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THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY of AMERICA Abortion and Religion THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA Abortion and Religion: The Politics of the American Catholic Bishops A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the Department of Politics School of Arts and Sciences Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy © Copyright All Rights Reserved By Margaret Sammon Parsons Washington, D.C. 2011 Abortion and Religion: The Politics of the American Catholic Bishops Margaret Sammon Parsons, Ph.D. Director: Stephen Schneck, Ph.D. Prior to the 1960s, the American Catholic bishops avoided political involvement unless it directly impacted the Church. Initially, the bishops’ main priority for their flock was protection from anti-Catholic discrimination and assuring the nation that Catholics were loyal and patriotic Americans. After Roe v. Wade, the bishops engaged in politics more directly by denouncing the Court’s decision, thus laying the foundation for decades of debate over the issue of abortion. By 1976, candidates had recognized the importance of the Catholic vote and both parties began courting the bishops. Since then, the bishops have amassed significant political leverage, primarily due to their near-singular focus on abortion. This dissertation will be the first to examine how the bishops’ decision to focus primarily on abortion has been the wellspring of their increased political power. I will discuss the history of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops and its political involvement through 2008. This includes an examination of the relationship between the Catholic Church and both the Democratic and Republican parties, including a discussion of the presidential elections from 1976-2008. I will also analyze the changing attitudes toward abortion among key subgroups of the American electorate. My research shows that abortion has been the critical element of the bishops’ political power for several reasons: (1) abortion attracts a significant amount of attention; (2) no American bishop favors legalized abortion; (3) the bishops have not been forced to endorse one party over the other; and (4) the tactics of some bishops (i.e., denying communion) have allowed the Church to guide parishioners toward preferred candidates without explicit endorsements. While abortion has not always been a major issue for voters, it has been critical in the expansion of the bishops’ political power. As leaders of a major swing-voter group, candidates recognize the bishops’ influence and actively court their endorsement. Even without abortion as a major issue in an election, a pro-choice candidate still faces major hurdles in winning the bishops’ approval. As was evident in the 2004 election, without agreement on abortion, no amount of agreement on other social issues will earn a candidate episcopal approval. This dissertation by Margaret Sammon Parsons fulfills the dissertation requirement for the doctoral degree in American Politics approved by Stephen Schneck, Ph'D., as Director, and by John A. Kromkowski, Ph.D., and Mark J. Rozell' Ph'D' as Readers' Stephen Schneck, Ph.D., Director John A. Kromkowski, Ph.D., l't Reader To my grandparents, Mille Damiani Ross and the late Charles G. Ross, Sr. iii Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1. The History of the USCCB 36 Chapter 2. The USCCB From 1973-2004 101 Chapter 3. The Democratic Party and the Catholic Church 167 Chapter 4. The Republican Party and the Catholic Church 243 Chapter 5. Conclusion 308 Bibliography 332 iv List of Tables Table 1-1 Growth of Catholic Population 47 Table 1-2 Church Commitment 95 Table 1-3 Regional Catholic Population in the US 96 Table 1-4 US Catholic Population 97 Table 1-5 Income of Catholics (Percentage) 97 Table 1-6 Marriage Status of Catholics 97 Table 1-7 Catholics and Political Identity 98 Table 1-8 Catholics and Abortion 98 Table 2-1 Public Opinion on Abortion 108 Table 2-2 Webster Decision 126 Table 2-3 Number of Abortions Performed per 1,000 Women Ages 15-44 132 Table 2-4 Views on Abortion 132 Table 2-5 Pro-Life or Pro-Choice 133 Table 3-1 Partisan Affiliation of Major Religious Groups 210 Table 3-2 Church Attendance and 2004 Presidential Vote 211 v Acknowledgements Writing this dissertation has been one of the most grueling yet rewarding tasks that I have ever undertaken and I would never have crossed the finish line without the support of many people. I would like to thank my parents for their support and the sacrifices they have made for my education. I would also like to thank my grandparents for all of the help they have given me over the years, especially during this process. I also owe my brother and sister many thanks for their encouragement. Many thanks to my husband for hours spent proofreading, offering suggestions, and supporting me when the light at the end of the tunnel seemed little more than a dim flicker. Finally, I would like to thank the members of my committee for reading numerous drafts and for offering invaluable guidance. This dissertation was immensely enhanced by their contributions, patience, and kindness. vi Introduction When the Supreme Court legalized abortion in 1973, the American Catholic bishops released a statement that was uncharacteristic of the organization. The Committee for Pro-Life Affairs of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops stated: Although as a result of the Court decision abortion may be legally permissible, it is still morally wrong, and no Court opinion can change the law of God prohibiting the taking of innocent human life. Therefore, as religious leaders, we cannot accept the Court’s judgment and we urge people not to follow its reasoning or conclusions.1 This simple statement set the stage for decades of political debate within the Church over the issue of abortion. What is most striking is that for many years, the American Catholic bishops refrained from systematic and direct political involvement unless the issue at hand directly affected the Church, such as aid to Catholic schools. Moreover, the bishops had a history of supporting the U.S. government in all of its endeavors. Yet in the face of legalized abortion and abetted by changes in the political landscape and in the social and economic status of American Catholics, the political role of the bishops changed. Among the issues for which the bishops came to advocate after 1973, opposition to abortion was preeminent. The question that this dissertation seeks to answer is whether the current political leverage that the bishops possess is a result of their decision to focus primarily on abortion. This dissertation will show how the decision to focus on abortion as the Church’s primary social justice cause was a critical step in attaining increased political leverage for 1. This statement of the Committee for Pro-Life Affairs National Conference of Catholic Bishops is reproduced in Documentation on the Right to Life and Abortion (Washington, DC: United States Catholic Conference, 1974), 59. 1 2 the American Catholic bishops. Significant study has been done of the bishops’ role in the pro-life movement and their political involvement generally. Yet little research has examined the decision to focus on abortion as the key element in the bishops’ significant gains in political power. This dissertation will discuss the history of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops and its political involvement through 2008. It will also discuss the relationship between the Church and both the Democratic and Republican Parties, including a discussion of the presidential elections from 1976-2008. This dissertation will analyze the changing attitudes toward abortion among key subgroups of the American electorate. It will reveal emerging political differences between those who attend church regularly and non-churchgoers, as well as the political differences among those at various income levels. The first chapter of this dissertation will discuss the history of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops and examine its early political involvement through 1973. It will also provide an examination of the situation of early American Catholics. The fact that the bishops would choose to focus the majority of their energy on abortion is not surprising. The Church’s social and moral teachings have consistently advocated for those individuals who are unable to help themselves. While the Church had traditionally linked itself to more “Democratic” causes such as poverty and war, it has always demonstrated underlying support for the sanctity of life. During the 1960s and 1970s, the American Catholic bishops became concerned with the increasing moral 3 ambivalence of not only Catholics but Americans in general. They released statements outlining their displeasure over the use of birth control and their disapproval of abortion. When the Roe v. Wade decision was announced in 1973, the bishops went from talking about the evils of abortion to taking action to end it. It was this court decision that propelled the bishops to new heights of influence in the political process. Suddenly, leaders of the Church who had been hesitant to speak up about political issues were sought out by political leaders and candidates. The bishops’ expanded political role was not an immediate development. Over several decades the unique nature of the abortion issue created a special role in the political world for the American Catholic bishops. Additionally, the decision to make it a primary focus did not come without internal debate. Despite some members of the hierarchy questioning
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