual.

Having a sense of racial identity is important because having an identity helps in this racial socialization process (Noels, Leavitt, & Clement, 2010). The development of a sense of self is more complex for biracial individuals. This development of a sense of self is affected by how others view the biracial individual. Using more classical research studies such as Cooley’s

(1902) concept of the “looking glass self” and “reflected appraisals,” we can see how self- concepts are formed from the others’ perceptions, or Sellers’s (1998) “public racial regard.”

Likewise, Felson (1981) and Kinch (1963) also stated that self-perception does not occur in a social vacuum—that other individuals exert a strong influence on individuals’ conceptions of who they are. Racial identity is essential for both individual and collective identity, and that these identities have their roots in a person’s ancestry (McAdoo, Martinez & Hughes, 2005). For individuals who do not identify as being White, having a racial identity is an important component of the person’s overall identity development. Children who have not received proper racial socialization might internalize discrimination and believe that there is something intrinsically wrong with them. They might also develop low self-worth, racial mistrust, or a lack of pride in their identity (Brown & Lesane-Brown, 2006; Martin & McAdoo, 2007). Conflict that is related to an individual’s ethnic identity begins when that individual has contact with other people in his or her environment. They realize the existence of majority and minority statuses in the society. When the minority individual feels rejected by the majority, he or she will attempt to identify with the majority (Smith, 1991).

One of the ways that individuals understand themselves in a social context is by establishing their racial-ethnic identity. This occurs by a co-construction between the individual and the other individuals and contexts in their environment and the interactions between the person and their family and friends, social institutions and organizations (Thomas et al., 2010;

Snyder, 2012). There are a number of factors that may affect and shape one’s racial identity.

These include: Phenotype, cultural exposure, gender, generation status, and socio-economic status. More dated research conducted by Saenz et al. (1995) and Williams (1992) have found positive correlations between language use and ethnic identity, which was supported by the data in this study. Finally, Hall (1980), Saenz et al. (1995), and Stephan (1992) have found that neighborhood settings also affect one’s racial identity. Specifically, as the local ethnic population or as the percentage of ethnic neighbors increases, identification with one’s ethnic group becomes more likely. This is because of increased contact and communication with other ethnic individuals. Umaña-Taylor (2001) categorized family ethnic socialization as either covert or overt. Examples of covert racial socialization include family members decorating their home with objects from their native country and listening to their native language on radio and TV stations and through other media. By using covert socialization, parents are not intentionally trying to teach their children about ethnicity, but may be inadvertently doing so with their choice of décor and everyday activities. In contrast, overt racial socialization refers to family members who are directly attempting to teach their children about their ethnicity—for example, through buying books about their native country/heritage or allowing only their native language to be spoken in the home environment.

Applying Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory, at the individual or microsystem level, includes a sense of belonging to a racial or ethnic group (Cross, 1971, 1991; French, Seidman,

Allen & Aber, 2006). Racial-ethnic identity development among biracial individuals differs from the racial-ethnic identity development of mono-racial individuals. Biracial individuals have to straddle between dominant and minority cultures and are often pressured to choose to identify with one parent’s ethnic identity over the other parent’s ethnic identity (Winn & Priest, 1993).

Several researchers have proposed that racial-ethnic identity development is more fluid for biracial individuals compared to their mono-racial counterparts (Hitlin, Brown &Elder, 2006;

Rockquemore, Brunsma & Delgado, 2009; Root, 1997, 1998).

Ethnic/cultural socialization. Unlike racial socialization, research on ethnic/cultural socialization arose from the experiences of immigrant Latino and Asians. Also unlike racial socialization, the focus of ethnic/cultural socialization is less on preparing the child for discrimination and racism. Rather, the focus is on children’s identity achievement and affiliation with their racial heritage in the face of societal pressure to assimilate into the dominant culture

(Knight, Bernal, Cota, et al., 1993; Ou & McAdoo, 1993). Ethnic/cultural socialization includes parental practices that teach children about their racial/ethnic heritage and history; promotes their cultural customs and traditions, and promotes their children’s cultural, racial and ethnic pride, either deliberately or implicitly (Boykin & Toms, 1985; Hughes, Bachman, Ruble, & Fuligni,

2006). While racial socialization is used to prepare children for bias and discrimination, ethnic/cultural socialization is used to talk to children about important historical/cultural figures in their heritage; exposing them to culturally relevant books, artifacts, music, stories, celebrating cultural holidays, and encouraging them to speak their native heritage language.

Of interest in this dissertation study are the racial-ethnic socialization approaches that grandparents use with their biracial grandchildren to negotiate their biracial identities, as well as to help them to give meaning and provide the context for their racial consciousness, their identity

development, and their cross-racial relationships that they have with their peers and other people.

This study aims to show how grandparents provide cultural experiences and how they talk about race and ethnicity to their biracial grandchildren. Open communication between grandparents and their grandchildren fosters racial awareness, increases interactions between family members, and decreases the effects of conflicting racial messages (Burt, Simons, & Gibbons, 2012;

Lalonde, Jones, & Stroink, 2008; McHale, Crouter, Kim, Burton, Davis, Dotterer, & Swanson,

2006).

Role of parents and grandparents in racial-ethnic socialization. The parents of biracial children have the challenging task of trying to socialize their children, via the passing on of family history and cultural traditions (Caballero, Edwards & Puthussery, 2008; Jacobs, 1992;

Kich, 1992; O’Donoghue, 2004; Romero, Cuellar, & Roberts, 2000). Parents passively and actively pass down racial socialization messages to their children. The messages reflect the culture’s traditions and values. Thus, parents may rely on their own experiences at receiving racial socialization messages from their parents, in deciding how to best racially socialize their children (Hughes & Chen, 1997). Family supports and parental socialization have been found to be associated with greater levels of ethnic and racial identity exploration as well as a greater sense of belonging to one’s racial group (Rivas-Drake, Hughes, & Way, 2009; Schacter &

Ventura, 2008; Umaña-Taylor, Bhanot, & Shin, 2006).

Parents engage in racial socialization more than any other form of socialization (Else-

Quest & Morse, 2015; Hughes & Johnson, 2001; Hughes et al., 2006). If both parents (or families) are not actively involved in racial socialization, this might make it very difficult for their child to incorporate their parents’ culture into their identity (Anderson, Jackson, Jones,

Kennedy, Wells, & Chung, 2015; Priest, Walton, White, Kowal, Baker, & Paradies, 2014;

Wilkins, 2014). Providing this racial socialization is a more complex process for biracial families compared to their mono-racial counterparts. Within biracial families, parents bring their own racial experiences and racial identities. They also bring their own socialization experiences that have helped prepare them for either their privileged or marginalized statuses (Anglin &

Wade, 2007; Friend, 2009; Johnson, Swim, Saltsman, Deater-Deckard, & Petrill, 2007). Thus, racial socialization is a reflection of not just the parents’ heritage, but also one’s social identity, class, gender, and experiences with racism and discrimination (Benner & Kim, 2009; Galliher,

Jones, & Dahl, 2011; Sellers & Shelton, 2003). This becomes more difficult if the child lacks relationships with their extended families from both racial groups, or has little or no access to the other race parent (Csizmadia & Ispa, 2014; Lavender-Bratcher, 2013; Lozada, 2013; Porow,

2014).

Historically, most of the racial socialization research has focused on Black-White families. White parents are more likely to engage in racial socialization by answering their children’s questions and by teaching the importance of equality. We may expect that the White parent of a biracial child may be more likely to answer their child’s questions, rather than being proactive in giving them the tools that they will need to cope with discrimination. White parents might not expect challenges and are therefore unaware of the challenges that their biracial children might face. In fact, some White parents might instruct their biracial children to ignore discriminatory statements, which may leave them vulnerable to more discrimination (Harris-

Britt, Valrie, Kurtz-Costes, & Rowley, 2007; Wang & Huguley, 2012; White & Gleitzman,

2006).

As Lee and Bean (2010) suggest, Asian parents of non-Black biracial youth are adopting

White American identities for themselves and their children, since some Asian parents may not

identify with an ethnic or minority experience. Therefore, for some Asian parents, their racial socialization might mirror that of White parents (Hughes, Witherspoon, Rivas-Drake, & West-

Bey, 2009; Kim, Gonzales, Stroh, & Wang, 2006; Sinclair, Dunn, & Lowery, 2005). Thus,

Asian parents might tend more toward mono-racial identification with the White race, as this is the most privileged status, at least in the United States (Quintana & McKown, 2008; Twine,

2004). As Lee and Bean (2010) stated, this identification with White cultural values might indicate that parents do not believe that racial and ethnic boundaries matter in their children’s life. On the other hand, parents might also prepare their children for a “color blind” world, where race is de-emphasized (Neville, Awad, Brooks, Flores, & Bluemel, 2013; Kawika-Allen,

Garriott, Reyes, & Hsieh, 2013; Pahlke, Bigler, & Suizzo, 2012; Rollins, 2009; Simpson, 2008;

Snyder, 2012; Swallow, 2007).

Additionally, Xie and Goyette (1997) conducted a study to determine how parents identify their biracial children. They found that third-generation children are more likely to be identified as Asian compared to their second-generation counterparts. Third-generation biracial children are more likely to be identified as being Asian if their parents are more highly educated.

Finally, when their father is Asian, biracial Asian children are more likely to be identified as

Asian. What these children’s parents do or do not do, and what they do and do not say in regards to race can help to close the gaps between cultures (Funderberg, 1994).

Further, Cooke (1997) studied the racial/ethnic identity of American biracial individuals.

She surveyed a total of 74 American biracial individuals, 34 of whom were Asian-White and

Asian-minority. She found that her Asian-White respondents identified more strongly with their mother’s racial group compared to their father’s—particularly those with Asian mothers and

White fathers. Those who had White mothers and Asian fathers showed no significant difference

in their identification with their mothers or fathers. One possible explanation could be that the mother’s role is more powerful in the adolescent’s identity formation process, because women have been the “kin keepers” and are vital in the transmission of culture (Bratter, 2007; Bratter &

Heard, 2009; Miller & Miller, 1990). Other studies, however, have seen the father as the primary cultural transmitter in the family, and the biracial children tend to identify with the father’s heritage (Cheng & Powell, 2007; Fusco & Routkis, 2012; Perry, 2014). On the other hand, other researchers have found no gender differences in which parent the child decides to identify with

(Lam, 2008; Lou, Lalonde, & Wilson, 2011; Rivas, 2011). Researchers such as Mar (1998) have found that Chinese-White couples emphasized the Chinese culture more compared to the White culture. Similarly, Oka (1994) found that parents of Japanese-White biracial children preferred their children to show more traditional Japanese values and behaviors.

Discussions about racial identity are more common among minorities compared to White families (Hamm, 2001; Harkness & Super, 1996; Rockquemore et al., 2006). Researchers have shown that White parents do not actively racially socialize their children (Robbins et al., 2005).

The messages that White parents send to their children are related to race and to people of color

(Rockquemore et al., 2006). Thus, it is reasonable to assume that White grandparents might not be as involved in racially socializing their biracial grandchildren. Being the majority race in the

U.S., the larger culture parallels these White grandparents’ culture—as a result, White grandparents might not feel the need for additional socialization (Rockquemore et al., 2006;

White, 2010).

Generation. This term refers to the length of time that Asian parents have been in the

U.S. Studies of biracial individuals have shown that with passing generations, an individual’s sense of identity tends to decrease (Urick, 2012; Vang, 2013). Other studies, however, have

found that the effect that generation has on identity is curvilinear. The first generation individuals are the most likely to identify as Asian, while the second generation is least likely to do so. Interestingly, individuals who are third generation and beyond are more likely to identify as Asian compared to the second generation (Mehrotra & Calasanti, 2010; Nesteruk, Helmstetter,

Gramescu, Siyam, & Price, 2015; Sabatier, 2008; Wiley, Deaux, & Hagelskamp, 2012).

However, these biracial individuals still show stronger ethnic identification compared to the previous generation, expressed through symbols such as celebrating holidays and eating their ethnic food (Anagnostou, 2009; Butterfield, 2004; Sasson-Levy, 2013). Research suggests that depending on both individual and contextual factors, young adults’ ethnic identities might strengthen over time (Phinney & Ong, 2007).

The heritage language plays a key role in the development of second-generation individuals’ ethic identity. It links them to their parents’ native culture, other family members and their ethic communities (Bankston & Zhou, 1995; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). Immigrant adolescents’ ethnic identities are influenced by their proficiency in their ethnic language (Oh &

Fuligni, 2009). In addition, parents’ use of the heritage language and the young adults’ social interactions with their co-ethnic peers also affects their ethnic identities (Phinney et al., 2001).

Likewise, Portes and Schauffler (1994) showed that knowledge of and fluency in the native language often disappear by the third generation. Language is often used to maintain a boundary between the majority and minority ethnic groups (Lay & Verkuyten, 1999).

Socio-economic status. Proponents of the “ethnic competition” perspective speculate that as socio-economic status (SES) increases, individuals are more likely to identify with their minority group, because conflict with Whites increases as these minorities move up the SES ladder (Cunningham, 2012; Lancee & Pardos-Prado, 2013). In contrast, the “assimilationist”

perspective predicts that as families’ socio-economic status increases, individuals will be more likely to identify with the majority group (i.e., White), because they will be more fully integrated into mainstream society (Prasad & Nordlund, 2010).

Likewise, ethnic-racial socialization messages were more prevalent in higher SES families because parents have a greater sense of autonomy and control over their lives and because they believe that they are able to overcome racism and discrimination (Brown et al.,

2007; Crouter, Baril, Davis, & McHale, 2008). Also, higher SES families are more likely to live in predominantly White neighborhoods and may feel a greater need to prepare their children for possible racism and discrimination. Thus, they may engage in more discussions about their racial-ethnic heritage (Caughy et al., 2011).

Quality of relationship between spouses. Struggles and conflicts between parents affects parenting. In biracial families, parental conflicts might become racialized (Jackson,

Bijstra, Oostra, & Bosma, 1998; Stafford & Dainton, 1995). For instance, conflicting parenting styles that result from parents’ different cultural backgrounds might influence how the biracial child is raised. A parent who is raised in Japan and who adheres to Japanese culture might be very strict compared to his or her American spouse, who might be more lenient (Kao, 1999).

Researchers such as Dornbusch et al. (1988) classified Asian parents as being more authoritarian compared to White parents who tend to be more authoritative. The passing on of cultural values and traditions is accepted and expected of parents (Ahn, Kim, Bryan, & Park, 2009; Awdel,

2009; Gonzales, 2007; Perez-Brena, Updegraff, & Umana-Taylor, 2015; Tam & Chan, 2015).

However, biracial children’s socialization is different from the socialization of single- race children. Although parents are able to help their biracial child to celebrate the differences between them and their mono-racial peers, they must also decide what cultural knowledge to

pass on and how to pass this knowledge on (Rollins & Hunter, 2013). This is especially true for interracial couples. A big concern is that biracial children do not have a parent with whom they can identify with as a biracial person. They are learning about race from adults who have not experienced their racial reality as a biracial person (Gibbs, 2007; Shih, Sanchez, Bonam, & Peck,

2007). Furthermore, the White parent is the person who tries to teach the biracial child about his or her ethnicity, but does so in a way that makes it seem that she is not the “oppressor” (Bausch

& Serpe, 1997; Crolley-Simic & Vonk, 2008; Rosenblatt, Karis & Powell, 1995; Twine, 1999).

In O’Donoghue’s (2004) study, she found that the White mothers became more aware of their ethnicity after they married their Black spouse. They also became more aware of their racial injustice (O’Donoghue, 2004). An unexplored area is the implications for biracial children’s socialization when their fathers are White, since the child typically has the father’s surname

(Robinson-Wood, 2011; Waters, 1998).

Brief history of the Chinese immigrants in California

In the past century, immigrants from Asian countries to the U.S. have caused fluctuations in immigration statistics (Kitano & Daniels, 1995; Lee, 1997). The first Chinese immigrants to the U.S. were Chinese laborers who were here because of the gold rush in California or to work on the construction of the railroad. Naturally, this caused anti-Asian sentiments (especially against the Chinese) among the White population, and this caused a halt in immigration (except for family reunions) until 1965 (Lyman, 1974; Okihiro, 2014). The passage of the new legislation in 1965 (the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, or the Hart-Celler Act), caused an influx of Chinese immigrants, followed by Vietnamese and Koreans.

In the San Francisco Bay Area, as of 2012, 21.4% of the population was of Chinese descent, at least 150,000 Chinese residents. The Chinese are the largest Asian American

subgroup in the Bay Area. San Francisco has the highest percentage of residents of Chinese descent of any major U.S. city. It also has the second largest Chinese American population, after

New York City (www.ameredia.com). Therefore, the blanket term “Asian grandparents” is not a homogenous group, since these older adults came from various countries and have diverse immigration histories. Therefore, many Asian grandparents are born outside of the U.S. and many others are the children of immigrants. Prior to their life in the U.S., many were raised by their parents or in families with very different cultural values and lifestyles from the mainstream

White society. This has carried over to their current interactions, where many of them speak languages besides English, eat their cultural foods, and hold very different values from White grandparents (Kitano & Daniels, 1995; Lai, 2004; Lee, 1997). The “perpetual foreigner” stereotype proposed by Devos and Banaji (2005) posits that ethnic minorities will always be regarded as the “other” within the dominant U.S. White Anglo-Saxon culture.

Chinese parenting functions differently from that of White grandparents. For example,

Sollenberger (1968) has found that it is often very difficult for parents to decide how many languages their children should learn. This is especially difficult for parents who speak more than two Chinese dialects to decide which should be taught to their children. It is possible that

Chinese children who are not taught any Chinese language will be less exposed to their cultural heritage (McAdoo, 1993). This inability to speak the language might negatively impact their relationships with their grandparents. To support this point, Tseng and Fuligni (2000) conducted interviews with Asian and Latino adolescents. Their parents were recent immigrants and did not speak English. Teenagers who shared a common language with their parents tended to have the closest relationships and were able to discuss issues with their parents. These second generation

teens were more likely to be able to speak and use English. As a result, these immigrant parents felt that they had less authority over their children (Tseng & Fuligni, 2000).

Gaps in the literature that my study will fill

There is a pressing need to study this population. Although there have been studies conducted on biracial individuals, namely in their identity issues and their interactions with their surrounding cultural environment, there has been scant attention paid to the influences of family members—especially grandparents—on biracial grandchildren. Existing studies have also largely focused on racial socialization messages from one parent (e.g., messages from minority parents), rather than messages that are transmitted from multiple agents (Neblett et al., 2008).

Furthermore, there is little research on Asian-White families. The biracial research literature has mostly focused on Black-White (Lusk, Taylor, Nanney, & Austin, 2010) and some Hispanic-

White families. There are not many studies that focus on Asian-White identity development, and there is even less on how biracial Asian-White individuals experience the identity formation process. Therefore, there have been calls for research studies that address diverse ethnic groups.

Specifically, there needs to be more research on racial socialization messages that are transmitted by other family members beyond the parents (Hughes et al., 2006).

Part of the reason for the lack of research in this area is that some biracial families might be hesitant to be studied (Gibbs, 1987; Poussaint, 1984). Furthermore, there are gaps in what is known about the lived experiences of not only Asian-White children and adolescents, but the lived experiences of their parents and grandparents. In particular, how do grandparents pass down cultural values, help with racial socialization and identity formation? A definition of racial socialization is a developmental process that children undergo in order to gain an understanding of the behaviors, perceptions, attitudes and values of an ethnic group and come to think of

themselves as belonging to that group (Rotherham & Phinney, 1987). The process of racial socialization is vital because it is through the interactions with others (usually their parents) in their social context that biracial individuals gain insight into their racial/ethnic background and where they stand in the larger racial hierarchy (Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2005). However, researchers have not found how these interactions with grandparents might influence biracial children.

Gaps in research methods that my study will fill

Most studies on biracial individuals have used both quantitative (e.g., Cooke, 1997;

Jacobs, 1992; Lusk et al., 2010; Xie & Goyette, 1997) as well as qualitative methods (e.g.,

Collins, 2000; Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993; O’Donoghue, 2004; Rockquemore

& Brunsma, 2002). Whether quantitative or qualitative, most studies have focused on biracial children and/or adolescents and one or both parents. In areas with limited research, qualitative methodologies are sometimes considered in advance of quantitative studies. This is especially true in research areas where there is limited research can be particularly valuable in uncovering themes and scopes of participants’ experiences. Thus, beginning with a qualitative approach might be one way to identify hypotheses for a future quantitative study.

It is a continuous struggle for these biracial individuals to fit in with their families, communities and with society. Parents have the very difficult task of promoting a stable biracial identity in their children and to learn to appreciate their multiethnic heritage (Crawford &

Alaggia, 2008). How might the grandparents help or hinder these processes? As yet, the literature has not discussed the role that grandparents might play.

Future research focused on intergenerational relationships in biracial families could investigate other ethnic and racial groups, such as Hispanics, Blacks, American Indians, and

Pacific Islanders. Since my study is limited to only the Chinese side of the family, studying both the Chinese and the Caucasian sides would provide greater scope and depth to the findings. Also, situating the study somewhere else besides California (i.e., Hawaii, Singapore, etc.) could provide information on the effects of location on family relationships.

Also, my sample consists of married couples and intact families. Seeing how interracial families from divorced or remarried families develop intergenerational relationships would be interesting. Are biracial children/adolescents’ identities affected by coming from a blended family? Finally, studying great-grandparents would be challenging (in terms of age and gaining access to a sample), but fascinating. How do great-grandparents and grandparents differ in their willingness and ability to form intergenerational relationships with their grandchildren?

Finally, since my study is cross-sectional, conducting a longitudinal study on the same group of grandparents and following their biracial grandchildren over several years would contribute to the lack of longitudinal research on biracial families, especially in intergenerational families. This would allow researchers to see how cultural values, racial socialization and identities of three generations change as biracial grandchildren grow older.

Research questions

My research questions are:

1.) How do Chinese grandparents in Chinese-Caucasian families perceive of their relationships with their biracial grandchildren?

1a.) What are the ways that Chinese grandparents transmit ethnic and racial socialization to their biracial grandchildren?

1b.) How does Chinese grandparents’ own Chinese identity affect the ethnic and racial socialization of their grandchildren?

1c.) How do grandparents help support the Chinese parent’s socialization of their biracial children?

2.) How do biracial grandchildren make sense of their relationships with their grandparents—

specifically, their efforts to transmit ethnic and racial socialization?

2a.) What factors affect how the biracial grandchild feels about being biracial?

2b.) Specifically, does grandparent ethnic and racial socialization affect the biracial grandchild’s feelings about being biracial?

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY

Rationale for performing a qualitative study

There has been a push in the family studies field for researchers to be continually cognizant of their values and assumptions (Copeland & White, 1991). Also, many of the constructs in family studies are symbolic and internal, and are difficult to capture using traditional quantitative methods (Ambert et al., 1995). One approach would be to use qualitative research. Qualitative research uses a systemic approach (Creswell, 1998; Fetterman, 1989;

Sprey, 1988). There is a degree of flexibility in qualitative methods that is not present in quantitative studies (Schwandt, 1997). This allows for an examination of intricate details and in- depth descriptions of the participants’ experiences (Daly, 2007; Jarret, Roy & Burton, 2002;

Marshall & Rossman, 2011; Spradley, 1979; Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Tubbs, Roy & Burton,

2005). It allows the researcher to, “enter the subjective world of other people and groups through interviews and rich descriptions which is not achieved through quantitative methods” (Robinson-

Wood, 2011).

Since little is known about Chinese grandparents’ racial socialization of their biracial grandchildren has rarely (or never) been studied in empirical investigations, it is a good candidate for qualitative methods. This is in contrast to the more one-sided and objective approach that quantitative researchers use (Copeland & White, 1991; Reinharz, 1984). Most qualitative studies utilize small samples of participants, who are often interviewed or observed

(Root, 1992; Standen, 1996). The data usually consists of open-ended, in-depth responses to semi-structured interview questions, especially when using a phenomenological approach

(Kerwin, Ponterotto, Jackson, & Harris, 1993; Root, 1992). Most importantly, qualitative research takes into consideration the context in which the research is conducted (Gubrium &

Sankar, 1994). Qualitative studies are becoming a frequently utilized research method

(Huberman & Miles, 2002).

Grounded theory approach

Grounded theory is the process of developing a theory, rather than testing a theory

(Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Creswell, 2007). Since the study of grandparents’ influence on biracial grandchildren is not well studied, grounded theory can be used to develop theories about how

Chinese grandparents racially and ethnically socialize their biracial grandchildren. The development of a theory may help to provide a framework for future research on biracial grandchildren. The development of theory is generated or “grounded” in the data (e.g., actions, interactions, and social processes of the participants) from the participants who have experienced the process (Strauss & Corbin, 1998).

Since I have collected interview data from my participants, there is sufficient data collected from their interactions to develop a theory. The key goal in generating theory is to construct categories that are reflective of the main themes in the data (Daly, 2007). These categories are constructed by using a comparative analysis method that involves a comparison of one instance of a phenomenon with other recurring aspects of the same phenomenon (Creswell,

2007; Daly, 2007). Categories are then named and refined and become themes for the emerging theory (Daly, 2007). Further discussion about the themes that resulted from my interviews are found in the “Findings” chapter.

Phenomenology

A phenomenological approach was also used in this study. Phenomenology was selected because of its focus on individuals’ lived experience. Phenomenology seeks to explore, describe and analyze the meaning of individuals’ lived experience (Giorgi & Giorgi, 2009; Marshall &

Rossman, 2011; Patton, 2002; Van Mannen, 1990). Phenomenology is conducted through in- depth interviews that explore the essence of a shared experience. In my study, the shared

“essence” would be grandparents’ experience of racially and ethnically socializing their biracial grandchildren, as well as their grandchildren’s experience of their grandparents’ efforts. Instead of simply describing socialization of biracial individuals, a phenomenological approach will be used to give a deeper understanding of what racial and ethnic socialization is and what it means to be a Chinese grandparent to their biracial grandchildren.

Recruitment of participants

Location of the study. The study’s participants were recruited from the San Francisco

Bay Area and the South Bay cities: Cupertino, San Jose, Sunnyvale, and Santa Clara. Other cities such as San Mateo, Fremont, Stockton, San Ramon, and San Francisco were also included. In

Cupertino, California, the city is majority Asian (roughly 63.1% of the city’s population) (U.S.

Census, 2010). According to the American Community Survey’s three -year estimates (2011-

2013), there were approximately 850 White-Asian individuals living in Cupertino. Thus,

Cupertino, San Jose, San Mateo, Fremont, Sunnyvale, Stockton, and San Francisco, with their high population of Asians (particularly those of Chinese descent), allowed me to gain access to my sample of biracial families. The San Francisco Bay Area is the home of the largest populations of Asian Americans in the United States (Hunt, Moloney, & Evans, 2011). Through my contacts with several Asian elderly organizations (i.e., Self-Help for the Elderly, Chinese

Benevolent Association), I was able to recruit several of my grandparent participants. The bulk of the recruitment was conducted via word of mouth (i.e., snowball sampling). Recruitment ads were also posted in newspapers and in online organizations (e.g., Berkeley Parents Network, swirlinc.org, In Search of Roots Program), looking for participants who were living specifically

in the Bay Area, who were grandparents and who had Chinese-White biracial grandchildren. I also posted flyers at the Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco.

The communities and neighborhoods in which my participants resided in played a major role in the racial socialization process. In line with Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) theory, there is a relationship between an individual and his or her surroundings (Holtz, 2013). The specific neighborhood transmits cultural values and history and creates a sense of group identity (Jackson

& Herranz, 2002).

Motivation for the proposed study. I am interested in limiting my sample to Chinese-

Caucasian couples in Cupertino, San Jose, San Mateo, Fremont, Stockton, and San Francisco.

My motivations for conducting this study are the following. As discussed with the U.S. Census data above, there is a sizeable population of biracial couples living in the Bay Area. Second, my background as a Chinese American might help me gain access to and rapport with the participants (McCracken, 1988). On the other hand, sharing a common ethnic background might not give me an advantage, either. I needed to gain the participants’ trust to participate in my study, since there will be age and power differentials between the participants and me. Third, my parents are themselves grandparents to biracial grandchildren.

Recruitment strategies. I recruited two sets of participants: grandparents and biracial children/adolescents. There were fourteen grandchildren, thirteen grandmothers, and five grandfathers recruited. I felt that these sample sizes were large enough so as to provide the detail needed for a qualitative, grounded theory, but not too large that the data would be too diluted. I wanted a “just right” sample size so that I would still be able to find unique experiences in my participants’ accounts. Thus, I would be better able to reach theoretical saturation with a not too big and not too small sample size.

In order to recruit grandparents, I felt that it was best to first approach the parents, who I felt were the “gatekeepers” between the grandparents and their grandchildren. Therefore, the informed consent letters in Appendix A are also addressed to the parents as well as the grandparents and grandchildren.

I used snowball sampling and recruited primarily through word of mouth. In addition, I also recruited through family and senior organizations as well as community groups and service providers. I attempted to reach out to several Chinese schools and children’s organizations. I sent my recruitment flyers to these organizations, and some of them were willing to publish the flyers in their parent weekly newsletters. It was more difficult to try to recruit through schools, since educational institutions understandably were more guarded with their students’ identities, especially to third parties. In order to screen the participants, I created a Survey Monkey questionnaire that asked for basic information, such as name, contact information, number of grandchildren, the grandparents’ language abilities, and age of grandchildren. The link to this

Survey Monkey questionnaire was included on the recruitment flyers. Once participants completed this questionnaire, I would read through the responses and would contact those who met the criteria.

The participating grandparent and grandchild were given a one-time $20 gift card to a local grocery store.

The sample characteristics for grandparents and their grandchildren were as follows:

Grandparents. The grandparents were all of Chinese descent. They ranged in age between 67-81 years old. I decided that in order to be able to obtain rich data from the grandchildren, sampling older grandparents would allow me to have access to older grandchildren (e.g., middle school to college aged grandchildren), who were better able to speak

extensively on their relationship with their grandparent(s). Age-related declines in memory were not an issue. All of the grandparents were able to understand and respond to the interview questions coherently and thoroughly. I tried to recruit both grandmothers and grandfathers; however, the majority of my participants were grandmothers. There were five grandfathers who agreed to participate. All of the grandparents had a Chinese-Caucasian grandchild between 12-

18 years old. Grandparents were all fluent in English. Refer to Table 4 and Table 5, below.

Grandparents were married, with the exception of one grandfather whose wife had passed away several years ago. The grandparents who had younger grandchildren either lived with their grandchildren or were about a 30 to 45 minutes drive away. They were able to see their grandchildren often. Those with college-aged grandchildren kept in touch via Skype, Google

Chat or Face Time. I will discuss the findings in the data analyses section.

Table 4: Grandmothers’ demographics

Gai Xue Lai Xi Ma Ru Wai Shu Jia Fei Louise (U.S. born) Age 75 69 80 75 79 80

Length of 48 43 44 45 48 50

U.S.

residency

C C C C C MD Education (self) PD C C C C MD Education (spouse) Accountant Teacher Sales Social Work Bank Real Estate Occupation (self) Occupation Professor Engineer Self-Employed Bank Real Estate Engineer (spouse) SES Middle Middle Middle Middle Middle Middle Number of 2 3 1 2 2 3 grandchildren Ages of 13,15 10,12,14 18 13,16 14,18 15,16,18 grandchildren Grandchild Gwen (HS) Kevin (HS) Michelle (CA) Kurt (HS) Patrick (CA) Larry (CA) interviewed Generation 1 1 1 1 1 2

Table 4 (cont’d)

Luo Gai Duo Peng Puo Kai Kai Wu Ling Tai Mau Shi Alice (U.S. born) Age 75 81 67 70 76 75 79

Length of 43 47 45 41 43 43 46 U.S. residency Education MD C MD C C MD PD (self) Education MD C MD C C PD PD (spouse) Occupation Marketing Engineer Teacher Self Engineer Librarian Nurse (self) Employed Occupation Advertise Teacher Bank IT/Tech Self- Professor Professor (spouse) Employed SES Middle Middle Middle Middle Middle Middle Middle Number of 2 2 2 1 2 2 3 grandchildren Ages of 14, 16 15, 18 11, 13 12 11, 13 10,13 13, 15, 18 grandchildren Grandchild Vincent (HS) Denise (CA) Paul (MS) Kaitlyn Linda (MS) Maureen Alicia (CA) interviewed (HS) (MS) Generation 1 1 1 1 1 1 2

Table 5: Grandfathers’ demographics

Guo Hsieh Andrew (U.S. Huo Ting Fred (U.S. Shau Pan born) born) Age 74 79 80 80 79 Length of U.S. 48 43 47 48 44 residency C= College Education (self) PD MD C C C Education C C (Wife Passed C C C (spouse) Away) Occupation Professor Museum Curator Engineer Banking Self-Employed (self) Occupation Accountant Did not say Teacher Banking Sales person (spouse) SES Middle Middle Middle Middle Middle Number of 2 3 2 2 1 grandchildren Ages of 13,15 11,15,18 15,18 14,18 18 grandchildren Grandchild Gwen Erica Denise Patrick Michelle interviewed Generation 1 2 1 2 1

Education PD= Professional Degree (Law, Medicine, PhD) MD= Degree GS= Grade School

Children/adolescents. By age 3, mono racial children are able to recognize people of different races, as well as to identify with members of their racial in-group (Aboud, 1988;

Dunham, Chen, & Banaji, 2013; Gaither, Chen, Corriveau, Harris, Ambady, & Sommers, 2014).

Children are not only able to categorize various racial groups, but they are also able to consider themselves to be members of a particular group and are influenced by their group membership

(Ellemers & Haslam, 2012). Unlike their mono racial peers, however, biracial children have the option of identifying with more than one racial in-group.

Furthermore, researchers have found that there is a relationship between age and parental racial socialization. For example, McHale et al. (2006) found that among African American parents and their children (ages 9-15 years), mothers engaged in more racial socialization as their children grew older. Similarly, Lee and colleagues (2006) found that the frequency of cultural socialization behaviors increased with age from when the child was 7-8 years old to when they were 9-10 years old. This is because the result of developmental changes in both children’s cognitive capacity for understanding the concept of race and their social interactions with the world around issues of race (Aboud, 1988; Cross & Fhagen-Smith, 2001). Finally, Hughes and

Chen (1997) found that parents of adolescents more likely transmit messages associated with racial inequality than parents of younger children.

The grandchildren in my sample were biracial—of Chinese and Caucasian heritage. They were between 12-18 years old. This age range was selected because I wanted children to be able to provide in-depth responses to the interview questions. Also, adolescents and young adults are in the identity-seeking stage of their development. They are also able to understand the association between ethnic practices and culture (Pizarro & Vera, 2001). Furthermore, they are able to reflect on their experiences and encounters with race and racial issues, and therefore

would be better able to discuss their experiences as a biracial individual (Hughes & Johnson,

2001).

Six grandchildren (four women and two men) were attending college. However, they communicated quite regularly with their grandparents, via FaceTime or other technology. The use of FaceTime and Skype allowed me to collect data from the biracial grandchildren who were not restricted to only the state of California. These grandchildren also have experiences outside of California, which added to the richness of the interview data. Also, the younger grandchildren who were not yet in college were about to enter puberty/adolescence, so they had unique insights into intergenerational relationships and their identity (Kerwin et al., 1993). The grandchild participants were a mix of males and females. I interviewed all of the grandchildren, as they were all fluent in English. See Table 6, below.

Table 6: Grandchildren’s demographics

Gwen Kevin Michelle Kurt Patrick Larry Vincent Age 16 14 18 16 18 18 16 C= Gender F M F M M M M

Grade Level HS HS CA HS CA CA HS

Self- Chinese White Chinese & Chinese & Chinese & Chinese White identified & White White White White racial identity Racial Mostly Mostly Mix (Asian, Mostly White Mostly Asian Mostly Asian Mostly White makeup of Asian White Black, and White Hispanic, neighborhood White)

Grandmother Both GM only GM only GM only Both GM only GM only (GM) or grandfather (GF) interviewed College Education PD= Professional Degree (Law, Medicine, PhD) MD= Masters Degree GS= Grade School HS =High School CA= College Age MS = Middle School

\ Table 6 (cont’d)

Denise Paul Kaitlyn Linda Maureen Alicia Erica 18 13 12 13 13 18 18 Age Gender F M F F F F F

Grade Level CA MS MS MS MS CA CA

Self- Chinese Chinese Chinese & Chinese Chinese & White Chinese & White identified & White White White racial identity Racial Mostly Mostly Mix (Asian, Mostly White Mostly White Mostly Asian Mix (Asian, makeup of Asian & Asian Black, and White Black, Hispanic, White Hispanic, White) neighborhood White)

Grandmother Both GM only GM only GM only GM only GM only GF only (GM) or grandfather (GF) interviewed

Methodology

Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were used. Marshall and Rossman (2011) have described phenomenological interviewing as a technique that is used to describe the meaning of a phenomenon shared by individuals. Phenomenological interviewing involves uncovering the meaning and the essence of the experience for the participants (Creswell, 1998; Daly, 2007;

Patton, 1990; Seidman, 2006). Interviews also allowed me to capture the complexity and the interactional exchanges between grandparents and their grandchildren. This allowed me to capture the nuances of being biracial, in a much more detailed way than numbers on a scale would allow.

Prior to conducting each interview, I would meet with the participant(s) at a location where they felt the most comfortable—in this case, most of the interviews were conducted in their homes, although three grandparents agreed to meet at the library and at Starbucks. I reviewed the purpose of the study and the participants were given a consent form to sign. For the college-aged students, I had scanned a consent form to them a few days before the interview was to occur. The risks and benefits of the study were clearly explained. For participating in the study, grandparents and grandchildren received a $20 gift card to a local supermarket.

All of the grandparents were able to speak English well enough to respond to the interview questions. Interviews lasted approximately 45 minutes to 90 minutes long for grandparents and approximately 30 minutes to 45 minutes long for their grandchildren.

Grandmothers, grandfathers, and the grandchild were interviewed separately in order to prevent them from biasing each others’ responses. Interviews were voice-recorded using Voice Memo on the iPhone. In order to provide a comfortable and familiar setting for the participants, interviews were primarily conducted in the participants’ homes.

Chinese was the native language of some of my grandparent participants. All of the grandparents were able to complete the interview in English. If the interviews had been done in

Chinese, this might have provided richer data. Some of the grandparents’ responses might have been expressed more thoroughly in Chinese than in English.

Parents and grandparents were asked to sign the consent form (see Appendix B). I began the interview with some demographic questions (see Appendices C and D) to establish rapport and to warm both the researcher and the participant to the conversation (Dilley, 2000). I assigned a pseudonym to the participants in order to assure confidentiality. Pseudonyms were chosen for both the U.S. born and the immigrant grandparents, as well as for their grandchildren. Care was taken to choose pseudonyms that were in line with Chinese names for the immigrant grandparents, and English/Anglo names were chosen for the U.S. born grandparents and the biracial grandchildren. Selecting Chinese pseudonyms was done so as to not minimize the importance of their name in Chinese culture. Interviews began with gaining trust, establishing rapport and getting to know the participants, followed by gaining an understanding of the participants’ experiences through asking interview questions (see Appendices E and F). The interview questions were developed based on a literature review that focused on biracial identity development as well as literature on biracial parenting.

Interviews were conducted using an interview guide (Patton, 2002). This guide lists the questions that will be asked during the interview (see Appendices F). The guide is helpful because it helps to make the interview more systematic, comprehensive and streamlined because it lists the questions to be discussed beforehand (Patton, 2002). Each interview included basic questions that were a starting point for participants to provide information about their views on their ethnic identity, such as, “what does it mean to have one Chinese and one White parent?”

and “what was it like being biracial in your high school?” These types of questions allowed the participants to provide information-rich answers that I could analyze by using a grounded-theory approach.

Interviews were recorded using Voice Memo on the iPhone and were transcribed by me. I listened to the interviews and transcribed what the participants were saying. I then re-read the transcripts at least two times and used qualitative software (i.e., ATLAS.ti, version 1.0.38) to help code, categorize and analyze the data. ATLAS.ti was used because it allowed me to connect my interpretations with what my participants said. Using this qualitative software allowed me to ground the analyses in the evidence. Finally, using ATLAS. ti allowed me to keep a good trail of my analyses process. Interview transcripts were stored on a password-protected flash drive and a password-protected Apple MacBook Air, all of which were kept inside a locked file cabinet. Participants were contacted via in-person meetings, e-mail and Skype/Face

Time/Google Chat to follow-up with any additional questions following an initial reading of the interview transcripts.

At the conclusion of each interview, the participants were debriefed to ensure that they left the interview with neutral to positive feelings. I had prepared a list of list of community resources that the participant could refer to if he/she had negative feelings resulting from the interview. However, none of my participants required these resources.

Data analyses

Prior to data analyses, I transcribed the interviews. I looked for differences between similar interviewees. For example, the grandmothers might be similar in terms of being labeled a “tiger grandmother,” but differed in terms of the intensity in how they stressed academic

achievement with their grandchildren. Also, I was also aware of any similarities between the interviewees that were surprising to me.

In the next step of analyses, I listened to the interviews several times and read the transcription several times in order to get a sense of the entire interview (Giorgi, 1975; Hycner,

1985). This was done in order to provide a context for the emergence of themes later in the data analyses. I transcribed each of the interviews verbatim. It was important to be during this stage to look at the quotes in terms of the context in which it was said. How might interpretation of the quote differ had I been in a different context? I also wrote next to each quote what was being talked about.

The process of data analyses when using a grounded theory approach involves sorting the qualitative data into coded categories. This technique of data analyses categorizes the data and determines the relationships between the categories. I created code structures for my codes.

Code structures are a compilation of the emerging codes. I created code structures by reading all of my data and writing down the initial codes. These initial codes were then applied to two or three interview transcripts. By doing this, I was able to refine the codes further. I then applied my further refined code structure to even more transcripts (three to five). The revision of the code structure was a continuous process. Finally, when I felt that the data was not giving me any new codes, I knew that I had reached data saturation. This was when I felt that my code structure was the final one.

The interview transcripts were coded to identify the most salient and frequently mentioned concepts and emerging themes (Glaser, 1978; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Categories that had similar labels were placed together, and the content of these categories were compare to see if they were about the same topic or if these categories were about a particular conceptual

theme. Concepts were the terms that my interviewees used to reflect ideas that were important to them (e.g., “education” and “influence of peers”). Themes show the relationship between two or more concepts. For example, in the quote, “The driven Chinese grandmothers emphasized that their grandchildren should do well in school and to live up to their ‘model minority’ stereotype.”

The concepts include, “driven Chinese grandmothers,” “doing well in school,” “model minority,” and “stereotype.” The larger theme would be, “Importance of education to Chinese grandmothers.” Another example included: “Both my son-in-laws are blonde, and my daughter and granddaughter are “big sized,” right? The people in the village asked, ‘why are you guys here?’” The statement, “blonde, daughter and granddaughter are ‘big sized’” This refers to their physical appearance. The statement, “why are you guys here?” refers to the link between their physical appearance and being able to fit in with the local culture. These two concepts would fall under the theme of “physical appearance and fitting in.” Also, I wanted to be more specific in how I classified some of the responses. For example, for the theme of “cultural attachment,” I parsed out the differences in definitions between Chinese culture and Chinese rituals. I saw

Chinese culture as being more broad, for example, “yeah, we’ve been to some Chinese plays/Chinese operas.” This is in contrast to Chinese rituals, which I defined as being more specific actions carried out by the participants themselves: “He will start talking about cleaning the graves…bowing to our ancestors.”

I also made sure to reflect on the coding categories and to record my thoughts in my field notes. I began coding with descriptive coding, in which I looked at the general information provided by the interviewee, such as gender, age, SES, education level, etc. Second, I conducted topical coding, in which I asked what topics are being described in the quotes. It was also during topical coding that I put the data “where they belong,” for example, “this quote is about

educational success,” “this quote is about the neighborhood the biracial grandchildren grew up in,” etc.). Finally, I used analytical coding to determine what was really conveyed through the quotes. To illustrate, I began by locating all of the quotes in which the interviewees discussed a specific topic (e.g., the topic of using Chinese food as a tool to ethnically socialize their biracial grandchildren). From this, I brought together all of the quotes on that topic. Doing this forced me to look not only at what I could recall from the interviews, but it also allowed me to see the different angles on the topic and to see the richness in the data. I then chose to code the themes that would give me a better understanding of my research questions. The data analyses process will be discussed in greater detail, below.

There are three components of coding: Open coding, axial coding and selective coding.

Open coding is the initial phase of grounded theory analysis (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). During open coding, researchers identify, name, categorize and describe examples using the interview transcripts, observations, etc. Open coding is done line-by-line. This is a time-consuming process. After I had finished the interview transcription, I tried to identify and describe the concepts from the interview data. In order to do this, I used line-by-line and sentence coding.

Within the interview transcripts, I identified, named, categorized, and described the different examples. Each line in the transcript is read and the question is, “what exactly does this mean?”

Following open coding, I engaged in axial coding. This refers to putting the data back after coding and making connections between the categories (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). It is a process of relating codes (i.e., categories and concepts) to each other. Through axial coding, related statements, and frameworks, along with the context, are derived from the data (Corbin &

Strauss, 2008). New categories are compared to old categories in order to achieve data

saturation, in which no new data emerges (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Also, from the data formed during the axial coding stage, a visual model may be created.

Finally, selective coding refers to the process of selecting one category to be the core category and relating the other categories to this core category. Selective coding involves integrating and refining categories. As new categories emerge, they will be compared to the old categories in a constant comparison method (Corbin & Strauss, 2008).

At the end of the coding for each interview, I created a summary of each interview’s contents to help me later when comparing what was said across interviewees. This summary included: The main points expressed, the pseudonym of the interviewee, the time and location of the interview, the reason why the interviewee was included in the study, how long the interview lasted, and the particular insights that the interviewee provided were highlighted. In addition, I also created definitions for the codes. For example:

1.) What am I going to call/label the code: Promotion of egalitarianism.

2.) How am I defining this code: Refers to grandparents (either grandmothers, grandfathers,

or both) talking to their biracial grandchildren about diversity and/or equality.

3.) How am I going to recognize it in the interviews? When grandparents mention that

they have talked about diversity and/or equality with their grandchildren.

4.) What do I want to exclude? If interviewees say that their grandparents talk to them

about not trusting people from other races or preparing them to face discrimination.

5.) What is an example? One example would be a grandmother who talks to her

grandchildren about appreciating the diversity in their neighborhood.

I have divided the themes into two major categories: Ethnic socialization and racial socialization.

I examine the ways that grandparents use ethnic and racial socialization and how their

grandchildren respond to their grandparents’ socialization efforts. Within these two major themes, there are sub-themes that help to support these major themes. To arrive at the grandparent theme, I examined the demographic profiles of the grandparent participants. A majority of them were born overseas and immigrated to the United States. Only four grandparents were born in the U.S. I thought that it would be interesting to see the racial socialization processes that foreign-born and U.S.-born grandparents use to prepare their grandchildren to face the reality that the ambiguity of their race will create for them in the U.S. I created this major theme by joining together several sub-themes, such as the influence that grandparents’ own ethnic identities have on how they view themselves—as Chinese or Chinese

Americans—as well as their struggles to integrate both Chinese and Western values in their grandchildren (e.g., the emphasis on academic achievement and instilling a sense of independence, respectively).

The second major theme focusing on grandchildren was derived in the same way. This theme’s focus was on how biracial grandchildren responded to their grandparents’ efforts at ethnic socialization. In this section, I pulled together the themes of peer relationships at school, and how ethnic socialization has affected how they view being biracial, specifically the strengths and challenges of being a biracial person.

In order to create the sub-themes under each of these two major themes, I will provide an example of the coding process that I used. For example, under the grandparent theme, let us use the first sub-theme of, “defining aspects of their own ethnic identity.” Within this sub-theme, there are two other sub-themes: 1.) Grandparents’ realizing their inner core as a Chinese person; and 2.) Grandparents seeing themselves as being biracial as well—their mentality that they are no longer “guests” in the U.S., but at the same time, also holding on to traditional Chinese values

and cultural traditions. Regarding grandparents realizing their inner core as a Chinese, Karen, a grandmother who was born overseas (not one of the U.S.-born grandparents) commented, “I had to really think about who I was when I first came to the U.S. Was I Chinese? American?

Chinese-American? I had to ask myself, ‘who am I?’ I did not see myself as a full American, but

I still saw myself as fully Chinese. I see myself as Chinese in my personal life, but when I was still working, I considered myself to be more American. I knew that before I could teach my own kids and now my grandkids, I had to figure out that answer for myself.” Louise, who was born in the U.S., disagreed with Karen’s statement, “I see myself as a Chinese American. Having grown up in the U.S., it wasn’t hard for me to know both my Chinese and American sides. I don’t consider myself ‘White,’ and I am also very proud to be Chinese. So, this helps me to teach my grandchildren now, since they are half. I can say, ‘well, grandma sees herself as half

American, and so you should not be ashamed of who you are.” From Karen’s statement, the open codes included, “was I Chinese? American? Chinese-American?, “I still saw myself as fully Chinese,” “I had to figure out that answer for myself,” and “Chinese in my personal life, more American in my working life.” From Louise’s statement, the open codes were, “also very proud to be Chinese” and “see myself as Chinese American.”

Following this initial open coding, the codes such as, “was I Chinese? American?

Chinese- American?” “I still saw myself as fully Chinese,” “I had to figure out that answer for myself,” “Chinese in my personal life, more American in my working life.” “also very proud to be Chinese,” and “see myself as Chinese American” were put back together by making connections, and realizing that these codes were connected because they discussed how the grandparent viewed himself or herself. Thus, placing these under the sub-theme of “inner core as a Chinese person.” And through the similar process that generated the “inner core as a

Chinese person” sub-theme, a second axial theme was identified, “seeing oneself as bicultural and no longer a “guest in the U.S.” These axial themes then generated the major/main theme,

“defining aspects of their own ethnic identity.” Another example was the theme of “Chinese culture,” and its subthemes including, “Being able to speak the Chinese language,” “Chinese values,” “Having Chinese names,” and “Importance of family.” This process was continued for the remaining themes and sub-themes in the findings.

I also used qualitative software (i.e., ATLAS.ti, version 1.0.38) to help me in the analyses. Using software for data management is increasingly seen as the standard in qualitative research. This software was used to create codes, to rename the codes that I created, and to create code structures. There were ten themes that emerged as the most meaningful influences in how

Chinese grandparents racially socialize their grandchildren and how these biracial children develop and feel about their biracial identities. These major themes and sub-themes are discussed in further detail in the following chapter.

The final concept map was created out of the themes. Refer to Appendix I for the concept map.

Data saturation. The point of data saturation was reached when re-reading all of the transcripts did not produce any more new themes. There seemed to be a repetition of themes, and this was a good indicator that data saturation had been reached.

Trustworthiness/rigor of data. I used peer debriefing and triangulation of data in order to ensure the rigor of the data. In order to do peer debriefing, I consulted two biracial colleagues in the Department of Sociology at Michigan State University and in the Department of Education. I also consulted a colleague in the Department of Human Development and

Family Studies (HDFS). I decided to seek out two colleagues who were outside of HDFS so as

to avoid any potential biases and to see their perspectives from a non-HDFS field. I consulted my colleague within the HDFS department because I thought that it would be helpful to have a like- minded individual to discuss my ideas with. The two non-HDFS colleagues were not only biracial, but they were also interested in biracial issues. These debriefing sessions helped me to not only examine my biases and assumptions as the researcher, but also to help me realize which points I needed to emphasize more on, as well as points that did not need as much emphasis.

Additionally, my three peers were excellent in helping me to realize the vague points in my analyses and to help me be clearer in what I wanted to convey.

Additionally, I also used other data sources besides the interview questions. I used participant observation and wrote my observations in a field journal. I recorded my biases, observations about the participants, and my own personal thoughts in this field journal. Finally, in reading the interview transcripts, I varied the order in which the transcripts were read. I changed the order on each reading to ensure that the themes were being detected equally across all of the interviews. Furthermore, after each transcribed interview was completed, I audited it against the original taped interview. This allowed me to return to the interview and to note any pauses, word emphases and pitch.

Finally, I contacted participants via e-mail, Skype or Face Time and also met with them on a face-to-face basis to review the transcribed transcripts as a means of member checking.

Member checking allowed me to follow-up on any questions that I had while transcribing. I also recorded my feelings and questions in my field journal, and having a member checking session allowed me to have my questions and doubts addressed. It also cleared up doubt and confusion, so that I was confident that what I had recorded from the participants was an accurate reflection of their experiences.

Reflexivity. As a Chinese woman, I shared a common cultural background with my participants. This commonality made it easier for me to understand the reason behind many of the participants’ cultural practices. Also, having grown up in the U.S., I was able to understand the biracial grandchildren’s experiences, especially facing and coping with Asian stereotypes.

On the other hand, I was also an outsider, because I was much younger compared to my grandparent sample and also much older than the biracial grandchildren. These differences did not drastically affect the data collection or interpretation processes. Initially, however, the grandparents might have thought that I was too young to understand their experiences.

Fortunately, I have heard similar experiences from friends and family members, so I was able to relate at a certain level. Language was not a major issue, since both grandparents and their grandchildren spoke English. Also, with some of the grandparents, I was able to speak a bit of

Cantonese with them. This was a good way for me to establish a connection with the grandparents and to help them feel more comfortable with me.

CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS

This chapter consists of two sections. The first section states the demographic data for the thirteen participants—mostly grandmothers, several grandfathers and their biracial grandchildren. The second section covers the main themes and subthemes on how Chinese grandparents racially socialize their biracial grandchildren as well as how these grandchildren view their dual racial heritage and whether this is affected by the racial socialization received from their grandparents.

Demographic data

Biracial grandchildren. There were fourteen biracial (Chinese-White) grandchildren who were recruited for this study. There were eight females and six males. The participants were between 12 to 18 years old, with the mean age of 15.8 years old (SD = 2.3 years). At the time the data was collected (February 2015-May 2015), six participants were beginning their freshman year in college, three participants were in their freshman (rising sophomore) year in high school, and five participants were in middle school. All of these biracial individuals were born and raised by their biological parents in California. Participants differed, however, in the racial labeling that they used. For example, most of the participants identified themselves as

“Chinese and White,” although one identified as “Chinese American.” These biracial children grew up in neighborhoods that were diverse—some grew up in mostly Asian neighborhoods, some in mostly White neighborhoods, and some in a mix of White and Asian neighborhoods. All were raised in intact families. Either one or both of their parents had at minimum, a college degree. Their grandparents were also college educated and six grandparents (n =6) had a master’s degree or a professional degree (PhD, MD, etc.).

Grandparents. Thirteen grandmothers and five grandfathers agreed to be interviewed for this study. As can be seen from Tables 1.1 and 1.2, the ages of the grandmothers ranged from 67 to 81 years. The mean age was 75.4 years (SD = 4.5 years). For the grandfathers, their ages ranged from 74 to 80 years. The mean age for grandfathers was 78.4 years (SD = 2.5 years).

Regarding their immigrant generation status, most of the grandmothers were first generation, except for two grandmothers who were born in the U.S. Two grandfathers were also born in the

U.S. The average length of residency in the U.S. for grandfathers was 46.0 years, ranging from

43 to 48 years (SD = 2.3 years). For the grandmothers, their average length of residency in the

U.S. was 45.1 years, ranging from 41 to 50 years (SD = 2.6 years).

The grandmothers and grandfathers’ socio-economic status was overwhelmingly middle class. The grandmothers and grandfathers who were interviewed represented the maternal side of the family, and so there were much more interactions with their grandchildren compared to the paternal side, who were in a majority of the cases, the White grandparents. Paternal grandparents tended to live far away (e.g., in a different state or in one instance, overseas in Ireland).

Therefore, contact with the paternal side tended to be far less.

Main themes and subthemes

One of the major theoretical foundations for my study is Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model. The other theoretical foundation is Root’s four “border crossings.” The findings in this section are organized around these two theories, with emphasis on the context. It allows me to examine the personal and environmental factors that influence how grandparents racially socialize their grandchildren as well as how these factors influence their grandchildren’s receptiveness toward their grandparents’ attempts at racial socialization.

There are twenty-two themes that emerged from both the grandparent and grandchildren data. These themes have come about via the participant interviews as well as through field notes and memos. Quotes from the participants are used to support the themes and the subthemes. The chapter has been divided into two sections: One for grandparents and a second section for their biracial grandchildren. The themes have been organized under two main headings: Racial socialization and ethnic/cultural socialization. Please refer to Appendix J.

Thus, these themes and sub-themes help to describe and summarize the similarities/differences between the participants. The following sections discuss the findings.

Grandparents: Ethnic socialization

“Inner core” as a Chinese person. All of the grandparents discussed that they needed to understand who they were as Chinese individuals and about their own Chinese culture and values before they felt ready to ethnically socialize their grandchildren. For example, Louise, a

U.S.- born grandmother, commented:

“I was born in the U.S., so for almost all of my life, I have seen myself as an American. But I also went back to my homeland for a bit, so I was lucky enough to know the Chinese side of me. Now being in the Bay Area, I think I tend to embrace more of my Chinese side. I know that deep down, I will always have a ‘Chinese heart.’ It’s important for me to realize this, because now I have to let my grandchildren know that.”

Similarly, Alice, another U.S.-born grandmother, also stated:

“Being an American, it was very difficult for me to realize that I was Chinese. But, that is something that I can’t escape from now. Maybe when I was younger, without kids and grandkids. But now, with grandkids, I have to face it. I have to realize who I am before I can teach her. Otherwise, I would be teaching her the wrong things about her Chinese side.”

It is interesting to note that for Louise, she embraced her Chinese identity (“I tend to embrace more of my Chinese side), whereas Alice was more reluctant to embrace her Chinese identity

(“..realize that I was Chinese…that is something that I can’t escape from now). Andrew, a grandfather who was born in the U.S., differed from the two grandmothers. Andrew stated:

“Well, I don’t feel that my Chinese identity makes me who I am. It’s definitely a big part of me, but it’s not all of me. I am Chinese, but I don’t feel the need to make a big deal out of it. As long as I know that, I feel confident that I can pass down just enough Chinese values to my grandchildren. Just because I was born here, doesn’t mean that I need to be all out gung-ho about being Chinese.”

Andrew was more relaxed about his Chinese identity. He felt that he did not need to be as intense about passing down Chinese values (“I can pass down just enough Chinese values…”), even though he was born in the U.S. One possible explanation for the difference between Andrew,

Alice and Louise could be attributed to women’s role as “kin keepers” of family culture and values. Thus, Alice and Louise saw socialization as their responsibility, whereas that was not the case for Andrew. The grandparents who were born abroad and who had immigrated to the

U.S., however, had very different opinions about their Chinese identity. Lai Xi, a grandmother, commented:

“As an immigrant to the U.S., you can never forget who you are. Knowing your roots. Just because we are in the San Francisco Bay Area doesn’t mean that we don’t have a responsibility to teach our grandchildren about their Chinese culture. Sometimes, I still don’t feel American. I’m still Chinese.”

Lai Xi viewed knowing her cultural roots and being able to pass down her cultural knowledge as responsibilities. She commented that a lot of Asian grandparents in the Bay Area assume that since they are among fellow Asians, that their grandchildren will automatically learn Chinese culture. She felt that these assumptions were wrong, and that she personally needed to take it upon herself to teach her grandchildren. Shau Pan, a grandfather, discussed how he had private and public identities.

“I would tell my granddaughter that it is important to know who you are and where you came from, but to keep it private. Only you need to know this. When you are in the

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public eye, you should act more American. This is what I learned to survive when I first got here to the U.S. But, if you want to make it in America, you need to have a private and a public self.”

It is important to note that Sam’s account was unique of all of the grandparents. He mentioned that as a child growing up in China, his parents were laborers. They taught him that keeping one’s personal and work life separate was important. He felt that knowing one’s cultural roots was important, as was being able to blend in with the larger society. As an immigrant to the U.S., he held on to this belief. He felt that having a personal and work life should be a responsibility that he needed to pass down to his granddaughter. He saw this as a means of survival in a

White- dominated society.

Although being able to have a sense of their own Chinese identity was important, seeing oneself as an American was also vital in how grandparents felt about the ethnic socialization of their biracial grandchildren.

Seeing oneself as bicultural. The grandparents also struggled with their racial identities as well. Because of their struggles, grandparents felt that they were able to relate to what their biracial grandchildren were experiencing. Huo Ting, a grandfather, tried to minimize his Asian culture. He said:

“I try to minimize the perception that I am ‘different’ from the typical Asian grandparent. I hope that by doing this, my grandchildren will not be seen as being ‘different’ in their social circles. In order to do this, I have to ditch some of my Asian values and I have to embrace more American values.”

By doing this, he hoped that his grandchildren would not feel different from their friends because of him. He acknowledged that he would need to abandon some traditional Asian values/ways in order to assimilate more American values.

Ling Tai, a grandmother, commented on her experience as a new immigrant to the

United States:

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“I remember I didn’t know who I was when I first came to the U.S. I know what it was like to try to be Chinese and to be American at the same time. It is hard to choose one side, and also to blend both sides. So, I know what my grandchildren are going through. I didn’t fit in anywhere. That’s why I try to talk them through what they are going through as both a Chinese and a White. I feel that I can relate to them whenever they tell me that they just don’t fit in with their friends.”

Ling Tai emphasized how challenging it was for her to try to be both Chinese and American simultaneously. Because of her experience, she felt that she understood her grandchildren’s struggles in trying to fit in with their friends because of their biracial heritage. Similarly, Louise, a grandmother, tried to balance her appreciation for both the Chinese and White cultures, especially since she was born in the U.S. She said:

“Sometimes, I feel that it’s so hard trying to be Chinese in America. I want to pass down cultural and family values to my grandchildren, but I don’t know how much is too much to pass down. I want them to see how their Chinese culture fits into American culture. We have a great history, we have a great culture and we live in a great nation. And they should know.”

For Louise, her issue was not so much about blending Chinese and White cultures. Rather, her concern was how much Chinese culture to pass down to her grandchildren, and how much racial socialization would be too much. Louise sought to retain certain aspects of her Chinese culture in her grandson, who had lived with her in her house when he was younger:

“One time, I was watching my grandson, and my grandson asked me, ‘why do I have to be back by 9:00 pm? My friend, he can come home at any time. I said, ‘not here. You live in my house, you keep my rules. That’s the difference between the different cultures. I found out that the biggest difference between the Chinese family and the Caucasian family is that when the child does something for the parent or family member, we shouldn’t be thankful for what they’ve done. But, the Chinese kid raised in the American culture will say, ‘mom, I did x, y and z. Why didn’t I get a thank you?’ In Chinese culture, we say, ‘you do this, you do that. So you see, it’s really having to think of my own values as a Chinese and an American, as well as my criticisms of American culture.”

Louise commented that it took her a long time to really understand the differences between expressions of gratitude in Chinese versus American families. Being born in Northern California

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and having spent her formative years in the Bay Area, Louise really struggled herself with balancing the Chinese culture with the influences of larger American society.

Luo Gai, a grandmother, spoke of how she overcame the stereotype of Asian women, and how she wanted to let her granddaughter know this:

“When I first came to the U.S., I was what people typically think of of Asian women. Just very quiet. I was also very obedient. If you told me to do something, I would do it without a second thought. But now, I want my granddaughter to know that the traditional thing about, ‘we don’t want you to express your opinions… you just need to be quiet and obedient.’ I don’t want that. I want her to be an independent young woman. Sometimes they might feel that they don’t have a voice because they are not fully White or Chinese. But, I tell them that if you feel it really matters to you, you need to speak up. Don’t be like I was.”

Because Luo Gai was raised to believe that Asian women were supposed to be quiet and obedient, she did not want her granddaughter to follow in her footsteps. An interesting point in her interview was that she mentioned that she was not as concerned about Vincent, her grandson.

She felt that being a male, Vincent would be better able to voice his concerns and to stand up for himself. Yet, she did not feel the same way about her granddaughter and thus encouraged her to be more vocal.

For Duo Peng, a grandmother, her experience of being married to a Chinese man greatly influenced the socialization that she gave to her granddaughter. She commented:

“I don’t want my granddaughter to marry Chinese. Because the mother-in-law you don’t know how to cook she say, ‘why your mother don’t teach you? What your mother doing? Why don’t teach you?’ I tell my granddaughter, ‘you stay away from the Chinese. I warned her, ‘you find a Caucasian guy.’ I said, if Japanese, I accept it. Korean, I accept it. But definitely not Chinese.”

Her rationale was based on her own personal experiences at having married a Chinese man, only to have him commit adultery on her while she was pregnant with their daughter. She blamed his adultery on his mother (her Chinese mother-in-law), who also did not treat her nicely. Therefore, she did not want her grandchildren to be subjected to a demanding and demeaning Chinese

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mother-in-law. Duo Peng commented how the social perceptions when she was young did not

“permit” her to marry a White man, even though she found White men to be more desirable as marriage partners. Furthermore, Duo Peng did not discriminate against other Asians, such as

Japanese and Koreans—only the Chinese. Despite her insistence that her granddaughter marry a

White man, Duo Peng still held on to her Chinese values and beliefs for Denise, her granddaughter:

“She tells me, ‘no, we are Caucasian.’ I said, ‘Denise, you are Caucasian, but only half. I said, ‘I know you’re Caucasian, but you’re only half. But, the other half is mine. Also, I have felt that American culture is too easy. Their kid, 16 or 18 years old, they move out. Chinese, no way! You don’t marry, you not going to move out of my house.”

Another interesting interview was with Shau Pan, a grandfather. He commented on his early experiences of being an immigrant in the United States with no money and how this has influenced the ethnic socialization of his granddaughter:

“When I was first here in the U.S., people looked down on me because I was Chinese and poor. I didn’t have any money. So, I worked hard washing laundry and saved my money. I bought a house and then no one could laugh at me and call me the ‘poor Chink’ anymore. I really want my granddaughter to save money. Because Chinese are different. Americans spend more money than they make, but not the Chinese. The Chinese always try to save money.”

To Shau Pan, saving money was his way of no longer being looked down upon as a poor

Chinese. It was also his way of differentiating between the American and Chinese cultures.

Saving money, working hard and purchasing his first house were his tickets to upward mobility in American society.

Influence of living in the Bay Area. Grandparents responded to this question by comparing how living in the Bay Area influenced their views on racial diversity. There were differences between the grandparents who were born in the U.S. versus those who were born overseas. Fred, a grandfather, commented on his experiences as a young man. He was born and

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raised in Georgia, and later moved to California. He lived in Southern California for a few years before moving to Northern California. He mentioned that differences in racial diversity were evident. He said:

“Oh yeah, when I was in Georgia, racial diversity was a real no-no back then. If you weren’t White, you did not fit in. When I moved to California, it was much better. I lived in SoCal for a while, where I feel that it was more diversified. You’d see White people, Asian people, and Hispanic people. But then I moved to NoCal, and it was different. I felt that there were more Asian people here. Anyway, having grown up in the U.S., I think that diversity is sort of a given. You learn about the ‘melting pot,’ and ‘salad bowl,’ and all that. Differences are respected in such a diverse place like California. My grandchildren are lucky to be here.”

Fred continued by emphasizing that his views on diversity were changed when he moved from

Georgia to California. When he lived in Georgia, he admitted that he was racist against other races besides Asians and Whites. When he moved to California, he became more accepting of other races and of interracial couples, which he almost never saw in Georgia. It was not until he moved to Northern California when he really felt comfortable around other races. Andrew, another U.S. born grandfather, had spent his formative years in Southern California. He mentioned: “What I don’t know, living in the Bay Area with so many other Chinese, will help my grandkids to fill in the missing gaps.” He felt that he did not need to really emphasize his

Chinese heritage to his grandchildren, since the number of Chinese living in the Bay Area would help him in the socialization process. An interesting point that Andrew made in his comments was that he felt that different cities in the Bay Area varied in terms of their views on diversity.

He mentioned that cities such as Berkeley and Oakland were more diverse and tolerant, whereas

Palo Alto seemed to him to be a bit more conservative and were less diverse, with only certain racial groups represented in the majority (e.g., more Chinese and White individuals).

In contrast to Fred, Louise, another U.S.-born grandparent, was born, raised and lived in

Northern California her entire life:

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“Using the term ‘racial diversity’ doesn’t mean much in America. It’s just a word that people use to be ‘politically correct.’ If you don’t look White, you ain’t right. When I was growing up in Northern California, I thought that I could fit in with the Chinese kids and with the White kids. I was wrong. I had an American accent that none of the Chinese kids could get used to, and I didn’t look White enough. Maybe I got burned out by being in California for so long.”

Fred had a more positive outlook toward diversity compared to Louise, who felt that racial diversity was not a given, and that trying to “fit into” American culture was not as easy. She also felt that she did not fit in with some of the Chinese crowd, since she spoke with an American accent. An explanation for the differences in opinion between Fred and Louise was mainly because of where Fred and Louise had grown up. Fred had lived in Northern and Southern

California, and he was exposed to different racial groups. Louise had only spent her life in

Northern California, and she felt that this had caused her to become burned out in terms of how she viewed herself with respect to her Chinese and White peers, since these were the two most prominent groups in the region at the time she had moved to the Northern part of the state.

Grandparents who were born overseas initially felt uncomfortable about the racial diversity in the Bay Area, but eventually embraced it. Jia Fei, a grandmother, commented:

“When I first came to San Francisco, it was strange seeing so many different races. Now that I have been here for so long, it is no longer a shock. I think it is good for me because I have other Chinese to give me advice about how to teach my grandkids about Chinese and American cultures.”

Luo Gai, another grandmother, mentioned:

“The Bay Area is a good place to raise grandchildren, because they get a bit of both their Chinese and White sides. But, sometimes I worry that there is still a lot of Western culture. Chinese kids acting too White.”

An interesting observation was that Patricia is more enthusiastic about her grandchildren learning both Chinese and American cultures. This was in contrast to Luo Gai, who felt that it was good that her grandchildren were exposed to both Chinese and American cultures, but at the same

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time, she was concerned about too much American influence. One possible explanation for the discrepancy between Luo Gai and Jia Fei’s accounts was that Jia Fei came from Shanghai, which is a more cosmopolitan city and where there is a lot of diversity. On the other hand, Luo Gai came from a rural village in China, where diversity was not as common and Chinese culture was strictly followed.

Effect of gender on grandparent interactions. There were gender differences between grandmothers’ and grandfathers’ relationships with their grandchildren. Wai Shu shared her experience of how she and her husband had different personalities and how this affected the relationships with their grandchildren:

“My husband and I grew up in different conditions. My family was very strict. It was all about work and working hard. It was about rules and discipline. My husband’s family was quite the opposite. They were much more relaxed. He won’t try to push the grandkids as hard as I do. Between my grandson and granddaughter, I definitely push the granddaughter more. She needs to work harder to prove herself because she’s a woman.”

It was interesting to see how Wai Shu and her husband’s families influenced how they approached work and discipline, and in turn, how they interacted with their grandchildren. It is important to note that Wai Shu pushed her granddaughter more compared to her grandson because she believed that her granddaughter, being a female, would have to work harder to prove herself in society.

Similarly, Fred, a U.S.-born grandfather, commented on the differences between himself and his wife:

“Well, having been born in the U.S., I will say that I’m more laid back when it comes to academics, compared to my wife. She is definitely more of a ‘tiger grandma’ when it comes to school. Between the two of us, she also has been more proud of her Chinese heritage. She really takes the time to drill them on it, especially our grandson.”

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When I asked Fred why he felt that his wife was more ambitious compared to him, he responded that she felt that she had work harder to succeed, especially as a new immigrant in the United

States. Therefore, she felt that her grandchildren also needed to work hard, because they were not

“fully White.” He also commented that his wife pushed more Chinese culture onto their grandson because she felt that he was responsible for carrying on the family name. As a result, she felt that he needed to know more about Chinese culture.

Lai Xi discussed how gender roles affected the relationships that she and her husband had with their three grandchildren—two boys and a girl:

“I feel like my granddaughter is closer to me. We can talk about Chinese culture and how it holds the family together. The boys are closer to their grandfather. My husband does not talk about culture as much with the boys. It’s mostly about work and supporting your family.”

Lai Xi’s account was interesting because she emphasized the different roles that she and her husband play. For example, she felt that her role as a woman was to keep the family together. So, she was able to talk to her granddaughter about Chinese culture and family. Her husband, however, saw his role and his grandsons’ roles as working for his family, and so he connected more with his grandsons.

What is being kept and what is lost from one generation to the next

What is being kept. Grandparents were first asked what they wanted to leave as their

“legacy” to their grandchildren. Across a majority of the grandparents, 1.) food traditions; 2.) obligations, duties and rules; and 3.) the pursuit of education were mentioned. An interesting response was from Ma Ru, who discussed the influence of Chinese food on ethnic socialization:

“I have family recipes that I have kept in a small box near the kitchen. They are all handwritten on little pieces of paper. These pieces of paper are what link our family here to our family in China. Those recipes have been passed down to my mother from her mother, and now I’m passing them on to the grandchildren. My only worry is that they

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will take this lightly, and will not bother to keep these recipes anymore. That box is a direct link to where we came from.”

She viewed Chinese food and being able to cook Chinese dishes as a way of leaving her legacy with her grandchildren. She felt that knowing family recipes was a way of preserving the past and continuing on into the future. Her concern was that her grandchildren would not keep the recipes or would view the recipes as being insignificant.

In contrast, Lai Xi did not consider recipes to be significant. She stated:

“I have family recipes as well, but I do not see the big deal about passing those on. I would like the grandkids to keep them, of course, but to be able to cook the dishes? I will not be disappointed if they are not able to. No big deal. We are Americans now. Cook what you want to.”

Both Ma Ru and Lai Xi hoped that their grandchildren would keep the recipes. Lai Xi, however, felt that not being able to cook the dishes was not a reason for concern. Unlike Ma Ru’s emphasis on the connection to their Chinese culture, Lai Xi felt that assimilation into American culture allowed her to not worry about whether or not these recipes would continue intergenerationally.

Assimilation into American culture also affected Puo Kai, a grandmother, who discussed the awkwardness of preparing a dish for her grandson:

“I made Paul a dish of wontons to bring to school for their World Heritage Day. He felt so uncomfortable bringing the wontons to school. He felt that maybe he should have brought a more ‘American’ dish instead—like General Tso’s chicken or crab rangoons.”

Puo Kai continued by commenting that Paul felt the wontons represented only half of his heritage. She felt disappointed that she had made him feel uncomfortable and hoped that he would not turn away from eating Chinese food. Likewise, Kai Wu, a grandmother, also recalled an incident where Chinese food made her granddaughter very uncomfortable:

“I remember it was after Chinese New Year and so I gave her some soup to bring to school. She told me that all of her classmates held their noses when she took the cover off

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of her soup bowl. Even her Chinese friends held their noses. But somehow, this made her more determined to continue bringing her food to school.”

Kai Wu was very shocked that even her Chinese classmates would be offended by the smell.

However, she was very relieved that instead of taking offense, her granddaughter persisted in eating Chinese food at school.

Therefore, the grandparents varied in their responses to the notion of Chinese food as a tool for ethnic socialization. Some grandparents held on to family recipes and saw these as a connection to their past, and also as a way for their grandchildren to appreciate their Chinese heritage. These grandparents hoped that their grandchildren would keep this cooking tradition alive. Others who viewed themselves as being more “Americanized,” did not share these same notions. One grandmother reported that although her granddaughter initially felt uncomfortable after her classmates’ reactions to her Chinese food, their reactions served only to strengthen her resolve to continue bringing her food to school.

Besides food, honoring the obligations, duties and rules in the family, was very important. After giving it some thought, Luo Gai stated:

“I want them to remember to be respectful to their elders. I want them to recognize their elders’ sacrifices. To remember what their grandfather and I had to struggle through when we first came to the U.S. They should also remember that they need to earn others’ respect. Since we were Chinese immigrants, we needed to earn respect. We didn’t fit in anywhere. No one was going to just hand it to us.”

Because of Luo Gai’s experiences as a Chinese immigrant, she had to earn others’ respect. It was interesting that she said, “we didn’t fit in anywhere.” During the interview, she mentioned that sometimes she felt that her biracial grandchildren, because of their Chinese-White heritage, did not fit in anywhere, either. Thus, she she felt that this was an important lesson that needed to be passed down to her grandchildren.

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The pursuit of education and to hold on to personal values were also mentioned.

Andrew, a grandfather, said:

“I want her to strive to make things better—to make a difference for future generations. I also want her to work diligently in her studies, and to be true to herself. Lastly, I do not want her to compromise her personal values. I want her to carry on with a life that her mother and grandmother would be proud of.”

Andrew was born in the U.S., and he had been the only one who taught his granddaughter about

Chinese culture since her mother and his wife (her grandmother) had passed away several years ago. It was interesting to note that he wanted her to lead a life that would speak to her mother and grandmother’s legacies.

What is being lost. While the grandparents hoped that Chinese and family values would be kept from one generation to the next, grandparents also feared that these same values, beliefs and cultural practices were being lost. Specifically, Jia Fei commented on the respect shown between family members in a Chinese family:

“I guess it’s a cultural influence. I think that to the Asian grandparent, they would be a little taken aback. Most Americans in the U.S. call their parents by their first names! I tell them that now their parents pay for you. When you are young, your parents take care of you. When your parents are older, you should take care of them. That’s different from White culture. White people don’t care that much for older parents. I think that some Chinese kids are also learning to call their parents by their first name and don’t take care of their parents when they’re old.”

Jia Fei felt that although their family had assimilated well into American culture, there were still cultural differences in the ways that family members took care of one another and addressed each other within the family. In particular, she emphasized that Americans tended to be less formal when addressing their elders. She was concerned that respect and taking care of their elderly parents would be lost in the future generations.

While shopping at a Chinese supermarket, Gai Xue was shocked at how a Chinese grandson was behaving toward his grandparents. She commented:

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“The boy was about eleven or twelve years old. He was standing in the middle of the aisle shouting at his grandfather, ‘you are so blind, Jim! Can’t you read the price yourself?’ I was so shocked, I almost dropped the bag I was holding. That would never happen with my grandkids. No way.”

The boy’s blatant disrespect for his grandfather shocked Gai Xue. She could not imagine how the boy could call his grandfather by his first name and embarrass him in public. Gai Xue told me that if that had been her grandchild, she would have resorted to physical punishment.

Duo Peng echoed Jai Fei’s thoughts by stating that respect for family members was declining:

“Because three generations, they forget it, they don’t want to go [pay their respects to their elders]. My son goes now, my grandchildren go now, but the youngest grandchild not going for sure. And my grandson not go for sure. Burn me up, put in me in the Buddha place in San Jose. Go to the Buddha place, once a year, give me some incense. I say burn me up, put me there, that’s it.”

Duo Peng also mentioned that ancestor worship in terms of offering food, incense and burning money, was a tradition that was being lost. She worried about how she would be remembered by her grandchildren once she passed away. Luo Gai, a grandmother, felt that another cultural aspect that was being lost was Chinese manners. She said:

“I think that kids nowadays have not been exposed to Chinese table manners. For example, they don’t know that they should not play with their chopsticks. They also don’t know how to use the chopsticks properly—to take only one piece of food at a time. The biggest ‘manner mistake’ that I see is that when they go visiting their friends, they go empty-handed and they stop by during mealtimes.”

Thus, Luo Gai felt that both table manners and social manners were being lost. She mentioned to me that she was worried that her biracial grandchildren would grow up not understanding the importance of having bot table and social manners.

Finally, Andrew, a U.S.-born grandfather, also felt that family history was

being lost with each passing generation:

“I have old pictures from a long time ago, but unfortunately, there are no captions to

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go along with these pictures. I am afraid that all of this rich family history is becoming meaningless. Without any captions or narratives to go along with them, they are virtually useless in connecting them with the past. My grandchildren can see the pictures, but not know the story behind them.”

Although he still kept old scrapbooks and family photo albums, he mentioned that without any tangible connection to the past, his grandchildren would never know the family story behind these pictures. An interesting and ironic point was that Andrew worked as a docent for a museum at Angel Island, which was a major immigration reception port for Chinese immigrants.

Despite being a docent, he was still unable to document his own family’s history. In an attempt to preserve culture and family history, grandparents used different strategies for the ethnic socialization of their grandchildren.

Grandparents’ strategies for ethnic socialization

The grandparents used several strategies to ethnically socialize their grandchildren. These included: 1.) Visiting China to see their relatives; 2.) Attending Chinese church; and 3.) Giving their grandchildren Chinese names.

Visiting China to see their relatives. Andrew, Erica’s grandfather, mentioned how his granddaughter’s trip to China to visit her grandmother’s ancestral village was a very enlightening experience for her:

“I think that going there has allowed her to get more culture. She felt that she stood out among the other Chinese. She looked different from them. She felt more American— maybe Chinese American?”

Thus, his granddaughter’s experience served as a “bridge” between her American heritage and her Chinese heritage, even though he admitted that she felt a bit awkward because of the differences between her physical appearance and those of the local Chinese. Because of these

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differences in physical appearance, Andrew found that she identified more as a Chinese

American, since she felt that she did not have the typical phenotype of a local Chinese.

Lai Xi, a grandmother, also talked about how being in California and how her grandchildren wanting to learn more about their Chinese heritage prompted her to bring them on a trip to China:

“I think in the East Bay of California, there are many Chinese. I remember my oldest grandchild. One day, he needed to write something about China. So, we went to Xi’an, and we saw the statues. They don’t understand what’s that. The grandkids wanted to ask, they wanted to know.”

Lai Xi also mentioned that during the trip, her grandchildren made numerous comparisons between their physical appearance as well as the architecture and food in China. She commented that they returned to the U.S. with a better appreciation of their Chinese heritage. Now, whenever they go to San Francisco’s Chinatown, her grandchildren are always making reference to what they saw and ate while in China.

Similarly, Ling Tai, a grandmother, also took her grandchildren to visit their ancestral village in China:

“They [the grandchildren] visited our ancestral village, and we got to see their other family members there. They got to taste Chinese food for the first time, too. Real Chinese food. It was strange for the kids. They are so used to eating ‘Americanized’ Chinese food here. Eating the real traditional dishes was a shock, I think. But again, it is part of the culture that is different.”

Her grandchildren were then able to meet their other extended family members and to learn the differences between Chinese and American families. The visit also served as a good example of her grandparents’ explicit efforts at culturally socializing them. Prior to the trip to China, Ling

Tai’s grandchildren learned about Chinese culture via Chinese books that were given to them by their grandparents:

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“Before the China trip, we talked about Chinese culture to our grandchildren primarily through Chinese kids’ books. The books with the Pinyin [Mandarin phonetics] inside. But you know that books can never replace the real thing. We have shown them pictures of what Chinese life is like in China. We also took a lot of family pictures there when we were younger. With us living here in the U.S., those pictures are our connection to China.”

The books, however, did not do any justice to their family in China. Ling Tai also created a book for her grandchildren when they were still very young:

“I made a book for Linda. A little book with drawings of my life in China. Simple drawings, nothing too fancy. Like stick figures. I have shown this to Linda, and Linda has asked me questions about it. It’s my way of showing culture to Linda in a way that I think Linda can understand, because kids seem to like art and drawing.”

She felt that these books would allow her to best communicate with her grandchildren.

These visits (for up to several weeks or months) actually caused their biracial grandchildren to identify less as a Chinese/Asian. One possible explanation for this was that perhaps being in a country that is homogenously Chinese may enhance the differences between biracial and mono-racial individuals. Also, differences in physical appearances (phenotype) might be more obvious in more homogeneous environments. The biracial individual’s physical appearance may identify them as being separate or different from the dominant mono-racial

Chinese. As a result, this created distance between themselves and their Asian ethnic group, thus causing them to identify more as an American White than as a Chinese. This is in comparison to the United States, where many ethnic and racial groups live and where intermarriage is more common (Dolan, 2012; Freidlander, Larney, Skau, Hotaling, Cutting, & Schwarm, 2000;

O’Hearn, 2008).

Attending Chinese church as another ethnic socialization strategy. In the Bay Area, the

Chinese church are Christian places of worship. They are usually housed in medium to large

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buildings, and the congregation is mostly of Chinese descent. The congregation speaks mostly

Mandarin, but Cantonese and English services are also available.

Benefits of attending Chinese church. This was another significant and interesting finding from the data. Twelve of the grandparents—mostly grandmothers—and grandchildren attended Chinese churches as a means to transmit Chinese culture and more importantly, as a place for the biracial grandchildren to learn the Chinese language. Church was not only a place for spiritual guidance, but also a place for cultural socialization to occur. Lai Xi, a grandmother, said:

“There are language classes offered at the Chinese church that I attend. They don’t want to go to, but I tell them it’s better than regular Chinese school. They don’t want to go to church, but I pray everyday that they will keep on going—to learn the language and to be a Christian.”

Kai Wu mentioned that being part of the Chinese church allowed her granddaughter to be part of the Chinese community:

“She always wanted to work with Chinese people in the community, especially Chinese immigrants. Our church has allowed her to volunteer her time and skills at a family service agency in San Francisco. She has picked up a lot on the Chinese language. The church is a place for her build connections and give back to her community.”

Since Kai Wu’s church had a small group of individuals who spoke English, her granddaughter felt comfortable taking part in these outreach/volunteer activities. Kai Wu felt that Chinese church not only allowed her granddaughter to know the church community, but that it was a good way to get to know community members as well.

Andrew, the grandfather who had lost his wife several years ago, shared:

“I feel that Chinese church is a good way for my granddaughter to be exposed to Chinese females. Sometimes, I feel that I am not able to connect with her deeply. There is something about having a female role model that I cannot provide. That’s why I take her to church. She gets to meet with other Chinese women, who talk to her and teach her in a way that I can’t.”

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When I asked Andrew to be more specific, he mentioned that his wife had passed away when his granddaughter was three. He felt that his granddaughter was not exposed to “authentic” cultural socialization, since he was born in the United States and did not feel that he was able to socialize his granddaughter in the way that her grandmother (who was not born in the U.S.) would have.

Guo Hsieh, a grandfather, felt that the Chinese church was a place for career exposure as well. He said:

“I feel that it’s good that my grandchildren get to know Chinese people who are in different types of jobs. I think that they know a lot of stereotypes about Asian people being engineers and mathematicians. At church, they get to see Chinese people in other roles, like artists and social workers.”

To Guo Hsieh, the church was a place for his grandchildren to be exposed to Chinese individuals who had careers that were outside of the stereotypical Asian careers.

The negative aspects of Chinese church. Chinese church was not without its challenges, however. Namely, the Mandarin language barrier and the biracial grandchildren’s physical appearance that made them feel somewhat “ostracized” from the rest of the church attendees/congregation. For example, Louise, a grandmother, stated:

“I know that he feels uncomfortable sometimes. It is not easy being in a place where everyone speaks Chinese and you don’t. But, I think it’s good that he continues to go and to hear and see the Chinese language. I hope that this will motivate him to continue learning Chinese and to know how important Chinese is.”

The language barrier still persisted, especially in all-Mandarin churches, where the congregation was more accustomed to speaking Mandarin than English. Louise saw these feelings of discomfort as a good motivational tool to encourage her grandchildren to learn how to speak

Mandarin.

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In addition to the language barrier, the biracial grandchildren’s physical appearance also contributed to their feeling of being an “outsider” at these Chinese churches. Mau Shi, a grandmother, shared her experience:

“My granddaughter doesn’t look ‘pure’ Chinese. So, when we go to Chinese church, she sometimes gets stared at a lot, especially by the older ladies. They will come up to me and ask me where I got such a pretty granddaughter. Maybe having a pretty granddaughter is something that gives you more ‘status’ among Chinese women.”

Mau Shi also stated that although she was very proud of her granddaughter, she also felt that her granddaughter was seen as a “status marker” among Mau Shi’s Chinese friends.

Kai Wu stated that when she brought her grandson to the Chinese church, he felt left out:

“When I brought my grandson to church, he felt like he did not belong with the other kids. They sometimes had food there that he did not know what it was and how to eat it.”

Alice felt her granddaughter’s experience of being a biracial individual when she tried to mingle with the other Chinese adolescents attending the church:

“There were a few groups of Chinese teenagers, mostly girls, around her age. They were all in their groups, eyeing her. They seemed to be friendly. Alicia went to the bathroom and came back, and the group of girls looked at her, whispered and giggled. She heard her name being said, and they laughed some more. She was very hurt and felt very isolated after that.”

Her granddaughter’s negative experience at church was limited to the adolescent girls.

Following this incident, Alicia made friends with a mixed-gender group of Chinese teens. Alice noticed that the Chinese males who attended the church were not as relationally aggressive compared to the Chinese females. She did not have an explanation for this, but she postulated that this was because Chinese females were less accepting of others who were different from them.

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In addition to the jokes and the physical appearance, these biracial grandchildren also were teased about what they knew as a “half Chinese.” Duo Peng, a grandmother, recalled her granddaughter’s painful incident with a group of young female Chinese adolescents:

“Denise hated Chinese church! I remember one time, a group of young female Chinese adolescents came up to her and asked her where she was “really” from. When she told them that she was from Europe and China, they laughed and kept on bothering her about where in China she was from. They then continued by asking her about her Chinese name and how to write it. She tried to write it, but the characters looked like chicken scratch. The girls laughed so hard.”

Duo Peng recalled her granddaughter telling her about the incident. These female adolescents assumed that because Denise was only half Chinese, she did not know anything about her

Chinese heritage. They wanted to “test” her by asking her about China and whether she knew how to write her Chinese name. Duo Peng felt very guilty about what happened because she was not supportive of Denise. When Denise cried about being made fun of because she could not write her Chinese name properly, Duo Peng remembered scolding her and telling Denise that she should have known how to write her name. Duo Peng continued by telling me that after that day, she taught Diana how to write her name and did not force Diana to attend the church.

Mau Shi commented that Maureen, her granddaughter, felt uncomfortable in the church because she felt that being half White was a “status symbol” for her grandparents. She felt that her half White heritage was a way for her grandparents to be seen as “moving up” in White society. An interesting observation that I made in all of these interviews was that attending

Chinese church was motivated by the Chinese grandparents and not the grandchildren’s parents.

In fact, all of these grandchildren indicated that their parents did not want any part in forcing their children to attend Chinese church. If their children chose to attend, it was because they

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themselves wanted to or that their grandparents insisted. Parents also did not insist that the grandparents not force their grandchildren to attend.

Thus, for these biracial grandchildren, attending the Chinese church caused them to experience alienation from other Chinese people, mostly because of the language barriers and also because of their physical appearance. On the other hand, their grandparents saw the Chinese church as a place where their grandchildren could be around Chinese culture and the Chinese language. This difference in viewpoints could be explained by grandparents being mono racial and being able to speak Mandarin. Thus, they were not affected by language barriers or their physical appearance. Grandparents focused more on the “big picture” of Chinese culture and language. Overall, however, grandparents’ efforts at racial and cultural socialization via the

Chinese church resulted in a negative outcome, and helped to solidify the ambiguous status of their grandchildren’s identity as biracial individuals.

Giving a Chinese name. All of the grandparents—both grandmothers and grandfathers—felt that having a Chinese name was an important part of their culture. Kai Wu, a grandmother, mentioned:

“A Chinese kid without a Chinese name? That’s strange. Sure, it’s an important part of being Chinese. It’s a connection to our past, the traditions and our ancestors.”

To Kai Wu, her granddaughter’s Chinese name represented her Chinese ancestors and was a connection to her Chinese heritage. Duo Peng also felt that a Chinese name was a connection between family members:

“I chose my granddaughter’s Chinese name. Being a grandmother and selecting her name is special. It creates a bond between the both of us. She has both a Chinese and a Western name. It’s unique because only Chinese people have Chinese names.”

Another unique finding was that grandparents found symbolism in their grandchildren’s names.

Two grandmothers (Puo Kai and Louise) felt this way. Puo Kai, a grandmother, said:

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“We wanted him to have a good education, and to have success in his schooling so we put the ‘Wen’ in his Chinese name.”

She linked her grandson’s Chinese name to the importance of education. She believed that by inserting certain Chinese characters into his name, that this would bring him success.

Similarly, Louise commented:

“When we were selecting his name, we did it the old fashioned way—by counting the number of strokes and using a book that my mother had given me. We counted the strokes because we wanted to make sure he had a ‘lucky’ name. It’s a Chinese custom that was passed down from my mother to me.”

For Louise, keeping the Chinese tradition/custom by counting the number of strokes in her grandson’s name was important to her, since this was passed down from her mother.

Closely related to symbolism and Chinese tradition were grandfathers who used their grandchildren’s Chinese names for other reasons. Huo Ting, a grandfather, commented:

“I like to use her Chinese name as a nickname for her. It gives her a sense of identity, but I think that it is fun to call her by a name that only I know, especially when we’re around her friends or out in public. I call her other sibling, ‘Bao Bao.’ It’s a term of endearment, only used by me and their father.”

Similarly, Fred, a grandfather who was born in the U.S., said:

“I am not good with the pronunciation of Chinese names, so I gave her a name that would be easy for me to pronounce. It’s a connection to her culture, but it is also a connection to me, since I can pronounce it the way I like, and I selected it for her.”

For Huo Ting and Fred, giving a Chinese name to their grandchildren was a way for them to personally connect with their grandchild, since they had selected the name. Fred also mentioned to me that he had heard from another Chinese grandfather that the number of strokes in the name was thought to bring luck, success, happiness, health, etc. to the grandchild. He said that he normally did not believe in this, but to be safe, he went to San Francisco Chinatown and bought a

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book from a Chinese bookstore that helped him to count the strokes in his granddaughter’s name.

His friend helped him to read the Chinese characters.

The three grandmothers and the two grandfathers who were interviewed had different views on giving Chinese names. The grandmothers viewed it as a continuation of Chinese heritage and values. The grandfathers viewed it as a way to connect personally with their grandchild. One explanation for the difference could be gender role socialization. Being women, grandmothers are expected to be the “kin keepers” of the family compared to grandfathers, who might not have been as socialized into this “kin keeper” role.

Grandparents wishing that they did more/less

Similar to findings in the parenting literature, grandparents also felt that they wished that they had either done more or less in socializing their own children to Chinese culture. As before, there were distinct differences between how the foreign born and how U.S.-born grandparents perceived of the ethnic socialization of their children. Puo Kai, a grandmother, stated:

“I think that having been born and raised in the U.S., they picked up on a lot of American culture. I let them get away with a lot of behaviors that would probably be unacceptable in a real Chinese family back in China. For example, we tried to enforce the ‘no shoes in the house’ rule, but my kids eventually ended up doing that, too. We let that slip, but now that they have their own kids, we try to teach them that that’s something that we should still enforce.”

Puo Kai felt that she had not done enough to ethnically socialize her U.S.-born children. She felt that she had let them “get away” with a lot of what she considered to be “American” values.

Now that they themselves have children, she was even more adamant about enforcing Chinese values with her grandchildren. In contrast, Kai Wu commented:

“With my kids, my husband and I raised them to be much too Chinese. Looking back now, I feel that we were much too strict on them. I remember talking to their friends’ parents and they were Chinese, too. They allowed their children to stay out late with their friends, to have sleepovers…. activities that normal ‘American’ kids

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do. Not our family, though. We were far too Chinese. I feel like I’ve cheated them of a good American childhood.”

The discrepancy between Puo Kai and Kai Wu on how they viewed the ethnic socialization of their own children could be explained by their pre-immigration histories. Puo Kai had envisioned America to be the land of independence and breaking away from Chinese culture. As a result, she allowed her children to follow American culture. On the other hand, Kai Wu was warned by some of her friends that the United States was a place where there was crime and that she should keep watch over her children so that they would not become too “Americanized.”

For the U.S.-born grandparents, they felt that they emphasized American culture, but also tried to have a balance with Chinese culture as well. For example, Fred commented:

“As a father, I feel that I didn’t over-do either culture. It was a fair balance. I could have been more American or more Chinese. But I tried to have a balance of both. I remember growing up in the U.S. and at some point, I wanted to get away from American culture for a bit, but I never felt that I could completely escape from it. I wanted my children to have a good blend of Chinese and American.”

Although Fred was born in the U.S., he did mention that at some point, he wanted to escape from

American culture, but was unable to do so. He commented that he wanted to explore his Chinese heritage, but never had the opportunity. This was why he emphasized to his grandchildren a balance between their Chinese and American heritages. In contrast to Fred, Louise commented:

“I taught my kids about the White culture. I encouraged them to hang out with the Whites, and told myself that this was okay because Whites and Asians aren’t very much different from each other, in terms of skin color, at least. And maybe family values, too. I hoped that by doing this, they would not be seen as being Chinese. But now that I’m older and they’re older, I realize that this idea was a bit foolish. They’ll never look White, and never have Caucasian features. We can act White all we want, but we will always look Chinese, and so we will always be a minority.”

Louise’s issue was not that she tried to balance American and Chinese culture as Fred did. She ended up socializing her children with Eurocentric values. Her rationale was because she felt that

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her children would be better prepared to establish relationships with Whites, and hopefully, they would not be regarded as minorities. However, as she and her children grew older, she came to the realization that their Asian physical feature would always label them as a minority.

Lessons learned and current socialization. Oftentimes, the grandparent-grandchild relationship is affected by the middle generation—the grandchildren’s parents. As mentioned in the preceding literature review section and in the findings, the parents can foster a good or a bad relationship between the grandparents and their grandchildren. In this study, almost all of the grandparents (both grandmothers and grandfathers) reported positive and happy relationships with their children and with their grandchildren. For example, regardless of whether grandparents were born overseas or in the U.S., almost all of the grandparents expressed their desire to not interfere with the parents in the upbringing of their grandchildren. To illustrate, Jia

Fei, a grandmother, stated:

“We are grandma and grandpa, right? I think what’s important is that the parents direct the child. We are ‘second’ to the parents. Grandparents should only serve as the advisors to the parents. And the parents should bear the primary responsibility of raising the children, disciplining, whatever.”

Jia Fei was also a grandparent who tried to raise her children following more of American culture. She felt that she had a say in ethnically socializing her grandchildren, but did not want to overstep her grandparent role. Similarly, Jia Fei, a grandmother, commented:

“But, I still feel you know… I need to leave a little bit of a gap. I cannot be really, really strict. Because kind of like…you know…you show them respect by not telling them what to do. Maybe it’s their way to live [to follow the Caucasian culture]. When our kids were small, we could be more strict, even though they got away with a lot of things that they did. We could even beat them. In Chinese we always say, ‘you beat them to teach them better.’ But, to them…one thing important here is the United States. It’s different than in China. We have to show our grandchildren a different kind of respect.”

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Jia Fei felt that even though she was strict with her own children, that her grandchildren were being raised in America and therefore, she needed to show respect to them that was different

(more respect) than the respect that she had shown to her children. An important factor in respect were generational differences between grandparents and their grandchildren. Alice, a

U.S. born grandmother, discussed her thoughts:

“Being Chinese, I always thought, ‘I’m higher than you in generation, so I can override you.’ And I keep reminding myself never to do that.”

She acknowledged the age and generational hierarchy that exists in Chinese families, and how she tried very hard to not use her age and status as a grandmother to impose her will on her in- law and her grandchildren.

Guo Hsieh, a grandfather, felt that there was a difference between who he was as a father and who he is now as a grandfather, especially in terms of ethnic socialization of his children and now his grandchildren:

“When I had my kids, I never really stressed too much on their culture and being Chinese. But now that I have grandkids, it’s different. Back then, knowing where you came from wasn’t as important as I think it is now. The world is a changing place. There are no excuses not knowing about your culture.”

Today’s changing demographics influenced Guo Hsieh to emphasize to his grandchildren their

Chinese culture. He seems to have become more passionate about having his grandchildren know their culture compared to when his children were young.

Challenges in appreciating both Chinese and White cultures

Grandparents tried their best to bring out the best in both the White and the Chinese cultures. Most of the grandparents felt that there were positive benefits to being in an interracial family. However, there were differences between how the U.S.-born grandparents and the

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foreign-born grandparents viewed these relationships. For example, Lai Xi, a grandmother, stated:

“I think that there needs to be a reconciliation between the Chinese and the Whites, in terms of cultural values, especially. I think that I need to recognize and to appreciate all of these cultural differences and to be comfortable with them. One of the major cultural differences that I have found is that Chinese tend to emphasize being dependent on each other, whereas Whites tend to value independence more. It’s a matter of being able to blend these two cultures together. I also have worked very hard to overcome the mistrust that I’ve had for Whites because of some experiences that I had when I first came to the U.S. It’s making peace with that and coming to terms with what happened.”

Lai Xi was born overseas and had been living in the U.S. for forty-three years. Yet, she did not feel that she was completely American. For her, she felt that acceptance meant resolving the cultural differences between the Chinese and Whites. When I asked her to be more specific, she mentioned that she had to overcome her early mistrust of Whites, and acknowledge the shortcomings of Chinese culture and White culture. Finally, Lai Xi felt that she would be able to integrate both Chinese and White cultural values, especially those of interdependence versus independence.

Fred, a U.S.-born grandfather, felt that it was about recognizing and appreciating himself as a Chinese man. What was most interesting about Fred’s response was when he mentioned his dual identity. He stated:

“When I was growing up in the U.S., I developed a fake White identity. I wanted to be White. I pretended to be White. I was anything but Chinese. But now that I’m much older, I have come to appreciate myself as a Chinese man. It makes me who I am and sets me apart from the other Whites. Now that I know this, I have to teach my grandkids. It’s even more salient for them because they are literally half White. I suppose that I draw a divide between being Chinese and being White. When I’m in public, I act more White, more American. But, when I’m around my family or friends, I feel more comfortable being more Chinese and true to my roots. I think that my grandchildren should also have a public and a private identity.”

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In his past, he had struggled with denying his Chinese identity and faking a White identity.

Publicly, he acted more American compared to his private life, where he was “more Chinese” when around family and close friends. Compared to Lai Xi who valued integration of Chinese and White cultures, Fred saw his cultures as being separate. When I asked Lucy to elaborate on why she wanted to integrate both cultures, she referred back to her early negative experiences with Whites. She overcame her feelings around these experiences by recognizing the differences between her Chinese heritage and those of Whites, and then integrating the best of both cultures to help her work through her experiences. Instead of integration, Fred kept his Chinese and

White heritages separate. He explained that he did not want to integrate both his heritages because he felt that since he was an American (having been born in the U.S.), it was more important to him that he act White while in public. He strongly felt that Whites and Chinese thought differently and he did not want to confuse the two, so he kept his Chinese self separate from his White image.

Besides integration and keeping their public and private identities separate, another challenge was expressed by Luo Gai, a grandmother:

“Because if you carry on [Chinese and White] customs, you need to know and to be able to explain why you have those customs. I think that we are still learning about each other’s cultures. We get along well, but there are still differences that we are becoming adjusted to. They also need to learn their Italian customs. It’s not just about eating pizza and cooking Italian food. I want the to know why it’s done. What’s the significance behind the Italian family rituals?”

Luo Gai felt that it was important for her and her grandchildren to be able to adjust to having two different heritages. Unlike the other grandparents, however, it was important to Luo Gai that her grandchildren not only know their Chinese and Italian customs, but to be able to understand and explain the significance behind these Chinese and Italian customs.

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Thus, these grandparents felt that in order to genuinely appreciate both cultures, they felt that they needed to either integrate both the Chinese and White cultures or to keep Chinese and

American cultures separate. One grandmother mentioned that she not only wanted her grandchildren to know both their Chinese and Italian heritages, but also to understand the significance of their Chinese and Italian traditions.

In addition, the biracial grandchildren and their grandparents all stated that one of the most important factors and challenges in their relationship was acknowledging how grandparents referred to their family and how grandparents referred to their grandchild’s specific identity. An interesting finding was that the grandparents defined their family as a whole in terms that reflected diversity (e.g., “we are a mixed family”). However, when specifically discussing their biracial grandchild’s identity, they tended to refer more to their grandchild’s heritage. For example, Wai Shu stated:

“It has been challenging for us to think about how to refer to the family and to the grandkids. When we are in public or with people we don’t know, we will refer to ourselves I want them to know that they are Chinese and not just ‘lost’ among this ‘multiracial’ label. What does that mean for them? There needs to be a heritage for them to grasp on to.”

She often referred to her grandchildren as Chinese. She appreciated that her family was multiracial, but since she felt that she still identified more strongly as being Chinese, that she wanted her grandchildren to be able to not just accept being labeled by society as an ambiguous

“multiracial/biracial” person.

Grandparents’ racial socialization

Egalitarianism, promotion of mistrust and preparation for bias. The racial socialization processes that occur in families, especially in biracial families, is essential for the biracial individual to develop his or her identity. To briefly review the literature, there are five

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components that make up the racial socialization process. These are: 1.) Cultural socialization;

2.) Preparation for bias; 3.) Promotion of mistrust; 4.) Egalitarianism; and 5.) Other (Hughes et al., 2006). Of these five components, the first four are the components that are discussed when talking about racial socialization. Cultural socialization refers to how parents teach their children about their racial history or heritage. Preparation for bias refers to how parents prepare their children for discrimination—how to be aware of discrimination as well as how to cope with it. Promotion of mistrust refers to socializing children to be wary of other individuals from a different race than theirs. Unlike preparation for bias, however, parents who use promotion of mistrust do not give advice for coping with or managing discrimination

(Hughes & Johnson, 2001). In contrast, egalitarianism refers to socializing children to believe that everyone is equal and should be treated equally. The final category, other, refers to concepts such as global socialization, not teaching or discussing race, and emphasizing self- development (Hughes et al., 2006). Out of these five dimensions, the grandparents—again, mostly grandmothers, but also some grandfathers as well—primarily used promotion of egalitarianism, promotion of mistrust, and preparation for bias.

Parents: No preparation for bias. In addition, although the explicit focus was not on the parents of the biracial grandchildren, I still did include several questions on the interview protocol asking grandparents about their children (the parents of their grandchildren) and how they influenced grandparent and grandchild relationships. Also, I included questions on how parents directly or indirectly affected their child’s sense of racial identity as a biracial individual.

Previous qualitative research on biracial families using small sample sizes has suggested that the parents of biracial youth provide very little racial socialization (Marbury, 2006; Samuels, 2009).

When parents do provide racial socialization, they send messages to their children that de-

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emphasize race. Their racial socialization messages are often in response to specific experiences of racism and prejudice, instead of providing preparation to cope with discriminatory or racist encounters (Allen, 2013; Butler-Sweet, 2011; Hughes, Hagelskamp, Way, & Foust, 2009).

The grandparents stated that the issues of discrimination and race usually were never raised. This came as a shock to me, because the grandparents had mentioned that the parents— mostly their mothers—had experienced racial discrimination. Either intentionally or unintentionally, the issue of discrimination was not discussed with their children, nor were coping strategies ever discussed. Ling Tai, a grandmother, commented on her granddaughter’s father, who was White:

“The closest that we’ve come to talking about race wasn’t really about race at all. Her dad is a White guy. So, one time I remember he came home and he was quite angry. He said that he had not been recognized at work for what he had done. He was really ranting away. He said, “Well, I’m the White guy. Of course they’re not going to give me any praise. Unlike other races, I’m not entitled to getting any free handouts from anyone.”

Ling Tai felt that her son-in-law, being White, had felt that because of his race, he was not being treated fairly at his workplace. She felt that his use of the terms “unlike other races,” and “free handouts,” may not have been appropriate terms to use. She felt that these terms implied that his statements were directed toward other races besides his own White race. Ling Tai also realized that it could also be possible that as a White man, he may not have realized that his comments could directly or indirectly hurt other minorities, such as his wife, who is Chinese.

Grandparents were the ones who initiated these conversations about discrimination with their grandchildren. The grandparents indicated that these conversations were unplanned and occurred randomly during everyday conversations. Kai Wu, Kaitlyn’s grandmother mentioned:

“I actually tell her that I want to talk to her for 30 minutes in the evening, and that she should set aside time to hear me out. My husband would talk about these things over

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sports. Both of them love sports. I think that he felt more comfortable approaching the topic in this way.”

Kai Wu actually planned out when she would talk to Kaitlyn. Her grandfather, however, usually talked to her over sports, especially when they would watch sports games together.

Other grandparents mentioned that one of the ways that their grandchildren learned to prepare themselves for bias was through their neighbors. Ma Ru commented:

“Michelle joined a peer group made up of kids her age, and it wasn’t helpful at all. The kids in the group just weren’t able to talk about race maturely. What she has found to be really helpful are the neighbors in the neighborhood. There’s a diverse mix where she lives. She used to go over to our neighbors’ houses. They would invite us for dinner and we would sit and talk about race. But, the biggest difference between my neighborhood and the peer group was that at these dinners, there were adults who were able to talk about their experiences maturely and honestly. They gave us some really good coping techniques and perspectives that she still uses today in college.”

Ma Ru commented that Michelle had joined a youth group and found that the group members were not concerned about listening to others’ experiences regarding discrimination. Instead, she found more support in her neighborhood, which was very diverse—a mix of White, Asians,

Hispanics, and Blacks. The interactions that she had with her neighbors were what helped to prepare her to face biases during her childhood and now as a college student. Ma Ru recalled how her neighborhood was quite united and neighbors would invite each other to their houses for meals and fellowship. It was during these house gatherings when she and Michelle would share her experiences and neighbors would discuss race-related issues. Thus, she felt that Michelle was exposed to coping techniques that she still currently uses in college.

Promotion of egalitarianism. One of the racial socialization domains mentioned was egalitarianism. Grandparents promoted this in their grandchildren by emphasizing respect for diversity and equality. The grandparents enjoyed teaching about egalitarianism through shared

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activities with their grandchildren. Gai Xue, a grandmother, recalled how she taught her granddaughter about diversity:

“Gwen was still very young. We were at an international culture festival. There were kids dressed up in the clothing from their native countries. Gwen commented on how different all of their clothes were. I responded that difference was something that was good and that we should hold on to that. I also told her that there are many kinds of people in this world, who are different from one another and unique, just like her.”

Ling Tai, a grandmother, was asked by Linda, her granddaughter:

“One day, Linda and I were watching a show on TV that had flags from different countries. She asked me which flags were from where mommy and daddy were from. That was when I had the first real conversation about being biracial with her. I told her that no matter where another person is from, she was to treat them with respect and to treat others equally.”

Grandparents also used other ways to teach their grandchildren about diversity and equality. Huo

Ting, a grandfather, enjoyed cooking and used this to teach his granddaughter:

“We were cooking a Chinese-Mexican dish, and she asked me about the different spices from the Chinese culture and the spices from the Mexican culture and how they go together. I explained to her that each spice combined to create a new dish. It was very similar to her—her parents are from different backgrounds, but they come together to create someone as unique as her.”

Similarly, one of Ma Ru’s hobbies was to make beaded necklaces and she used this activity to teach her granddaughter:

“I was beading with Michelle and I took the opportunity to teach her about diversity and equality. We had a lot of different beads in different sizes and different colors. I told her that although the beads were of different colors and sizes, they were all coming together to make the necklace.”

For example, Wai Shu commented on her grandson’s experience in San Francisco:

“The residents in the Western Addition were trying to renovate the gathering place was the ‘magnet’ that connected everyone. It showed everyone that we were all alike at some level. In our case, the ‘level’ were our desires to renovate the gathering place, to make it look nicer and more welcoming.”

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Her grandson Kurt was born in San Francisco and had grown up in the Western addition section of the city. While attending public school in San Francisco, he was exposed to peers who came from all different racial and ethnic backgrounds. He learned to look beyond race and realized that everyone shared common goals that they wanted to achieve. At the time that his family was living in the Western addition, the surrounding area was composed of Whites, Blacks, Chinese, and Japanese Americans. All of the area’s residents were struggling to implement a “facelift” to a popular gathering place in the area. Residents would come to this gathering place in the evenings or on the weekends. This common goal of working toward renovating this gathering place brought very diverse individuals together. To Kurt, egalitarianism was not so much about treating everyone equally, as it was about agreeing, coming together and working toward a common goal of renovating this gathering place.

Luo Gai mentioned how while working at a marketing firm near San Francisco’s

Chinatown, she taught Vincent, her grandson, about egalitarianism:

“One of our Latino janitors had just spilled a bucket of water in front of my desk. I remember the floor was very wet, but I responded calmly. Instead of getting upset, I told my grandson that even though he was a janitor and I was higher-ranking in the company, that all of us are the same in trying to achieve the same things life—making a better life for ourselves and those whom we love and care about. We work to do the best that we can, and that this was what the janitor was also trying to do.”

Luo Gai worked with individuals who came from different socio-economic classes, cultures and other professions. She would often bring Vincent to work with her so that he could see how she interacted with others who not only looked different, but who came from different racial/ethnic backgrounds. In this way, she felt that she could teach Vincent about diversity and to show that treating everyone equally was an important lesson that he had to learn.

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Promotion of mistrust. All of the grandparents warned their grandchildren about other racial groups. Three of the grandmothers and two grandfathers commented on this. Duo Peng, a grandmother, said:

“I have always told her that she might be at a disadvantage because the Whites might get promoted over her. I told her that she has to be cautious around other Asians, like Asian Indians, for example. She needs to watch her back and to be careful, especially when at school or at work.”

Duo Peng’s comment was interesting because although her grandchildren were half White, she still warned them that Whites might get promoted over them. It was also interesting that she brought up the topic of Indian Asians, and how her grandchildren should be cautious around them, even though Indians are also considered to be Asians. When asked why she felt this way toward Indians, Duo Peng commented that before she retired, she was about to receive a promotion at work, but her work had been sabotaged by an Indian colleague. From that experience, she felt that she could no longer trust Indians.

In talking to her grandson, Puo Kai echoed similar thoughts to Duo Peng:

“I tell him that he needs to be wary of Whites, even though…yeah, he’s half White. Because he’s biracial, he might not get promoted over a White person. I told him that no matter what, race still matters in the U.S., and a person has an advantage if they are pure White.”

Puo Kai also mentioned the topic of being White and the privilege that this affords. When I asked Puo Kai to elaborate a bit more on her comment, she gave an example of a friend who was half Vietnamese and half White. He worked hard as an engineer, but did not receive acknowledgement of his work, while his White colleague received a pay bonus. Although she commented that this might not happen with every White person, she still felt strongly that a racial hierarchy exists in the U.S. Louise approached this topic in a slightly different way:

“I started by telling her about how hard the Asians have struggled in the U.S., and how we have made it through. I said that we are definitely better than the Blacks and the

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Hispanics. I warned her that she should be careful because other people might be jealous of her and try to harm her or harm her work. I told her that Whites are okay, that they are at the same level as Asians. It’s the other minorities who she should worry about. That’s not the same message that she has received from her parents. They are definitely more accepting of everyone, regardless of that person’s race.”

Louise used the model minority myth to warn her grandchildren about other races. In contrast to

Duo Peng and Puo Kai, Louise saw Asians as being at the same level as Whites. When I asked

Louise why she felt this way, she also gave work-related examples of how Whites and Asians work together, whereas that was not always the case with individuals from other minority groups. When she discussed her grandchildren’s parents, her tone of voice sounded skeptical, almost as if she did not trust the parents’ judgment. Louise, however, did tell her granddaughter that she should never let anyone tell her that she was not unique or special. She let her granddaughter know that if anyone ever said anything discriminatory to her, she should always be proud of her dual heritage.

Even U.S.-born grandparents warned their grandchildren about certain races. Andrew commented:

“I told my granddaughter that she should be careful around Whites and Blacks. Don’t hate them, but be cautious. She should be able to get along with them, at least when she’s working with them. To make it as a half minority woman in the U.S. is not easy, and so she needs to know that she doesn’t have to be friends with everybody she meets. But, she can use it to her advantage with other minorities and certainly with the majority race.”

It is interesting that Andrew brought up his granddaughter’s biracial heritage. He felt that she should use her minority-majority heritage to her advantage in her relationships with other minorities as well as with Whites.

Fred, another grandfather who was born in the U.S., had a different view in socializing

Patrick, his grandson:

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“I told my grandson that everyone is equal. My wife and I took him to several different social clubs, where there are people from different races. I told him that you can’t always trust people. It doesn’t matter whether they are Asian, White, Black, whatever. It’s good to have a bit of mistrust of other people, but to also try to build trust, and good relationships.”

Fred also mentioned that he felt that Patrick still had an advantage, since he was a half White male. He wanted Patrick to build trust and healthy relationships with people from other races.

Having worked as a banker, Fred felt that the trust and relationships that he had built with his clients were good lessons that he wanted to pass down to Patrick.

Preparation for bias. In addition to egalitarianism, the grandparents also helped to prepare their grandchildren for biases that they might encounter. Interestingly, in their preparation for bias of their grandchildren, grandmothers were careful in their word choice when doing so. Two grandmothers, Ma Ru and Lai Xi, were selective in using specific words to teach their grandchildren. Ma Ru said:

“I never used the word ‘discrimination’ while I was taking to her. I thought that the term sounded very strong. Especially when she was little, I used the term, ‘a person’s liking.’ I basically told her that I have my own ‘personal liking,’ and so does she, and so does everyone else. My husband did not think that explaining it to her in this indirect way was a good idea, especially when it comes down to talking about racial issues. I didn’t feel that she was too young to know the actual word. I wanted her to be aware of it, but not make her too vulnerable. Now of course, she’s much older and she understands it better.”

Age seemed to make a difference, since Ma Ru felt that younger children would not be able to comprehend what discrimination was. Now that her granddaughter was older, Ma Ru felt that she was better able to comprehend what the word meant.

Lai Xi mentioned that she too did not use the term “discrimination” outright with her grandchildren:

“Well, I did not think that it was the right word to use. So, I used ‘judge you unfairly’ instead. My husband did not think the same way, though. He was more direct. He used the ‘discrimination’ term, and even ‘prejudice.’ I tried telling him that the kids were too young, that they would not understand. He thought that I was being too soft.”

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As we see, both grandmothers and grandfathers tried to prepare their grandchildren for the discrimination and biases that they would inevitably face. However, grandmothers and grandfathers used different terms to do this.

Both Ma Ru and Lai Xi’s husbands felt that their wives were being too “gentle” in discussing the concept of discrimination to their grandchildren. Ma Ru and Lai Xi wanted to raise their grandchildren’s awareness of discrimination, but did not want to expose them to the full harsh reality just yet. Therefore, instead of addressing the issue directly, both women used an indirect approach by using alternate terms to describe discrimination. When I asked Ma Ru and Lai Xi what accounted for the difference between their husbands and themselves, they felt that their husbands, being Chinese men, had faced more discrimination in the U.S. Both women felt that their husbands wanted to directly confront the issue with their grandchildren and not hide behind euphemisms such as “a person’s liking” or “judge you unfairly.”

Luo Gai mentioned how she prepared Vincent, her grandson:

“I told Vincent that as a half Chinese and half White, he was not like the Blacks. People don’t discriminate against us because they don’t see us as wearing hoodies and all of the other stereotypes. But, if someone says something to him, that he can’t take it to heart. He has to know that he is special and different from everyone else. What they say can’t set him back.”

Luo Gai continued by telling me that she told Vincent that people are “trained” and taught to be nice—that they do not reveal their true feelings, so he has to be cautious when interacting with other people. She told me that she told Vincent that:

“Just because people look at you a certain way doesn’t mean that they are racist. Look at their words and their actions.”

Luo Gai placed more emphasis on an individual’s actions, and she also mentioned that she had told Vincent not to retaliate—that he had a choice in how he responded to racially charged

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incidents. A method that grandparents used to prepare their grandchildren to respond to discrimination was through the use of role plays, which will be discussed next.

Teaching about their culture through the use of role plays

The child development literature notes that children can also be socialized through subtle cues and role modeling (Peterson & Hann, 1999). Using role plays as a tool for racial socialization was a unique finding from these interviews. According to Stevenson (2014), role plays demonstrate the power of remembering one’s social history and the importance of cultural style in communication. Role plays also allow for the painful racial conflicts in relationships. In my study, there were grandparents who supported the use of role plays as well as grandparents who did not like the use of role plays. What was common between both opinions was birth order—the first born (the oldest) grandchildren engaged more in role playing compared to their younger siblings.

Supporting the use of role plays. Eight grandparents felt that using role plays to teach about Chinese culture as well as how to cope with discrimination and stereotypes was a less threatening and more enjoyable medium compared with directly talking to their grandchildren about such topics. The grandparents learned about role plays and how to use them effectively from their friends at senior centers, grandparent support groups, biracial support groups, and through online searches. These role plays primarily focused on different types of both racial and ethnic/cultural socialization, although the emphasis was more on racial socialization. However, all of the role plays were focused on how to deal effectively with racial discrimination and bias.

Since the role play scenarios came from different sources (i.e., friends, word of mouth, online, etc.), they dealt with a variety of different topics. One of the biracial support groups kept a file of role plays for grandparents to use with their grandchildren. The role play scenarios were taken

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from grandparents’ own imagination as well as real-life experiences, and were not necessarily focused on Asian-White biracial individuals. Grandparents and their grandchildren were free to act out these role plays using their own props, music and creativity. If the subjects in the role play were not Asian and White, grandparents could substitute their own situations in place of the ones given. Role plays were also acted out with not only grandparents, but also between the grandchildren’s siblings and parents. Generally speaking, grandparents took anywhere from thirty minutes to an hour to complete the role plays. Grandparents, parents and grandchildren usually took the time to debrief and to discuss the role play afterward.

Grandparents felt that acting out these role plays was a far less threatening alternative compared to trying to address the topics about racism, discrimination and cultural values directly with their pre adolescent and adolescent grandchildren. Shau Pan, a grandfather, commented on his use of role plays with Michelle, his granddaughter:

“Sometimes it can be a bit awkward for me as a man, to tell her directly about her culture and about possible discrimination that she might face. The role plays that we have found are great. They allow me to play different roles and sometimes as a different gender. My wife also plays the female part, too. So, it becomes a fun way to teach her these things.”

For Shau Pan, a grandfather, it was easier for him to connect with his granddaughter, Michelle, through role plays. These role plays helped to bridge the gender difference between himself and his granddaughter. He was able to act out the different roles in the role play—sometimes pretending to be a woman, etc. and this helped to put his granddaughter more at ease. An interesting comment that Shau Pan made was that he used Chinese music in his role plays. This allowed him to calm Michelle’s initial resistance to the sometimes emotionally disturbing scenarios in the role plays. In fact, Shau Pan could also personally relate to these role plays. He told me of an incident when he first arrived in the United States, and a White American had told

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him, in a very sarcastic manner, that they “liked his Chinese accent.” Shau Pan was able to pick up on the sarcasm and responded, “I like your accent too, Yankee.” He remembered this incident very clearly, and in fact had told his grandchildren this story. It was his example of responding to the person who had offended him, but in a relatively non-offensive (almost complimentary) way.

Likewise, the role plays allowed Lai Xi, a grandmother, to create a space for Kevin, her grandson:

“He has always been a quiet boy, especially around other people. So the role plays have allowed him to express himself. They are also good because his siblings can take part in them, too. I have found that he feels very excited about acting out the different characters in the role play and being creative to come up with different possible solutions to the scenarios.”

Lai Xi had been trying to find a way to engage Kevin in discussing racial issues. She told me that she had tried everything from books to DVDs. Acting out the role plays allowed him to be an active participant, and not just passively absorbing information from books, DVDs or other materials. Furthermore, Lai Xi found that these role plays allowed Kevin to be exposed to and to challenge others’ incorrect or stereotypical information about minorities. The plays gave him an opportunity to think about how he would respond in a hypothetical situation. Lai Xi also mentioned that the role plays allowed Kevin to become aware of his emotional and behavioral reactions to possible discriminatory situations. An interesting comment that Lai Xi made was that the role plays not only allowed Kevin to identify his feelings about discrimination, but also the effect that the role play scenario had on his body, and how to use relaxation and breathing techniques to help him work through the difficult situation.

Luo Gai, a grandmother, also liked role plays because they created an open forum for all family members:

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“The role plays are wonderful because not only are siblings involved, but I find that I can also bring in my children to act the scenarios out. The grandchildren really enjoy their parents’ involvement and to see how their parents might approach the situation.”

The grandparents found that one of the biggest benefits of role plays was that it created an open forum where parents could also have the opportunity to be involved and to express their feelings about how their children should react in different situations.

Huo Ting, a grandfather, felt that the other Asian grandparents helped him. He said:

“I am part of a biracial grandchild support group that meets in San Jose. Every week, we try out a different role play and act it out in the group. There are a lot of Chinese grandparents in my group. We get a good opportunity to hear different opinions and to act the plays out before we apply it with our grandchildren.”

Huo Ting continued by telling me how helpful it was for him to hear from other grandparents about how well the role plays worked with their grandchildren. This gave him ideas on how to best apply the role plays with his grandchildren. In addition, Huo Ting commented that the role plays gave him the chance to practice asking questions with his granddaughter, in case she should encounter a discriminatory situation. It was interesting that he commented that oftentimes, grandparents (and parents) will project their anxieties about racism and discrimination onto their children and grandchildren. He felt that these role plays helped him to prepare himself in the event that such discrimination should occur.

Another interesting account was from Guo Hsieh, a grandfather. He used role plays as a supplement to his granddaughter’s daily activities:

“The San Francisco Bay Area is unique in that we place a lot of emphasis on education and academic competition. I thought that acting out these role plays would be a double benefit: She would get a nice break from her schoolwork, and I would also be teaching her how I would deal with the situations. Plus, it’s fun.”

Guo Hsieh also mentioned in the interview that he felt that the role plays helped his granddaughter to become more confident in expressing herself. He felt that it also helped her to

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grasp the concept of race relationships, which helped her to better understand the concepts in her

Asian History class. One of the role plays that he did with his granddaughter was a debate on the stereotypes of beauty and racism for Chinese/Asian and White girls. He and his granddaughter challenged each other to debate the implicit messages of beauty and racism. Furthermore, Guo

Hsieh mentioned that his granddaughter was quite short-tempered, and could easily overreact. He felt that by practicing these role plays, he was able to teach her how to take a step back and to see how the situation developed before reacting. Andrew, a grandfather, found that the language that the role plays were presented in made a difference:

“In the San Francisco area, we speak a form of Cantonese and of course, English, since I was born in the U.S. We have always done our role plays in both Cantonese and English. We mix both of the languages.”

Andrew continued by commenting that by acting out the role plays in two languages, his grandchildren were exposed to both languages. He admitted that it was very challenging to try to speak Cantonese and to understand what was being said. However, he enjoyed learning

Cantonese along with his grandchildren.

Wai Shu enjoyed the role plays because they allowed Kurt, her grandson, to “dream big”:

“He’s a creative person, and he really enjoys thinking of other possible solutions to a problem. These role plays are good because there’s more than one way that he can come up with a solution. It’s also great that these role plays don’t just focus on one racial or biracial group. There are also many different scenarios that we have to work through together.”

Wai Shu continued by commenting that the role play scenarios that were used in her support group were very applicable to her teenage grandson, and so he was able to relate to them. She also gave an example of a role play that she did with Kurt:

“One of the role plays asked him to pick a racial slur—a term that really made him mad. Being half Chinese, he picked ‘chink.’ I worked with him on coming up with a comeback that he could use to protect himself—something that would neither be an under nor an overreaction. I wanted him to also think about if he

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could incorporate humor into the comeback, as he is a very funny guy sometimes.”

Mau Shi raised an interesting observation between herself and her husband in terms of how they helped their grandchildren to resolve the role play scenarios:

“Well, I have found that I tend to be less directive than him—I let my grandchildren act the role play out according to his/her creativity and wishes. My husband, however, is more directive—he wants to guide the grandchildren toward a definite solution to the problem/scenario.”

When asked about why she thought that there were differences between how grandmothers and grandfathers approached the role play scenarios, Mau Shi felt that it was because of her career and her husband’s careers that influenced how they approached the role plays. Her husband was an engineering professor, and she was a librarian. So, she felt that he needed to have definite answers, whereas she was allowed more creativity in her line of work. She also noted that her husband was more prone to respond by saying, “excuse me?” and stepping toward the person, whereas she was more likely to discuss the incident with the other person.

Against the use of role plays. Despite the advantages of using role plays, four grandparents did not enjoy using them as a method of racial socialization. Duo Peng stated:

“I think that role plays are too stiff and awkward. How do you try to find a role play that is as close to your life as possible? It’s not the same reality. Denise got so frustrated that she told me that she would figure it out on her own.”

Duo Peng felt that the role plays were just not realistic—that acting something out on paper was not the same as in real life. Duo Peng also mentioned that she felt that the role play scenarios were focused on other cultures besides Chinese/Asian (i.e., African American), so she was not sure how to apply the differences to her own life and to her relationship with her grandchildren.

Puo Kai, had a similar problem with Paul, her grandson. She commented:

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“Paul just could not relate to the role plays, even the ones with Asian and White participants. My husband and I tried to make him relate, but that only pushed him away from it even more.”

She found that the scenarios in the role plays took some relating and adjusting to. It was often difficult for Paul to relate to the role play scenarios. Sometimes, she found that he was unable to relate at all. Puo Kai and her husband tried to find a way for him to relate to the scenarios, but that made him even more irritated at how they tried to make him relate to the role plays when he felt that he could not. However, Puo Kai mentioned that Paul’s younger sister was able to relate very well to the role plays. Puo Kai explained this difference by mentioning that Paul’s sister was still at an age where she enjoyed being creative and acting, compared to Paul who was older, entering adolescence, and more reticent.

Similarly, Ling Tai found differences between how younger and older siblings resolved the role play situations:

“My grandchildren resolve these role play scenarios differently. The younger granddaughter likes to make up cute resolutions, but Linda is more matter-of-fact. It makes it hard for Linda because she wants a ‘this is it’ answer, not a ‘oh, it could be this or that’ answer.”

As a result, Ling Tai also found herself to be very frustrated by these differences between siblings. She often did not know how to intervene between the two girls. Thus, Ling Tai found the role plays to be meaningless and could not grasp the point/lesson of the specific role play scenario.

Alice, a U.S.-born grandmother, found that she had very different opinions from her husband when discussing the role plays:

“I have a very different point of view compared to my husband when it comes to how these role plays should be worked out. I am more of a ‘big picture’ thinker, and my husband is the opposite, very narrow-minded. So, my granddaughter tends to side with

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me. We actually get into arguments, it’s so silly. I feel that the role plays are counter- productive. We don’t really focus on how to deal with the situations.”

Alice tended to see the “big picture” of the role play scenarios, whereas her grandfather was more specific. She found this to be difficult to reconcile and found it confusing to integrate both of her and her husband’s viewpoints. An interesting point was that Alice was born in the U.S., and she felt that being an American gave her a more open mind compared to her husband, who was born overseas and who still held very conservative views on certain topics.

Thus, there was a wide range of reactions from the grandparents about these role plays.

Some grandparents appreciated the role plays for giving their grandchildren a safe space to act out possible discriminatory situations and allowing them to see various possible outcomes to these scenarios. Other grandparents found the role plays to be counter productive because of their grandchild’s inability to relate to the scenarios and because there were differing viewpoints between grandmothers and grandfathers. One possible explanation for all of these varied reactions could be the grandparents’ own life experiences and whether or not they found these role plays helpful and/or applicable to their and their grandchildren’s lives.

Effects of Asian stereotypes

For some of the grandparents, these role plays helped them to cope with stereotypes made about Asians. The stereotypes that their biracial grandchildren experienced made them even more likely to want to identify with their Chinese heritage. What really annoyed the grandparents was that some of these stereotypes confused Chinese, Japanese and Korean cultures. Some of the stereotypes also made them and their grandparents very angry. Andrew commented on an encounter that Erica, his granddaughter had with a White man who approached her while she was eating at a restaurant:

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“This guy was such a joke! He didn’t even bother to find out what kind of Asians we were. He automatically asked us both if we knew kung fu, if we were related to Bruce Lee, stupid remarks like that. Then, he got disappointed when we responded no to his questions. Luckily, we had practiced a similar scenario in one of the role plays that we did, so we were able to keep our cool and to respond calmly.”

Andrew and Erica became very annoyed at his stereotypical classification of Asian culture, and that he did not even bother to find out their exact racial heritage. Andrew continued by stating that he was very thankful that he and Erica had completed a role play that dealt with a similar situation so that they were able to resolve the incident with class and composure.

Luo Gai, a grandmother, found that stereotypes came in the form of food. She related an incident that happened to her and Vincent, her grandson, while waiting for their plane at an airport:

“I was talking to a White girl, and we got to talking about food in the airport. She asked me if I liked fried rice and egg rolls. I was a bit shocked and amused. When I told her yes, she then asked me if I ate kimchi or Korean BBQ. I guess for some reason, she thought that I was Korean. When I pointed out to her that I was Chinese, she immediately apologized. I don’t know why anyone would just assume that I’m Korean? It annoyed me.”

What was interesting in Luo Gai’s account was how other racial groups viewed “typical” Asian food and also confusion about different sub-groups of Asians (e.g., Korean, Japanese, etc.). Luo

Gai and Vincent recalled that one of the members in their support group had a similar experience and they were able to laugh at the incident. Another experience centered around food was Alice and her grandson:

“My granddaughter had just logged in to her Twitter account, and there was a picture of Randy with the family dog’s ear in his mouth, and beneath the picture, there was a caption that read, ‘it’s true… I eat dogs!’ My husband and I had just finished telling the grandkids about life and food in China.”

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Alice continued by commenting that she did not like using role plays to teach her grandchildren.

So, she was very amused when she saw Randy’s picture on Twitter. She was still adamant that it was best her children learned through their own experiences rather than through role play scenarios.

Besides food, there were other stereotypes that were hurtful to the grandchildren’s grandparents and their parents. Puo Kai recalled an incident at a doctor’s office:

“One time, we were waiting to see my doctor, and we were sitting in the waiting room. An older White couple was sitting next to us. The couple looked us over and the woman said that she was buying a gift for her granddaughter’s birthday. She wanted to buy her a Hello Kitty doll. The woman looked at Paul and said, ‘I think that all of you could help, right? You know Hello Kitty well.’ We were shocked. We could not believe that she simply assumed that we were Japanese. To make matters worse, my husband and I had known people who died because of the Japanese occupation in China. We were deeply offended at having been confused for being Japanese.”

Puo Kai was also not one of the grandparents who used role plays as a means to socialize their grandchildren. She told me during the interview that she regretted not using role plays. She felt that perhaps if she had, that they would have had better resources to draw from.

Although not a stereotype per se, another interesting finding was that Huo Ting, a grandfather, found that his biracial grandchildren referred to their parents as “Asian” instead of

“Chinese.” In contrast, they referred to their grandmothers and grandfathers as “Chinese.” Huo

Ting gave one possible explanation for this:

“Well, I think that you know… their parents are more Americanized, and so we want to refer to them using the politically correct term—Asian. I think that the term ‘Asian’ speaks to the larger culture here in the U.S. Does that make sense? I I think that my grandchildren think that grandparents would prefer being called Chinese. They think that calling us “Chinese” is more appropriate, since we weren’t born in the U.S. Perhaps “Chinese” is a more accurate term for where we have come from. It speaks to our pre- U.S. history more.”

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For the four grandchildren whose grandparents were born in the U.S. (i.e., Larry, Alicia, Erica, and Patrick), their grandparents also explained why their grandchildren referred to them as

“Chinese.” It was based on their own experiences as a biracial person and being tired of being labeled in very general terms. Fred, a grandfather, explained that his grandson wanted to have a more specific name for his grandparents:

“He told me that sometimes he was just tired of being labeled as ‘biracial.’ He told me that it’s the same thing with us—if you call us ‘Asian,’ that’s so broad. It doesn’t speak to who they really are. Whereas if you call us ‘Chinese,’ that’s different. That speaks to a specific culture with its own unique characteristics. People can learn something from knowing that we’re Chinese, not just that we’re Asian.”

Gai Xue, a grandmother, stated that the worst stereotype she experienced was when she and her family were visiting Alabama one summer:

“The men approached my son-in-law and said, ‘hey, why are you with that Oriental woman? Is a White woman not good enough for you? Do you have a yellow fetish?’ We were all so shocked that someone in 2013 could use such hateful words. They also told my husband and me to, ‘go home to China and retire.’ After this incident, I felt very proud to be Chinese. Their words made me so angry. I wanted to know a way to fight against all of these horrible stereotypes.”

While at a gas station, her White son-in-law was approached by a group of White men and asked why he married an Asian woman. Gai Xue was shocked at this incident, but she committed herself to teaching her grandchildren about their Chinese heritage. She got herself actively involved in several Chinese organizations and volunteered at a local Chinese community center.

Overall, the biracial grandchildren felt that their parents had not prepared them well enough to face this discrimination, but felt that their grandparents had warned them well. Shau

Pan, a grandfather, explained how he and his wife helped their granddaughter:

“Even in the Bay Area, I have faced some people who have said mean things to her. Her parents talked a little bit about this, but not much at all. She just coped with it the best that she could, usually by ignoring the people who were saying these things. I can remember one time at school, the kids started calling her ‘chink.’ She was made fun of a lot. Her

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parents brushed it off, and told her to ignore her friends. My wife and I, especially my wife, really listened to her. We told her to be proud, to be herself, and that there was no need for me to try to fit in with only one group. It took time, but she was able to really think about and to embrace her Chinese side.”

Shau Pan also stressed that discrimination existed even in China. He stated:

“We explained to her that discrimination exists everywhere. Even in China we discriminate against other Chinese. We stressed that she is a ‘hyphenated’ American. She was born in America, and so she is no less of an American than her friends. Her mom is Chinese, and her dad is White, so she’s not a minority.”

It was interesting that Shau Pan and his wife told their granddaughter that she was not a minority because of his father’s White heritage. He and his wife also emphasized their granddaughter’s

“hyphenated” American identity.

It seems that the grandparents and the biracial grandchildren all employed their own coping strategies when they were faced with racial discrimination. Ignoring the discriminatory comments, “laughing it off” and religion were used as coping mechanisms. Although some of the biracial grandchildren did encounter discrimination, this was much less than would be expected if they were outside of the California Bay Area. Grandparents were found to have been better at listening to and preparing their grandchildren for discriminatory situations. Therefore, these biracial grandchildren were not strangers to stereotypes about their Asian heritage. These stereotypes centered around what others thought stereotypical Asian food was, and the confusion between Asian sub-groups (i.e., the Chinese, Koreans and the Japanese). A more sinister form of stereotypes came in the confusion of Chinese grandparents as being Japanese and the insult that came with that. A second more alarming stereotype was assuming that the White spouse had an

“Asian fetish” and married an Asian woman. Thus, stereotypes ran the spectrum from relatively mild food remarks to the more severe and intentional racially-targeted comments.

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Challenges to racial socialization

Lack of family support: Racist White paternal grandparents. One of the major challenges to the grandparents’ racial socialization efforts were White grandparents who had racist feelings toward their biracial grandchildren. One grandmother, Ling Tai, commented on how Linda’s White grandparents had negatively influenced her during one of their visits:

“Linda’s paternal grandparents came to visit during Thanksgiving last year. They’re White and very conservative. Anyway, after they had come to visit, Linda asked me one day why she looked so different from other White people—that they had round eyes and that her eyes weren’t quite as round. Also, why she didn’t completely look White. I was a bit shocked. I wasn’t too surprised, though, because I felt that when I met her White grandparents, that they were quite judgmental and were sizing me up. I definitely could feel a distance between us. I think that they must have said something to Linda to make her feel that way. For a while, Linda didn’t seem like she wanted to be close to me. We even stopped talking for a few days after that incident. It’s better now, though.”

These racial tensions between Ling Tai and the White paternal grandparents affected her relationship with herself and Linda. Ling Tai noted during her interview that Linda was emotionally closer to Ling Tai (her maternal side of the family), compared to her White father’s paternal side. Also, Ling Tai told me that following this incident, Linda asked her why her mother married her father and that Linda was “thinking a lot about being White and not

Chinese.” Based on this statement, we can see that her paternal grandparents had negatively influenced her perception and attitudes toward her Chinese heritage.

Similarly, Louise, a grandmother, gave an account of her grandson Larry, who is closer to the maternal side of his family. He, too, had an unpleasant experience with his paternal grandparents:

“They came to our house for a visit and his White grandpa said, ‘people should stick to their own kind. The boy really does look like a chink.’ That was very hurtful to him.”

As both Ling Tai and Louise experienced, their White family members were not very receptive toward their biracial grandchildren. Larry’s paternal grandfather referred to Larry as a

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“chink,” which was a very insulting and painful comment. Following these hurtful remarks, their grandparents (Ling Tai and Louise) tried their best to avoid meeting the White grandparents.

Therefore, this created communication problems between them and the White grandparents. Ling

Tai, for example, tried her best to ease out the racial tension with the paternal side of her grandchild’s family:

“I tried to change my ways a little bit to become more ‘Americanized.’ I knew that they looked down on me, because they came from higher standing in society. I tried to cook some American food for them, and not make the food so Chinese. I’ve been in the U.S. for so long, yet I still don’t have a ‘full’ American accent. I try to speak in my most American accent when we’re with them. I’ve tried a lot. I want them to accept my daughter and grandchild for who they are. I don’t know if this works, because I guess in their eyes, we will never be White.”

By trying to be less Chinese—to accommodate her cooking and accent to try to gain the White grandparents’ acceptance—Ling Tai still felt like the “perpetual foreigner” and would never be completely accepted as White. Ling Tai noticed, however, that her attempts at becoming “less

Chinese” made her granddaughter very anxious and made her granddaughter question whether she wanted to identify with her White side at all.

Fred, a U.S. born grandfather, felt that the racism he experienced from the White grandparents was expressed in a more covert manner:

“It’s not like the grandparents came up to me and called me ‘chink’ or ‘slant eyes’ to my face. It was more subtle than that. They refused to follow our Chinese customs. Now, I was born in the U.S., and I’m not an expert on Chinese customs, but there’s some that I still follow, like taking off your shoes when entering a house or not placing your chopsticks upright in a bowl of rice. We requested nicely over and over again for them to please try their best to follow these customs, but they never did. It came to the point where it seemed like they were doing all of these things on purpose, just to get us riled up.”

Fred commented that the paternal grandparents would also make snide remarks about the

Chinese food that Fred’s wife would cook. Even though Fred was born in the U.S., this did not

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seem to make a difference to the White grandparents. To them, Fred was still Chinese, a minority, despite his perfect American accent.

Grandchildren: Ethnic socialization

Influence of birth order. Twelve (n=12) of the biracial grandchildren had siblings. An interesting question was to see if birth order made a difference in siblings’ appreciation of their grandparents’ racial and ethnic socialization and their preference toward

Chinese culture. The literature has found that birth order does have an influence on ethnic knowledge. Although not focused specifically on biracial children, Pyke (2005) studied grown children of Korean and Vietnamese immigrants. She found that older siblings tended to be more knowledgeable about their heritage culture and language compared to their younger siblings.

She found that the reason for this discrepancy was because older siblings’ responsibilities included tasks such as translation, household tasks and disciplining their younger siblings.

Similarly, Cheng and Kuo (2000) also found that first-born children had stronger knowledge about their heritage culture compared to later-born siblings. Vincent, a grandson, noticed:

“I’m really into Chinese culture, but my younger sister isn’t. She’s more negative about Chinese culture. She makes fun of it sometimes with her friends. Their idea of China is kung fu, eating dogs and rice. One time, her White friends asked me, ‘Can you use chopsticks and barbecue a dog?’”

Vincent felt that the difference between himself and his sister was caused by the early exposure that they had to Chinese culture. Vincent remembered that he used to watch Hong Kong and other Chinese movies with his grandparents. His family also used to take day trips to San

Francisco to attend Chinese events at the Chinatown community center. He recalled when his grandparents had told him that they expected him to know Chinese culture, since he was a male and would pass on the family name. It was interesting that he identified more as White, and his

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neighborhood was mostly White. His neighborhood demographics might account for his sister’s stereotypical views about Chinese culture and her unwillingness to learn about it.

Larry, a grandson, discussed the differences in how birth order affected him and his two siblings:

“I’m the oldest, so I feel that I know the most about Chinese culture. My middle sister is interested, but not really into it. My youngest brother’s knowledge of Chinese culture is Chinese food only. “

Larry felt that his grandparents were closest to him, since he was their oldest grandson, while surprisingly his parents were closer to his youngest sibling. He felt that his parents did not want to pressure his brother to learn about Chinese culture, so his knowledge about Chinese food was good enough for them.

Maureen found the opposite to be true with her sibling:

“I feel like my younger sister is the one who is more interested in Chinese culture. We both see ourselves as Chinese and White. Our grandparents have taken her under their wing, and so they really put a lot into teaching her about our culture.”

Maureen’s comment was different from the other respondents. She felt that being in the Bay

Area, technology was an important factor in the socialization that she and her sister were exposed to. Maureen commented that her grandparents had more technological resources available to them to socialize her younger sister with. There were Chinese language apps that they were able to download and to practice with her younger sister, as well as YouTube videos.

These technological tools encouraged her younger sister to be more interested in Chinese culture.

In my sample, birth order did make a difference. On the whole, firstborn children tended to have more preference toward their grandparents’ teaching them about Chinese culture, except for one grandchild who commented that her younger sibling was more interested in learning about Chinese culture. In one family, it was acceptable to the parents if their child only

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associated Chinese food with Chinese culture. Gender roles also played a role in racial socialization. One grandparent commented that her granddaughter was responsible for taking care of the family and the house. Her grandson was responsible for carrying on the family name, for knowing Chinese culture, and for his parents (i.e., filial piety).

Influence of grandchild’s gender. The grandchildren commented that their White and

Chinese grandparents tended to treat granddaughters and grandsons differently. This was most evident when teaching cultural values such as food, songs, stories, cultural celebrations, and traditions. Although I did not interview their White grandparents, the grandchildren I interviewed who had contact with their White grandparents commented that their grandparents were more relaxed in ethnic socialization compared to the Chinese grandparents. What was unique was that Chinese grandparents also emphasized traditional gender roles in terms of family and cultural traditions, including Chinese grandparents who had been born in the U.S. In contrast, White grandparents tended to emphasize more equality in terms of gender roles and left their grandchildren to decide how they wanted to provide for their families. An interesting finding was that the grandchildren mentioned that for White grandparents who had roots in

Europe and who were full-blooded White ethnics (i.e., 100% Italian, German, British, and

French), they tried to emphasize equality in both husband and wife roles.

Chinese grandparents. Gwen commented that her grandparents treated her brother and her differently:

“Our grandparents socialized us differently. They feel that in the future, for my brother, it is part of Chinese culture for him to work hard at his job and to take care of his family. For me, it is my job to raise a family, not so much on jobs. They have stressed cultural values such as working hard to my brother, and for me, how to cook Chinese dishes and to know our family’s story. The differences are in the deeper cultural values.”

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Gwen continued by commenting that her grandparents were more insistent that she know about

Chinese folk stories and Chinese traditions. Although Gwen understood the importance of family, she did not envision her future life as a full-time housewife, and she expressed this to her grandparents. This is still an ongoing debate with her grandparents.

Similarly, even grandparents who had been born in the U.S. emphasized these traditional gender expectations for males and females. Erica, a granddaughter, had lost her grandmother several years ago. Andrew, her grandfather, was her primary caregiver. She said:

“My grandpa told me that should I ever have a family, that I need to be the one who holds the family together and who teaches the children about our Chinese culture. My husband’s job is to support his family. He said that after Por Por (grandma) died, he needed to do both.”

Erica’s case was quite unique, since she was raised by her grandfather, who had to play both his grandfather role as well as her late grandmother’s role. She continued by mentioning how she watched him struggle with balancing both roles, and looked up to him for his ability to do so.

Erica understood how difficult it was for him to assume these traditional gender roles, often simultaneously. She also wanted to be able to juggle her family and career roles just as he did.

Alicia’s grandmother was also born in the U.S., and Alicia commented:

“My grandma was born in the U.S., so she has a more balanced view of what men and women in a family should do. She still wants me to know that wives should take care of the kids and family, and that husbands should work to take care of their wife and their kids.”

It was interesting in Alicia’s interview that she mentioned that although her grandmother was born and raised in the U.S., her grandmother still had a lot of Chinese friends, and she was exposed to the typical roles that Chinese husbands and wives should play in these families.

White grandparents. Unlike their Chinese counterparts, there were four grandchildren whose grandparents were full-blooded White ethnics. In other words, they were 100% Italian,

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German, British, and French ancestry. Again, I did not interview these White grandparents, but the grandchildren told me about their experiences. Their grandparents lived in the U.S., but were living outside of California. What really stood out in these accounts was that unlike the Chinese grandparents, these White grandparents tended to equally emphasize gender roles in ethnic socialization. Erica commented:

“My White grandpa never said that I would have to be the one who took care of the immediate family and that my future husband would have to work. He felt that it was both of our responsibilities.”

Erica also commented on how her White grandfather only emphasized gender roles in terms of what he expected her to do for her family. She stated that he never pushed her to think about her responsibility to her parents—only to her immediate family. He also wanted her to be able to blend both Chinese and German culture into her future family responsibilities—by teaching her children both languages and introducing them to the food and the culture from both of her heritages. Likewise, Vincent stated:

“My Italian grandparents really want me to know both my Chinese and Italian heritages. They want me to be able to know recipes from each of my heritages, because cooking is so important in Italian and Chinese cultures. They also want me to take care of my family, especially my grandparents.”

Being Italian, Vincent’s grandparents felt that they too were an immigrant group to the United

States and were once regarded as “foreigners” as well. Thus, they encouraged Vincent and their other grandchildren to appreciate both their Italian and Chinese heritages. Since cooking and food are such important parts of Italian culture, they felt that it was important for their grandchildren to know how to cook traditional dishes, regardless of whether their grandchildren were grandsons or granddaughters. Vincent also mentioned that his grandparents placed a lot of

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emphasis on family relationships, and encouraged him to know how to take care of not only his immediate family members, but his extended family members as well.

Michelle’s White grandparents were of British ancestry. She commented:

“My grandparents are British on my father’s side. They have always been really chill about telling me that I need to take care of my family. They recognize that they come from Anglo culture, and that the nuclear family is more important. But, they also recognize that I come from Chinese culture, that stresses both the nuclear and extended family. They just simply tell me that I need to keep an eye on everyone.”

Michelle felt that her British grandparents did not try to force her to take care of only her nuclear or only her extended family. They gave her some flexibility by telling her that she should keep watch on everyone in her family. For Kaitlyn, her French grandparents were a bit “stricter,” but they also allowed her flexibility. She said:

“My grandparents are French and so they expect me to celebrate the national holidays and such. I have to know certain French songs, too. I’m also learning some French as well. My grandparents don’t have any gender roles in their family. They say that it is the wife and the husband’s job to take care of everyone.”

It was interesting that Kaitlyn’s French grandparents wanted her to observe French national holidays and celebrations, but also took the effort to make sure that she celebrated Chinese holidays as well. What was interesting about Kaitlyn’s comments was that she mentioned that her French grandmother would cook “Frasian” food—a fusion of French and Asian (Chinese) food. That was her grandmother’s way of connecting with her grandchildren, regardless of their gender.

The effect of geographic distance. Except for one grandchild (Erica), almost all of the biracial grandchildren were found to be closer to the maternal side of the family. The maternal side of the family was much closer in terms of geographic distance to their grandchildren. The maternal grandparents had been with the grandchildren as they were growing up. They either had

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lived with their grandchildren, or were only a thirty minute to an hours’ drive away. Currently, except for two grandmothers, most of the maternal grandparents were not currently living in the same household, but were at most, a 30 to 45 minute drive away from their grandchildren. The grandchildren saw their paternal grandparents on a less regular basis, as their paternal grandparents were usually the White side, and so they tended to live internationally, outside the state of California, or in Southern California, which was at least an eight- hour drive away. As

Kaitlyn commented:

“Well, I don’t get to see my dad’s side of the family a whole lot. They live in a small town in France, and so we really only get to see them on holidays. The town that they live in is pretty small, so whenever I go and visit, I feel that I need to act more White than Chinese. Like for example, my Chinese grandparents don’t let me wear shoes in the house, but when I’m with my French grandparents, we can do that. So, it’s different like that. “

Kaitlyn also mentioned that since she only saw her French grandparents once or twice a year, if she saw them during Chinese New Year, they would give her red packet money and they would have a simple Chinese New Year dinner and French food at her grandparents’ house. She really enjoyed seeing her French grandparents and celebrating both of her cultures.

Kevin, a grandson, mentioned that his Chinese grandparents tried to prepare him for his visits with his White grandparents, who lived in Florida:

“My White grandparents have complained in the past that Asians aren’t independent enough, that we depend on each other too much. I enjoy doing things for them, like making sure that my grandma doesn’t fall while she’s walking, or getting my grandpa’s slippers. My grandparents tried to prepare me since I was little by instilling ‘White’ values like independence, confidence and self-sufficiency. I know that my grandma doesn’t see these values as that important, especially independence, since she thinks that interdependence is a very important trait. But, she keeps quiet about it and helps to prepare me anyway. They don’t want it to be a culture shock to me.”

Kevin saw his grandparents several times a year, and he remembered one year when his White grandparents came to California for a visit. They were shocked to see Kevin tending to his

Chinese grandparents’ needs—he would often fetch his grandfather’s slippers and hold on to

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Lucy, his grandmother, as she was walking. Kevin mentioned that his White grandparents must have been disgusted by him, because they expected him to be much less “servile” to his grandparents. They never came to visit again, and instead, Kevin has to visit them in Florida. He admitted that whenever he does visit them, he feels a bit awkward because his White grandparents do not expect the same treatment that he would give to his Chinese grandparents.

Kurt’s case was unique among the grandchildren, because he was closer to the paternal side of his family. His White grandparents live in Ireland. Therefore, he did not have the chance to see them very often. Kurt said:

“We get to visit my family in Ireland maybe once or twice a year. It’s really not that often. They’re nice and they treat us well. It’s just that I don’t feel that I can really talk much with them. They speak Gaelic sometimes, which is something that I really have no idea how to speak. They also speak a bit of English, so that’s good. But, it’s still tough to communicate with them. I find it much easier to speak with my Chinese grandfather. I am able to talk more freely with him about my friends, use American slang, all that kind of stuff, and for the most part, he gets it.”

Kurt felt very distant from them, because of the language barrier—they spoke Gaelic and he does not. His Chinese grandfather lived close by to him and his parents, so they were able to see him more often. He mentioned that he felt significantly more comfortable with his grandfather since he was able to speak to her using slang and he also understood American culture.

Paul, a grandson, said that his relationship with his grandmother has always been close.

Before his grandparents moved to California, they still kept in touch via Skype and Google Chat.

Now that his grandparents live about forty- five minutes away, their relationship has grown closer. His paternal side of the family lives in New York, so they also do not get to see each other as often as he would like. He mentioned:

“It’s been great having grandma and grandpa here. My family is really close, and my only wish would be that my White grandparents lived closer. I have had a lot of exposure to the Chinese culture with my grandparents living near us. I ride the BART or the CalTrain with

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them, and during our ride, I get to practice speaking Cantonese with them. I get to eat the Chinese food that my grandma cooks. I get to hear about life in China and what it was like for her to grow up there so long ago. I also teach them things. The only tough thing is that there’s a time difference [generation gap] between us. I’m more used to electronics, so that’s something that I have that I can also use to relate to them. I teach her about technology, so that is what brings us together.”

Paul really enjoyed his visits to his Chinese grandparents, as he enjoyed practicing speaking

Cantonese with them and learning about his grandmother’s recipes and her childhood stories.

Paul also mentioned that whenever he visited his grandparents in New York, his grandmother would take him to Chinatown and his grandfather would take him to some Jewish events and speak Hebrew with him. So, even when he was on the east coast, he still received the best of both of his cultures.

Thus, the role of grandparents was influenced by the interaction between grandparents and their biracial grandchildren. Keeping in touch with both sets of grandparents—the Chinese and the White sides of the family—was one way to be exposed to different forms of ethnic socialization. However, for some of the biracial grandchildren, keeping in touch with their White grandparents was more challenging, owing to obstacles such as geographic distance and language barriers.

Grandchildren: Racial socialization

Experiences with neighbors in the Bay Area. How salient an individual’s ethnic and racial identities are vary depending on the social context that they find themselves in. People tend to have multiple identities depending on the context, and which race and ethnicity they choose to identify with depends on who else is around them (Yip, 2005). We will examine this latter point later in this dissertation when we examine how the biracial grandchildren are able to have fluid racial identities, depending on the immediate context that they find themselves in. For

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example, when interacting with her family, an Asian American woman of Chinese heritage might express stronger connections with her ethnic identity as being Chinese. When she is with her White friends, she might identify more strongly as being an Asian American, and not emphasize her Chinese ethnicity as much.

Eight of the participants discussed the influence of the community (neighborhood) on not only their development, but also on the process of racial socialization. The racial demographics of neighborhoods were a mix of mostly white, mostly Asian, and a mix of White, Asian, Black, and Hispanic residents. Neighborhood context is an important determinant of ethnic-racial socialization. Researchers have found that there is greater preparation for bias in integrated neighborhoods (Caushy, Nettles, Campo, & Lohrfink, 2005). Most of these neighborhoods were located in the suburbs. The participants came from middle socio-economic class (SES). For the six biracial participants who were currently in their first year of college and were living in college towns, they had positive things to say about not only where they were currently living, but also about their childhood neighborhoods where they had spent their formative years. Alicia stated:

“Well, I grew up in a neighborhood where it was a mixture of White and Asian families. I never felt that I was completely Asian, and I think I tend to lean more toward identifying myself as being White. My grandmother was born in the United States. She made sure that she was a member in many non-Chinese organizations. I don’t think that she was consciously trying to deny her Chinese heritage. She considered herself to be an American. So, as I was growing up, she would encourage me to be involved in our neighborhood sports teams and to hang out with the White kids. I mean, she also stressed the importance of academics, as most Chinese do, but she wanted me to get more involved with extracurricular activities, especially when I was in middle school.”

Because of Alicia’s grandmother’s identification as an American, she encouraged Alicia to associate with her White peers at school and in extracurricular activities. Alicia also noted that her grandmother really pushed her to be involved in extracurricular activities during her middle

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school years because her grandmother felt that this was a formative period in Alicia’s life. For

Alicia, her grandmother’s encouragement of her participation in extracurricular activities was a way for her to be accepted into White/American culture.

Kevin stated that the neighborhood he lived in was predominantly White, and this affected the racialization of his grandparents and how in turn, he was racially socialized. He said:

“Almost all of our neighbors were Whites. Before my grandparents came to the U.S., they were never as trusting with White people. They helped my grandma to learn how to speak English properly so that she could communicate with me. They are always asking me if I have decided on where I want to go to college in the future. She didn’t know much about American culture before she came to the U.S. Our White neighborhood changed all that. They taught her the American way of talking to children. It helps her to connect with me and to try to pass down some Chinese values without making me stop listening to her.”

Similar to Alicia, Kevin’s grandparents were also assimilated into American culture. It was interesting that his White neighbors taught his grandmother the “American” way of how to communicate with him. As a result of her interactions with their White neighbors, she was better able to pass down Chinese culture to him and to not have him lose interest in what she was trying to teach.

In contrast, Patrick grew up in a mostly Asian neighborhood. He stated:

“I remember that everywhere in my neighborhood, it was all Asians. I think that there were only one or two White families. So, I got a lot of cultural exposure from just living there. My grandparents were very Chinese, and I think that they were glad because we were living in an area with a lot of Asians. So, they didn’t have to drill me much on Chinese culture. They got me to go to Chinese school, and also got me into a lot of Chinese cultural activities, especially during the Chinese New Year. I also had White friends, but my grandparents really stressed Chinese culture over the White culture. My mom is Chinese and my dad is White. I think that he felt a little out of place in the neighborhood, but he did the best that he could to assimilate himself into Chinese culture.”

For Patrick, his grandparents emphasized more of Chinese culture. Later in the interview, Patrick mentioned that succeeding academically among his other competitive Asian peers was seen as a way to be accepted by the overwhelmingly Asian culture that he grew up in. It was also

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interesting that Patrick mentioned how his White father felt out of place in the majority Asian neighborhood, but tried his best to assimilate into Chinese culture by learning how to speak

Mandarin (and being somewhat successful at this!).

Therefore, living in their neighborhoods helped them to consider the aspects of their biracial heritage. For the grandparents, majority Asian neighborhoods provided the support for them to expose their grandchildren to Chinese culture (i.e., involvement in Chinese school) and language (i.e., exposing their grandchildren to the Mandarin language). Majority White and mixed White-Asian neighborhoods allowed grandparents to learn American culture so that they could better communicate with their grandchildren (i.e., learning English and how to talk to their grandchild; being involved in neighborhood organizations and encouraging their grandchildren to spend more time with their White peers). What was interesting was that U.S.-born Chinese grandparents (i.e., Alicia’s grandmother, Alice, above) considered themselves to be more White than Chinese. As a result, although her grandmother still emphasized education, she also encouraged Alicia to be involved in extracurricular and non-Chinese activities. By being involved in activities and with White people, Alice saw this as an indication of assimilation into

American culture.

Influence of having friends’ grandparents. Not only did these biracial grandchildren live in diverse neighborhoods, but they also interacted with their friends’ grandparents as well.

Maureen found that her friends and their grandparents also contributed to her racial socialization-- they taught her to embrace being biracial:

“Being in the Bay Area, my friends have made me think about friendships in more inclusive ways. I have an Indian-Chinese friend and I’ve learned a lot about Indian culture from her and her grandmother. I have another friend who is Jewish-Chinese. His grandfather cooks a lot of Jewish dishes and they always invite me over to eat different types of Jewish food. My Black friend’s grandmother introduced me to ‘soul food.’ I had

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no idea what that was before I met her. I’m also able to compare my grandparents with theirs and how our grandparents are similar and different.”

In addition, Maureen commented that her grandmother mentioned how Maureen’s friends came from different cultures, and how they have influenced her:

“My grandma told me that my friends and their grandparents have taught me so much about diversity. There’s only so much that she can do, and sometimes I don’t really listen to her, so she’s glad that there are other people in my life who can also teach me.”

Maureen also mentioned in her interview that her grandmother has also learned from her friends’ grandparents, specifically how to cope with in-laws and how to talk to teenagers without causing them to lose interest. Her grandmother and her friends’ grandparents have formed their own support group.

On the other hand, there were some biracial grandchildren who did not have these positive experiences with their peers. Linda gave an account of her interactions with some of her friends’ grandparents:

“I have met some of my friends’ grandparents. Some of them are nice. Some are just nasty. I have a friend who is Black-White, and I met her Black grandmother the other day. She was so unfriendly. And she kept muttering something about Asian people under her breath. I don’t understand it. I mean, her own granddaughter is biracial, and here is she trying to judge me. If you take away the White part, we’re still both minorities.”

She was frustrated that they saw her as a broad category of “Asian,” instead of seeing her as specifically Chinese. She also felt that her friends’ grandparents were “sizing her up” and some were not friendly, even grandparents who had biracial grandchildren. She struggled to understand this latter point, especially the realization that despite being half White, both she and her friend were still minorities.

Therefore, we can see that not only the biracial grandchildren’s peers, but their friends’ grandparents, also had an influence on their identities. Their friends’ grandparents exposed them

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to different types of food and aspects of their own culture. Other biracial grandchildren, however, found their friends’ grandparents to be very rude and unaccepting. This happened with their friends who were biracial, and happened with their minority grandparents. They felt that they were lumped by their friend’s grandparent into a very broad minority category (“Asian”), and felt that their friend’s grandparent discriminated against their minority heritage. They felt that this minority-on-minority discrimination was not right.

Biracial grandchildren’s challenges

Effect of phenotype. Physical appearance (phenotype) was found to be associated with the interactions that the biracial grandchildren had with other people. Phenotype has been one of the most obvious themes in the literature on biracial individual’s experiences and identities

(Basu, 2006; Fulbeck, 2006; Plaza, 2011). Since changing their physical appearance or who they were was impossible, these biracial grandchildren attempted to minimize any negative effects due to their physical appearance, by keeping a positive mentality and using coping strategies

(e.g., from role plays acted out with their grandparents) that their peers and grandparents taught them. The biracial grandchildren tended to identify with a racial group based on others’ perceptions of them, as opposed to identifying with their actual racial heritage. Biracial individuals are in a somewhat unique position. They are not completely White and so do not have all of the privileges that come with being White. They are also not a full minority and therefore are not considered to be a full member of a minority group (Binning, Unzueta,, Huo, &

Molina, 2009; Shih, Bonam, Sanchez, & Peck, 2007; Torres, Jones, & Renn, 2009; Williams,

2013; Worthington, Navarro, Loewy, & Hart, 2008). All of the biracial grandchildren commented that other individuals were curious about their racial makeup, especially since their physical appearance was ambiguous. A common theme among the biracial grandchildren was

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that even though they might have looked partly White, they were still identified as being “Asian” by other people, especially by their peers. Denise, a granddaughter, commented:

“There was a girl who though that my hair color was weird. She was like, ‘Chinese people don’t have brown hair!’ But, sometimes people are surprised to find out that I’m half Chinese and half White. They either think that I’m all Asian or all White.”

Notice that in Denise’s statement, she used the term “Chinese” when referring to herself, and the term “Asian” when referring to how her peers see her. I asked her to elaborate on this, and she commented that she preferred to use “Chinese” with herself because she felt that it was truly representative of who she is. It was interesting that she mentioned that she was able to differentiate between Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Japanese people, based on their eye shape and other physical traits. Therefore, she felt that her physical traits were indicative of her

Chinese heritage and so she preferred to use this more specific term with herself. Using the general term “Asian” to refer to how her peers (and society) viewed her was acceptable.

Similarly, Larry, a grandson, commented on his experience:

“I met one of my grandma’s friends and they asked me if I was completely Asian, or what kind of an Asian I am. I think that I look more Asian than White. But, I think other people see me differently. I just tell them what they want to hear. I will usually respond that I am half Asian and half White. If the person asks specifically what kind of Asian I am, then I will say that I am Chinese.”

Larry felt that despite his ambiguous phenotype, most people still identified him as being Asian.

Therefore, he felt that being labeled as an “Asian” implied that he was not authentically White.

He did not mind being called “Asian,” because he felt that some individuals might not like the

Chinese, and so being labeled as “Asian” was a safer alternative. However, Larry mentioned that he felt that he did not feel that others had the right to know his specific heritage, unless they were genuinely interested, and he wanted to make sure that labeling himself as Chinese would not be

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used against him. He did feel that this “Asian” versus “Chinese” issue was not a big problem in the Bay Area due to the high concentration of Asians there.

Patrick also commented on the ambiguity of his physical appearance:

“Whenever I go back to China, they still consider me to be a foreigner. I have somewhat Asian eyes. Yet, in the Bay Area, I am still considered to be Chinese/Asian. I have a White last name, but that doesn’t seem to matter. Although I live in the Bay Area, sometimes I still feel like I’m not completely White.”

The ambiguity of Patrick’s physical appearance was a sign of his “in-between” status, especially in China and the Bay Area. In either location, his phenotype caused him to feel like a foreigner.

It was interesting to note that he mentioned that his White-sounding last name did not seem to matter, and he felt that his phenotype was the first thing that others noticed.

Alicia, a granddaughter, mentioned how she responded when asked the “what are you?” question:

“At first, it came as a shock to me. But then I had to laugh it off. I told them, ‘I’m half German, Irish, British, and also half Chinese.’ The other person would usually respond, ‘wow, that’s neat’.”

Thus, Alice responded in very specific terms to this question. She felt that she wanted others to know all of her heritages, because she did not want to be labeled just as a White person. For

Vincent, his phenotype created a unique situation with both his maternal and paternal grandparents:

“Both sets of grandparents have told me that I look more ‘mixed’ compared to my younger sibling, who looks more Chinese than I do. Because of this, my grandparents on both sides have given me more lessons on how to ‘survive’ in American society. My Chinese grandparents have taught me how to stand up to people who might think that I look ‘too Chinese,’ and my White grandparents have taught me how to get along with Whites and at the same time, to not be ashamed of my Chinese side.”

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Gender might have played an important role in Vincent’s racial socialization. Researchers have shown that boys (especially Black boys—who are seen as older and less innocent compared to

Whites) tend to receive more racial socialization messages compared to their female counterparts, especially socialization messages preparing them to face discrimination and bias

(Goff, Jackson, Di Leone, Culotta, & DiTomasso, 2014; Goff, Eberhardt, Williams, & Jackson,

2008). Vincent’s phenotype was more ‘mixed,’ and so his grandparents worried that he might not be accepted by either the Whites or the Chinese. He also mentioned that his Italian grandparents were also teaching him a bit of Italian so that he would be better able to connect with not only Whites, but his fellow Italian ethnics.

Another interesting case was Michelle, a granddaughter, who felt that she wanted to transform her physical appearance:

“I used to take at least an hour—one hour!—putting on my make-up. My grandma always told me that I should be proud to have Asian facial features. But sometimes I told her that it is easier for me to deal with possible discrimination if I wear make-up. I have to admit that when I have all of my make-up on, I look very White. Truly like a White girl. I used to get into a lot of arguments with her over this. She thought that I should be proud of my Asian features. I didn’t agree.”

Michelle tried to “fit in” with Whites by putting on a lot of makeup in attempt to disguise her

Asian facial features. This gave her a sense of security against experiencing discrimination. Her grandmother felt that she should not hide her Asian features under so much make-up.

In all of these examples, the biracial grandchildren responded to others’ perceptions by recognizing that because of their ambiguous physical appearance, they were not fully affiliated with either their White or their Chinese heritages. Each individual grandchild chose to identify themselves in their own way, whether using a general term such as “Asian,” or by listing out their specific White heritages.

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“I feel like a chameleon”: Having a fluid identity. As alluded to previously, the biracial grandchildren’s ambiguous physical appearance allowed them to “fit in” with their Asian and

White peer groups. This fluidity was not limited to only phenotype, but extended into other areas of their lives, such as membership in Chinese service organizations, participation in ethnic rallies, and rushing both Asian-interest and White Greek fraternities and sororities. Kurt told me about his grandmother, who was a member was a member of the Chinese Benevolent

Association (CBA) in Stockton:

“Being biracial, I feel like a chameleon sometimes. And it is even worse when I know that I am being used to gain a goal for the organization. I felt that they were taking advantage of me as a biracial person.”

He commented that he became the “face” of the CBA when they were trying to ask for sponsors from a majority White organization. Since the CBA’s members thought that he could “pass” as a

White, they decided to make him their “representative.” By doing this, the CBA might have thought that they would have a better chance at securing sponsorship if their members looked

White. Interestingly, the CBA was able to receive the sponsorship from this White organization.

With his White physical features, as well as his father’s White surname, he was able to successfully “pass” as a White representative of the CBA. Kurt felt that he was taken advantage of, and was not recognized as a biracial person—rather, as a means for the CBA to receive their sponsorship.

The grandchildren’s phenotype also affected their membership in organizations, especially the Greek system at their colleges. The six college- aged grandchildren who rushed

Asian-interest fraternities and sororities commented on how their phenotype affected how the fraternity and sorority members viewed them. For example, Patrick commented that he had attempted to join an Asian American student rally on campus:

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“I wanted to join a rally on campus. There were a lot of Asian American students there. It was almost all Asians. I thought that maybe I could join the rally because I look Chinese. But, when I got there, the students told me that I could not join. They said that I looked too White. I was shocked, because I did not think of myself as looking more Chinese or White.”

He felt that he looked “Chinese enough” to be accepted into the rally. However, he was not allowed to join the rally because he looked more Caucasian. This was an interesting account because he was never personally thought that he looked more White—at the most, he knew that he looked mixed, but did not regard himself as looking more like one race over the other.

Another account was membership in the Greek system. It might have been easy for the grandchildren to have used the fluidity of their identities when they were in the Bay Area, but that changed once they left California to attend college elsewhere. For example, Denise, a college-aged granddaughter, told me about her experience:

“It felt so strange to not feel that I could fit in. I had been used to being able to do that in the Bay Area. But not here. All of the women look more Asian than I do. I overheard one sister saying to another, ‘she doesn’t look like she knows much about our values.’ I felt distinctly uncomfortable.”

She found that there was a difference in rushing the Asian-interest sororities versus the White sororities. She tried the Asian sorority and found that although they claimed to accept prospective members regardless of race or ethnic heritage, most of the members in the chapter were overwhelmingly Chinese or Asian (i.e., Asian Indians). She stated that she felt very out of place as a biracial person. Her ambiguous phenotype also made it difficult for her to fit in with the other more Asian-looking women. Denise also rushed a White sorority, and found:

“My grandma heard from one of her friend’s granddaughters who also went through rush. Grandma warned me that the Asian sisters don’t care for anyone who doesn’t look like them—Asian eyes, long, straight Asian hair, and thin. She was right. When I rushed the White sororities, they were so much more accepting.”

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Denise commented that her grandmother had warned her about rushing the Asian sororities. She stated that they were more interested in partying and living the “Asian gangster” life with the

Asian fraternities. Her grandmother also warned her that the Asian sorority sisters wanted sisters who looked like them. She found that the White sorority sisters were fare more accepting of her biracial heritage.

An interesting contrast was with the Asian fraternities. Larry tried rushing an Asian fraternity and found:

“Oh yeah, they made me feel so welcomed. I think it’s a show of Asian male solidarity. We’ve been repressed for so long by the media and society that I think that they wanted to show everyone that they’ve had enough of people judging others by what they look like.”

Larry found that the majority Asian brothers were very welcoming and accepting of him as a biracial rushee. Larry postulated that one possible explanation could be because of the

“devaluation” and negative stereotypes of Asian men in the media and in society. Therefore, they were more accepting of other half-Asian men who might not share similar physical features, but who shared similar values. This was quite a contrast from Denise’s experience with the

Asian sororities.

Patrick, however, had a different experience from Larry. He said:

“The brother looked at me straight in the eyes and said, ‘we’re all hesitant around you because you have a White side. All of us are straight Asian. So honestly, bro, we’re afraid that you’re going to steal our Asian women.’”

The Asian fraternity that he rushed was more hesitant toward him. He felt that this was because of his part-White heritage. He recalled a conversation that he had with his grandfather where his grandfather mentioned that Patrick might not be as well accepted because of his White heritage.

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Patrick was shocked that the fraternity brother could even associate his White heritage with wanting to “steal” their Asian women.

Influence of peers on biracial grandchildren

A majority of the biracial grandchildren and their grandparents stated that they did not have any difficulty with forming friendships in their childhood, although a few of their friends did tease them about their Asian heritage (e.g., Alicia stated, “sometimes I get stereotypical comments like, ‘why are you driving? You can’t drive,’ stuff like that. Also, the stereotypical stuff like, ‘go eat from your rice bowl.’”). Growing up in the California Bay Area, most of their friends were Asian and White, although a large number also had friends who were a mixture of different heritages (e.g., Gwen stated, “well, if you go to their house, they’re really different and there’s different types of food and it’s really cool. And sometimes they have different languages also, which I find really fascinating.”). Both grandchildren and grandparents agreed that being biracial was helpful, but there were situations where their biracial heritage could also be awkward, as in the above example of stereotypes.

Influence of peer relationships. In addition to their grandparents’ attempts at racial socialization, grandparents and their grandchildren agreed that peers significantly contributed to their sense of identity and also played a role in racial socialization. Both Basu (2006) and

Kellogg (2006) stated that peers play a substantial part in the identity exploration and racial identities of biracial individuals. The peer context and the racial diversity of the school/neighborhood have been significantly linked to ethnic and racial identity. Stronger attachments to their racial group have been found among youth who live in more ethnically diverse environments (Allen, Bat-Chava, Aber, & Seidman, 2005).

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Relationships with peers in school. When compared to family and specifically grandparent influences, the influence of schools was to a lesser extent. I include the discussion of schools because most of the schools in the Bay Area that these biracial children attend are majority Asian. According to www.kidsdata.org, which is a program of the Lucile Packard

Foundation for Children’s Health (2015), the demographics of schools in the San Francisco Bay

Area are 34.2% Asian/Asian American and 10.9% White/Caucasian. In some schools around the

Cupertino/San Jose/Sunnvyale area, the percentage of Asian students can be as high as 87.9% compared to 16.4% White students. As an extension of the community in which the biracial child lives, schools are important conduits through which messages about racial issues are transmitted, especially through daily interactions.

The grandchildren’s social identities could be categorized as an integration of both their

White and Chinese ethnicities. By definition, biracial individuals have a heritage that places them in a non-dominant racial group (i.e., Chinese-White biracial children have their Chinese heritage that places them in a minority group). They are still influenced by the dominant White culture and environmental factors (Wijeyesinghe & Jackson, 2012; Wilton, Sanchez, & Garcia,

2013). Kurt commented that sometimes, he did not want to identify with either his White or

Chinese side:

“I don’t like to see myself as just Chinese or just White. I like it more to think of myself in terms of what I am—like, I’m a student, I’m a good friend to someone else, I’m a brother, and I work at American Eagle. I think that gives more of a description of who I am, not what I am.”

Instead, he identified himself according to the personal roles in his life-- as a student, friend, sibling, and part-time employee at a clothing store. Perhaps this could be due to the fact that he saw his personal roles as being more salient in his life, rather than who he was racially.

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An interesting comment came from Erica. She mentioned that her close circle of friends were mostly Whites and Chinese:

“I’d identify with both sides growing up. Sometimes, I’d feel like identifying with my Chinese side, especially if it’s my White friends and me at a Chinese restaurant and no one knows what or how to order the food. It makes me feel proud to be Chinese and to be able to order for my friends. It’s always easier for me to identify with Asian people. I don’t know why…it’s just like there’s so much fewer Asian people here [at majority-White college], so we identify more easily.”

However, she felt that she identified more easily with Asian people compared to Whites. This was especially true now that she was in college. This was interesting because her two statements-- having White friends but identifying more with Asians—seemed contradictory.

Perhaps one possible explanation for this discrepancy could be that although she publicly/socially identified with Whites, at a more intimate level, she found it easier to identify with Asians. This latter point could be because having grown up in the California Bay Area and being surrounded by so many Asians, she had developed a subconscious identification with

Asians. In identifying with Asians, Maureen drew a distinction between herself and the recent immigrants from China in the Bay Area:

“I really hate to sound so racist against my own people, but I see myself as being different from the mainland Chinese immigrants. The kids my age from China are different. They don’t seem to have good manners as the American kids. Like, the other day, I was in Portsmouth Square in San Francisco Chinatown, and I saw a group of Chinese kids spitting on the ground. I was like, ‘oh, that’s definitely not me. I hope that no one ever puts me in that category.’ I am Chinese, but not that kind of Chinese.”

Although Maureen was proud to be Chinese, she drew a distinction between the main land

Chinese and more Americanized Chinese like herself. She did not want to be categorized as a mainland Chinese, especially after seeing the Chinese children in Chinatown.

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Therefore, an interesting finding in this section was that a biracial grandchild defined himself according to the personal roles that he played in life (e.g., as a student, an employee, a family member, etc.), and wanted others to see who he was as a person, not what he was labeled as by society (e.g., a biracial person). Another interesting finding was that a granddaughter noticed differences between main land Chinese and the “more Americanized” Chinese, especially in terms of manners. Although she felt very proud to be Chinese, she also drew a boundary between herself and the main land Chinese immigrants.

Fluency in language and relationship with grandparents

Researchers have shown that for a biracial person, “fitting in” with their minority heritage is influenced by how others view their cultural knowledge (Rollins & Hunter, 2013). Part of an individual’s cultural knowledge is the ability to speak the language (Herbert-Myers, Guttentag,

Swank, Smith, & Landry, 2006; Oberle, Schonert-Reichl, & Thomson, 2010; von Grunigen,

Perren, Nagele, & Alsaker, 2010). Research that has been done on Asian families has shown that there has been a shift to speaking English (Shin, 2005). Studies that have been done on language use patterns have found that first-generation Asian immigrants speak mostly Asian languages at home, whereas second-generation Asian immigrants speak mostly English (Alba, Logan, Lutz, &

Stults, 2002; Li, 2006; Tseng & Fuligni, 2000). Therefore, for some of the biracial grandchildren, they were not provided with an adequate opportunity to learn Chinese because their parents did not push them to learn the language, and believed that knowing English was good enough. Both Wijeyesinghe (1992, 2001) and Root (2003) mentioned that the languages spoken at home were part of the child’s cultural environment. This would influence that individual’s choice of how they would racially identify themselves. Likewise, Khanna (2004) studied biracial individuals who have both Asian and White heritages. She found that

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individuals who have the knowledge, understanding and ability to speak a language of their

Asian ethnic group, “strengthened the respondent’s identity as an Asian” (2004, p. 126).

Language and being able to communicate with their grandparents was an important aspect of these biracial grandchildren’s relationships with their grandparents. All of the biracial grandchildren were exposed to the Chinese language (Mandarin and Cantonese), although minimally. Therefore, the biracial grandchildren were not fluent in Chinese. Seven of the biracial grandchildren reported that they understood and could minimally speak Chinese words.

Three grandchildren could understand and speak some Chinese, but were hesitant of speaking

Chinese because they were afraid of being teased because of their accent or pronunciation. Three grandchildren were unable to speak or understand any Chinese at all. Only one biracial grandchild was able to speak and to understand Chinese at the semi-fluent level.

Kevin shared his grandmother and family’s attempts at teaching him Chinese and why he was not fully bilingual:

“When I was young, my grandparents tried to teach me Chinese. They sent me to Chinese school at their Chinese church as well. That did not work out well. Also at Chinese school, some of my classmates were quite aggressive, and they bullied me because I couldn’t read Pinyin properly. I was afraid of going, and I would beg my parents and grandparents to not send me there. It was such a traumatic experience for me, I got totally turned off from learning Chinese.”

Kevin mentioned that his grandparents had tried to send him to Chinese school and had also purchased Chinese books for him. While attending Chinese school, he was also bullied by his classmates because he did not have a “genuine” Chinese accent and could not read the Pinyin accurately. This was a traumatic experience for him, and it pushed him away from learning the

Chinese language. He did mention, however, that he wished that he had persisted in his

Mandarin lessons. Although his grandparents speak English, he commented that his relationship

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with them could be enhanced if he was able to speak some Mandarin, because he often did not understand the Chinese jokes that were made between his mother and his grandparents.

In contrast to Kevin, Kaitlyn discussed her ability to speak Chinese as a big advantage:

“When I was little, my parents sent me to a local Chinese school. I can read a little bit of Chinese, and my writing is not bad, either. I can speak better than I can read and write. I think that being able to speak Chinese has had the biggest impact on how I identify myself racially. It links me to that part of my heritage.”

When Kaitlyn was a child, she often complained to her mother that her mother and grandparents were forcing her to learn Chinese. Now that she is older, she admitted that she was grateful for their insistence on having her learn Mandarin. Despite any resistance to learn Mandarin on

Kaitlyn’s part, her grandmother did not give up trying to teach her to learn the language. As a consequence, Kaitlyn has become almost fluent in Mandarin, and she is able to communicate with her grandmother. Although her grandmother is able to speak English fairly well, she she would sometimes still be misunderstood. However, with Kaitlyn, this misunderstanding did not occur. Another motivation for her to learn Mandarin was that her grandmother had said that if a

Chinese-White biracial individual was to deny his/her Chinese heritage, then the relationships between that individual and his/her grandparents might not be as close or as positive.

In addition, an interesting finding was Michelle, who reflected on her relationship with her grandfather:

“Well, I don’t think it’s changed our relationship at all. I speak English, so we’re still able to talk to each other. Speaking Chinese is a link to my past, but I don’t feel that it has affected our relationship greatly. My grandfather speaks English, but sometimes he doesn’t get our jokes or the things that we say. So, he often has trouble talking with me. I don’t tell him as much as I do with my grandma. That’s a motivator for me to learn more Mandarin, I guess.”

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Michelle sounded doubtful about whether she wanted to learn Mandarin, but she told me during the interview that she was thinking about it, since she wanted to be able to connect with her grandfather more.

Kurt, a grandson, described the differences in language learning between his Chinese grandparents and his White grandparents:

“With my Asian grandparents, they like to speak Chinese a lot when I’m there. I am able to speak a little bit of Mandarin, so I speak with them, although there’s still a little bit of a language barrier. My White grandparents have been really wonderful. They’re very good about reaching out culturally to my Chinese grandparents. My White grandmother knows about 100 Chinese words, which is frankly quite impressive. She often practices with me. In return, my Chinese grandparents are learning some Swedish words to try to talk to my White grandparents. It’s actually really cute.”

This interview was interesting because his White grandmother made an attempt to learn Chinese in order to connect with his Chinese grandparents and with his Chinese heritage. In return, his

Chinese grandparents also attempted to learn some Swedish words. Kurt continued by describing his childhood and his desire to learn Chinese. He had been sent to a Chinese immersion school when he was young. Immersion schools teach both English and Chinese (in

Cupertino, Sunnyvale and San Jose, Mandarin seems to be the Chinese language of choice, due to the high numbers of Taiwanese individuals residing in these areas. In San Francisco,

Cantonese is the language of choice). Due to the large population of Asians residing in the Bay

Area, immersion schools are very popular. Kurt commented that a big motivation for wanting to learn Chinese was for him to be able to communicate with his grandparents. However, he mentioned that learning Chinese was for a more practical reason--- being able to speak with other people in his future career.

However, in some families, the White spouse influenced whether or not Chinese was spoken at home. For example, Gwen commented:

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“I’m not fluent in Chinese, but I have gone to language school. Most of the time, my mom speaks to us in English. Why? Our dad doesn’t really like this. He does not like her speaking to us in Chinese.”

Gwen continued by commenting that it was not because her father was racist that he did not want

Chinese to be spoken in the home. He was just very self conscious that he would not be able to follow the conversation. Similarly, Patrick said:

“Yeah, I think that my White side of the family don’t like it when we speak Chinese. Especially when we go over to their house during the holidays. It annoys them. It makes them uncomfortable.”

Patrick mentioned that during a family holiday get-together, he started speaking in Chinese with his grandparents while at his White grandparents’ house, and some of his White family members pulled him aside and asked him to speak in English. He said that it was very awkward trying to appease both his White relatives as well as his Chinese grandparents. One of the biracial grandchildren, who did not want to be mentioned by name for this particular quote, said:

“I have been carrying this anger inside me for years now. I never said anything, because I don’t want to create any bad feelings between my parents. But, I think that parents who have biracial kids should allow their kids to really know both of their languages. This is so important because it allows their kids to develop a sense of who they are. I am angry at my dad. He never really allowed my mom to teach us Chinese. Thankfully, my grandparents stepped in and we used to go to their house to practice speaking our Chinese. My mom never stood up to him. He always felt uncomfortable when we spoke Chinese, since he doesn’t speak the language. I feel that since I’m half Chinese and half White, I should be fluent in both, right? I think that parents should help their biracial kids to know both languages. It’s part of who we are.”

This biracial grandchild felt that it was important for her to maintain the cultural connections (via language) to both of their racial heritages. She also commented that being biracial should not include having to choose one heritage language over the other or to be committed to just one single heritage language.

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Therefore, it seemed that most of the grandparents and their grandchildren agreed that language was an important aspect of the Chinese culture.

Mono racial grandparents

Although the biracial grandchildren appreciated their grandparents’ advice and support, they also commented that their grandparents still could not fully understand what it meant to be biracial because they themselves were Chinese. The grandchildren felt that their grandparents could not understand the daily struggle of being both Chinese and White, but not fully belonging to either heritage. The grandchildren whose grandparents were born in the U.S. felt that their grandparents were able to understand their experiences a bit more. This was because being born in America allowed their grandparents to assimilate into and understand White culture. To illustrate, Erica mentioned:

“My grandpa understands the differences between Western and Asian cultures. But, he is still Chinese, and so he will never truly understand the challenges that I face on a day-to-day basis. For example, he will never realize how difficult it is to answer the ‘what are you?’ question. He will never understand how difficult it is to feel that you fit in with both cultures, but also neither one.”

Erica felt that her grandfather understood American culture, but he sometimes still did not understand the unique challenges of being biracial. She appreciated his efforts at trying to understand, since he had been the only one raising her since her mother and grandmother passed away. Patrick also shared similar thoughts:

“My grandpa likes to talk to me about sports, camping, and other ‘American’ things. So, he gets that part. He tries very hard to be involved in my life. There’s still that gap, though. Sometimes, they [my grandparents] don’t get it. It’s not just about liking ‘American’ things. It’s about the daily reality of trying to figure out who you really are at your core. I have come to accept both of my heritages, but sometimes I wonder if it might be easier to be just one. That part of my struggle he doesn’t see.”

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Although his grandfather was more assimilated into American culture, he was only superficially aware of the differences between himself and his grandchildren. Despite this, Patrick appreciated how hard his grandfather tried to understand what being biracial meant to his grandson and how hard his grandfather tried to be involved in Patrick’s life.

For the grandparents who were born overseas, grandchildren felt that their grandparents really could not relate to their challenges of being biracial. As Kevin commented:

“She is always telling me to know both of my White and Chinese sides. Okay, I get it! I want her to see beyond just a simple division of my races. She won’t ever get how good and how hard it can be sometimes. It’s like a racial roller coaster.”

His grandmother tried very hard, but he found that her constant reminders to try and “embrace both sides” got to be a bit annoying, because he felt that she was unable to see the “deeper levels” of having a biracial identity. Linda commented that she felt both annoyed and grateful to her grandparents:

“Sure, it’s easier said than done. My grandparents will say, ‘don’t be afraid, your friends will accept you.’ But, it’s not that straightforward. There are finer details that my grandparents don’t realize. Like, what language is being spoken? What do the people look like? Are there other biracial people like me? What if someone asks me a question in Chinese? Will I be able to answer it without looking like a fool? See, all of these questions, my grandparents don’t need to think or worry about. So, when they tell me to not be afraid and to just join a group…well, it’s not that simple.”

She felt that they were supportive in telling her not to be afraid of “blending in” with her White or Asian friends. Yet, she felt that they could not fully grasp the nuances of what it would take to “choose a side,” and how difficult this can be. For Linda, three main concerns stood out to her in terms of “choosing” which group she would identify best with in a given context: The language that was being spoken, what others in the group physically look like, and most importantly, what she would have to contribute to the group.

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Of all of the grandchildren interviews, Michelle’s comments were the most interesting.

She told me what had happened with her grandmother:

“My grandma thought that joining a support group for people who have biracial family members might help her to get more ideas about how to connect with me. But instead, she was the only grandparent there. An amusing story was how she used to take the music that she listens to for granted. She really loves her Chinese songs, like Teresa Teng. I like it too, but just not when my White friends are around! I used to hate it when I was in the car with my White friends and she played Teresa Teng or some other Chinese music. I want her to be more American. When I’m with my Chinese friends, the Chinese music is okay, but not when I’m with my White friends. It’s like I have two separate sides, too, with my music preferences!”

Michelle told me that her grandmother felt that the support group made it seem as if having a biracial child was a “crisis,” and she felt that the group pathologized biracial individuals.

Michelle also felt that her grandmother did not understand her need to keep her Chinese and

White music preferences separate, depending on whether she was with her Chinese or White friends. Therefore, the overarching theme among these biracial grandchildren was the feeling that their grandparents did not understand the finer nuances of what it meant to be a biracial person, and what it meant to really be able to “fit in” with their peers. Grandparents, however, did attempt to see their grandchildren’s perspective, via keeping an open mind and exposing their grandchildren to aspects of Chinese culture to the best of their ability.

Grandchildren’s future interracial relationships

All of the biracial grandchildren also mentioned that their biracial heritage affected how they thought about their future interracial relationships. The grandchildren commented that their views about being involved in a possible interracial relationship were influenced by their grandparents. Kaitlyn stated that her grandmother encouraged her to have interracial relationships. Kaitlyn said:

“My grandmother said that she feels that the second and third generations should try to marry somebody who is not of the same mix…because if you marry Chinese only,

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eventually the IQ will have problem. Like if you get from China and from America and mix with something else, the genes will be very good—‘far’ genes instead of ‘close.’ Bringing more variety into the family will be good.”

Her rationale was that interracial marriages created better genes (i.e., higher intelligence) compared to same-race marriages. Kaitlyn also commented that her grandmother felt that interracial relationships would also expose her granddaughter to other languages and perspectives. Interestingly, Kaitlyn mentioned that her grandmother told her that if she married a

White man, she would also have an advantage in American society, especially a rise in social status in her grandparents’ social circles. Kaitlyn commented that although her grandmother was supportive of her being involved in an interracial relationship, her grandfather was more hesitant.

Kaitlyn commented:

“My grandpa is supportive of me being in an interracial relationship, but only with certain races. He said that it’s better if I date only Whites or Asians. When I asked him why, he said that we are closer in terms of culture and values.”

Unlike her grandmother’s acceptance of all races as possible partners, her grandfather was more selective of his granddaughter’s potential dating partners. She felt that this was because her grandfather still regarded other races besides Whites and Asians as not sharing similar cultures and that other races were not as hard working as Whites and Asians.

Similarly, Michelle commented:

“It is embarrassing to admit, but my grandparents are still so old-fashioned. They feel that I should marry a White guy because it will boost their social status among their friends. They still think that marrying a White is a ticket into being considered a ‘legitimate’ American. I could care less, because I feel that it doesn’t really matter nowadays.”

Michelle’s grandparents wanted her to marry White or Chinese not so much because of the closeness in culture and values, but more for the “social status” marker, and that she would be considered to be a “legitimate” American. Michelle remembered that she got into an argument

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with her grandparents about being a “legitimate” American. She felt that this statement made her feel, as a biracial individual, that she was not completely American. Michelle told me that her grandparents felt that marrying a White person would somehow override her biracial identity and that she would be considered to be a White in American society.

Vincent commented that his grandparents placed different expectations on who he could be involved with in an interracial relationship:

“My grandparents feel that it is more important for me to marry someone who is a race not stigmatized by Whites. That limits my choices to only Whites and Asians. I think another aspect is that they feel that since I am biracial, I will be better able to relate to my children’s experiences because I know what it is like.”

Because he is a male, his grandparents expected him to carry on the family name. Thus, they wanted him to marry someone of a race that would not be stigmatized by White society. Vincent also felt that his grandparents supported his future decision to be in an interracial relationship because they felt that he would be able to relate to his future children, because he is himself biracial.

However, some grandparents showed a bit of concern about their grandchildren entering into interracial relationships. All of the grandmothers and grandfathers were supportive, but they worried about how their grandchildren would be viewed by their partner’s family because of his or her half-White heritage. Patrick commented:

“My grandfather is not worried that the interracial relationship won’t be accepted by society. The world has changed now. What he is worried about is my partner’s family not accepting me. How will they relate to me if I’m half White and half Chinese? What if they don’t like the Chinese part? He was born in the U.S., and yeah, he feels like he belongs here, but sometimes he doesn’t, because he reminds himself that he’s still a minority, and same with me.”

Patrick continued by stating that his grandfather told him that he would try his hardest to build a relationship with Patrick’s partner. Something interesting that Patrick also told me was

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that his grandfather was open to Patrick’s partner’s gender. Regardless of whether Patrick decided to date a man or a woman, his grandfather was going to help Patrick’s future partner feel comfortable around Patrick and with him:

“He told me that he felt that he should keep up with technology. After all, he said that we live in the Bay Area, and that’s what everyone talks about around here. The last thing he wants is to be awkward when meeting my potential dates. He wants to be able to connect with them beyond just the cultural aspect.”

He mentioned to Patrick that it was important that he be able to connect with his potential dates in terms of technology, which he felt fueled the economy in the Bay Area. Thus, Patrick’s grandfather joined a group made up of older adults who met on a weekly basis to discuss recent news topics and technology. Through this group, Fred found a dating app for Patrick to use, that is tailored specifically for biracial individuals. Patrick is still in the process of getting himself to use it!

Grandmothers expressed more concern for their granddaughters entering interracial relationships compared to their grandsons. One possible explanation for this might be because grandmothers felt that their granddaughters might be more vulnerable to negative reactions from their future in-laws. Denise stated:

“Well, I think she just more concerned for me. She worries that my future family members might be more critical of me. They might worry that I look too Chinese or too White. If she dates a White guy, then will they be able to relate to both of her heritages?”

Denise’s grandmother was worried that her granddaughter’s partner’s family might have a bad impression of her. Even more, she worried that by dating a White person, her granddaughter might lose her Chinese heritage. Similarly, Kurt stated that his grandmother worried about:

“She’s not against interracial marriages. In fact, she supports it. But, what she is worried about is that I will lose my Chinese heritage in some way. That I will become too White.”

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Kurt also mentioned that his grandmother’s worries were geographical. In other words, she was not as worried about Kurt losing his Chinese culture if he lived in California or in the western part of the United States. She was concerned that if he moved elsewhere, that he might lose touch with his Chinese heritage.

Alicia’s dating preferences were more toward White men than Chinese or other Asian men.

She said:

“As far as future relationships, in my past, I’ve always dated White guys. That’s just who I am drawn to. If I ever meet someone who’s not White, and I click with them, then, yeah. To me, it doesn’t matter where you come from and stuff. If we click, we click. But in my past, I’ve always dated White guys because that’s who I feel more familiar with. My grandma was born in the U.S., and so I feel that she’s had a big influence on me and my knowledge of how Whites think. She has shown me that Whites are definitely more independent and open- minded, and they treat their wives and girlfriends better than some Chinese men.”

When asked about being in an interracial relationship, she mentioned that she was more attracted to White men because of her familiarity with White culture. Her grandmother was born in the

U.S., and so she might have had an influence on Alicia’s dating preference. Jokingly, she remarked that since she already identified as Chinese, that dating a White man would be her way of “experiencing” her other heritage.

Larry mentioned that his grandmother, who was born in the U.S.:

“She told me that she felt like she lost some of her Chinese culture growing up here. She thinks that maybe that’s why she married back a Chinese man. She needed to feel more ‘in touch’ with her Chinese side. She hopes that I don’t lose my Chinese side by marrying someone of a different race.”

It was interesting for Larry to tell me that his grandmother had married a Chinese man as a possible way for her to “reclaim” her Chinese heritage. She felt that she could be back in touch with her Chinese culture and traditions. Leslie, a grandmother, shared her concern that because her granddaughter’s White grandparents had been so mean and inappropriate around her

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granddaughter, that this might influence her view on entering into an interracial relationship.

Specifically, Leslie worried that her granddaughter might reject Whites and would choose to date men from other ethnicities, such as Hispanics or Blacks, which she did not approve of:

“Her White grandparents are not the nicest people. In fact, I think that they are racists. I don’t know how this might have affected her, if it did at all. I just worry that she might not have a good impression of Whites. She might end up choosing a Black or Hispanic guy. I guess I’m a racist too—I don’t think that I would be very supportive if she decided to do that. Would I try to talk her out of the relationship if that happened? Probably, yes.”

Thus, overall, the grandparents were supportive of their grandchildren being involved in interracial relationships. Grandparents, however, were selective in the races that they felt their grandchildren should date—namely, Whites and Asians. The reason for this was because they felt that Whites and Asians were closer in terms of cultures and values. Also, the grandparents felt that marrying a White allowed them to gain “social status” by being viewed as a “legitimate”

American. That said, grandparents also were worried/concerned about these interracial relationships. For example, one grandparent expressed her fears about how her grandchildren would be accepted by society and by her date’s family, and whether her grandchild would lose their Chinese heritage. One interesting interview was a grandmother who wanted to be able to connect with her grandchild’s dates beyond just the cultural level. Thus, she wanted to keep up with technology. In order to do this, she joined a weekly meeting group of older adults.

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CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION

The focus of this study was on mono racial Chinese grandparents and their Chinese-

White biracial grandchildren. Broadly speaking, the study examined: a.) How various ecological systems, such as family, communities, school, peers, and the larger Asian culture influenced how these biracial grandchildren viewed themselves; and b.) How the grandparents’ own cultural/racial background, personal characteristics, and Chinese values influence how they taught their biracial grandchildren about Chinese culture. Based on the study’s findings as well as Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model, and Root’s “border crossings” theory, I have developed a concept map representing the major themes in the study for the grandparents and their biracial grandchildren.

I would like to begin by reiterating the five different theoretical foundations that were used. The first and primary theory was Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory (1979). Briefly, this model emphasizes the interaction between individuals and their environmental context. An individual’s development cannot be understood independently of the micro, meso, exo, macro, and chronosystems in which they are embedded. Poston’s (1990) Biracial Identity Development

Model (BIDM) viewed identity development as a progression through five different stages. It considers the influence of the environmental context, such as the role that peer and social pressures, play in choosing to identify as one heritage over the other. Root’s (1990, 1999) model is the most aligned with Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model. Root considered identity development in an ecological perspective. She saw development as encompassing the interactions of both the micro and the macrosystems that surround a biracial individual. She considered not only the influence of family and friends, but also the macrosystem influences of gender, class, socio-economic status, etc. Furthermore, she also considered the role of inherited

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influences, such as the individual’s physical appearance (phenotype), language abilities, traits

(such as temperament and social skills), the individual’s social interactions within his/her community (such as with their peers at school), and also such factors as how biracial individuals identify themselves. Additionally, in her theory, Root also mentioned four “border crossings.”

The four “border crossings” illustrate the ways that biracial individuals can choose to identify.

The first is “having both feet in both groups.” This occurs when the biracial individual considers both of their heritages into one, for example, seeing himself/herself as being both 100% Chinese and 100% White. The second “border crossing” is “shifting the foreground and the background.” This occurs when the biracial individual adjusts his/her identity based on the racial, ethnic/cultural context that they currently find themselves in. The third “border crossing” is “having to choose a border/hybrid identity. This occurs when the biracial individual identifies himself/herself as being biracial and uses this term. Finally, the last “border crossing” is

“moving from one racial camp to another racial camp.” This means that the biracial individual explores their different racial heritages and may choose one heritage over the other at different points over their lifetime.

In this study, we see the importance of context in the lives of the grandparents and their biracial grandchildren. Bronfenbrenner’s focus on not only the family, but also the larger culture and society, is seen through the findings in this study. Likewise, Root’s “border crossings” theory shows how grandparents and their grandchildren see themselves as straddling both

Chinese and American cultures. Grandparents and grandchildren experienced their biracial identities as being willing to explore outside of their Chinese culture and to explore their White heritages. They identified as biracial individuals—embracing both their Chinese and White heritages.

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Next is Rockquemore and Laszloffy’s (2005) Continuum of Biracial Identity model

(COBI). Racial identity is viewed as a continuum and shows the processes that biracial individuals use to arrive at a particular identity. The COBI was developed to explain Black-

White biracial development. On either end of the continuum are Black only and White only identities. There are also blended identities with either a “more Black” or a “more White” emphasis. In the middle of the continuum (in between the two ends) is a blended identity—an identity that does not emphasize one’s Black or White identity over the other.

Finally, Hunter and Rollins’s (2013) racial socialization messages and racial socialization approaches discuss how parents and caregivers racially socialize their children.

In terms of Poston’s BIDM, all of the biracial grandchildren were in the appreciation and the integration stages. Finally, in Rockquemore and Laszloffy’s COBI model, most of the grandchildren fell into the middle of the continuum—the “blended” area, where they were able to have both heritages, but did not emphasize any one heritage over the other. Depending on the context, however, they were also able to emphasize either their Chinese or their White side more.

Although used with parents of biracial children, Hunter and Rollins’ racial socialization approaches and racial socialization messages were also applicable to the grandparents in this study, namely promotion of egalitarianism, promotion of mistrust, and preparation for bias.

Therefore, these five theoretical foundations helped to frame not only the interview questions, but also the analyses of the interview data findings. I will now briefly summarize the major points that resulted from the data analyses.

Grandparents: Ethnic socialization

Grandparents’ self-identity. All of the grandparents, regardless of whether they were born in the United States or overseas, felt that they had to know they were as Chinese individuals

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as well as their Chinese values and culture, before they felt ready to ethnically and racially socialize their biracial grandchildren. It was interesting that some grandmothers saw socialization as their responsibility, whereas some grandfathers did not view socialization in this way. One possible explanation could be that grandmothers are the “kin keepers” in the family, and so view socialization as a way to keep the Chinese culture. An alternative explanation given by one grandfather was that the Bay Area, with its high numbers of Asian people, would provide enough socialization for his grandchildren, so that he need not worry about this. Grandparents also mentioned that they saw themselves as Americans, but still struggled with how much Chinese culture to pass down to their biracial grandchildren. It was this duality in identities and their immigrant experiences that grandparents felt that they were able to relate to their biracial grandchildren’s experiences.

Influence of living in the San Francisco Bay Area. Living in the San Francisco Bay

Area in northern California also influenced grandparents’ views on racial diversity. An interesting point raised by one of the grandparents was that certain cities in the Bay Area, such as

Berkeley and Oakland, were more diverse and tolerant compared to other cities, such as Palo

Alto, which was less diverse in terms of having more Asian and White residents and a higher socio-economic class. It was interesting to hear how grandparents appreciated the Bay Area for its diversity, but also expressed their concern that there might be too much American influence on their grandchildren, and their worry that their grandchildren might lose their Chinese culture.

Influence of gender. Gender played an important role in grandparents’ socialization efforts. Grandmothers, in particular, tended to provide more ethnic socialization toward their grandsons, since they were expected to carry on the family name. Grandparents’ families of origin had an effect on the socialization of their grandchildren. One grandparent commented on

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how her family was very strict and driven. This has affected how she socializes her grandson— she is much more insistent and determined compared to his grandfather, who came from a family which was much more relaxed. Since her grandson spends more time with her, she has been the more influential grandparent in his life, and so he receives more Chinese socialization from her compared to his grandfather.

What is being kept. This was an interesting question to ask the grandmothers, since many of them responded unanimously that they were trying very hard to preserve the food traditions, in terms of family recipes, that had been in the family for generations. Some grandmothers wanted their grandchildren to be able to cook these dishes and to keep the recipes, whereas other grandmothers were satisfied if their grandchildren kept the recipes but did not know how to cook the dishes. In addition, grandparents also wanted family obligations, rules and duties to be kept—for example, earning respect and remembering their parents’ and grandparents’ sacrifices. Grandparents also wanted their grandchildren to continue pursuing their educational goals. Mabel, one of the grandmothers, commented to me that she hoped to live on in her great-grandchildren through their academic and career success—something that she had hoped to achieve when she was younger, but had never personally felt fulfilled about.

What is being lost. Grandparents felt that there was a loss of respect in addressing older family members. One of the grandmothers mentioned witnessing a Chinese boy being extremely disrespectful toward his grandfather in a public space. Another grandmother mentioned that she felt that she noticed a loss of Chinese manners, particularly table and social manners. She postulated that one possible reason might be because of irregular meal times and parents not emphasizing how to use chopsticks properly.

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Grandparent strategies for ethnic socialization

Visiting China to see relatives. For some of the grandchildren, getting the opportunity to visit China was a very enjoyable way of socializing them into Chinese culture. Traveling to

China was seen as a “bridge” between their American and Chinese heritages. Some of the grandchildren expressed feeling a bit uncomfortable or awkward in that they looked physically different compared to the other local Chinese. As a result, these differences in phenotype caused the grandchildren whom I interviewed to identify more as a White than as a Chinese. Many of them chose to identify themselves as Chinese Americans.

Attending Chinese church. There were positive and negative aspects of attending

Chinese church. Chinese church was not only a place for spiritual guidance, but for cultural socialization as well. It was a good place for the grandchildren to outreach to the Chinese community. Also, the Chinese church was a good place for career exposure—grandchildren were exposed to not only stereotypical Asian careers (e.g., engineers and mathematicians), but were also exposed to Asians in other types of careers as well (e.g., artists and social workers).

The biggest negative aspect of attending Chinese church was the language barrier. Many of the biracial grandchildren were unable to speak Mandarin and felt that they were ostracized by the other Chinese adolescents because of their ambiguous physical appearance. One grandmother gave her account of how her granddaughter was teased by the other Chinese teenage girls because she was not considered “Chinese enough.”

Chinese names. Grandparents found that giving their grandchild a Chinese name was a connection between family members, Chinese traditions and their Chinese ancestors. For some of the grandparents, Chinese names were symbolic—the belief that certain Chinese characters in the name could bring luck, success, happiness, etc. One of the grandparents who I interviewed

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but did not include in the dissertation stated that he believed that the number of strokes in the child’s name would predict what the child’s life would be like during the beginning, middle and end years of his life. Thus, this grandfather took the symbolism and the cultural beliefs behind

Chinese names very seriously. He even purchased a book from San Francisco’s Chinatown that helped him to determine the number of strokes in a Chinese name and what this would mean for his grandson’s future.

More or less socialization of their own children

Almost all of the grandparents agreed that they had learned about how to socialize their grandchildren from experiences with their own children. There were varying responses among the grandparents. Some of the grandparents felt that they were too Americanized with their own children—that they let them get away with too much (e.g., wearing shoes in the house). Other grandparents felt that they were too Chinese with their own children and felt that they had

“cheated” their children of an American childhood—for example, not allowing their children to have sleepovers. With their grandchildren, however, these grandparents have learned not to interfere with the parents’ upbringing.

Challenges in appreciating both Chinese and White cultures

One of the biggest challenges that the grandparents faced was blending both the Chinese and the White cultures and finding a balance between the two. A grandfather commented that he had both public and private identities. In public, he had a White identity and in private, a Chinese identity. He felt that having both helped him to think about his identities separately as well as to consider the impact of both on how he saw himself and in what he wanted to teach his grandchildren.

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Grandparents: Racial socialization

Parents’ lack of racial socialization. Again, I did not discuss parental involvement explicitly in the findings section, but based on the interviews with grandparents and grandchildren, I will include a summary of the findings here. I had expected parents to discuss biracial issues with their children, but almost all of the parents chose to ignore and to adopt a

“color blind” approach to racial issues. This tended to minimize and de-emphasize topics of race in the family. In Shih et al. (2007) study of 31 biracial college-aged individuals, their biracial participants reported that their parents de-emphasized race significantly more compared to White and mono-racial participants. As discussed previously in the findings section, this could be because Chinese parents did not want to be reminded of their own painful experiences with racism. Parents could also be living in denial that racism would not happen to their biracial child because of his or her half White and half Chinese heritage. Although their parents wanted them to embrace both of their heritages, they did not have any helpful ways that could help their children to express their dual heritage. Grandparents were essential in confronting this issue and bridging the gap between parents and their children. What was interesting was that some grandchildren also turned to their neighbors, who met together to share experiences related to discrimination.

Most of the biracial grandchildren did not experience discrimination based on their dual heritage. However, some of the grandchildren reported that they had experienced discrimination in terms of name-calling and racial jokes. These grandchildren were most often teased because of their Asian features such as the shapes of their eyes, their hair or their skin color. It was their physical appearance (their phenotype) that made them stand out to their peers. These biracial grandchildren also did not feel prepared by their parents to effectively deal with these events.

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Luckily, their grandparents were able to help them work through these situations. What was surprising was that the grandparents reported that their own children had personally experienced racial discrimination while in the U.S., but whether intentionally or unintentionally, did not discuss race related topics or coping strategies with their children.

Promotion of egalitarianism. Grandparents promoted egalitarianism by emphasizing diversity and equality. To accomplish this, they used several different and creative methods.

One grandmother brought her granddaughter to an international culture festival, another grandmother used flags from different countries to encourage conversation, a grandfather used different spices to illustrate diversity, and a grandmother used beads of different colors to illustrate the concept of various components coming together to create something unique.

Promotion of mistrust. Grandparents warned their grandchildren about individuals from other racial groups. These warnings were based on grandparents’ own life experiences. A common lesson was warning their grandchildren about being cautious at work, because others might get promoted over them. Grandparents mentioned that parents were more accepting of all races, and were not as adamant about teaching their children to mistrust other people.

Preparation for bias. Grandparents preparation of their grandchildren for bias provided some interesting responses. Grandmothers were found to be more careful in their word choice.

Grandmothers used euphemisms in place of the word, “discrimination” (e.g., “judge you unfairly”). Grandfathers, however, were more direct. A reason for their directness was because grandfathers had experienced more discrimination as immigrants in the U.S. Therefore, they were more direct when using the term compared to the grandmothers.

Use of role plays. This was another very significant finding from the data. Grandparents used role plays because they viewed these as being less threatening and more enjoyable than

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directly talking to their grandchildren about discrimination. Role plays came from senior centers, biracial and grandparent support groups, and online searches. Role plays were used primarily for racial socialization. The role play scenarios focused on how to deal with discrimination and bias. Grandparents and their grandchildren liked these role plays because siblings and parents could also get involved. In addition, it was interesting to see that these role plays also allowed their grandchildren to be exposed to different languages—some grandparents would act out these role plays in Mandarin or Cantonese, and the grandchildren were able to practice their spoken Chinese in this way.

Not all of the grandparents were in favor of using the role plays, however. Some grandparents found that the role plays were not realistic—that the scenarios could not be applied to real life situations. Grandparents also found that their grandchildren were unable to relate to the role play scenarios. It was also interesting that birth order made a difference—older and younger siblings approached and resolved the role plays differently. Grandparents also tended to have different viewpoints about the role play scenarios—one grandmother commented that she was able to see the “big picture” solution to the scenario, while her husband was more narrow- minded in his thinking and in his solution to the role play scenario.

Stereotypes about Asians

The role plays helped to prepare the grandparents and their grandchildren for stereotypes that they would encounter. One grandmother commented on how others assumed that she knew kung fu or thought that she was related to Bruce Lee, etc. Perhaps the most common stereotype was other people assuming that the grandparents were not Chinese—that they were of Korean,

Japanese or some other Asian ethnic group.

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Racist White paternal grandparents

Grandparents and their grandchildren also had to endure racist remarks from the paternal side of the family, which (except for one case) were the paternal grandparents. Some of the grandparents who had used role plays were able to apply what they had practiced to help them work through their feelings about these racist remarks. Other grandparents tried to become more

“Americanized”—they attempted to cook American food for the paternal grandparents and to make their food “less Chinese.” They tried to speak in a more Americanized accent, but they ultimately realized that they would never be seen as White in the paternal grandparents’ eyes.

As a result of these racist remarks, the grandparents were concerned that their grandchildren would question their White heritage and whether they wanted to identify with their

White side at all. Some of the grandparents noticed that the racism from the White grandparents was not overt, but instead was covert—the grandparents refused to follow their Chinese customs, such as not taking off their shoes in the house, placing their chopsticks upright in a bowl of rice, etc.

Grandchildren: Ethnic socialization

Influence of birth order. There were differences between older and younger siblings in terms of how interested and how well they knew their Chinese heritage. The older siblings had more knowledge about their heritage compared to their younger siblings. A grandmother mentioned that she used Mandarin language apps and technology, such as YouTube videos, to help socialize her grandchild.

Influence of gender. There were differences in how Chinese and White grandparents viewed their grandchildren’s gender roles. Chinese grandparents (regardless of whether they were born in the U.S. or overseas) emphasized traditional gender roles—that women should take

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care of the family and know their cultural traditions and men should work hard at his job and to support his family, versus White grandparents, who emphasized equality in gender roles. Some of the grandchildren had White grandparents who were 100% White ethnics—that is, of pure

German, British, French, or Italian ancestry. One granddaughter commented on how her French grandmother taught her how to cook “Frasian” (fusion of French and Asian) food, so that she could appreciate how both French and Chinese cuisines come together.

Effect of geographic distance. Almost all of the biracial grandchildren were closer to the maternal side of the family, as their paternal side usually lived out of state, internationally or out of driving distance. The grandchildren mentioned that the Chinese grandparents tried to prepare their grandchildren for visits with their White grandparents—they taught them independence, confidence and self-sufficiency. One of the grandchildren interviewed mentioned that his White grandparents lived overseas in Ireland and spoke Gaelic, a language that he was unfamiliar with.

This made him feel very distant from them, and therefore he felt closer to his Chinese grandparents who used slang and had a better grasp of American culture. Another grandchild, however, enjoyed his visits to his Jewish grandparents in New York, where he was able to practice his Cantonese and Hebrew, to learn his grandmother’s recipes, and to hear his grandparents’ childhood stories.

Grandchildren: Racial socialization

Neighborhoods in the Bay Area. The neighborhoods that the biracial grandchildren lived in were a mix of different ethnicities. The grandchildren were encouraged by their grandparents to become involved in extracurricular activities and to spend time with their White peers-- this was seen as a way of being accepted into White/American culture. Some of the grandchildren who grew up in White neighborhoods found that these neighborhoods taught their

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grandparents the “American” way of talking to their grandchildren and taught grandparents how to connect with them.

Friends’ grandparents and their effect. Another interesting finding were the grandchildren who had biracial friends. These grandchildren were exposed to the non-Chinese aspects of their culture. For example, one grandchild had a Jewish-Chinese friend who cooked a lot of Jewish food; another grandchild had a Black biracial friend who introduced her to “soul food.” The grandchildren’s grandparents learned a lot from their friend’s grandparents—for example, how to cope with difficult in-laws and how to talk with teenagers. However, not all of their friend’s grandparents were as hospitable. One granddaughter mentioned that her friend’s

Black grandmother was racist—she felt that she had “sized her up” and that minority-on- minority discrimination was not right.

Biracial grandchildren’s struggles

Effect of phenotype. The biracial grandchildren claimed that their physical appearance

(phenotype) was significant depending on the context that they found themselves in. All of the biracial grandchildren mentioned that they might look White, but were still identified as Asian by other people, especially by their peers. Even in the Bay Area, their phenotype still made the biracial grandchildren feel like “outsiders”—having a White sounding last name did not matter.

Their phenotype was still the first thing that others noticed. One granddaughter attempted to hide her Asian features by wearing a lot of makeup. This helped her to disguise her Asian facial features and gave her a sense of security against experiencing discrimination.

However, the biracial grandchildren in this study tended to view their different physical appearance in a positive, rather than negative, light. They described themselves as being

“unique” from others. This feeling of being “different” was not only caused by their phenotype,

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but also by their lack of or limited knowledge about Chinese culture and the Chinese language.

Therefore, we can see that in addition to differences in physical appearance, cultural differences could also lead to rejection from the Chinese side of their family and with Chinese peers.

Ultimately, these rejection experiences could lead the biracial individual to develop a perception of themselves as being “different.”

Fitting in with different contexts. All of the biracial grandchildren viewed their identity as contextual—that is, how they identified themselves depended on the context that they found themselves in. Being biracial allowed them the flexibility to decide who and what they wanted to be. One grandson decided to identify himself according to the personal roles in his life—he saw himself as a student, a friend, a sibling, and a part-time employee. Another unique finding was a granddaughter who commented on the distinction between herself and the Chinese immigrants from China. She saw herself as half-Chinese, but not the same type of Chinese as the mainland immigrants, whom she considered to be very rude and lacking in social manners.

However, there were also negative aspects associated with having a fluid self-identity.

Studies have found that having such flexible self-identities and having an identity that might be invalidated by those closest to the biracial individual can cause psychological distress (Lee &

Beckert, 2012; Renn, 2000; Torronen, 2014; Wakefield & Hudley, 2005; Yip, 2005). This was true in some of the grandchild interviews. Some college-aged grandchildren mentioned that they wanted to rush Asian-interest fraternities and sororities. However, they were told that they did not look “White enough” or “Asian enough” to do so. One grandson who wanted to rush an

Asian fraternity was told that he looked “too White” and that the brothers were afraid that he would steal their Asian women.

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Despite these negative events, the biracial grandchildren considered their ambiguous racial identity as strength. Being biracial allowed them to adapt to their environment.

Researchers who have studied individuals who use their multiple identities in order to fit in with a particular situation or context have found that they may use “compartmentalization.” This refers to showing their identities in some situations but not in other situations (Okazaki, Navarro-

Bailon, & Molina-Castillo, 2012; Yoo & Lee, 2009; Zhang & Noels, 2013). Researchers have suggested that this “chameleon-like” cultural identity allows cultural identification based on the context that an individual finds him/herself in (Major, Quinton, & Schmader, 2003; Nguyen &

Juang, 2010 Tanner-Smith, Lesane-Brown, Brown, & Ezell, 2007; Werbner, 2013).

Researchers such as Chaudhari & Pizzolato(2008) studied multiracial college students.

They found that some of them displayed “situational ethnic identity pattern”—individuals shifted their identity in different environments and situations based on their physical appearance and their interaction with their peers. In this study, the use of situational identity that has been found by the researchers cited above was supported. The biracial grandchildren in this study stated that they tended to shift their identity depending on the situational context. In other words, they used their “chameleon-like identity” and “compartmentalization” strategies. Both of these strategies may be unique to biracial individuals and are also very common among these individuals (Fisher,

Reynolds, Hsu, Barnes, & Tyler, 2014; Way, Hernandez, Rogers, & Hughes, 2013). Although biracial individuals take advantage of their fluid and situational identities, some researchers caution that having such a fluid identity can have negative consequences. Biracial individuals

(adolescents) who change their racial categorizations (by adding new identities or taking away an identity) within a five -year period tended to report lower self-esteem compared to biracial individuals who reported consistent racial categorization (Hitlin et al., 2006; Louie, 2009; Perry,

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2001). It would be interesting to see how the biracial grandchildren, over time, change in their self-identities.

Situational influences. The biracial grandchildren commented on how alienated they felt when they attended Chinese church or other Chinese social events. They also discussed how language barriers and their physical appearance might have caused their alienation at Chinese churches and events.

For these biracial grandchildren, they felt the most racially marginalized in all-Asian environments. They felt that they were not being accepted as “real Asians.” Asian American communities believe in racial purity and are usually not as accepting of individuals who come from two different ethnic heritages. This is particularly true in traditional Asian communities

(Akiyama, 2008; Endo, 2003). Despite this, the biracial grandchildren had a very positive outlook on their biracial heritage. They believed that being biracial allowed them to embrace the best of both of their heritages. With the help of their grandparents, especially the emphasis on hard work, these biracial grandchildren were able to be successful.

Part of the reason why the biracial grandchildren felt that they were able to embrace both of their heritages was because Asians have become at par with Whites. As a result, this might allow White-Chinese biracial individuals to choose their identification with the White or the minority racial group. Compared to other minority groups in the U.S., there is little social distance between Whites and Asians. This allows White-Chinese people to transcend these racial boundaries and to have a choice in how they identify themselves (Perry & Whitehead,

2015; Ritter, 2015).

As noted by the biracial grandchildren in this study, the positive interactions between themselves, their surrounding environment and most of all, with their grandparents, allowed

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them to mention that they would be comfortable in being involved in biracial/interracial relationships compared to their mono-racial peers, a finding that was also found in Shih et al.’s

(2007) study. The “Conclusion” section describes how each of the systems in their environment has influenced their grandparents and as a result, these biracial grandchildren’s racial and ethnic socialization as well.

Fluency in language and relationship with grandparents

The ability to speak Chinese was an issue with the biracial grandchildren. All except for one grandchild was able to speak Mandarin at a near-fluent level. For the other grandchildren, they felt that not knowing the language made it difficult for them to connect with their grandparents. One granddaughter commented on how she was teased at Chinese school for not knowing how to read Pinyin. She stopped attending the school, but regretted her decision, because she found it very difficult to understand the Chinese jokes made between her mother and his grandparents. She is still motivated to learn Mandarin, however, because she thought that this knowledge might make it easier for her to connect with her grandfather who did not understand the English jokes made between her grandmother and her.

An interesting finding in this section was a grandson who mentioned that his White grandparents were learning Chinese and his Chinese grandparents learning Swedish words so that they could communicate with each other and so that he would be exposed to both languages in the home. Other grandchildren commented that their White parent influenced whether or not

Chinese was spoken in the home—one grandchild mentioned that their White parent did not like

Chinese to be spoken at home since it made them very uncomfortable.

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Grandparents are not biracial

The grandchildren felt that their grandparents understood the superficial aspects of being a biracial person, but could not completely understand what it was like to be biracial at one’s core—how they fit into both Chinese and White cultures, but also into neither one. One granddaughter mentioned that she had to consider various factors before deciding whether she would fit into a group of her mono racial Chinese or White peers: The language spoken; what her other peers look like; and what she has to contribute to the group. On this latter point, she commented that in California, with its competitive atmosphere, especially in academics, she often felt the pressure of being able to “sound smart,” and to contribute something useful to the group. Also, as a half Asian, there was an expectation that she would have something to contribute.

Grandchild’s future interracial relationships

The biracial grandchildren commented that in their future relationships, their grandparents would like them to date only Whites and Asians, because they felt that both of these ethnic groups were similar in customs and values. Also, some grandchildren mentioned that their grandparents felt that marrying Whites would improve their social status and make their grandchildren seem more “American.”

However, despite these benefits, grandchildren also expressed their grandparents’ concern that their grandchildren might be considered to be “too Chinese” by their White in-laws or that they might lose their Chinese heritage if they married a White person. When I asked one granddaughter why she thought that her grandmother felt this way, she told me that her aunt’s daughter had married a White man. A few years after their marriage, her aunt’s daughter seemed to be very “Americanized,” and refused to practice Chinese customs, such as giving their

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children Chinese names. The granddaughter’s best friend married a White man as well, and their marriage ended in a divorce less than three years later, because her husband and his family realized that they could not tolerate her Chinese customs and his Chinese in-laws. Thus, this granddaughter felt that her grandmother had legitimate reasons for her concern in her possible future involvement in an interracial relationship.

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CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION, LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH

This study had two main goals: 1.) Examining the different ways that Chinese grandparents have attempted to ethnically and racially socialize their biracial grandchildren; and

2.) The challenges that their biracial grandchildren have encountered and how their grandparents’ ethnic and racial socialization efforts have helped them to cope with these challenges.

This study’s findings have shown how grandparents’ ethnic and racial socialization and the ecological context have influenced their biracial grandchildren. In terms of grandparents’ ethnic socialization, grandparents found that realizing who they were as a Chinese person was influential in how they approached the socialization process. Grandparents also considered the effect of being “bicultural”—the feeling of having assimilated into American culture, but still retaining their Chinese culture and values. The ecological context of living in the Bay Area, with its high population of Asians, also influenced how they felt about their Chinese ancestry, how

“American” they chose to be, and how they ethnically socialized their grandchildren.

Grandparents also used various strategies to ethnically socialize their biracial grandchildren. Some grandparents took their grandchildren to China or to other Asian countries to see their relatives and to expose them to the culture abroad. These visits had not only an impact on how their grandchildren saw themselves physically, but also how they identified themselves (e.g., as a Chinese American versus as a Chinese).

One of the more significant findings was grandparents’ use of the Chinese church as a means for ethnic socialization. There were both negative and positive aspects of attending

Chinese church. The church was a good place for grandparents to expose their grandchildren to the Chinese culture and the Chinese language. However, it was also a place where their biracial

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grandchildren felt ostracized because they could not speak Mandarin and where they were teased by other adolescents because they physically looked different from their peers.

Another method of ethnic socialization was the giving of Chinese names by their grandparents. For many, this was a symbolic tradition, as grandparents made sure that their grandchild’s Chinese name had the correct number of strokes so that it would bring their grandchild luck, success, happiness, health, etc. Grandchildren were proud of their Chinese names and saw these as a way to set themselves apart from their White peers. One grandfather went to San Francisco’s Chinatown and bought a book that had the Chinese strokes and selected his granddaughter’s name.

A major finding in regards to racial socialization from the study was the use of role plays by the Chinese grandparents. Role plays allowed grandparents to act out different possible scenarios of discrimination with their grandchildren and to work with their grandchildren to think through these situations. The role plays were not necessarily focused on Asian and White individuals. They focused on individuals from different racial groups and different scenarios.

Some of the grandparents and their grandchildren enjoyed these role plays because they allowed them to be creative and to involve other family members as well, such as parents and siblings.

However, other grandparents were not as enthusiastic about using role plays, since their grandchildren found them to be unrealistic or that their grandchildren and grandparents could not agree on a solution. Regardless, the role plays helped grandparents to consider how differently they had raised their own children compared to their grandchildren in terms of how

“Americanized” (or not) they had been with their own children, and whether they wanted to

“Americanize” their grandchildren or not. For the grandparents who used the role plays, they saw the role plays as an effective way for them to help their grandchildren cope with their racist

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White paternal grandparents and to cope with the effects of Asian stereotypes from their friends and from society.

The ethnic socialization of the grandchildren was affected by the grandchildren’s birth order. For those grandchildren who had siblings, they reported that their older siblings received greater socialization and had more knowledge about Chinese culture compared to their younger siblings. Gender also was an influence—girls tended to receive more socialization on how to take care of the family, whereas boys tended to receive more socialization about Chinese values and culture, since they were expected to carry on the family name. Geographic distance was found to affect ethnic socialization as well, as the grandchildren mentioned that it was challenging to connect with grandparents who lived overseas because of not only distance, but sometimes a language barrier as well. One grandchild mentioned that he visited his White grandparents in New York and really enjoyed his trips there, as they took him to various Chinese and Jewish events and he was able to practice both Mandarin and Hebrew.

In terms of racial socialization, living in the Bay Area also had a great influence, especially with the diversity of their friends and in the surrounding areas. One interesting point in this section was that grandchildren mentioned that their friend’s grandparents were influential and introduced them to other cultures as well as challenged them to think about their own grandparents and their relationships with them.

The biggest influence on the grandchildren’s racial socialization was their phenotype

(physical appearance), and how this gave them a “fluid identity” and the ability to fit in with different contexts. Almost all of the grandchildren commented that they felt that they were neither Asian nor White, and could easily choose to be one or the other, depending on the situation that they found themselves in. The grandchildren mentioned that they had found a

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balance between their White and Chinese heritages. Although some of the grandchildren encountered stereotypes and assumptions from others based on their phenotype, the grandchildren who used role plays with their grandparents were able to work through their feelings and to respond appropriately.

One of the biggest frustrations for the grandchildren was that no matter how hard their grandparents tried in their ethnic and racial socialization, their grandparents were still mono racial and would never be able to fully grasp what it was like to be biracial. Despite this, all of the grandchildren appreciated their grandparents’ efforts. It seemed to the grandchildren that they would always have to grapple with their physical appearance, language skills and their contributions/role in the context that they were trying to be accepted into.

This led to a discussion about the grandchildren’s future interracial relationships, and their grandparents’ reactions to this. Most of the grandchildren commented that their grandparents would be supportive of their decision to enter into interracial relationships. One grandson mentioned that his grandmother was taking technology classes so that she would have something in common to talk about with his future significant other, seeing that technology is a big part of the culture in the Bay Area. Grandparents, however, also feared that their grandchildren might either become too Americanized or lose their Chinese heritage if they entered into an interracial relationship.

Now, let us discuss how these findings fit into the theoretical backgrounds that I used:

Bronfenbrenner’s theory, Root’s model, the BIDM Model, the COBI Model, and Rollins and

Hunter’s (2013) types of racial socialization messages and approaches. A concept map of grandparents’ ethnic and racial socialization of biracial grandchildren was developed. Please refer to Figure 1 in Appendix I. The findings of this study were congruent with the theories of

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Bronfenbrenner, Root, Rockquemore and Laszloffy, Poston, and Hunter and Rollins. In both

Bronfenbrenner’s and Root’s theories, the focus was on ecological factors and contexts.

Specifically, in terms of Root’s theory, the findings have shown how the ecological environment—living in the Bay Area, relationships with neighbors and peers, friends’ grandparents, membership in support groups, etc., Chinese cultural values—have interacted with grandparent and grandchild individual factors, such as grandparents and grandchildren’s gender, phenotype, and language skills. The findings have demonstrated how all of these factors have come to influence the ethnic and racial socialization of the biracial grandchildren.

In terms of Rockquemore and Laszloffy’s COBI (Continuum Of Biracial Identity) model, although some of the biracial grandchildren identified themselves as being more White, almost all of them mentioned that their identity was fluid and that they were able to “blend” their identity in with the context that they found themselves in. They would be in the middle of the

COBI continuum, rather than at either extreme. In Poston’s BIDM (Biracial Identity

Development Model), all of the biracial grandchildren and their grandparents had struggled with each of the five steps. All of them would be in the last step, integration. The Chinese grandparents and their grandchildren have found a way to see their identities as a blend of both

Chinese and White, rather than seeing their identities as one or the other, and being mutually exclusive. According to the biracial grandchildren, their grandparents showed their sensitivity toward them by making sure that their grandchildren never had to choose between either of their dual heritages. The grandchildren’s development of their self-concept was left up to them to decide. None of the grandparents insisted that their grandchild choose one heritage over the other or that they identify in a way that suits the grandparent but not the child.

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Finally, in terms of the grandparents, Hunter and Rollins’ categories of racial socialization messages and racial socialization approaches was a good method to classify the lessons that grandparents were teaching their biracial grandchildren. The interviews showed that the grandparents tried to teach their grandchildren about discrimination, especially when their grandchildren’s parents did not or could not. In terms of racial socialization messages, the grandparents used primarily egalitarianism. They not only taught their grandchildren about how to cope with racial discrimination, but they also encouraged their grandchildren to be successful in school, and to be tolerant and accepting of other people. Most of the biracial grandchildren were in or about to enter emerging adulthood, a period in-between adolescence and adulthood that is characterized by changes in residence, education and employment (Aquilino, 2006;

Arnett, 2000; Schwartz, Cote, & Arnett, 2005). Emerging adulthood is a period of identity exploration, the creation of new social networks, decreased parental support and monitoring, and increased independence. Many of the biracial grandchildren felt “safer” talking to their grandparents and they felt that their grandparents listened to them more (compared to their parents), when they wanted to address their identity issues or when they faced discriminatory situations.

Regarding the racial socialization approaches, grandparents used the promotive and protective approaches. These approaches aimed at strengthening the child’s sense of self, focused on passing down cultural traditions and values, and preparing the biracial child on how to cope effectively with racism and discrimination. Parents were more likely to use passive racial socialization approaches—doing nothing to prepare their children for discriminatory experiences.

In conclusion, there were positive outcomes for the biracial children whose grandparents racially and ethnically socialized them. In the literature, individuals who were racially socialized

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had higher grades and greater resiliency (Anglin & Wade, 2007; Langrehr, 2014; Stanton-

Salazar, 1997). Being prepared to encounter racism and discrimination can help minority and biracial youth to cope with racial conflict. Parents and other caregivers had to be careful to include messages of cultural/racial pride as well as culturally enriching experiences.

Almost all of the biracial grandchildren had protective factors in their lives. These factors included: First, loving and supportive grandparents and parents. Second, they came from relatively high socioeconomic backgrounds (SES). Third, they came from intact families, with their biological parents who were not divorced or separated. Finally, these grandchildren had high academic achievement. As a result, the study’s findings cannot be generalized to all White-

Chinese biracial individuals. It is only limited to the participants who participated in this study.

Limitations of the study, implications of the study and future research

Although this research has provided insight into the ecological influences and family influences that affect the ethnic and racial socialization of White-Chinese biracial grandchildren, there are still some limitations and suggestions for future research that need to be mentioned.

One of the major limitations of this study was the homogeneity of the sample. A limitation was that all of the grandparents and their grandchildren came from middle socioeconomic status backgrounds (SES). Age was also a limitation, because during the pre- recruitment stage, I wanted to recruit grandparents who were 55-70 years old. However, most of the grandparents in this age range had grandchildren who were still quite young and who I felt would not be as able to talk in-depth about the experiences that they have had with their grandparents. The final grandparent sample I ended up with were between the ages of 67-81 years old. These grandparents had older grandchildren who were better able to speak about their

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experiences with their grandparents when they were younger. Additionally, I was unable to evenly distribute the number of immigrant and U.S.-born grandparents.

Also, the sample was recruited from only one geographical area in the U.S. (i.e., the Bay

Area in Northern California), so that might have had an influence on the study’s findings. As

Root (1996) mentioned in her theory, the region of the country in which individuals live can have an effect on the racial attitudes and the racial identities of biracial individuals. So, in order to present a more realistic picture of biracial individuals in the U.S., it might be helpful to recruit participants from a wider range of SES as well as in different regions of the country (e.g., South,

Midwest, East Coast, etc.). In a future study, I would like to sample from inside San Francisco’s

Chinatown, with individuals who do not come from middle SES and who are recent immigrants.

Another limitation of my study was almost all of the biracial grandchildren and their families were two-parent families, where both biological parents and grandparents were present. Except for one (n=1) biracial grandchild whose mother and grandmother had passed away last year, all of the other grandchildren came from two-parent, residential biological families. In a future study, I would like to consider families where one parent is missing—for example, in divorced families or in families where a parent is incarcerated. It would also be interesting to sample from a wider range of socio-economic statuses. For example, sampling a lower-SES family might reveal whether or not SES has an influence. Also, by including wider SES levels, this might allow future researchers to see whether race and class intersect. For example, if a grandparent is poor and is more preoccupied with trying to locate employment, purchasing household necessities, and worried about pre-existing health conditions, how might these factors affect their decision to ethnically and racially socialize (or not) their biracial grandchildren?

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A future sample for this study would be to examine biracial individuals and families who are from different ethnic groups, and perhaps even intra-racially (e.g., Chinese-Korean,

Japanese-Chinese, etc.). It would be interesting to see how grandparents and racial socialization change depending on the country that an individual is living in. For example, would living in an all-Chinese rural village in China have different ethnic and racial socialization practices than in a more cosmopolitan setting such as Beijing or Shanghai? In a future study, it would also be interesting to see how a biracial parent’s racial background may overlap with their spouse’s. For example, if I recruited a White/Asian biracial mother who is married to a mono racial White man, it would be interesting to see if this couple would racially socialize their child according to their common single race (i.e., White) that both of them share. Or, would they try to create a balance between Asian and White heritages, as the grandparents did in this dissertation study?

For future studies, however, I would like to conduct a mixed methods study, which is a combination of using qualitative and quantitative data. A mixed methods study would provide me with more in-depth data. For example, I could supplement the qualitative data with a quantitative measure such as the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) (Phinney, 1992).

The MEIM would be able to measure ethnic identity. It is able to evaluate the extent to which individuals participate in ethnic behaviors, as well as how proud, happy and attached one is to their ethnic/racial background. The MEIM also measures how interested participants are in learning about their racial/ethnic background, as well as what their ethnicity means to them.

Therefore, by including a quantitative component, the study would be more comprehensive, meaningful and valid.

Finally, this study was a cross-sectional study. It might be interesting to conduct a longitudinal study to determine if there are any patterns in racial socialization and racial identity

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over time. A longitudinal study would also allow researchers to examine the interactions between biracial individuals and the significant aspects in their ecological context, over time.

Such a study would also allow us to see how grandparents’ racial socialization messages might change over time as they and their grandchildren enter middle and even late adulthood.

Moreover, what role do great-grandparents play in socialization?

Implications of the study. I hope that this study and the proposed model of White-

Chinese identity development will help families, parents and grandparents of biracial grandchildren to develop a better understanding of their lives. It would also be beneficial for them to know the effects of the ecological system and which systems can help or hinder the racial and ethnic socialization processes. The results from this study could be applied to other racial groups in society. For example, the role plays could be used by immigrant grandparents as a way to interact in a non-threatening way with their grandchildren. Ethnic churches could also use the findings to create programs and seminars for grandparents and specifically, biracial grandchildren. Schools and family service agencies could also provide more language classes so that children are exposed to their heritage language. Communities could also be empowered to find ways to help grandparents and their grandchildren who come from low-income families, to travel to their homelands to visit their villages or relatives abroad. This would expose the grandchildren to a different aspect of their heritage culture.

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APPENDICES

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APPENDIX A: Recruitment flyer

HELLO PARENTS! Please show this to Grandparents Grandparent study: Chinese grandparents of Chinese-Caucasian grandchildren. Looking at grandparent-grandchild relationships. Hello, My name is Grace Chee (中文名：徐佳慧), and I am a PhD student from Michigan State University who is studying Chinese grandparents and their grandchildren in the Bay Area. I need your help to understand how Chinese grandparents influence their Chinese- Caucasian grandchildren and the relationships that their Chinese-Caucasian grandchildren have with their grandparents. This study is important because it will show the relationships between grandparents and grandchildren and how they can understand each other better and grow in their relationship. The goals of the study are: 1.) To get a better understanding of family relationships; and 2.) Understand how values and culture are communicated between grandparents and their grandchildren. I am interested in interviewing grandparents and their grandchild. Interviews will last from 45 minutes to 1 hour. Grandparents and grandchildren will be given a $20 gift card. They will have the right to stop participating at any time and will be able to keep the $20 gift card. If you are interested or have any questions, please contact me at the following: Please complete this quick survey (should take about 5 minutes or less to complete): https://www.surveymonkey.com/s/8QYQHLM Grace Chee, MSW (中文名：徐佳慧) E-mail: [email protected] (please indicate “MSU Grandparent Study”) Phone number: 517-582-9622

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APPENDIX B: Informed consent letters for participants

Parent Informed Consent Form

Dear Parents:

I am a doctoral student in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University in East Lansing, Michigan. I would like to invite your children to participate in a research project about grandparent-grandchild relationships in Chinese-Caucasian families. Specifically, I am interested in how your children learn about their culture, family values, and identity from your parents (their grandparents).

Your child’s participation will include being interviewed twice for approximately 30 minutes to 40 minutes each time. A third interview of the same length may be added for clarification if it seems necessary. All of the interviews will be conducted by me.

Your child will not directly benefit from this study. However, your participation in this study may contribute to the understanding of grandparent-grandchild intergenerational relationships in biracial families. Participation in this study will not affect your child’s grades in school, or other personal or academic areas.

COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION:

To show my appreciation for your child’s participation, he/she will receive a $20 gift card for use at any Ranch 99 supermarket. There are no known risks associated with participation in this study. Your child might experience some unhappy memories in responding to the interview questions. However, I will offer you a list of local resources that you and your child may refer to should you feel the need to do so.

Your confidentiality will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law.

PROTECTION OF CONFIDENTIALITY:

I will protect your confidentiality as much as possible by using a pseudonym for your child and assigning your child a confidential identification number. I will give you a hard copy of the transcript for each of the interviews. Your child will be able to make any changes that he/she wants. Your child has the right to withdraw from the study at any time with no penalty. He/she will be able to keep the $20 gift card. Your child’s responses will be kept confidential.

The data will be kept at least three years (the regulatory minimum) after the completion of the study. The individuals/agencies who will have access to the data include: myself, the Human Research Protection Program at Michigan State University, and my Principal Investigator (PI), Dr. Desiree Qin, Ed.D., who is also at Michigan State University.

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The data will be stored on a password-protected computer (kept inside a locked file cabinet) and also on a password-protected computer in a locked office at my PI’s address at Michigan State University.

This study will be shared with my dissertation committee and other appropriate members of the Michigan State University community. I will also share this information with the Cupertino Senior Center and family service agencies. However, as mentioned above, your personal information and all identifying information will be kept strictly confidential.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

I appreciate your giving time to this study, which will help me learn more about grandparents and grandchildren in biracial families. If you have concerns or questions about this study, such as scientific issues, how to do any part of it, or to report an injury me at: 517-582-9622. Alternatively, you may also reach me by e-mail at: [email protected]. You may also contact my committee chairperson, Dr. Desiree Qin, Ed.D. at [email protected].

If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University's Human Research Protection Program at 517-355-2180, Fax 517-432-4503, or e-mail [email protected] or regular mail at 408 W. Circle Drive, Room 207 Olds Hall, MSU, East Lansing, MI 48824.

Thank you, Grace Chee, MSW

Please sign and print your name below if you have read and agree with the information presented and you are willing to participate in this dissertation research project.

You are making a decision whether or not to allow your child to participate. Your signature indicates that you have allowed your child to participate, having read the information provided above.

Signature______Print name______I agree to be audio taped ______Yes ______No Issued $20 gift card (parent signature) ______; Researcher signature ______Date______

This consent form was approved by a Michigan State University Institutional Review Board. Approved 01/12/15 – valid through 01/11/16. This version supersedes all previous versions. IRB # 14-130

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Grandparent Informed Consent Form

Dear Grandparents:

I am a doctoral student in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University in East Lansing, Michigan. I would like to invite you to participate in a research project about your experiences with your grandchild. I am interested in how you interact with your grandchild and how you teach them about their culture, family values and identity.

You will be interviewed twice for 45 minutes to one hour each time. A third interview of the same length may be added if it is necessary. All of the interviews will be conducted by me.

You will not directly benefit from this study. However, your participation in this study may contribute to the understanding of grandparent-grandchild intergenerational relationships in biracial families. Participation in this study will not affect your grades in school, or other personal or academic areas.

COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION:

To show my appreciation for your participation, you will receive a $20 gift card for use at any Ranch 99 supermarket. There are no known risks associated with participation in this study. You might experience some unhappy memories in responding to the interview questions. However, I will offer you a list of local resources that you may refer to should you feel the need to do so.

Your confidentiality will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law.

PROTECTION OF CONFIDENTIALITY:

I will protect your confidentiality as much as possible by using a pseudonym and assigning you a confidential identification number. I will give you a hard copy of the transcript for each of the interviews. You will be able to make any changes that you want. You have the right to withdraw from the study at any time with no penalty. You will be able to keep the $20 gift card. Your responses will be kept confidential.

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CONTACT INFORMATION:

Thank you, Grace Chee, MSW

Please sign and print your name below if you have read and agree with the information presented and you are willing to participate in this dissertation research project.

You are making a decision whether or not to participate. Your signature indicates that you have allowed yourself to participate, having read the information provided above.

Signature______Print name______I agree to be audio taped ______Yes ______No Issued $20 gift card (parent signature) ______; Researcher signature ______Date______

This consent form was approved by a Michigan State University Institutional Review Board. Approved 01/12/15 – valid through 01/11/16. This version supersedes all previous vers

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Child Informed Consent Form

Dear Child:

I am a doctoral student in the Department of Human Development and Family Studies at Michigan State University in East Lansing, Michigan. I would like to invite you to participate in a research project about your experiences with your grandparent(s). I am interested in how you interact with your grandparent(s) and how they teach you about your culture, family values and identity.

You will be interviewed twice for 30 minutes to 40 minutes each time. A third interview of the same length may be added if it is necessary. All of the interviews will be conducted by me.

COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION:

Your confidentiality will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law.

PROTECTION OF CONFIDENTIALITY:

I will protect your confidentiality as much as possible by using a pseudonym for you and assigning you a confidential identification number. I will give you a hard copy of the transcript for each of the interviews. You will be able to make any changes that you want. You have the right to withdraw from the study at any time with no penalty. You will be able to keep the $20 gift card. Your responses will be kept confidential.

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CONTACT INFORMATION:

Thank you, Grace Chee, MSW

Please sign and print your name below if you have read and agree with the information presented and you are willing to participate in this dissertation research project.

You are making a decision whether or not to participate. Your signature indicates that you have allowed yourself to participate, having read the information provided above.

Signature______Print name______I agree to be audio taped ______Yes ______No Issued $20 gift card initials ______; Researcher signature ______Date______

This consent form was approved by a Michigan State University Institutional Review Board. Approved 01/12/15 – valid through 01/11/16. This version supersedes all previous versions. IRB # 14-1302.

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APPENDIX C: Grandparent demographic questionnaire

ID #:______Grandmother or Grandfather (Circle one) Interviewer’s Name:______Time began: ______AM/PM; Time ended: ______AM/PM Date interview completed (mm/dd/yyyy): ______

1.) Age: ______2.) Sex:______3.) What is your level of education? a.) Elementary school b.) Middle school c.) High school d.) University/college e.) Professional, medical or graduate degree 4.) What is your spouse’s level of education? a.) Elementary school b.) Middle school c.) High school d.) University/college e.) Professional, medical or graduate degree 5.) Generally, how would you classify your socio-economic status? a.) Poor or lower class b.) Middle income or middle class c.) Middle-upper income d.) Wealthy or upper class

6.) Do you live with your grandchildren? Y or N 7.) Are you retired? Y or N a.) If so, what was your occupation? ______8.) Are you still working? Y or N a.) If yes, what is your occupation? ______

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APPENDIX D: Grandchildren demographic questionnaire

ID #:______Interviewer’s Name:______Time began: ______AM/PM; Time ended: ______AM/PM Date interview completed (mm/dd/yyyy): ______

1.) Name: ______2.) Chinese name (if applicable, can write in either Chinese characters or in English/Pinyin. If not, then please write, “N/A”): ______3.) Age:______4.) Sex: ______5.) School:______6.) Current grade in school: ______7.) City & State of Birth:______8.) Race of your parents: a.) Mother’s race: ______b.) Father’s race: ______

9.)Would you describe your current school as mostly white, mostly Asian, or something else? ______

9.) What type of neighborhood you grew up in: urban, suburban, small town, rural? ______10.)Would you describe your family’s current neighborhood as mostly white, mostly Asian, or something else? ______11.)Do you see your grandparents often? Y or N

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APPENDIX E: Interview questions for grandparents

Demographics

1.) Where do you currently live? How long have you been living there? 2.) What do you do (or did) for work? 3.) Did you immigrate to the United States? If yes, when? What was your experience like here? Do you talk about your immigration history with your grandchildren? 4.) What is your level of education? What about your spouse’s? 5.) How many grandchildren do you have? 6.) How old are your grandchildren? 7.) Do you reside: a.) With your children and grandchildren; b.) Within walking distance from them; c.) Within driving distance from them. 8.) If you do not live with your grandchildren, how often do you see your grandchildren, in person or via technology? Do you think that this has affected your relationship with them?

Perceptions of relationships with grandchildren

9.) When you think of your family, who or what comes to mind? 10.) What are the reasons for caring for your grandchildren? 11.) What do you find satisfying about being a grandparent? 12.) What meaning does life hold for you right now? 13.) Do you feel that your grandchildren are an important aspect of your life? 14.) Do you feel that your ethnicity and your spouse’s ethnicity affect how your grandchildren view their identity? Why or why not? 15.) Do you discuss your grandchild’s identities with them? 16.) What is the most difficult or unsatisfying aspect of being a grandparent, in general? 17.) What is the most challenging aspect of being a grandparent, specifically to a biracial grandchild? 18.) What types of activities do you participate in with your grandchildren? 19.) Do you think that your grandchildren perceive their relationships differently with you and your spouse? 20.) What is the most important thing that your children can learn from you and your spouse? Why? 21.) What do you say when someone asks you what your grandchild’s racial/ethnic background is? Do you think that your response will change as your grandchild matures? 22.) Tell me a story about positive or negative comments that you have received regarding your grandchild’s physical appearance that to other people represent his or her Chinese or White heritages. 23.) Do you feel free to share the wisdom and experience that you have learned? 24.) Did you have a good relationship with your own grandparents? 25.) Did you have a good relationship with your children? 26.) What advice would you offer to other grandparents of biracial grandchildren? 27.) What legacy will you leave for your children and grandchildren? 28.) What would be your view/opinion if your grandchild entered into an interracial relationship?

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Transmission of cultural values and racial socialization

29.) Do you think that grandmothers and grandfathers are influential in helping their grandchildren develop their family values? 30.) Do you talk to your grandchildren about their ancestors? 31.) How do you explain the concept of race to your grandchildren? What is the easiest aspect of doing this? The most difficult aspect? 32.) How do you pass down culture and values to your grandchildren? What is the easiest aspect of this? The most challenging? 33.) What aspects of your racial/ethnic heritage are the most important to you? 34.) What language did you primarily speak to your children when they were young? What language do you primarily speak to your grandchildren in? 35.) Do you think that the neighborhood your grandchild lives in affects language skills and language transmission? 36.) Do you think that language is an important part of your culture? 37.) Does your grandchild have a Chinese name? Do you think that having a Chinese name is an important part of Chinese culture? If so, how was his/her name chosen? Who selected his/her name? 38.) Tell me about your spiritual beliefs and practices. Do these beliefs and practices bring meaning to your grandchild’s biracial identity? 39.) How do you help your grandchildren with their identity formation? 40.) How do you racially socialize your grandchildren? 41.) Do you participate in any Chinese or ethnic activities with your grandchildren? 42.) What parts of your heritage and history do you want to pass on to your children/grandchildren? 43.) How do you think that your grandchildren view their biracial identities? 44.) Have/has your grandchild experienced discrimination or racism? If so, how have you dealt with this? If not, how do you think you would, should that occur? 45.) What do you think is being kept from generation to generation? 46.) What do you think is being lost from generation to generation?

Grandparents’ influence on parents

47.) Did you have a good relationship with your children? 48.) Does the relationship that you have with your children affect your relationship with your grandchildren? 49.) Do you feel that your relationship with your children is different from the relationship that you have with your grandchildren? If so, how? 50.) Do you feel that your relationship with your children has changed since the birth of your grandchild? 51.) Is your relationship with your grandchildren different from your relationship with your children? 52.) Do you feel that ethnicity is an issue with your daughter/son-in-law? Why or why not?

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Contextual/ecological influences

53.) Do you think that society’s views have changed toward older adults and their families? 54.) Do you think that society’s views have changed toward interracial relationships? 55.) Do you feel that society’s views have changed toward interracial marriages? Toward biracial children? Why? 56.) How do you feel about your grandchildren growing up as biracial individuals in today’s society? 57.) Do you know your grandchild’s peers? 58.) Do you think that your grandchildren’s peers affect how they view their identity? Why or why not? 59.) Do you think that living in a majority-Asian city affects how your grandchildren view their biracial identity? Why or why not? 60.) Is there anything else that we did not discuss that you would like to add?

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APPENDIX F: Interview questions for grandchildren

Demographics

1.) How old are you? 2.) What school do you attend? 3.) What grade are you in at school?

Perceptions of relationship with grandparents

4.) How would you describe your relationship with your grandparents? Are you closer to your grandmother, grandfather, or equally close to both? 5.) How often do you see your grandparents? 6.) What activities do you enjoy doing with your grandparents? 7.) How would you describe the relationship that you have with your parents? Are you closer to one parent over the other? Why or why not? 8.) What is the relationship like between your parents and grandparents? 9.) Are you closer to your grandparents, parents or equally to both? Why? 10.) Do you feel that you can talk to your grandparents about your experiences? 11.) Do you feel that you can talk to your parents about your experiences? 12.) Do you communicate with your grandparents directly, or do you feel that your parents also play a role in how your grandparents communicate? 13.) How do you think that what your grandparents and parents tell you now will influence you in your future?

Transmission of cultural values & racial socialization

14.) Do your grandparents ever talk to you about your ethnicity? 15.) How did you learn about race? 16.) Do your parents ever talk to you about your ethnicity? 17.) Do you have a Chinese name? How do you feel about it? Do you use it a lot in your family? At school? With friends? 18.) Please describe the impact/influence your grandparents have had on who you are as a biracial person. 19.) What are some examples of how you learned about your Chinese heritage from your grandparents? 20.) What legacy do you think that your grandparent(s) hope to leave with you? 21.) What words would you use to describe yourself? 22.) Do your grandparents pass down lessons about your culture and/or family values to you? How do you feel about these lessons? 23.) Do your grandparents take you to any Chinese or other ethnic activities/events? 24.) How have your grandparents helped to prepare you for discrimination/to face discriminatory acts? 25.) Do your parents pass down lessons about your culture and/or family values to you? How do you feel about these lessons? 26.) Who do you feel has been the most important in helping you to identify as you do?

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Contextual influences 27.) What are your feelings about being a biracial individual? 28.) What do you like the most about being a biracial individual? 29.) What is the most difficult thing about being a biracial individual? 30.) How would you define your identity? 31.) How important is your identity to you? Why? 32.) How do you feel about growing up in a largely Asian-majority city or neighborhood? Do you think that this has affected your sense of identity? 33.) Are your friends of the same race as you are? 34.) Do you think that your friends have an influence on your identity? Why or why not? 35.) What are your thoughts about interracial relationships? 36.) Do you think that society’s views have changed toward biracial individuals? 37.) Have you experienced discrimination or racism against you because of your biracial identity? If so, how did you deal with this? If not, how would you if you were faced with this situation? 38.) What advice would you give to other biracial individuals? 39.) What are some of the subtle ways that people treat you differently because of your race? 40.) Describe a situation in which you felt uncomfortable, insulted or disrespected by a comment that had racial overtones. 41.) Think about some of the stereotypes that exist about the Chinese or about Asians in general. How have others subtly expressed their stereotypical beliefs about you? 42.) Have people suggested that you do not belong here because of your biracial heritage? 43.) Is there anything else that we did not discuss that you would like to add?

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APPENDIX G: Research questions and interview questions

Table 7: Research questions and interview questions

Research question Interview questions 1a.) What are the ways Chinese grandparents *What do you say when someone asks you transmit cultural values and racial what your grandchild’s racial/ethnic socialization to their biracial grandchildren? background is? Do you think that your response will change as your grandchild matures? * How do you racially socialize your grandchildren? *What language did you speak to your children in when they were young? What language do you primarily speak to your grandchildren in? *Do you think that language is an important part of your culture? *Do you think that the neighborhood your grandchild lives in affects language skills and language transmission? *Do you participate in any Chinese or ethnic activities with your grandchildren? *Do you think that society’s views have changed toward interracial relationships? *Do you feel that society’s views have changed toward interracial marriages? Toward biracial children? Why? *How do you feel about your grandchildren growing up as biracial individuals in today’s society?

1b.) How does Chinese grandparents’ own Chinese identity affect the racial socialization *What do you say when someone asks you of their grandchildren? what your grandchild’s racial/ethnic background is? Do you think that your response will change as your grandchild matures? * How do you racially socialize your grandchildren? *What language did you speak to your children in when they were young? What language do you primarily speak to your grandchildren in?

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Table 7 (cont’d)

Research question Interview questions 1c.) How do grandparents help to support the *Did you have a good relationship with your Chinese parents’ socialization of their biracial children? children? *Does the relationship that you have with your children affect your relationship with your grandchildren? *Do you feel that your relationship with your children is different from the relationship that you have with your grandchildren? If so, how? *Do you feel that your relationship with your children has changed since the birth of your grandchild? *Is your relationship with your grandchildren different from your relationship with your children? *Do you feel that ethnicity is an issue with your daughter or son-in-law? Why or why 2a.) What factors affect how the biracial not? grandchild feels about being biracial?

*Do you have a Chinese name? How do you feel about it? Do you use it a lot in your family? At school? With friends? *What words would you use to describe yourself? *Who do you feel has been the most important in helping you to identify as you do? *What are your feelings about being a biracial individual? *What do you like the most about being a biracial person? *What is the most difficult thing about being a biracial person? *How would you define your identity? *How important is your identity to you? Why?

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Table 7 (cont’d)

Research question Interview questions 2b.) Specifically, does grandparent racial *Are you closer to your grandparents, parents socialization affect the biracial grandchild’s or equally close to both? Why? feelings about being biracial? *Do you feel that you can talk to your grandparents about your experiences? *Do you feel that you can talk to your parents about your experiences? *Do you communicate with your grandparents directly, or do you feel that your parents also play a role in how you and your grandparents communicate? *How do you think that what your grandparents and parents tell you now will influence you in your future? *Do your grandparents ever talk to you about your ethnicity? *How did you learn about race? *Do your grandparents pass down lessons about your culture and/or family values to you?

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APPENDIX H: Major themes and subthemes

GRANDPARENT THEMES: ETHNIC SOCIALIZATION

1b.) How does Chinese grandparents’ own Chinese identity affect the ethnic socialization of their biracial grandchildren?

A.) Defining aspects of their own ethnic identity first before teaching their

grandchildren:

* “Inner core” as a Chinese person.

*Seeing themselves as bicultural: Being “American” but yet a perpetual foreigner.

*Influence of living in the Bay Area.

*Gender: Grandmothers vs. grandfathers.

*What is being kept from generation to generation.

*What is being lost from generation to generation.

B.) Influence of living in the Bay Area.

C.) Engaging in cultural activities and practices:

Cultural activities:

*Visiting China to see their relatives.

*Use of role plays (support and against).

*Chinese church (benefits and negative aspects).

Cultural practices:

*Giving their grandchildren Chinese names.

1c.) How do grandparents help support the Chinese parents’ socialization of their biracial

children?

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B.) Lessons learned from having been parents:

* Grandparents wishing that they did more/less in socializing their own

children and lessons learned.

E.) Appreciating both heritages:

*Challenges in appreciating both Chinese and White cultures.

RACIAL SOCIALIZATION

1a.) What are the factors and the challenges that Chinese grandparents face when transmitting racial socialization to their biracial grandchildren?

A.) Factors contributing to racial socialization of their grandchildren:

*Preparing grandchildren for bias; egalitarianism; promotion of mistrust.

B.) Challenges to racial socialization:

*Lack of family support—Racist paternal White grandparents.

BIRACIAL GRANDCHILDREN THEMES: ETHNIC SOCIALIZATION

2b.) What are the challenges that biracial grandchildren encounter when their grandparents try to racially socialize them?

A.) Influence of birth order.

B.) Influence of grandchildren’s gender on ethnic socialization:

*With their Chinese grandparents.

*With their White grandparents.

2c.) How does language affect ethnic socialization?

C.) Importance of knowing the Chinese language.

*Knowledge of Chinese and its influence on their relationship with their grandparents.

D.) Effect of geographic distance on socialization

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Thus, these themes and sub-themes help to describe and summarize the similarities/differences between the participants. The following section discusses the findings.

RACIAL SOCIALIZATION

2a.) What racial factors affect how the biracial grandchildren feel about being biracial?

A.) Experiences with neighbors and neighborhoods in the Bay Area:

*Influence of friends’ grandparents on how they see themselves.

B.) Bicultural grandchildren’s challenges:

*Effect of phenotype.

* Having a ”fluid identity” to fit in with different contexts.

*Effects of Asian stereotypes.

*Relationship between language and closeness to grandparents.

*Grandparents not biracial—therefore, they do not “get it.”

*Grandchildren’s future interracial relationships.

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APPENDIX I: Interview questions by theoretical framework

Table 8: Interview questions by theoretical framework

Theoretical framework Interview questions Ecological theory/framework *Do you think that your grandchildren’s peers Influence of extended family and friends affect how they view their biracial identity? Why or why not? *How often do you see your grandparents? *What activities do you enjoy doing with your grandparents? *Are your friends of the same race as you are? *Do you think that your friends have an influence on your identity? Why or why not?

Family identity *When you think of your family, what comes to mind?

Family influence *Did you have a good relationship with your children? *Does the relationship that you have with your children affect your relationship with your grandchildren? *Do you feel that your relationship with your children is different from the relationship that you have with your grandchildren. If so, how? *Do you feel that your relationship with your children has changed since the birth of your grandchild? *Is your relationship with your grandchildren different from your relationship with your children? *How would you describe your relationship with your grandparents? Are you closer to your grandmother, your grandfather, or equally close to both? *How would you describe the relationship that you have with your parents? Are you closer to one parent over the other? Why or why not? *What is the relationship like between your parents and grandparents?

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Table 8 (cont’d)

Theoretical framework Interview questions Neighborhood/school/community *Do you think that the neighborhood your grandchild lives in affects language skills and language transmission? *Do you think that society’s views have changed toward older adults and their families? *Do you think that society’s views have changed toward interracial relationships? *Do you feel that society’s views have changed toward interracial marriages? Toward biracial children? Why? *How do you feel about your grandchildren growing up as biracial individuals in today’s society? *Do you think that living in a majority-Asian city affects how your grandchildren view their biracial identity? Why or why not? *How do you feel about growing up in a largely Asian-majority city or neighborhood? Do you think that this has affected your sense of identity? *Do you think that society’s views have changed toward biracial individuals? Experience of raising biracial grandchildren *What are the reasons for caring for your grandchildren? *What do you find satisfying about being a grandparent? *Do you think that your identity as a Chinese person affects the racial socialization of your grandchildren? *Do you feel that your grandchildren are an important aspect of your life? *Do you discuss your grandchild’s biracial identity with them? *What is the most difficult or unsatisfying aspect of being a grandparent in general? *What is the most challenging aspect of being a grandparent, specifically to a biracial grandchild/grandchildren?

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Table 8 (cont’d)

Theoretical framework Interview questions Ethnic/cultural socialization *What types of activities do you participate in with your grandchildren? *Do you have a Chinese name? How do you feel about it? Do you use it a lot in your family? At school? With friends? *Do your grandparents pass down lessons about your culture and/or family values to you? How do you feel about these lessons? *Do your grandparents take you to many Chinese or other ethnic activities/events? *Do your parents pass down lessons about your culture/family values to you? How do you feel about these lessons? *What are some examples of how you learned about your Chinese heritage from your grandparents? *What legacy do you think that your grandparents hope to leave with you? *What language did you primarily speak to your children when they were growing up? What language do you primarily speak to your grandchildren in?

Racial socialization *Do you feel that your ethnicity and your spouse’s ethnicity affect how your grandchildren view their ethnicity? Why or why not? *Do you think that your grandchildren perceive their relationships differently with you and your spouse? *What is the most important thing that your children can learn from you and your spouse? Why? *Do you think that grandmothers and grandfathers are influential in helping their grandchildren develop their family values? *Do you talk to your grandchildren about their ancestors? *Do your grandparents ever talk to you about your ethnicity?

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Table 8 (cont’d)

Theoretical framework Interview questions Issues or problems in racial and ethnic *What do you say when someone asks you socialization what your grandchild’s racial/ethnic background is? Do you think that your response will change as your grandchild matures? *Tell me a story about positive or negative comments that you have received regarding your grandchild’s physical appearance that to other people represent his/her Chinese or White heritages. *Do you feel free to share the wisdom and experience that you have learned? *Did you have a good relationship with your own grandparents? *Did you have a good relationship with your children? *What are some subtle ways that people treat you differently because of your race? *Describe a situation in which you felt uncomfortable, insulted or disrespected by a comment that had racial overtones. *Think about some of the stereotypes that exist about the Chinese or about Asians in general. How have others subtly expressed their stereotypical beliefs about you? *Have people suggested that you don’t belong here because of your biracial heritage? *What would be your opinion if your grandchild entered into an interracial relationship? *How do you explain the concept of race to your grandchildren? What is the easiest aspect of doing this? The most difficult aspect? *How do you pass down culture and values to your grandchildren? What is the easiest aspect of this? The most challenging?

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APPENDIX J: Concept map of grandparent socialization

Figure 1: Concept map of grandparent socialization

Ethnic socialization

*Seeing oneself as bicultural Biracial *Grandmothers vs. grandfathers grandchildren’s *What is kept/lost inter ethnic and racial Chinese generationally socialization grandparent’s *Visiting China own identity *Chinese church *Chinese names *Lessons learned from own children *Challenges in appreciating both Chinese and White cultures

Living in the Bay Area Racial

socialization Racial socialization *Neighbors and Ethnic neighborhoods *Promotion of egalitarianism socialization in Bay Area *Promotion of mistrust *Birth order *Phenotype *Preparation for bias *Gender *”Fluid ID” *Use of role plays *Geographic *Language *Racist White grandparents distance *Grandparents *Effects of Asian stereotypes from not biracial grandparent *Future interracial relationships

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