Vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), 240-255 | DOI: 10.18352/rg.10138

The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit

S. Jonathon O’Donnell*

Abstract

‘Third wave’ neo-charismatic evangelical discourses of envision the world as caught within a struggle between good and evil, in which demonic forces play an active role in shaping the lives of individuals, institutions, and nations. In contemporary American spiritual warfare discourse one demonic spirit has gained particular notoriety: the Jezebel spirit. Through a close reading of American spiritual warfare manuals, this article explores constructions of the Jezebel spirit and her place in third wave . Constructed as a spiritual force reigning over an errant United States, the figure of Jezebel facilitates a discursive conflation of personal and social bodies in which the ‘present absences’ of ‘deviant’ (gendered, sexualised, racialised) bodies within the nation become figured as threatening to both national and spiritual survival. Drawing on poststructuralist, postcolonial, and queer theory, the article unpacks how Jezebel is constructed as a figure of feminised absence and multiplicity, whose ‘illegitimate’ possession of ‘deviant’ places and persons renders them as territories of absence that must be restored to normative presence through the reinscription of God’s will.

Keywords spiritual warfare; ; Jezebel; ; assemblages; queer theory; homophobia; colonialism.

Introduction

was founded upon the loss of a body,’ Michel de Certeau once wrote, ‘the loss of the body of Jesus Christ, compounded with the loss of the “body” of Israel, and its genealogy’ (1992: 81). This lost body orients the believer. As Anna Strhan explores in her study of ‘St John’s,’ a conservative evangelical Anglican church in London, the sinful, fragmented, transient state of the believer is con- trasted with (and constituted in contrast to) the morally pure, transcendent, and immutable nature of God. Belief, faith, and desire condition this juxtaposi- tion, creating ‘a sense of absence and incompleteness in the present, which will

*Correspondence: Aoyama Gakuin University and Lakeland University, Japan, and SOAS, University of London, UK. E-mail: [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License (3.0) Religion and Gender | ISSN: 1878-5417 | www.religionandgender.org | Uopen Journals Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit be fulfilled by God… in a future consummation of that relationship’ (2015: 172). Strhan speaks of God in this context as a ‘present absence’ – a presence whose absence is always present to believers, conditioning their experience of a secular world that becomes coded as the bearer of ontological and moral lack. Like Strhan’s text, this article explores the negotiations of Christian identity in relation to a present absence. Yet this absence is not (only) the absent bodies of Christ or Israel – the absence of a once and future presence – but the body of absence ‘itself,’ of what is constructed as arising in the void that opens up with the loss of a body figured as God, nation, and the lineage and legacy of that nation. This body of absence is one explicitly figured as demonic. As Strhan discloses, a key framework by which St John’s rector encouraged his congrega- tion to engage the secular world was ‘spiritual warfare,’ a conception of real- ity as torn between good and evil in which resistance to Christianity is figured as part of a cosmic war against demons (2015: 87–90). This framing is neither idiosyncratic nor new. In the early modern period, demons signified a ‘present time dominated by decadence and pain,’ juxtaposed to a prelapsarian past and millennial future (Maggi 2014: 773). Today, growing numbers of charismatic Christians perceive themselves as engaged in spiritual conflict, in which the ‘everyday lives and ultimate the destinies of individuals, peoples, and nations’ are caught in a war ‘between God and , light and darkness, good and evil, Truth and the lie’ (Marshall 2016: 93). This conflict re-contextualises the sense of absence Strhan identifies. It reframes the battle such believers wage as not merely against a sense of God’s present absence but against demonic and demonised forces that represent the absence of that presence. This article charts this struggle against demonised absence by spiritual ­warriors in the United States. Engaging in a close reading of spiritual warfare ­manuals – a hybrid of self-help guide, tactical manual, and demonological trea- tise – by conservative neo-charismatic evangelicals known as the ‘third wave,’ it explores intersections between spiritual warriors’ mission to restore divine pres- ence and cultural conflicts around race, gender, and sexuality in contemporary America.1 I focus initially on the core concepts of third wave spiritual warfare, particularly ‘spiritual mapping’ – a discourse that maps spaces (neighbourhoods, cities, nations) and their inhabitants into territories of light and darkness. Read- ing spiritual mapping through a poststructuralist and postcolonial heuristic, I contend that despite (or because of) its global conception of spiritual warfare, spiritual mapping privileges America and its national integrity – the integrity of the ‘body’ of (normative, Christian) America – as the lynchpin of its cosmic war.

1 The texts analysed are drawn from a larger 2011–2015 survey of over two hundred spiritual warfare manuals published or republished in America 2002–2013, supplemented with recent works. While they may be read internationally, these manuals are targeted at a U.S. audiences, exhibited by their deployments of cultural references, prominent social issues, and narratives of foreign missions that position America as centre. The manuals discussed have been selected not for the prominence of their authors but because their style and contents are representative of generic conventions. I have opted for generic conventions over author prominence because while some may have more online followers or offline speaking engagements, actual influence on believers is difficult to ascertain. By focusing on conventions and common imagery shared by ostensibly unaffiliated spiritual warriors, I hope to unpack the web of connections and associations woven around the figure of Jezebel within American spiritual warfare discourse.

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In U.S. spiritual warfare discourses, one demonic spirit is emphasised as a threat to this integrity and has attained near ubiquity in spiritual warfare literature: the Jezebel spirit. As Jennifer Leath (2013) outlines, Jezebel exists at the intersection of reli- gious allegiances, projects of nation-building, and corruptive notions of sex- uality, and has long been intertwined with a racialised history of sexual and material exploitation. The Jezebel spirit adopts and exceeds such associations, becoming a ‘’ ruling an errant America, driving support for non- heteronormative gender and sexual acts and identities, immigration, and mul- tireligious and multicultural pluralism. Unpacking the figure of Jezebel in third wave writings, I argue that the Jezebel spirit is constructed as a body of absence and/as multiplicity that arises in the void left by ‘the loss of a body.’ Blurring borders between personal and social bodies, the presence of ‘deviant’ (gen- dered, sexualised, racialised) bodies within the nation is constructed as actualis- ing this Jezebelian body, eroding the ‘traditional’ hierarchies of family, church, and nation through ‘sexual sins’ that ‘defile’ the ‘body’ of America. Ultimately, I contend that the Jezebel spirit signifies an inverted mirror of the third wave itself, revealing tensions in its political imaginary and embodying a reticulate assemblage of religious, political and media forms by which non-Christian ­destinies of America are made manifest.

Absence Territories

While contemporary American deployments of spiritual warfare may be traced to early twentieth-century Pentecostal revivalism, it was not until the mid-­ eighties that the paradigm began to be integrated into wider U.S. evangelical- isms (Marshall 2016; McCloud 2015). Popularised by the writings of evangelists such as Cindy Jacobs, Eddie and Alice Smith, George Otis, Rebecca Greenwood, and C. Peter Wagner, this milieu understood itself as a ‘third wave’ (in ­Wagner’s phrase) of Christian charismatic revival, succeeding the Pentecostal revivals (first wave) and the post-war evangelical charismatic movement (second wave). Draw- ing on the charismatic tradition of ‘signs and wonders’ and believing history to be in the end-times, ‘third wave’ evangelicals believe God has bestowed ‘gifts of the Spirit’ on Christians to aid them against Satan’s armies. Such gifts include prophecy, healing, speaking tongues, and (most central here) the power to dis- cern and expel demons. This is accomplished with an ensemble of related prac- tices, including deliverance () rituals, intercessory prayer, and ‘spiritual­ mapping.’ The last is perhaps the third wave’s most defining and controversial teaching (Holvast 2009; Marshall 2016; McCloud 2013), and the one I focus on below. At its heart, third wave spiritual warfare claims that behind every phenom- enal event – from personal sickness to systemic poverty to the rise and fall of nations – is a spiritual cause, either angelic or demonic (McCloud 2015). In his spiritual warfare manual The Three Battlegrounds, pastor Francis Frangipane defines spiritual warfare as a battle over ‘one essential question: Who will con- trol reality on earth, heaven or hell?’ As angels and demons are spiritual, this war is fought not with physical weapons but ‘the power of agreement’ between humanity and the spirit world (2006: 109). The core of spiritual warfare might

242 Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit thus be understood as a spiritualised conflict over hegemonic perceptions of reality and the material impact such perceptions have. The task of third wave spiritual warriors is to use their spiritual gifts to shift the balance of these war- ring spiritual forces and alter the perception and material conditions of life before world’s end (Marshall 2016; McCloud 2015). Spiritual warfare manuals such as those analysed here are key to this task, instructing readers on methods for discerning and then expelling demonic influences in their lives and environs. Spiritual mapping, a form ‘of geomancy that discerns where and why demons control spaces and places, ranging from houses and neighbourhoods to entire countries’ (McCloud 2013: 171), is one such method. In spiritual warfare, the absence of God – the loss of a body – is understood as creating spaces of darkness, within which demons dwell and from which they must be expelled. As Frangipane explains, ‘Satan has a legal access, given to him by God, to dwell in the domain of darkness.’ This darkness is a domain of absence, but ‘its cause is not simply the absence of light; it is the absence of God, who is light’ (2006: 14). While sharing a common cause (the absent body), such darknesses come in different forms and necessitate different measures. There is a moral darkness within believers, produced by sin, requiring deliverance. There is a darkness in organisations that support ‘un-godly’ ways of being, requir- ing equally organised intercessory prayer. Lastly, there is a darkness that cov- ers territories. This must be fought with spiritual mapping, which identifies the ‘­territorial spirits’ (of which Jezebel is one) that ‘rule over given regions or ter- ritories at Satan’s behest’ (Jorgensen 2005: 447). Spiritual warriors then deploy ‘a combination of prayers of intercession and political commitment in order to “cast the demons out of the structures (and) get structures back to their role, their vocation, the kingdom of God”’ (Fer 2015: 62). As Matthew Lee, Margaret Poloma and Stephen Post demonstrate in their study of religious outreach motivations, spiritual warriors frame intercession as a mission for positive change, ‘driven by a conception of “the good” that propo- nents see as consistent with the will of God’ (2013: 209). But such intercessions have profound material impacts on those bodies and territories framed as not ‘consistent with’ this will. With its dualistic worldview and logic of possession, spiritual warfare reflects what Jacques Derrida termed heliopolitics: the ‘ancient clandestine friendship between light and power… between theoretical objec- tivity and technico-political possession.’ For Derrida, metaphors of light often served to obscure mechanisms of oppression through appeals to Truth, masking acts of violence with claims to objectivity (2001: 113–114). While he is particu- larly addressing philosophy, this dynamic is also observable in spiritual warfare. As Frangipane’s imagery suggests, in spiritual warfare domains of darkness are associated with divine absence; (re)claiming them thus becomes framed through the structuring metaphor of light as a metonym for God, truth, and presence. The prominent third wave minister John Eckhardt deploys similar language in his preface to Jennifer LeClaire’s Satan’s Deadly Trio, stating that ‘Satan hates light and truth,’ since ‘Light and truth will disarm and defeat the agenda of hell’ (2014: 10). While demons have rights to inhabit territories of darkness, these are – to cite evangelical godfather – merely a form of ‘squatters’ rights’ (1977: 116), to be rescinded with the return of the lost body. The territo- ries of darkness are ephemeral spaces that will eventually be filled (and thereby erased) by God’s light: ‘When light is turned on in a dark room,’ Frangipane writes by way of analogy, ‘darkness becomes light’ (2006: 112).

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As Sandie Freed makes clear, this transformation is as available for people as for places: ‘We cannot be held captive in darkness,’ she proclaims in Destiny Thieves, ‘for we are children of the light!’ (2007: 144). Connections between places and people in spiritual mapping are particularly important, constructing a vision of the nation that sociologist Yannick Fer encapsulates as ‘an ontologi- cal bond between a people and a territory,’ one that ‘crystalizes a new char- ismatic political imaginary’ by figuring spaces and their inhabitants as under divine (proper) or demonic (improper) influence (2015: 62). This construction of the nation is traceable across spiritual warfare manuals. ‘There cannot be two ruling entities over a nation,’ Cindy Jacobs explains in The Supernatural Life. ‘Depending upon our intercession, the righteousness or sin of a nation, and other spiritual factors, either the angel of the Lord or a will be enthroned over that country’ (2005: 135). Only one is correct, however: unless fallen angels are dethroned, Freed elaborates in Breaking the Threefold Demonic Cord, ‘entire nations are cursed with poverty and infirmity; they have bowed down to false images, and a death structure of iniquity is established’ (2008: 88). Yet as LeClaire writes of missioning in an unnamed nation ‘known for its false ’ where ‘Jezebel rules,’ this dethroning is not easy: demons sow discord among in ‘Gospel-hostile nations,’ filling them with doubt and depression to drive them out (2014: 15–17). Notions of missioning in ‘Gospel-hostile’ nations position spiritual warfare as international, ‘a global campaign operating in regional theatres of conflict’ (Jorgensen 2005: 447). Neither the ‘third wave’ nor its paradigms are confined to America alone, as illustrated by spiritual warfare language used by Strhan’s London church and by churches in China (Ooi 2006), (Marshall 2016), (Stambach 2009), and Papua New Guinea (Jorgensen 2005). While glob- ally dispersed, many such churches are linked either by contact or mediated networks, constituting the ‘third wave’ not as a single organization but rather as what Poloma and Lee term ‘multiple relationship networks that are amorphous, fluid, and reticulate’ (2013: 78). Disparate local communities are here plugged into a vision of global conflict by (trans)national flows of digi- tal communication, missionary activism, and – like Pentecostal and charismatic Christianities broadly – the globalizing systems of neoliberal capitalism (­Coleman 2000; McCloud 2015). In its structure, imbrications, and affinities, the third wave can be considered part of what William Connolly terms the ‘evangelical-­ capitalist resonance machine’ – a reticulate, fluid assemblage of religious, politi- cal, economic, and media forms that affectively resonate with and reinforce one another. It is perhaps in spiritual warfare itself that this assemblage is most visibly manifested. Drawing on Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Connolly defines assemblages as ‘temporal complex[es] in which numerous coexisting elements are simultane- ously interinvolved, externally related, and jostled by flows that exceed these two modes of connection’ (2008: 12). That is, assemblages are situated, mobile sets of elements not constituted by clear-cut relations between them but rather by complexity, volatility, and ‘messiness.’ As Jasbir Puar writes, viewing some- thing as assemblage ‘enables attention to ontology in tandem with epistemol- ogy, affect in conjunction with representational economies, within which bodies interpenetrate, swirl together, and transmit affects and effects to each other’ (2007: 205). As I shall demonstrate, while the third wave views spiritual war- fare as an inevitable inscription of light/presence over darkness/absence, their

244 Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit conjurations of the Jezebel spirit reveal tensions and mobility in spiritual war- fare’s assemblage. Joining individual, institutional and national bodies through affective relation and mutual imbrication, spiritual warfare reflects a complex, embedded series of porous and volatile parts in which presence and absence intersect, inflect, and infect one another; changes at any level ripple through and transform the wider assemblage. The complex interconnectivity of spiritual warfare’s assemblage is important given the asymmetry – or at least the asymmetrical framing – of the ‘regional the- atres’ in U.S.-based spiritual warfare discourse. As McCloud contends, American­ third wave evangelicalism is dependent on its mission fields in the Global South, a ‘dependence’ resting on the third wave understanding of all non-evangelical religions, religious figures, objects, and sites as ‘either actual demons or the abodes of demonic presence’ (2013: 169–170; Holvast 2009; Jorgensen 2005). American spiritual warfare manuals contain many tales of missionary journeys to non-evangelical regions, where they battle demons and gain insights for U.S. audiences, including how to counter the revitalisation of Native American tradi- tions (Ing 1996: 264) or Jezebel’s hold over America (LeClaire 2014: 17). Religious claims by non-evangelical peoples are here taken as ‘true’ insofar as they are genuine experiences of spiritual reality – one the secularised Global North has forgotten – but their ‘truth’ is subsumed into and reframed by the third wave’s heliopolitical imaginary. Renè Holvast links this imaginary to American exceptionalism. Analysing the context in which the third wave emerged, he argues that spiritual mapping reflects both cold war bipolarity and ideas of America as a saviour nation, whose ‘superior’ civilisation was to be exported around the world. In spiritual mapping, he claims, ‘the destiny of the Christian version of the U.S. was manifest’ (2009: 286). The specificity of this version of America is important. As discussed, spiri- tual warfare can be framed as a conflict over hegemonic perceptions of reality. Spiritual mapping reveals the colonial dynamics of this conflict, asU.S.-based ­ spiritual warriors attempt to inscribe their truth over that of the inhabitants of their multiple mission fields. To draw on Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, the realities of non-evangelical peoples are here rendered ‘uninscribed earth’ in a project of third wave ‘worlding.’ For Spivak ‘worlding’ refers to the ‘epistemic violence’ by which imperialism inscribes itself onto colonised spaces through the ‘colonial presupposition of an uninscribed earth’ on which they could inscribe the cartographies of their own world (1985: 264). Although non-evangelical worlds are ‘far from mere uninscribed earth’ (Ibid. 253), the heliopolitical imagi- nary of the third wave positions a sovereign Subject – the spiritual warrior – as possessing the authority to overwrite those worlds with his or her own. It is in the context of third wave worlding that their of the Jezebel spirit must be situated, for – as I will discuss – Jezebel destabilises the ‘Christian ver- sion’ of America on which this worlding is grounded.

Conjuring Jezebel

Jezebel is a familiar figure in conservative Christian writings – in his study of Christian celebrity authors, Richard Bartholomew sets an author apart solely because he does not discuss her (2006: 8). Since her deployment in America’s late twentieth-century culture wars, Jezebel has been a subject of several studies

Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 245 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit and attempted reclaimings (Duff 2001; Gaines 1999; Keller 1996; Leath 2013; Pippin 1999; Quinby 1999). Many of these focus on her scriptural origins. In the narrative of 1 and 2 Kings, she is a Phoenician princess who marries the Israel- ite king, Ahab, and leads him and Israel into polytheism, violently persecutes Israel’s priesthood and the prophet Elijah, and is finally defeated by Jehu, who restores the normative, masculine order of Israelite monarchy and monothe- ism. Her name later recurs in Revelation, projected onto a prophet in Thyatira accused of leading Christians astray with ‘sexual immorality’ and idolatrous acts of worship. As Lee Quinby notes, these figurations as sinful queen and false prophet work together to form a composite image of Jezebel in contemporary America as ‘a calculating and murderous woman whose defeat carries apocalyp- tic urgency’ (1999: 105). The Jezebel spirit maintains many of the same associations that Jezebel holds in wider conservative Christian discourses, however spiritual warfare re-contextualises these associations.2 As Holvast writes, advances in LGBT and reproductive rights, and the growth of multireligious and multicultural plural- ism during the 1990s caused many conservative evangelicals to project the idea of an enemy grander and more unified than these individual struggles: ‘The threat could not be human – it came from behind the scenes, from Satan and his forces’ (2009: 289). The Jezebel spirit is identified as one of the most powerful of these forces, transcending Jezebel’s status as a mortal woman to become a territorial spirit of which human Jezebels are mere vassals and vessels. Projected as orchestrating sociocultural phenomena and political projects such as femi- nism, LGBT rights, reproductive rights, pornography, Hollywood, foreign and/ or syncretic religions, and the Democratic Party, Jezebel embodies the terror of that subset of American culture for which Christianity is needed for the moral, economic, cultural and militaristic health of the nation.3 If for the third wave, the nation represents an ontological bond between people and territory, the

2 In contrast to the biblical figure broadly, the ‘Jezebel spirit’ has commanded little scholarly attention. She is briefly mentioned by McCloud in relation to a claim that Jezebel controls the Democratic party (2015: 31–33). Leath (also briefly) ties Jezebel’s spiritualization to her deracialization (2013: 201), while Janet Gaines situates the Jezebel spirit as one example of prose adaptations of Jezebel’s narrative (1999: 105–106). Stark and van Deventer (2009) engage with her in detail, but focus only on two spiritual warfare manuals and have a theological focus, arguing that notions of a ‘Jezebel spirit’ misread scripture. Although accusations of improper exegesis might trouble spiritual warriors, I am less concerned with whether Jezebel should be read as a demonic spirit than that she has already been read as such, and what broader discursive and affective relations this reading helps provoke or proscribe. 3 Jezebel signifies many of the same associations that Erin Runions (2014) identifies in contemporary U.S. figurations of . Indeed, the two are sometimes conflated – drawing on explicit and implicit parallels between them in the (Duff 2001: 91). However, in spiritual warfare they are usually either a pair of co-morbid sister spirits or Babylon is constructed as the cultural and political systems through which Jezebel works, a counterfeit Body that mimics the Church as Body of Christ (LeClaire 2013: 59, 64). Notably, while Babylon often symbolises ungodly unity and diversity (Runions 2014: 3), Jezebel is primarily aligned with the latter; Sampson declares that ‘God puts a high premium on unity and hates division’ (2012: 97), while LeClaire states that ‘unity is the goal. Jezebel opposes this by tossing people to and fro with its doctrines, trickery, craftiness and deceitful plotting’ (2013: 139). 246 Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit

Jezebel spirit signifies this bond made abject: Unchristian Americas made mani- fest by Unchristian Americans. Jezebel’s displacement of ‘Christian America’ is articulated through readings of her biblical narratives, which are figured as archetypal of the spirit’s opera- tions and condition her narrative role as triply othered – as woman, foreigner, and idolater. As LeClaire succinctly states, ‘Queen Jezebel so personified the spirit of Jezebel that this is what we call it’ (2013: 20). Steve Sampson explains this personification further in Confronting Jezebel: ‘young Jezebel was raised under two pagan deities [Ashtoreth and Baal]. She became a wicked and rebel- lious queen who usurped the rulership of Israel… Because of the control she exercised and the tactics she used to exert illegitimate and wicked control’ her name became synonymous with the spirit (2012: 20). Ultimately, Queen ­Jezebel suffered a gruesome death, defenestrated and trampled under hoof at the behest of the prophet Jehu, her body torn apart and devoured by dogs (2 Kings 9: 30–37). God’s servants emerged victorious, much as the spiritual war- riors assure themselves of victory over the spirit to which they give her name (LeClaire 2013: 16, Schott 2013: xv). Jezebel’s idolatry is herein connected to her upbringing in another (illegiti- mate) culture and her unwillingness to submit to the (legitimate) culture of her husband, reinforcing links between disruptions of patriarchal norms and fail- ures of cultural assimilation. ‘Jezebel will not submit,’ Landon Schott instructs his readers in Jezebel: The Witch is Back – not to God, nor to any ‘natural author- ity,’ nor to ‘any man or leadership’ (2013: 1, 13, 22). Rebelling against male pri- macy and monotheistic truth, Jezebel leads the nation into idolatrous iniquity. As Schott narrates, this descent is tied to a proliferation of unsanctified sexual practices: ‘Baal, Dagon, Ashtoreth, and Molech combined for the erotic acts of perverted heterosexual relations, homosexual activity, violent sexual acts, body piercing (including genitals), body cutting… prostitution, and ceremonial orgies’ (ibid. 4). Using their rendition of the story of Queen Jezebel as the ground of their texts, spiritual warriors tie a narrative of ‘proper’ gender and sexuality to one about the legitimacy of authority, authority that is ultimately God’s but is vested in mortal men (and they are men) who obey his laws. Jezebel’s disruptions of normative gender and sexuality are further rein- forced by spiritual warriors’ efforts to depict the Jezebel spirit as genderless – a quality that technically applies to all spirits, but is only truly emphasised in the context of Jezebel (Frangipane 2006: 123; Freed 2007: 191; Sampson 2012: 27; Schott 2013: 9). Authors fluctuate both on whether they call Jezebel ‘she’ or ‘it’ and on the relative genderedness of her/its operations. Frangipane claims Jezebel ‘is more attracted to… the female psyche in its sophisticated ability to manipulate without physical force’ (2006: 123), while John Paul Jackson notes in his foreword to Schott that the spirit also afflicts men – but leaves them ‘weak- ened and emasculated’ (Schott 2013: xi). As Leath (2013) discusses, Jezebel is often tied to queerness. The Jezebel spirit replicates this queerness through her alignment with queer communities, discussed below, but her ascribed gender- lessness also queers gender itself: Jezebel is not merely a genderless spirit but a spirit of genderlessness, of the overturning of gender as an essential, binary, and divinely-determined aspect of being. This overturning is illustrated in discourse on Jezebel’s marriage to Ahab and how their relationship is figured as emblematic of the spirit’s actions today. After marrying, Ahab begins to worship ‘false’ gods. Jezebel is thus accused of

Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 247 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit supplanting God’s authority (native, male, monotheistic, legitimate) with her own (foreign, female, polytheistic, illegitimate). In Discerning and Defeating the Ahab Spirit, Sampson positions Ahab as partially culpable: by surrender- ing to Jezebel’s will, he abdicates his divinely ordained role as ruler, man, and man-as-ruler. Ahab’s passivity, his inability to perform the active, masculine role God intended, condemns him (2010). Jezebel surrounds herself with men that she ‘strip[s] of their manhood and authority,’ Sampson writes, those who ‘have become eunuchs – slaves – to this demonic force’ (2012: 42). Jezebel emascu- lates and effeminises men, stripping them of God-given authority. This ‘Ahab spirit’, however, is merely the supplement to Jezebel, the illegitimate passivity permitting her illegitimate activity – the ‘arms dealer that enables her wars,’ in Schott’s words (2013: 90). As the spirit that actively disrupts the systems of het- eropatriarchal monotheism, Jezebel bears the brunt of the warriors’ wrath, and Schott continues by lamenting that if only ‘men of God would take their right- ful authority in their churches, workplaces, and families… her tyranny would come to an end’ (Ibid.). The figure of Jezebel subsists in a narrative in which ‘proper’ gender and sexual norms are tied to notions of sovereignty and territory, of who rules or has the right to rule in both the household and the nation. This narrative is articu- lated with appeals to Jezebel’s threefold otherness: as woman, she displaces patriarchal authority; as foreigner, she displaces ‘native’ – or rather, nativist­ – authenticity;4 as idolater, she displaces monotheistic truth. The third wave’s invocation of Jezebel aggregates an assemblage of phenomena tied to gender, sexuality, and authority and permits the projection of eventual victory through appeals to narrative repetition. In this narrative a loss of male authority, growth of multireligious and multicultural society, and rising cultural acceptance of non-heteronormative identities and sexualities become threatening but ulti- mately transient obstacles on the path to the restoration of the lost body of presence and the normative America such presence ensures.

Absence the Body

In American spiritual warfare manuals, Jezebel’s predestined failure is closely tied to both LGBT rights and abortion, which are framed through a discourse of disinheritance and reproductive failure. For Schott, ‘Homosexuals cannot

4 That this construction of ‘native’ in the U.S. context excludes Native American traditions, which are marked as ‘ancient religions’ and their restoration cast as ’a direct satanic attack on Christianity’ (Ing 1996: 264), illustrates how spiritual warfare’s worlding practices work to invalidate systems of being and believing that precede the inscription of evangelical truth-claims. Native Americans here inhabit a position akin to that of the biblical Canaanites, onto whose own ‘uninscribed earth’ was inscribed Israelite narratives of the Promised Land. While the Jezebel spirit is rarely tied directly to Native American restorations, the Canaanite roots of Queen Jezebel’s native Phoenicia highlights similar instabilities in her positioning as ‘foreigner’ vis-à-vis a ‘native’ Israelite culture. Both conjurations of Jezebel and figurations of nativeness in spiritual warfare must thus be situated in relation to its broader colonial heliopolitics and related discourses of (il)legitimate territorial ownership.

248 Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit produce, they cannot reproduce, and they cannot bear fruit.’ Indeed, homo- sexuality is ‘part of [Jezebel’s] religion’ because it undermines God’s command- ment that men and women reproduce (2013: 106, 108). Meanwhile, Sampson writes, abortion – ‘a strategic position of power for Jezebel’ – attacks ‘the very nature of God, which is life’ (2012: 50; see also LeClaire 2013: 37–38, Schott 2013: 93). God is not merely life, however, but one kind of life – a life that can reproduce and be reproduced. Schott links abortion to idolatry, claiming that the pro-choice movement trades ‘righteousness for a woman’s right to choose self-worship’ (2013: xvi). LeClaire reiterates this relationship: ‘Some theologians connect abortion today to the bloodthirsty god Molek [sic],’ she writes, ‘indicat- ing that an unwanted pregnancy that ends with the child’s death is, arguably, a sacrifice to this demon’ (2013: 37). Molech was one of the deities linked to Jezebel’s reign, but Schott places the relation in the image of another deity: Baal. Queen Jezebel worshipped Baal, he informs us, ‘which included child sac- rifice. This included the murder of the unborn (abortion) and newborn babies.’ He adds admonishingly that ‘[t]here is no inheritance for an aborted child,’ and links the image of abortion to the church via a conflation of ‘natural’ and ‘spiritual’ families:­ Jezebel ‘brings a spirit of death to natural families and spiri- tual ­families. It destroys the fruit of churches. It aborts the relationship between pastors and their spiritual children and destroys the future of churches and the legacy that God intends for His people’ (2013: 93). Schott’s message is clear: Jezebel does not just support abortion, she is by nature abortive; Jezebel has no future, and neither do those with her spirit. This conflation of ‘spiritual family’ and ‘natural family’ constructs the Church and the heteronormative family unit as the conveyors of a cultural legitimacy ‘driven by a conception of “the good”’ seen ‘as consistent with the will of God’ (Lee et al. 2013: 209). It also serves as a point of convergence between two ­bodies – the physical body of the individual, which is ‘defiled’ by ‘sexual sins,’ and the social body of the church as Body of Christ. This convergence of bodies is often centred in discussions of Jezebel. Sampson, for example, writes that ‘­People with a Jezebel spirit divide a church body’ since those with her spirit ‘seek a place God has not granted them’ (2012: 107). Such people are demonised, both spiritually and socially. They are constructed as ‘with’ a spirit, laden with it and (therefore) aligned with it; afflicted by demons, the individual commits transgressions cementing their social marginalisation. In the context of Jezebel, sexuality marks the surest sign of (and rationale for) demonisation. As LeClaire writes, the ‘spiritual cancer called sexual immoral- ity is metastasizing across the many parts of the Body today’ and ‘When one part of the Body suffers, every part suffers’ (2013: 30, 133). She also clarifies the consequences of such deviation: ‘[The book of] Jude reminds us of Sodom and Gomorrah, whose inhabitants gave themselves over to sexual immoral- ity and will suffer the vengeance of eternal fire’ (ibid.: 30). The purity of the body, at once individual and social, material and spiritual, must be main- tained and its reproducibility enforced. Failure to do so will bring the fires of divine judgement. For these spiritual warriors, the integrity of the body is paramount and its lin- ear reproduction must be preserved. However, Jezebel threatens this continuity through her refusal/inability to reproduce – or at least to reproduce a normative body. The focus on the child as inheritor of futurity and on queer bodies as absent of reproductive capacity (and therefore of futurity) are not novel constructions,

Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 249 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit and queer theorist Lee Edelman explores both in depth in his text on queer theory and the death drive, No Future (2004). The vision of inheritance the Jeze- bel spirit disrupts is one Edelman names ‘reproductive futurism,’ which ‘gener- ates generational succession, temporality, and narrative sequence, not toward the end of enabling change, but, instead, of perpetuating sameness, of turning back time to assure repetition – or to assure a logic of resemblance’ (2004: 60). Edelman calls for a reclamation of ‘No Future’ as part of a radical repudiation of reproductive futurism, and one could certainly engage in a similar reclaiming of the Jezebel spirit as the queer death drive of normative ­America. For the pur- poses of this article, however, it is more important to address how this ascription of ‘no future’ articulates a biopolitics of colonial imaginings. Biopolitics names those regulatory systems of governance that arose in the late eighteenth century (such as medicine, education, and the penal system) that aim for the management of life and (thus) the cultivation of certain lives deemed worthy of living. As postcolonial theorist Achille Mbembe (2003) argues, this biopolitical governance has a necropolitical underbelly, producing death both in its efforts to defend ‘life’ through the killing of those deemed enemies thereof and the creation of ‘death-worlds’ in which populations are deemed already dead or in decay – slavery, the camp, the colony and post-col- ony. Contrasting and complementing Edelman, Puar joins his critique of repro- ductive futurism to this biopolitical and necropolitical frame. She argues for understanding how

a biopolitics of regenerative capacity already demarcate racialized and sexualized statistical population aggregates as those in decay, destined for no future, based not upon whether they can or cannot reproduce children but on what capacities they can and cannot regenerate and what kinds of assemblages they compel, repel, spur, deflate (2007: 211).

The Jezebel spirit acts as a discursive nexus in which the demarcation of popula- tions as in decay meets the colonial heliopolitics of spiritual mapping. Jezebel fell to Jehu, Freed writes: ‘He was a conqueror. We must conquer Jezebel with repentance and with the spirit of Jehu’ (2007: 195). But the structure of this repentance is the imposition of a structure of sexualised and racialised norma- tivity coded as a return to lost purity, as the restoration of the lost body of ­presence – of light, of a God who is light. As with Queen Jezebel, the influence of the Jezebel spirit is seen as exog- enous. In The Spiritual Warrior’s Guide to Defeating Jezebel, LeClaire briefly discusses South Florida and links its high percentage of gay, lesbian and bisex- ual citizens (second, she claims, only to California) to its diversity of religious practices, notably ‘Santeria from Cuba, voodoo from Haiti and Rastafari from Jamaica – and God knows what other devils from various other parts of the world’ (2013: 164). The multiplication of sexualities is here tied to the multipli- cation of religions – caused by the immigration of devils from terrae incognitae knowable only by divine omniscience. The religious practices LeClaire targets also highlight Jezebel’s racialisation. All African diasporic traditions, they draw an unstated but present link to ‘the Jezebel’ as a pernicious and enduring ste- reotype of African American women. Emerging from the legacy of slavery, the Jezebel is seen ‘as seductive, manipulative, and unable to control her sexual drives’, a construction that operated to justify her enslavement and sexual viola- tion by white slave owners (Townsend et al. 2010: 274).

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Jezebel’s history of representation as black is frequently omitted from dis- course on the Jezebel spirit,5 even within African American churches. As Leath observes, references to the Jezebel spirit published in The African American Pulpit between 2005 and 2010 are deracialised, rendering her only a spirit of illegitimate control and cause of defects in believers’ ‘submissive fidelity to God’ (2013: 201–202). Yet contextualised by the heliopolitical discourses anal- ysed above, the racialised Jezebel inherited through slavery exposes troubling connections between bodies and territories in the third wave imaginary. In this imaginary, one God – aligned with one vision of the American body politic and the assumed necessity of that body’s reproduction – exerts mastery over all that deviate from him. It is not only that ‘sexual sins’ corrupt the body but rather that self-ownership and self-determination are always already acts of idolatry, a veneration of humanity and human artifice over the Creator. As dark- ness is an absence territory only made possible by the absence of God (of light, Truth, goodness, and presence) to which demons have transient access, those the third wave constructs as demonised – as ‘with’ demons – possess similar rights over their bodies. The bodies of the demonised are bodies of present absence – present­ only as reminders of the lost body (of God, of America and its ­genealogy). Their ownership over themselves is only a temporary legal access that will be rescinded. Ultimately, they must be delivered from darkness, their deviations effaced by the divine light of normativizing presence.

Conclusion. The Loss of a Body Politic

For third wave spiritual warriors, the conquest of territories of darkness by light is – while resistible – inevitable. Demons such as Jezebel are constructed as squatters in darkness; they have no (true) ownership, no (legitimate) substance, since the darkness in which they reside is merely the absence of a God imagined in heliopolitical terms. Jezebel’s undermining of a heteropatriarchal, Christian, and nativist American identity becomes a transient absence that must – and will – be filled and (so) effaced by the return of lost presence. This foregone conclusion is constructed in gendered, sexualised, and racialised terms. Jezebel’s­ demonic absence is not just spiritual, but embodied in black, migrant, queer, and feminist bodies constructed as contravening the ‘body’ of ‘Real America’. Bodies of darkness, they cannot possess themselves. They must be possessed. As such, third wave heliopolitics lays claim over these Jezebelian bodies to efface

5 One exception is the cover to the 1998 edition of Jonas Clark’s Jezebel: Seducing Goddess of War, which depicts a black woman gazing seductively outward at the reader. (The revised 2004 edition replaces this with a masquerade mask.) While it is racially diverse, underlying racialised demonologies pervade the third wave, such as its claim that modern African problems like poverty or disease are derived from a generational curse caused by their ancestor’s polytheism (Onyinah 2004: 336–337). This narrative is now being deployed by Nigerian pastors to articulate a vision of African exceptionalism, in which Africans are predestined for greatness and demons have conspired to thwart them (Marshall 2016). This reading complicates third wave worlding but accepts its fundamental premises, however: Africans are still cursed by ancestral sins.

Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 251 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit their present absences and thus restore to presence the absent body of God and nation. The heart of third wave demonologies of the Jezebel spirit reside in a con- flation between multiplicity and absence, figured both sexually and spiritually: her many gods are no God at all and her proliferation of sexual practices are an absence of a ‘true’ – (hetero)normative – sexuality. The multiform assem- blages comprising Jezebel’s body reflect wider demonisations (here literal) of ‘nomadism’­ in American conservatism. As I have demonstrated, the third wave privileges heteropatriarchal­ constructions of family, church, and nation as repre- sentations of stability and truth. As Connolly writes, in American conservatism the ‘centered calmness’ of these ‘sites of tranquility’ (family, church, nation, het- erosexuality) is contrasted with (and constituted in contrast to) nomadism – to the ‘restless, mobile, unreliable, parasitic, narcissistic, and egoistic,’ to the ‘femi- nine in the classic sense of the term’ – and to people constructed as embody- ing this nomadism: ‘atheists, prostitutes, non-Christian minorities, inner-city blacks, the media, illegal aliens, gays, lesbians, left-leaning Jews, and unmarried women’ (2008: 29). The overlap between such figures and those constructed as ‘with’ the Jezebel spirit is striking. Equally striking, however, are those nomad- isms not included. Writing on the evangelical-capitalist resonance machine, Connolly contrasts the conservative demonisation of nomadism to their avowed support for global capitalism, which is in many ways archetypally nomadic: transnational, mobile, and phantasmatic. Yet capitalism is framed as either a ‘civilizational necessity’ offset by the heteropatriarchal stability of family-church-nation or ‘the most beautiful site of uncertainty and creativity the world has seen since its creation by God’ (or both). Either way it ‘is exempted from critical engagement,’ with the role it plays in producing the ‘nomadic’ minority populations elsewhere demon- ised similarly obfuscated (2008: 29). Crucial to recognise here is that the con- flict being waged, while framed as such, is not between the nomadic and the stable but rather between ‘legitimate’ and ‘illegitimate’ nomadic assemblages – between what specific capacities (apropos Puar)are and are not regenerated, which assemblages are compelled and repelled, spurred and deflated. However, while Connolly centres the disavowed nomadism of capital, in the context of the third wave I wish to highlight another (albeit related) nomadic assemblage: the third wave itself. The third wave is comprised of fluid, amorphous and reticulate networks that bind disparate groups and their local theatres of conflict into a global campaign. These theatres are bound in asymmetrical relations, but nonetheless operate as parts in the same assemblage, material and spiritual bodies that – in Puar’s words – ‘interpenetrate, swirl together, and transmit affects and effects to each other.’ Discussing Pentecostal and charismatic Christians, Simon Coleman notes that they not only create ‘a global culture’ but one forming ‘a multidimensional, yet culturally specific, sense of reaching out into an unbounded realm of action and identity’ (2000: 6). Similarly, the assemblages of third wave spiritual warfare create new networks and novel confluences as its heliopolitical imaginary con- fronts local beliefs and practices, transforming and being transformed by them (Jorgensen 2005; Marshall 2016; Onyinah 2004; Ooi 2006). The regional theatres of spiritual warfare are – to cite Spivak – ‘far from mere uninscribed earth.’ They are already worlds. Such worlds inflect on spiritual warfare’s attempted world- ing, as its processes of localisation are contaminated by the very localities they

252 Religion and Gender vol. 7, no. 2 (2017), pp. 240–255 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 04:32:47PM via free access O’Donnell: The Body Politic(s) of the Jezebel Spirit attempt to translate and its cartographies of truth are altered by every new encounter with the demonic. The Jezebel spirit is both the manifestation of one form of this localisation­ – the erosion, real or imagined, of a ‘Christian version’ of America forced to encounter the (black, female, queer, migrant) worlds on which its own is built – and the inverted reflection of the third wave’s own processes of globalisation, its (legitimate) nomadism rendered in another (illegitimate) form. The third wave’s heliopolitical imaginary tries to divide the world neatly into territories of light and darkness, denying all substance and self-ownership to the latter: spaces of darkness must be conquered and colonised by light, coercively nor- malised to restore to presence the absent body of God and nation. The integrity of the body politic must be maintained through a rigorous body politics; that is, politics that restrain and control the body and dictate normativity. If it is ‘the loss of the body of Jesus Christ, compounded with the loss of the “body” of [Christian America], and its genealogy’ – to modify de Certeau – that forms the present absence grounding spiritual warfare, then Jezebel represents this absence made ever present: the absence of a (true) God, an (authentic) nation, and the (normative) reproduction of its genealogy. ‘Something… has always troubled me,’ Sampson writes in a rare moment of doubt: ‘those who yield to a Jezebel spirit seem to get away with it in the here and now. I have never understood that, yet I do believe that God in His mercy gives a person time to repent’ (2012: 39). But as Schott emphasised, ‘Jezebel will not submit.’ She resists repentance – at least any repentance leading to the re-presentation of the lost body of normative Christian America. While reassur- ing themselves that the godless darkness will ultimately yield to God’s light, the third wave spiritual warriors instead find the integrity of that body (personal and national, material and spiritual) compromised by demonic and demonised others – by Jezebel, by heterogeneous bodies laden with her spirit, and by ‘God knows what other devils from various other parts of the world’ (LeClaire 2013: 164). As they await God’s presence in a future to come, the paradigms Jezebel is constructed as coordinating – feminism, LGBT rights, and the multicultural pluralisms fostered by the very globalisation by which spiritual warriors conduct their global war – present them with a multiplication of seemingly (im)possible futures. These futures – more and less (in)evitable – are built not on the model of the lost body but on that of the body of loss itself: a Jezebelian body politic embodied in Jezebelian body politics. The destinies of non-Christian versions of America made manifest.

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