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A Study of the Weathermen, Radical Feminism and the New Left
Exploring Women’s Complex Relationship with Political Violence: A Study of the Weathermen, Radical Feminism and the New Left by Lindsey Blake Churchill A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Women’s Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Marilyn Myerson, Ph.D. Ruth Banes, Ph.D. Sara Crawley, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 1, 2005 Keywords: revolution, weather underground, valerie solanas, robin morgan, jane alpert, gilda zwerman, ti-grace atkinson, bernadine dohrn © Copyright 2005, Lindsey Blake Churchill Table of Contents Abstract ii Introduction 1 Chapter One: SDS 7 The Explosive Convention 11 Wannabe Revolutionaries 18 Chapter Two: Feminism’s Critique 24 Radical-Cultural Feminism 30 Pacifist Feminists 33 Chapter Three: Violent Feminists 35 Female Terrorists 42 Chapter Four: Conclusion 52 References 54 i Exploring Women’s Complex Relationship with Violence: A Study of the Weathermen, Radical Feminism and the New Left Lindsey Blake Churchill ABSTRACT In this thesis I use the radical, pro-violent organization the Weathermen as a framework to examine women and feminism’s complex relationships with violence. My thesis attempts to show the many belief systems that second wave feminists possessed concerning the role(s) of women and violence in revolutionary organizations. Hence, by using the Weathermen as a framework, I discuss various feminist essentialist and pacifist critiques of violence. I also include an analysis of feminists who, similar to the Weathermen, embraced political violence. For example, radical feminists Robin Morgan and Jane Alpert criticized the Weathermen’s violent tactics while other feminists such as Ti-Grace Atkinson and Valerie Solanas advocated that women “pick up the gun” in order to destroy patriarchal society. -
Winslow, Barbara
Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College Northampton, MA BARBARA WINSLOW Interviewed by KATE WEIGAND May 3–4, 2004 Williamstown, Massachusetts This interview was made possible with generous support from the Ford Foundation. © Sophia Smith Collection 2004 Narrator Barbara Winslow (b. 1945) grew up in Scarsdale, New York. She attended Antioch College for three years but graduated from the University of Washington with a B.A. in 1968 and a Ph.D. in history in 1972. A student and antiwar activist, she was instrumental in founding Women’s Liberation Seattle and was heavily involved in grassroots feminist activity, particularly reproductive rights, in Seattle, Detroit, Cleveland, and New York City. Active in socialist and feminist politics for many years, Winslow was also at the forefront of the movement to integrate women, African Americans, and the working class into the teaching of history in the 1970s. She is currently teaching history and women’s studies at Brooklyn College. Interviewer Kate Weigand (b. 1965) has a Ph.D. in women’s history and U.S. history from Ohio State University. She is author of Red Feminism: American Communism and the Making of Women’s Liberation (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001). Abstract In this oral history Barbara Winslow describes her privileged childhood Westchester County, New York, and at Solebury Academy in Pennsylvania. The interview focuses on Winslow’s activism as a socialist, a feminist, and a historian. Her story documents the life of a socialist activist and feminist and the challenges that come with combining those two identities with one another. -
EXTENSIONS of REMARKS June 4, 1976 Mr
16728 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS June 4, 1976 Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Yes. speeded up the work of the Senate, and on Monday, and by early I mean as early Mr. ALLEN. The Senator spoke of pos I am glad the distinguished assistant ma as very shortly after 11 a.m., and that a sible quorum calls and votes on Monday. jority leader is now following that policy. long working day is in prospect for I would like to comment that I feel the [Laughter.] Monday. present system under which we seem to Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Well, my dis be operating, of having all quorum calls tinguished friend is overly charitable to RECESS TO MONDAY, JUNE 7, 1976, go live, has speeded up the work of the day in his compliments, but I had sought AT 11 A.M. Senate. There has only been one quorum earlier today to call off that quorum call call today put in by the distinguished as but the distinguished Senator from Ala Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Mr. President, sistant majority leader, and I think the bama, noting that in his judgment I un if there be no further business to come Members of the Senate, realizing that doubtedly was seeking to call off the before the Senate, I move, in accordance a quorum call is going to go live, causes quorum call for a very worthy purpose, with the order previously entered, that them to come over to the Senate Cham went ahead to object to the calling off of the Senate stand in recess until the hour ber when a quorum call is called. -
Bombing for Justice: Urban Terrorism in New York City from the 1960S Through the 1980S
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Publications and Research John Jay College of Criminal Justice 2014 Bombing for Justice: Urban Terrorism in New York City from the 1960s through the 1980s Jeffrey A. Kroessler John Jay College of Criminal Justice How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/jj_pubs/38 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Bombing for Justice: Urban Terrorism in New York City from the 1960s through to the 1980s Jeffrey A. Kroessler John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York ew York is no stranger to explosives. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Black Hand, forerunners of the Mafia, planted bombs at stores and residences belonging to successful NItalians as a tactic in extortion schemes. To combat this evil, the New York Police Department (NYPD) founded the Italian Squad under Lieutenant Joseph Petrosino, who enthusiastically pursued those gangsters. Petrosino was assassinated in Palermo, Sicily, while investigating the criminal back- ground of mobsters active in New York. The Italian Squad was the gen- esis of today’s Bomb Squad. In the early decades of the twentieth century, anarchists and labor radicals planted bombs, the most devastating the 63 64 Criminal Justice and Law Enforcement noontime explosion on Wall Street in 1920. That crime was never solved.1 The city has also had its share of lunatics. -
Item 079.Pdf
TIMETHE WEEKLY NEWSMAGALINE March 23, 1970 Vol. 95, No. 12 THE NATION • not have to fill in a lucky coupon, AMERICAN NOTES much less tell why he liked a deter- Stand at Isla Vista gent. Technicolor, Inc., his old employer, "At some time and in some place, was content merely that he serve as its Americans must decide as to whether public relations consultant after he went they intend to have their decisions, in- to the Senate five years ago. deed their lives, ruled by a violent mi- Unethical? Apparently not. Senator nority. We are but one bank, but we John Stennis, chairman of the Senate's have decided to take our stand in Isla Select Committee on Standards and Vista." Conduct, gave Murphy's arrangement That determined declaration by one his approval without even referring the of the nation's usually faceless financiers, matter to the members. Many men in Bank of America Chairman Louis B. Congress, after all, have outside sourc- Lundborg, may not rank historically with es of income, particularly from the prac- Martin Luther's challenge at the Diet tice of law. Still, few have such a of Worms: "Here I stand—I cannot do direct connection, and probably no oth- otherwise, God help me." It does in- er legislator is the employee of a com- dicate, however, that society is growing pany whose chairman, like Technicolor's grimmer as it confronts youthful rad- Patrick Frawley Jr., is a militant ad- icals and rioting students. The bank's vocate of right-wing causes. $275,000 Isla Vista branch was burned Question: What would Stennis, a con- to the ground last month during a ram- servative from Mississippi, have said if IBM OFFICES IN Murphy's boss were the 01, page that began on the Santa Barbara N.A.A.C.P.? Or campus of the University of California. -
Chronology of Events
CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS ll quotes are from Spectator, Columbia’s student-run newspaper, unless otherwise specifed. http://spectatorarchive.library.columbia A .edu/. Some details that follow are from Up Against the Ivy Wall, edited by Jerry Avorn et al. (New York: Atheneum, 1969). SEPTEMBER 1966 “After a delay of nearly seven years, the new Columbia Community Gymnasium in Morningside Park is due to become a reality. Ground- breaking ceremonies for the $9 million edifice will be held early next month.” Two weeks later it is reported that there is a delay “until early 1967.” OCTOBER 1966 Tenants in a Columbia-owned residence organize “to protest living condi- tions in the building.” One resident “charged yesterday that there had been no hot water and no steam ‘for some weeks.’ She said, too, that Columbia had ofered tenants $50 to $75 to relocate.” A new student magazine—“a forum for the war on Vietnam”—is pub- lished. Te frst issue of Gadfy, edited by Paul Rockwell, “will concentrate on the convictions of three servicemen who refused to go to Vietnam.” This content downloaded from 129.236.209.133 on Tue, 10 Apr 2018 20:25:33 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms LII CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS Te Columbia chapter of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) orga- nizes a series of workshops “to analyze and change the social injustices which it feels exist in American society,” while the Independent Commit- tee on Vietnam, another student group, votes “to expand and intensify its dissent against the war in Vietnam.” A collection of Columbia faculty, led by Professor Immanuel Wallerstein, form the Faculty Civil Rights Group “to study the prospects for the advancement of civil rights in the nation in the coming years.” NOVEMBER 1966 Columbia Chaplain John Cannon and ffeen undergraduates, including Ted Kaptchuk, embark upon a three-day fast in protest against the war in Vietnam. -
Underground 'Exciting' to Gokr
Underground 'Exciting' to Gokr . • a••4, By MICHAEL T. KAUFMAN I Know Now I'm Not aga in asked not to be identified, Two weeks before his body it —was—learned- that in late was found in the rubble of a August-ler-early September Mr. Afraid to Die,' He Gold traveled to ,sonlaP,Igign dynamite-blasted townhouse on country,fig141P/PAtingiw%VP-, -a West 11th Street, Theodore Told a Friend reenta4iNeAudJfeottt% Gold, a 23-year-old Weatherman 4 Liberalacal werit tho revolutionary, told an old col- e was rbpcnIed-:i'l on Mr. Gold's longstanding Jttli by KattiY'''T lege friend: mania for sports. At Columbia "I've been doing a Iot of ex- I citing underground things, and he used to revere the baseball believed' a thdmi I know now I'm not afraid to Giants and would read box house when' tge'Lrii 86 scores every morning. Did he curred and is thoug f1 die." escaped with Miss Wilkerson. The friend had known Mr. still do that, the friend asked. Mr. Gold laughed and an- Robert Siegel is now a sully' Gold for years. He had seen dent at Columbia University') him become vice chairman of swered: "Sometimes I think I'll have to wait for Willie Graduate School of Journalism.I:3 the Columbia chapter of Stu- He had known Mr. Gold dents for a Democratic Society Mays to retire before I become since' -; a good Communist" both of them were juniors 60'3 in 1967 and a year later he saw Stuyvesant High School. -
UC Santa Barbara Dissertation Template
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Defining the Monster: The Social Science and Rhetoric of Neo-Marxist Theories of Imperialism in the United States and Latin America, 1945-1973 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Christopher Cody Stephens Committee in charge: Professor Nelson Lichtenstein, Chair Professor Alice O’Connor Professor Salim Yaqub June 2018 The dissertation of Christopher Cody Stephens is approved. ____________________________________________ Salim Yaqub ____________________________________________ Alice O’Connor ____________________________________________ Nelson Lichtenstein, Committee Chair April 2017 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I had the benefit of working with many knowledgeable and generous faculty members at UCSB. As my advisor and the chair of my dissertation committee, Nelson Lichtenstein has ushered the project through every stage of its development, from conceptualization to defense. I pitched the idea of writing a seminar paper on Andre Gunder Frank in his office roughly four years ago, and since then he has enthusiastically supported my efforts, encouraged me to stay focused on the end goal, and provided detailed feedback on multiple drafts. That is not to say that I have always incorporated all his comments/criticisms, but when I have failed to do so it is mostly out of lack of time, resources, or self-discipline. I will continue to draw from a store of Nelson’s comments as a blueprint as I revise the manuscript for eventual publication as a monograph. Alice O’Connor, Mary Furner, and Salim Yaqub also read and commented on the manuscript, and more broadly influenced my intellectual trajectory. Salim helped me present my work at numerous conferences, which in turn helped me think through how the project fit in the frame of Cold War historiography. -
People's Law Office-20 Years
B y n CHICAGO CHAPTER, NATIONAL LAWYER'S GUILD AND PEOPLES LAW OFFICE 6:00 Drinks and Reception 7:00 Dinner 7:15 Program begins - Introduction- Doug Cassel, Vice President Chicago Chapter of the National Lawyers Guild Special Award- Lucy Montgomery, Human Rights Activist 7:30 Video Showing-20 years of PLO work 8:00 Introduction of Special Guests Francisco Altschul, Representative of the FMLN/FDR Dr. Fateh Arafat, President of the Palestine Red Crescent Society 8:15 Featured Speakers- Introduction by PLO members Deborah Johnson, Former Black Panther and survivor of the Dec. 4 Raid Big Black, A leader of the Attica Rebellion Rafael Cancel Miranda, Freed Puerto Rican Nationalist Prisoner and Independence Leader 9:45 Dancing with D.J. General B SPECIAL THANKS TO THOSE WHO HELPED MAKE THIS CELEBRATION POSSIBLE: Mariel Nanasi, Bill Bain, Tim Culver, Linda Turner, Cliff Zimmerman, Doug Cassell, and C & D Printers. r THIS EVENING IS DEDICATED TO THE FOLLOWING COMRADES WHO HAVE LIVED AND DIED IN THE STRUGGLE AND WHO HAVE MOST CLOSELY AFFECTED OUR LIVES AND WORK: Fred Hampton Mark Clark Ali Shanna (Jimmy Brewton) Dalu (Mariano Gonzalez) Shaka Roho (Gordon Woodson) Eugene Feldman Val Klink Angel Rodriguez Cristobal Andres Figueroa Cordero Roger "Champ" Champen Pat Finucane Ted Gold Diana Oughton Terry Robbins The Slain Attica Brothers Juan Antonio Corretjer Consuelo Lee Tapia de Corretjer George Jackson Spurgeon "Jake" Winters Larry Roberson John "Little John" Collins Michael Nathan Jim Waller Sandi Smith Cesar Cauce William Sampson Rose Kallal A HISTORY PREFACE It is reasonable and innocent to expect that an observance of our twenty-year anniversary would include a responsible account of what happened in the past twenty years. -
Communiqu #1 from the Weatherman Underground
Communiqué #1 From The Weatherman Underground May 21, 1970 Hello. This is Bernardine Dohrn. I'm going to read A DECLARATION OF A STATE OF WAR. This is the first communication from the Weatherman underground. All over the world, people fighting Amerikan imperialism look to Amerika's youth to use our strategic position behind enemy lines to join forces in the destruction of the empire. Black people have been fighting almost alone for years. We've known that our job is to lead white kids into armed revolution. We never intended to spend the next five or twenty-five years of our lives in jail. Ever since SDS became revolutionary, we've been trying to show how it is possible to overcome the frustration and impotence that comes from trying to reform this system. Kids know the lines are drawn revolution is touching all of our lives. Tens of thousands have learned that protest and marches don't do it. Revolutionary violence is the only way. Now we are adapting the classic guerrilla strategy of the Viet Cong and the urban guerrilla strategy of the Tupamaros to our own situation here in the most technically advanced country in the world. Che taught us that "revolutionaries move like fish in the sea." The alienation and contempt that young people have for this country has created the ocean for this revolution. The hundreds and thousands of young people who demonstrated in the Sixties against the war and for civil rights grew to hundreds of thousands in the past few weeks actively fighting Nixon's invasion of Cambodia and the attempted genocide against black people. -
Columbia ’68: What Happened?
Columbia ’68: What Happened? Theo Sweeting (University of Nottingham) Finally, what long range goal is worthy of this rebellion? Obviously the question is not whether to work for revolution – armed, communist revolution – in America, but how, and what form it will take – John Jacobs, May 1968 1 John Jacobs sat down to type this statement, part of his revolutionary manifesto for the University of Columbia protests of 1968, ‘Bringing the War Home.’ But even a man so enraptured by the inevitability of revolutionary change as Jacobs could probably not have predicted that more than 40 years later the chain of events this document helped catalyse would be remembered as a defining moment for the American New Left in the 1960s, particularly in organisational histories of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Jacobs signed this document from his position as a member of the occupations of Low Library and Mathematics hall on the Columbia campus. In the wake of Tom Hayden’s famous call to create “two, three, many Columbias” across global campuses, Jacob’s words took on a prophetic tone in the immediate aftermath of the Columbia protests, when students from the Sorbonne in Paris sent the Strike Coordinating Committee (SCC), a telegram: “We’ve occupied a building in your honor. What do we do now?” 2 Jacob’s plan unfolded further when he and fellow Columbia SDS militants Mark Rudd and Ted Gold helped found the 1 John Jacobs, ‘Bringing the War Home’, May 1968; UPAC, Box 13, Folder 5, 1 2 Tom Hayden, ‘Two, Three, Many Columbias’, Ramparts, June 15, 1968. -
SDS's Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20Th Century
NEW DEAL TO NEW MAJORITY: SDS’S FAILURE TO REALIGN THE LARGEST POLITICAL COALITION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Michael T. Hale A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2015 Committee: Clayton Rosati, Advisor Francisco Cabanillas Graduate Faculty Representative Ellen Berry Oliver Boyd-Barret Bill Mullen ii ABSTRACT Clayton Rosati, Advisor Many historical accounts of the failure of the New Left and the ascendency of the New Right blame either the former’s militancy and violence for its lack of success—particularly after 1968—or the latter’s natural majority among essentially conservative American voters. Additionally, most scholarship on the 1960s fails to see the New Right as a social movement. In the struggles over how we understand the 1960s, this narrative, and the memoirs of New Leftists which continue that framework, miss a much more important intellectual and cultural legacy that helps explain the movement’s internal weakness. Rather than blame “evil militants” or a fixed conservative climate that encircled the New Left with both sanctioned and unsanctioned violence and brutality––like the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) counter intelligence program COINTELPRO that provide the conditions for a unstoppable tidal wave “with the election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and reached its crescendo in the Moral Majority, the New Right, the Reagan administration, and neo-conservatism” (Breines “Whose New Left” 528)––the key to this legacy and its afterlives, I will argue, is the implicit (and explicit) essentialism bound to narratives of the “unwinnability” of especially the white working class.