Sealed Amphora Stoppers and Tradesmen in Greco-Roman Egypt: Archaeological, Papyrological and Inscriptional Evidence
BABesch 82 (2007, 115-128. doi: 10.2143/BAB.82.1.2020764)
Sealed amphora stoppers and tradesmen in Greco-Roman Egypt: archaeological, papyrological and inscriptional evidence
Evelien Denecker and Katelijn Vandorpe
Abstract
This paper focuses on sealed amphora stoppers and their stamps originating from Greco-Roman Egypt; the majority of the stoppers appear to belong to the Roman period. After a discussion of the technical aspects of the sealed stoppers, the stamps are dealt with. With the help of papyri, ostraka and inscriptions, some of the indi- viduals mentioned on these stamps may be identified. In case of local trade, the (clay) stamps rather refer to the origin of the wine, whereas in case of international trade the (plaster) stamps record the businessmen involved in trade, among them people from the highest echelons of Egyptian society.*
INTRODUCTION pects of the closing devices, such as construction and materials, are discussed. The second part of The study of Egyptian amphora stoppers and seal- the article focuses on the stamps impressed on the ings has long been neglected in favour of studies amphora sealings, briefly describing their outer on the amphorae themselves and stamped am- appearance and compares the information they phora handles. Due to their poor state of preserva- provide (such as the names of businessmen) with tion or to their supposed lack of esthetical value, papyrological evidence: several businessmen re- sealed stoppers were either considered unworthy corded on amphora stamps may be identified. of publication or remained unnoticed in excavation These identifications give us insight into the indi- reports or catalogues. In recent years, sealed am- viduals who were involved in local or international phora stoppers from Greco-Roman Egypt have at- trade. We will try to find out who was responsible tracted increasing interest. In two articles in 2000 for filling the amphorae or their subsequent sale. G. Nachtergael discussed wooden stamps used to impress amphora sealings. In 2005 Paola Davoli CLOSING DEVICES: TECHNICAL ASPECTS devoted a book to clay objects found in the temple area of the Fayum village of Bakchias, among these A great deal of information coming from Egyptian a whole series of sealings for closing amphorae. amphora stoppers and sealings is transferred by In an appendix of Davoli’s book Katelijn Vandorpe stamps impressed on the sealed stoppers. Before studied the sealings of containers in Greco-Roman any discussion of stamps or the information they Egypt, such as boxes, chests and amphorae. can convey, their bearers, the amphora stoppers The present article is the first to focus on the and sealings, must be studied. In this chapter, we entire corpus of sealed amphora stoppers dating ascertain the difference between stoppers and back to Greco-Roman times. The period offers a sealings, discuss how and from what material wide range of finds, mainly because of the expan- they are made of and examine the peculiarities sion of trade: whereas the Ptolemies continued they can present. local trade and insured an increase of the Red Sea trade, the Romans facilitated trade towards the Stoppers and sealings West and watched over the full exploitation of the country’s resources. The major part of the evi- The terms ‘stopper’ and ‘sealing’ are often used dence originates from the fertile Fayum area and as synonyms, indicating the entirety of a closing the Eastern Desert region, entrance to a wide Red device for amphorae. There is, however, an essen- Sea trade. The entire corpus of evidence is avail- tial difference between both (fig. 1). Stoppers are able through a database-driven website: plugs of stuffing materials such as straw or vine
115 of the amphora, but lie above and around it. The upper part has a round convex shape, while the part underneath is hollow and follows the round shape from above.7 The different sealing types are not linked to a particular type of amphora; they could be applied in all shapes to amphorae and jars of varying sizes.8 Despite the frequent appearance of mould- made sealings in Pharaonic times, Greco-Roman Fig. 1. Sealed amphora stopper from Malkata, clay sealings are always handmade.9 The clay is attached to the severed amphora neck placed on the mouth of the amphora, over the (after Hope 1977, fig. 7a). stopper, and subsequently modelled into shape, creating an uneven and often rough surface. A stamp can be impressed when the sealing has slightly dried.10 Although any type of clay could be used to seal any jar, the plasticity of the clay had to be Fig. 2. Three types of clay sealings: Conical-trunk controlled. If too high, excessive shrinkage could sealing, Mushroom-shaped sealing and Convex-with- occur when it dried, causing the sealing to crack. cavity sealing (after Davoli 2005, fig. 1-3 ch. 3). In order to prevent this, chaff and/or sand could be added to the fresh clay.11 Whereas clay for am- to protect the contents of the vessel from being phorae or other vessels might sometimes have contaminated by wet clay or plaster from the seal- been imported from further afield, the clay for the ing. We find different types of stoppers: reed stop- sealings generally originated from the site of pro- pers consist of a series of roughly circular mats of duction.12 varying diameter, which are woven, laid upon each As the knowledge required to select the clays other or simply bound together. Pottery stoppers for either amphorae or sealings would have been consist of small saucers or shards laid at the top of the same, it has been assumed that the making of the amphora neck. Clay stoppers are thick hand- closing devices was supervised by potters or was made discs of clay placed in the neck of the am- a part of their own job.13 However, there is no evi- phora, most probably while still wet.2 Very com- dence that amphorae were filled at the exact place mon are the stoppers consisting of a wad of leaves, where they were produced. Since clay sealings (or usually vine leaves but occasionally papyri. These plaster ones for that matter),14 applied in wet con- fresh leaves can be laid on top of each other, or dition, could not be pre-produced, it is unlikely propped together in a bung.3 Stoppers of other that potters were involved in the sealing process. materials, such as cork,4 linen, grass, bits of straw When the sealing consists of plaster instead of or chopped chaff mixed with earth or clay, also clay, it bears a different shape. Liquid plaster is occur.5 simply poured into the mouth of the amphora An amphora sealing is, strictly spoken, what is and on top of the stopper.15 The plaster sealing thus laid over the stopper to complete and fortify the covers little of the exterior of the amphora neck stopper and hermetically close the amphora.6 and has a rather flat-looking upper part. In Egypt, Sealings consist of clay or plaster and can be laid plaster sealings entirely supplanted clay sealings above and around the neck of the amphora. Da- from Roman times onwards.16 The material com- voli, discussing clay sealings from the Hellenistic- pared favourably to clay, since it was stronger and Roman village of Bakchias, divides them in three less likely to shrink and/or crack while drying.17 subgroups: the Conical-trunk sealings, the Mush- As a secure sealant, it was especially favoured for room-shaped sealings and the Convex-with-cav- long-distance transport.18 ity sealings (fig. 2). The Conical-trunk sealings are When sealed stoppers, hermetically closing the closing devices that go deep into the amphora’s amphorae, had been removed, lids for standard- neck and have a slightly conical shape in profile. ized amphorae could be used for temporary clos- The upper part of Mushroom sealings has the ing. Made of stone or fired clay, their purpose was more or less round and convex shape of a mush- to keep the contents of the recipients away from room. The interior part goes below the rim into dust and vermin. It is, perhaps, this type of clos- the neck of the vessel. Sealings of the Convex- ing device that is mentioned in a papyrus from with-cavity type do generally not go into the neck the Zenon archive:19 the potter Paesis holds a con-
116 an easy feat. It is not unlikely that special methods or devices for removing those did exist, though none have been recognised or found thus far. An- other explanation may be that after the casting of the sealing, the stopper attaches itself firmly to Fig. 3. Four types of pop-top devices the wet clay or plaster that is put over it. In this (after Bos 2000 fig. 12-4). case, the stopper may be removed at the same time as the sealing, and no further opening device is required. tract for 2000 ceramic lids, called πµατα, sup- posedly for winejars.20 The context of the docu- Pierced Sealings ment seems to indicate that it was common for a potter to produce great quantities of mould-made From the New Kingdom period up to Roman standard-sized lids on demand.21 times, holes in sealed stoppers have been attested throughout Egypt, quite often without any traces Opening or pop-top devices of string. It thus appears that these holes did not develop from pop-top devices, leading to various Since many sealed stoppers, made of either clay theories concerning the purpose of these holes. or plaster, have been found stuck in the necks of The most popular theory connects the holes opened amphorae, we can assume that the open- through sealed stoppers with holes in amphora ing of vessels was sometimes problematic. As necks serving as airholes, allowing fermentation sealings could be extremely tenacious, it was ap- gases to escape from wine amphorae. Wine in parently easier to cut off the neck of a vessel below Egypt was not left to ferment in wooden barrels the level of the sealed stopper.22 Some people may but stood for a period of three to thirteen days in have attempted to cut the sealing out of the mouth open amphorae, after which said amphorae were of the amphora, though this seems to have been closed and a secondary fermentation could take a rather challenging method. place within.27 It thus seems likely that a method In many vessels, opening devices (commonly needed to be found to allow the carbon dioxide called ‘pop-top devices’) have been found. These from the secondary fermentation to escape, pre- pop-top devices usually consisted of strings which venting the amphora from breaking under its were used to pull the sealing out of its place. pressure. Piercing a small hole through the (wet) String impressions at the sides and underside of sealed stopper would have served this purpose.28 sealings are attested at Kellia, Quseir al-Qadim, Winlock, Crum and White, describing the wine Berenike, and Bakchias.23 jars of the monastery of Ephiphanius at Thebes, Different types of opening devices have been were first to put forward the above-mentioned uncovered, four of which have been established hypothesis. Their main attention, however, focuses by Bos (fig. 3).24 Very common is the use of two on the holes in the amphora necks, which were strings, which are crossed below the sealing and apparently made with a metal nail after baking. run up its sides in four places.25 Another method After filling the jar, they state, the hole in either involves a string fixed through a hole in both the amphora neck or the sealed stopper was to be stopper and sealing, as found in Berenike.26 Small stopped by a wisp of straw, allowing the gases to pieces of pottery could also be used and placed escape and preventing the air from entering.29 on either side of the sealing, thereby facilitating Davoli, studying clay sealings from Bakchias, the opening. Lastly, we notice the use of a piece of equally supports the theory: holes were attested textile, which is put under the sealing and simul- in all 39 sealings of the Convex-with-cavity type: taneously serves as a stopper and pop-top device. 18 sealings had one hole, 6 had two and 1 had It is remarkable that hardly any pop-top devices four. Only the sealings of this specific Convex- have been found which allow for the removal of with-cavity type were pierced, prompting the the stopper as well as for the sealing. Different suggestion that this type of sealing was specifi- explanations can be given: firstly, the removal of cally applied to wine vessels.30 the stopper may be much easier than the removal Other authors rejected the airhole-theory, claim- of the sealing. This may well be the case for ‘soft’ ing that it is unsure the pierced sealings actually stoppers, such as wads of leaves or textile. We belonged to winejars. Lerstrup, studying the New cannot, however, assume that the removal of stop- Kingdom sealings of Malkata, states that no pierced pers made of clay, wood, cork or stone was such sealing at Malkata can with certainty be ascribed
117 removal of the sealed stopper.36 Whereas the the- ory may well be applied to the holes in the necks,37 we do not believe that the idea is valid for the sealings: punching a hole through the sealed stopper may prove harder than removing the seal- ing device. Not only was the clay or plaster very hard to pierce, the piercing would in all probabil- ity dislodge the stopper, causing it to fall in the amphora and, possibly, contaminate its contents. Neither the airhole-theory nor the taphole- theory can successfully be applied to the pierced Fig. 4. Commercial stamp with the image of the god- sealings. However, as they appear from the period dess of fertility Thermouthis-Renenutet in the middle of the New Kingdom (Malkata) up to Greco-Roman and the name of the businessman, probably Hermeros, times, the holes must have had a specific func- in the outer circle (after Dieleman 1998, no. 19). tion. Perhaps piercing of vessels, containing wine or other commodities, had a domestic use, though to winejars, confirming Hope’s earlier conclusion. it is hard to see which one. Both authors found no satisfactory explanation for the holes.31 STAMPS, TRADE AND IDENTIFICATION OF BUSINESSMEN The airhole-theory, though seemingly plausible, meets more obstacles: apart from the uncertainty Type and Decoration of Stamps that pierced sealings actually belonged to wine amphorae, it is also uncertain as to whether the A large amount of the sealed stoppers from Greco- holes were really necessary to counteract the fer- Roman Egypt appear to have been stamped prior mentation effects. Since relatively few pierced seal- to drying. As these stamps, bearing inscriptions, ings were found in Egypt, it seems that most wine illustrations or both, inform us about trade and amphorae could do without them and that fer- merchants, it is useful to present here the main mentation was handled in a different way.32 Pos- characteristics.38 sibly the porosity of the clay of the amphorae was There is an essential difference between private kept at such a level that fermentation gases could and commercial stamps. Private stamps are found not amass. By allowing them to escape through the on sealed objects meant for personal use or small- sides of the amphorae, breakage may have been scale trade. They were impressed with a personal prevented. A different scenario, suggested by May- signet ring or gem, which is rather small (ca 1.5 x erson, is that the amphorae were only filled up to 1.2 cm)39 and usually oval-shaped.40 Private stamps two-thirds, allowing extra room inside the recip- bear an illustration (often a representation of a ient.33 The secondary fermentation, which takes deity) rather than an inscription.41 A series of place inside the sealed amphorae, is at any rate Greco-Egyptian or Egyptian deities are repre- likely to be less violent than the primary fermen- sented on them.42 tation, limiting possible damage. The sealed stoppers closing off large, commer- The objections discussed above may be suffi- cial amphorae are rarely stamped with private cient to justify rejecting the airhole-theory. Few rings or gems. The mouth openings of such am- alternative explanations have been suggested. phorae, having a diameter up to 13 cm, are sealed Mayerson proposed that the holes were made and stamped with commercial stamps. Such stamps once the sealing was dry for the purpose of draw- for commercial use are larger than the private ones ing wine. He studied the wine amphorae from the (diameter ca 3 up to 8.5 cm) and most often have monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes, on which a circular or rectangular shape.43 Instead of being Winlock, Crum and White had previously noticed cast with a signet ring or gem, they are impressed holes in both sealings and necks.34 Citing Mena- with a wooden, sandstone or terracotta die, some hot 9.10 of the Talmudic Toseptha: ‘One should not specimens of which have been recovered.44 Com- draw (wine) either from its top because of mould, or mercial stamps generally bear an inscription, from its bottom because of dregs. Rather, one punches though combinations of text and particular illus- a hole in it (the jar) and draws it (the wine) from the trations are frequent. For instance, Thermouthis- (top) third of it, or from its middle’,35 he suggests that Renenutet, a Greco-Egyptian goddess of fertility, such tapholes were made either in the neck or in is popular on Roman commercial stamps for wine the sealing, in order to bypass the often-difficult amphorae (fig. 4).
118 Most inscribed stamps from Greco-Roman Egypt popular in the international Eastern Desert trade are written in Greek, though Latin inscriptions do on the other hand, since they seem to provide a occur.45 The inscription can be arranged in various different type of information. manners: on round stamps it is usually written in a circular line along its outer limits, often sur- Local Trade in the Fayum area rounding a central illustration or inscription; the stamp can also bear a central inscription. On rec- The fertile Fayum oasis produced a large part of tangular stamps, the inscription usually covers the the sealed stoppers that have been discovered entirety of the stamp, written on one or more thus far. These are always made of clay and are imaginary horizontal lines.46 The letters on the dies often impressed with rectangular or circular had to be carved in reverse, so that the imprint stamps. The inscriptions are considerably abbre- would be legible. This was, however, not always viated, even in case of personal names.56 In addi- the case.47 Abbreviations and monograms occur tion, some dies used to stamping wine amphorae frequently and are hard to decipher when no have been uncovered in this area, showing the additional information (from ostraka, papyri or same characteristics. Only in one dossier identifi- literature) is available.48 cations are possible, but they are instructive. Both inscribed and illustrated stamps could be In 3rd-century Egypt large estates became com- enhanced by paint, a practice which goes back to mon. One of the landlords was the high elite - at least - the New Kingdom: red paint or wash member Aurelius Appianus, ηγητ ς, π µνη- was occasionally used on plaster, red or white µατ γρ ς and υλευτ ς of Alexandria. He had paint or wash is found on clay. The paint high- acquired citizenship in AD 212 and owned large lighted the stamp, making it easier to read. It is properties in the Fayum and in other nomes, which unsure whether the paint had another, additional were run by managers.57 In the middle of the 3rd function.49 century, he possessed about twenty vineyards in the Fayum village of Theadelphia, which were Stamps and Tradesmen managed by Heroninos, whose large papyrus ar- chive provides us with crucial information.58 Au- In the Roman West, amphorae were generally relius Appianus was married to Aurelia Demetria,59 closed with a cork bung sealed with plaster, which who also owned vineyards in the Fayum located could subsequently be stamped.50 The producer on land she inherited from her father. Nachtergael is apparently never named on the stamps.51 When published several rectangular wooden stamps the stamps contain names, they are commonly recording vineyards of the rich couple, destined assumed to refer to a trader (mercator or negotiator) to impress sealed stoppers of wine amphorae.60 or shipper (navicularius).52 Whereas contempt for petty trade (mercatura) was common,53 no grudges 1. (Ετ υς) λ Κασ(αρ ς) / αιρε (υ) were held against large-scale trade (negatio), pro- Year 32 of Kaisar. (Of the vineyard) of Chaireas. (= AD vided that one used his new-found wealth to pur- 2 or 3) chase landed estates, and thus to become a respec- 2. δ (τ υς) κτ (µατ ς) / αιρ( υ) table member of society.54 The distinction between Year 4. Of the vineyard of Chaireas. (= ca AD 250) mercatores and negotiatores was one of respectabil- 3. Α"ρ(ηλ υ) κτ (µατ ς) / Κ λ κ(#νθων) / ity: whereas a mercator was primarily a ‘trader’ in (τ υς) a slightly pejorative sense, negotiator was a ‘busi- Of the vineyard of Gourds belonging to Aurelius. Year nessman’ involved in a multiplicity of economic 2. (= ca AD 250) activities, such as large-scale overseas trade, bank- 4. (Ετ υς) δ &Απια(ν ') / κτη(µτων) Πα(νσκ υ) ing and land.55 / Σω(κρ.). Many researchers have believed this particular Year 4. Of the vineyards of Paniskos and Sokras situation to apply to Roman Egypt as well, bas- belonging to Appianus. (= ca AD 250) (fig. 5). ing themselves on only part of the evidence. The 5. (Ετ υς) δ A"ρ(ηλ υ) / &Απια(ν ') κτ (σεως) papyrological evidence makes it possible to iden- (l. κτ (σεως)) tify some of the people found on Egyptian sealed Year 4. Of the central holding of Aurelius Appianus. stoppers. Here, we gather all the identifications (= ca AD 250) for the first time and present some new ones. 6. (Ετ υς) ι A"ρ(ηλας) ∆η(µητρας) / κτ (µατ ς) It is necessary to distinguish between the sealed Σπαρ(τιαν ') stoppers from clay popular in the local trade on Year 10. Of the vineyard of Spartianos belonging to the one hand and sealed stoppers from plaster, Aurelia Demetria (= ca AD 250)
119 7. ια (τ υς) / &Ελπ(ιδη0ρ υ) Year 11. Of (the vineyard of) Elpidephoros (= ca AD 250) (fig. 6) 8. &Ελπ(ιδη0ρ υ) Of (the vineyard of) Elpidephoros.
All stamps provide similar information in abbre- viated form: generally, the name of the vineyard (κτ1µα)61 and the year of produce are mentioned, Fig. 5. Wooden stamp recording the vineyards from to which the name of the owner of the central where the wine originated (compare Nachtergael 2000, holding (κτ1σις) may be added (Aurelius Appia- no. 2). nus or Aurelia Demetria).62 The vineyards (κτ µατα) are often named after a person (Chaireas, Paniskos, Sokras, Elpidepho- ros), not necessarily a living person, but rather a Fig. 6. Whereas the name of the vineyard remained, the previous owner. In accordance with the informa- year of produce changed every year. In this respect tion provided by the Heroninus papyrus archive, stamp no 7 referring to the vineyard of Elpidephoros these vineyards became part of Appianus’ or his is worth describing: it consists of two wooden plates wife’s estate. The vineyard of Chaireas is a clear fixed to a handle. One plate records the vineyard’s example. Whereas stamp no 2 can be dated to name, the other one the year of produce. The latter had about AD 250, stamp no 1 reads ‘the 32nd year of to be changed every year, the former could remain in Kaisar’ (= Augustus), that is AD 2 or 3. Nachter- place (after Nachtergael 2000, nos 7-8). gael concludes that one and the same vineyard is involved, which bore the name ‘of Chaireas’ dur- ing at least three centuries.63 more stoppers have come to light and new iden- According to the Heroninus papyrus archive tifications add to the picture. This part focuses on wine was the main crop on Appianus’ Fayum some rich business men involved in the Eastern estate and was for a large part marketed through trade who appear on plaster stoppers and/or professional wine sellers of two main types: ‘small- hold an account (λ0γ ς) according to papyrolog- scale village-based oinopolai who probably had ical and inscriptional evidence. contracts with the estate to market a set amount Several ostraka from the Julio-Claudian period66 of wine for it annually, and larger-scale sellers testify to the transport of merchandise from Kop- based in [the Fayum capital] Arsinoe who proba- tos to the Red Sea, and vice versa, by firms, such bly had more open agreements with the estate’.64 as that of Nikanor.67 These transport-firms work The above examples, however, show that the ‘for the account (ε2ς τ3ν λ0γ ν)’ of an individual, stamps on Appianus’ amphorae stoppers refer to pass the customs house gates and deliver the the origin of the wine (the vineyard and/or estate), goods to the individual’s agents in a Red Sea port not to the local merchants marketing the wine. or at Koptos. Fuks described the account (λ0γ ς)- It is important to distinguish the information holders as ‘big businessmen’, who ‘do not reside on sealed stoppers from the Fayum area from that in the far-away ports of the Red Sea (...) but carry on plaster sealings, most often intended for long on their business entirely through agents’.68 distance trade through the Eastern Desert, which Twenty-six such businessmen/account-holders will be discussed in the next section. (with a legible name) are thus far attested in the ostraka;69 further names found on plaster sealings Prominent people involved in the international Eastern may be added to the list, as at least two of them trade: their accounts and their plaster jar sealings are to be identified with account-holders recorded in ostraka (Gaius Norbanus Ptolemaios and Gaius The international trade in Red Sea ports and along Iulius Epaphroditos, see below).70 This brings the the Eastern desert routes connecting the Nile to total to thirty-six businessmen. the Red Sea, is well documented. Archaeological The close relationship between the business- remains, inscriptions, papyri and ostraka provide men from the ostraka and those on the jar sealings valuable information. Inscribed plaster jar seal- may be revealed by an example. The transporter ings, on the other hand, are often neglected.65 Herakles presents at a customs house in the East- Sidebotham included them in his study Roman ern desert region four jars of the type κ ιλ0πωµα Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa in 1986, but with Italian wine, the sealings of which contain
120 the name of the businessman Gaius Iulius Epa- phroditos; such a plaster sealing has been found at Koptos, recording: ‘Of Gaius Iulius Epaphroditos, year 5.’ (? AD 18/19) (fig. 8)
To prove that the customs-dues have been paid, the transporter presents the ostrakon O.Beren. I 84 (1st century AD), describing what the toll collec- tor sees before him: ‘Herakles son of Hermias [transports] 4 koilopomata of Italian wine for the account of Gaius Iulius Epaphro- ditos, for outfitting [that is the wine has to be shipped and to be exported to the East].’
The ostrakon has been found at the Red Sea port of Berenike, where it was left behind after the wine was shipped. Who were these businessmen/account-hold- ers? Apart from one or two exceptions, Fuks (in 1951) and Raschke (in 1978) considered them non- entities,71 but more recent and new identifications prove otherwise; for eleven of the thirty-six busi- nessmen an identification may be proposed. On the basis of their nomenclature, these busi- nessmen are usually divided into ‘Romans, Greeks and hellenized (some of them Roman citizens, some freedmen) Egyptians’.72 We prefer another classification: Fig. 7. Map of Egypt (by B. Van Beek). * the first group consists of businessmen, belong- ing to the upper classes, who have contacts with Alexandria and even Italy or the imperial family. They own landed property and may be appointed to high posts; * the second group represents the local, Egyptian aristocracy; * the third group consists of (probably small) businessmen originating from Eastern regions such as South Arabia. They operate at the East- ern frontier of Egypt and call themselves mer- chants (µπ ρ ς).
The top layer of society and trade in wine and pharmakon Fig. 8. Plaster sealing mentioning the businessman Gaius Iulius Epaphroditos (Cuvigny 1998, no 7). The first group, representing the top layer of soci- ety in Roman Egypt, is the largest one. The very one of the richest and most respected families of highest echelon of participants in trade is repre- Alexandrian Jews and was a nephew of the philo- sented by highly placed equestrians and other sopher Philo. His brother Tiberius Iulius Alexan- nobles appointed to high posts. Some rich and der was epistrategos of the Thebaid (that is Upper highly respected imperial freedmen may also be Egypt) in the period when Marcus had commer- counted to the top layer of Egyptian society. cial interests at the Eastern frontier and later The identification by Fuks of the (a) account- became Egyptian prefect. His father Alexander holder Marcus Iulius Alexander (AD 37-43/44) has Iulius Alexander was arabarch, in charge of the been generally accepted.73 Marcus was born in customs-dues in the Eastern desert (see below)
121 and, as stressed by Rathbone, he had close links with the imperial family and had banking facilities in Italy (Puteoli).74 Marcus married the daughter of King Herod Agrippa I and died in AD 44. The list of prominent people engaged in the Fig. 9. Plaster Eastern trade, is to be extended with two examples sealing mentioning of arabarchs who combine their important func- the arab(arch) tion with commerce in the same region. Arab- Claudius Aniketos archs, who were in charge of customs-dues on the (after Milne 1905, Eastern frontier, were as a rule extremely rich.75 no 33014). (b) Two plaster stoppers76 record the name of Claudius Aniketos (fig. 9): the centre part has the posts, very rarely held simultaneously by the name in Latin, written in the form of a cross: same man, and neither normally held by an in- Cl[audi] Anice[ti], the outer circle mentions the habitant of the province; the implication is that this name in Greek characters: Κλαυδ( υ) &Ανικ τ υ, Gaius Norbanus Ptolemaeus was well-known and followed by αρα, undoubtedly an abbreviation trusted at Nero’s Court’.85 for 4ρα(ρ5 υ), and not for a personal name as Three businessmen recorded in the ostraka may suggested by the editor. An Aniketos son of Kom- have been imperial freedmen, as already pointed monos, slave of the emperor Tiberius, is well- out by Fuks in 1951;86 the plaster sealings confirm attested in the ostraka of the Eastern Desert region the trend with six further examples:87 one plaster (AD 33-34) personally carrying on commercial sealing explicitly mentions Σε(αστ ') 4πελε#- activities there (that is without agents);77 he may θερ ς, meaning ‘imperial freedman’, alongside be the same Aniketos who was tutor to Nero and the personal name88 and the predominance of the was freed by him.78 An identification with the nomen Claudius may be significant. In Egypt, espe- arabarch Claudius Aniketos is tempting but can- cially in the Fayum, imperial freedmen were often not be proved at this point. in charge of imperial estates. These freedmen some- (c) The traces of a damaged plaster stopper from times invested in land; their property was passed Koptos79 fit the name of &Απ. [ λ]λ[ω]ν. υ followed to their master upon their death and became part by αρ.., which could refer to the arabarch of the imperial patrimonium. The ostraka and plas- Apollonios, son of the arabarch Ptolemaios, attested ter sealings show they also invested in commerce, in AD 2 and 41. Apollonios was also strategos of especially in wine,89 in our view for their own the Ombite nome and of the region of Elephantine benefit.90 and Philae.80 Besides the Claudius Aniketos (mentioned a- P. Annius Plokamos81 held, according to Pliny, bove), who became arabarch, some further identi- the post of arabarch during the early reign of Clau- fications of freedmen are possible. (e) Gaius Iulius dius (NH 6.84: qui maris Rubri vectigal fisco rede- Epaphroditos, attested as account-holder in eight merat). He is not yet identified as account-holder ostraka from Berenike concerning wine trade in the ostraka or as businessman on plaster stop- (Julio-Claudian period)91 is undoubtedly identi- pers, and therefore, has not yet been added to our cal with Gaius Iulius Epaphroditos on a plaster list, but other evidence suggests that Annius was stopper from Koptos. If he were a freedman him- involved in the Eastern trade on the one hand and self, he was freed by Augustus and the year 5 that he had Puteolan roots on the other; he may recorded on his plaster stopper would then refer have been (descended from) a freedman of the to AD 18/19. The stopper may have closed a wine Italian Annii.82 amphora. According to the Berenike ostraka, he Not only arabarchs were involved in Eastern dealt in foreign wine (from Italy and from Syrian trade. (d) Gaius Norbanus Ptolemaios is account- Laodikea)92 and used for the Italian wine, among holder according to ostraka (AD 36-41) and is others, a type of jar called κ ιλ0πωµα (hollow-lid- found on three plaster stoppers from Koptos (1st ded), which puzzled the editors.93 In our view, a century AD).83 Independently, Rathbone (with western type of jar used in the 1st-2nd centuries AD reservations) and Cuvigny (convincingly)84 iden- and exported to the East, may be involved, having tified him as the Gaius Norbanus Ptolemaios who a small mouth and closed with a hollow lid hav- was iuridicus and idioslogos in AD 63 and who ing the shape of a small jar itself: this lid, fixed in owned properties in, at least, the Hermopolite the jar’s mouth with plaster, contained a sample nome (AD 60-65). Rathbone adds that ‘the Iuri- of the wine, which made it possible to taste the dicus and the Idios Logos were both Equestrian wine without opening the jar; the hollow lid had
122 to be closed with a stopper as well.94 The κ ιλ - The trade in especially wine, but also in phar- πµατα, found for the first time in the Berenike makon and other products contrasts with the ostraka, may also be mentioned in a damaged wheat which appears to be the only commodity line of O. Petrie 276 from Koptos.95 dealt in by the next group. (f) Tiberius Claudius Serapion, account-holder according to an ostrakon from Koptos (between Local Egyptian aristocracy and wheat trade AD 41-68),96 may be identified as the freedman Tiberius Claudius Serapion who owned an estate The second group of businessmen is represented in the Fayum which became part of the imperial by the local aristocratic families. Apart from (part- patrimonium in AD 55 at the latest.97 (g) A plas- ly hellenized) Egyptian individuals, at least one ter stopper from Koptos contains the name Cresti, aristocratic priestly family was engaged in private ‘of Crestus’, according to Reinach, but the stopper trading. (h) Paminis son of Parthenios and his sons has disappeared. If Reinach’s reading is correct, Paniskos and Psenpnouthis are account-holders the stopper may refer to the freedman ρ1στ ς according to several ostraka (AD 25-41).102 Paminis (Crestus in Latin), whose Mendesian estate was and a third son Parthenios also appear on inscrip- incorporated in the imperial patrimonium.98 tions from Koptos (AD 21/22-32).103 Sidebotham The above list of businessmen of the Roman refers to the Greek inscriptions and underestimates and Greek upper class and of successful imperial the Egyptian, priestly origin of the family.104 The freedmen shows that Raschke was right in dis- Greek inscriptions, however, are inscribed on missing the view that the merchants of Antiquity hieroglyphic stelai with offering scenes in Egyptian were men of no social consequence, who ‘left the style and the dossier of stelai has been extended commercial origins of their wealth behind when by Farid with several hieroglyphic and/or Demo- they purchased landed estates, the only socially tic pieces,105 the total amounting to more than acceptable form of wealth, and moved into the twenty monuments.106 Paminis’ son Parthenios municipal or imperial governing class’.99 There is appears to be p3 rwd n Is.t (‘representative of Isis’) indeed a close relationship between (landed) or πρ σττης of Isis, the great goddess, at Koptos; wealth and commercial capital. But the business- as prostates he headed the Koptos temple as an men were not non-entities, as suggested by Rasch- economic unit, was responsible for or participated ke for most of them. They (or close family mem- in several building activities through the reigns of bers of them) were appointed to high posts, linking Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero and prob- them with Alexandria, or, as Rathbone already ably collected local taxes for the temple.107 suggested for three of them, with Italy (especially For this local aristocratic family no direct link Puteoli) and even the imperial family. In this re- with Alexandria or Italy is apparent or expected. spect it is revealing to track the commodities they It is conspicuous that Paminis’ family enterprise trade in: Fuks and Ruffing100 emphasized the pre- deals in wheat only, which is destined for con- dominance of wheat in the ostraka from Koptos, sumption at the Red Sea ports rather than for but when the first group of important business- export, as, of course, no wheat was cultivated men alone is taken into account, it is clear that there. Also the other account-holders bearing an wine and pharmakon is their main export prod- Egyptian name,108 only deal in wheat. As a con- uct;101 the predominance of plaster amphora seal- sequence, we do not expect to find jar sealings of ings for this group adds to the picture. Of major these account-holders. interest is the trade of foreign wine, among oth- ers Italian wine. For some individuals a link with Businessmen with Eastern roots and wine trade Italy may be shown, suggesting export from Italy to the East through Egypt’s Red Sea ports. The third group of businessmen, those who have The identification of Gaius Norbanus Ptole- Eastern roots, is badly represented, as only one maios (see (d)) and Gaius Iulius Epaphroditos identification has been made. The account-holder (see (e)) indicates that the men named on the (i) Hermeros son of Athenion attested at Koptos plaster amphora sealings in the Eastern Desert (AD 57),109 describes himself in an inscription region were businessmen exporting or importing from the same town (9 Aug. AD 70) as a merchant foreign and local wine. The question whether (µπ ρ ς), originating from Adana (Arabia, mod- they are producers or traders may be answered: ern Aden).110 The ostrakon testifies to the export they were traders, but in some cases they were to the East of wine in πτ λεµαικ, a type of Egyp- undoubtedly producers as well, as the local wine tian wine jars.111 A second µπ ρ ς from Adana may have come from their estates in Egypt. may be found in another Greek inscription, but
123 his name is lost. The Palmyrene merchants active several useful suggestions. 1 Egloff 1977, 180. in the region and forming some type of trading 2 112 Hope 1977, 14. The descriptions of Hope concern the associations may belong to this third group of amphora stoppers found in and around the New businessmen. Kingdom temple complex at Malkata. They may prove to be of use for the Greco-Roman typology. 3 CONCLUSION Davoli 2005, 103-104. 4 Cork stoppers are commonly found in the West of the Mediterranean, but are rather rare in Egypt, see The identification of individuals recorded on stamps Cashman 1999, 285-286. Bos 2000, 275 mentions a large of Roman Egypt shows that a distinction should be amount of cork stoppers found during the 1998 exca- made between local and international trade. Local vation season at the Red Sea port of Berenike. trade: the Fayum oasis produced several amphora 5 The most common stopper material in the West seems to have been cork and wet clay. Fired clay, pieces cut sealings made of clay and stamped with consid- from amphorae and tiles and metal could apparently erably abbreviated inscriptions. According to some also be used as stoppers. Parker 1992, 50, 70, 74, 91, 98, wooden dies used to impress such amphora seal- 101, 104-105, 114, 183, 238-239, 254, 264, 288-289, 300- ings, the abbreviations refer to names of vine- 301, 313, 331, 348, 413, 439. 6 Davoli 2005, 101. yards or estates, that is to the origin of wine which 7 Davoli 2005, 101. Colin Hope, when writing about the is meant for local trade. This practice undoubted- New Kingdom sealings of Malkata, made a distinction ly goes back to the Pharaonic period, where clay between Cap Shaped sealings, Domed sealings and amphora sealings recorded the product and the Cylindrical sealings. According to him, Cap Shaped producing institution.113 International trade: an- sealings are the smallest sealings, covering the mouth and part of the neck of the amphora. Their top can be other picture emerges from the amphora sealings flat or rounded and the width of the sealing is greatest from the Eastern Desert region, where the major- at the top. Domed sealings are larger; they can be sub- ity of the stamps is made of plaster and contains divided into Round Domed, Tapering Domed, and Flat- names of individuals which are usually not abbre- tened Domed, according to the shape of the top. The width of these sealings is usually greatest at the bottom. viated (except for the praenomen). The identifica- Cylindrical sealings are even larger, entirely covering tions of these individuals with the help of papy- the neck of the amphora and resting on its shoulders. rological and inscriptional evidence show that the The top of Cylindrical sealings can be flat or convex, stamps do not refer to the origin of the product, and the sides inclined, straight or bulging. Although but to businessmen involved in international trade. the classification of Hope is to be applied first and fore- most on New Kingdom sealings, it may prove valuable These businessmen (or their close family mem- for sealings of later date, see Hope 1977, 26-27. bers) had affinities with the Eastern Desert. The 8 Davoli 2005, 101. group of small businessmen with Eastern roots 9 Mould-made sealings, very popular in the Old, Middle resided at least part of the time at Koptos, where and New Kingdom, went out of use before the Hel- lenistic period. They are created by using an open-ended they erected stelai; they may be compared to the mould, with a flat top and cylindrical sides, or with a mercatores of the Roman West. The businessmen of round, tapering or conical top and slightly battered Egypt’s upper classes (or close family members), sides. The wet clay is pressed into the mould, which is combining (landed) wealth and commercial cap- subsequently put onto the neck of the amphora and ital, did not reside at the Eastern Desert frontier, forced down to encase it. A stopper is already present in the neck of the amphora. The excess clay is forced out but were arabarchs in charge of customs-dues of the mould and trimmed off. The bottom of the seal- there or held an official post such as epistrategos ing is cut off after removal of the mould. The mould- of the Thebaid or strategos of nomes in Upper made sealings are more regular than the hand-made Egypt, near the Eastern Desert. It is striking that ones, with smooth sides and top. As is the case for hand- made sealings, the stopper is most often displaced arabarchs and (epi)strategoi or their family mem- deeper into the amphora neck, where it still prevents bers were allowed to have commercial interests contamination from the wet mud. Stamps are impressed in the region under their supervision. Apparently, while the clay is still moist. Both in the case of hand- a public career was no impediment to private gain. made and mould-made sealings, reinforcing bands of In addition, some of these big businessmen were papyrus, reed or rope can be applied to the rim or neck of the amphorae before sealing, see Hope 1977, 6-7. linked not only with Alexandria, but also with 10 Clay sealings obviously remained unfired, since they Italy and even the imperial family. They may be were applied in wet condition to a full jar or amphora. compared to the negotiatores of the Roman West. 11 Hope 1977, 10, 31. Double sealings, as found on the New Kingdom site at Malkata, are the result of excessive shrinkage: when a sealing did shrink during drying, a NOTES new (often quite distinct) one was applied over it. 12 By determining the origin of the clay, the approximate * We would like to thank F. Burkhalter, W. Clarysse, C. production site may also be established, see Hope 1977, Crossan, H. Cuvigny, P. Davoli and D. Rathbone for 10-11.
124 13 Hope 1977, 10. 1906). In this Fayum village, a great variety of private 14 See infra, note 15. stamps were found, of small dimension and dating to 15 Theories that plaster sealings were pre-produced and the middle of the 2nd century AD. E.g. ‘Bust of Sarapis lowered into the jar while still soft, cannot be entirely to right, crowned with modius: behind, bust of Isis to refuted, but seem unlikely. Johnson 1979, 233; see also right, crowned with horns and plumes: before, bust of Sundelin 1996, 298-299. hawk-headed Horus to left, crowned with modius’ 16 Plaster had already become the most widespread seal- (Milne 1906, Cat.no. 11). ing material in the West before breaking through in 43 Davoli 2005, 104. Roman Egypt, see Sundelin 1996, 298. 44 Vandorpe 2005, 168; Nachtergael 2000, 155. 17 Sealings with plaster were considered ‘secure’ accord- 45 Nachtergael 2000, 153. Latin inscriptions are frequent ing to various papyri from Greco-Roman Egypt, see in the Byzantine period. Vandorpe 2005, 165. 46 Stamps on jars destined for local trade can be less 18 Montet 1946, 109. neatly arranged than those on jars for long-distance 19 P.Cair.Zen. III 59481 (see PSI IV 441); compare Vandorpe transport. For this last category, it was obviously 2005, 163. deemed important to have stamps of a good and legi- 20 Mayerson 2001, 217; see also Peacock/Williams 1986, 51. ble quality, see Vandorpe 2005, 168. 21 A different type of closing device equally needs to be 47 See Nachtergael 2000, 155, for examples from the Fayum mentioned: the small flask-like vessel or koilopoma, village of Theadelpheia. which was supposed to contain a sample of the 48 Monograms are increasingly popular in the Copto- amphora contents (see below, with note 93). Not all Byzantine period, see Vandorpe 2005, 168. researchers agree on its being a sealing/stopper (it is 49 Vandorpe 2005, 172. unclear whether an extra stopper was applied below 50 Aubert 1994, 269. the bottle, the koilopoma probably was both stopper and 51 Aubert 1994, 273. sealing in one); some claim it to be neither and consider 52 Paterson 1982, 156; Tchernia 1986, 119. it an unguent bottle, see Peacock/Williams 1986, 51. 53 In contrast, small-scale trade of surplus produce was 22 Whitcomb/Johnson 1982, 263. never considered inappropriate in Rome, see D’Arms 23 Egloff 1977, 180; see also Johnson 1979, 233-234; Sun- 1981, 5. delin 1996, 298-299; Dieleman 1998, 265; Cashman 1999, 54 Cic. De Off. 1.151; D’Arms 1981, 23. 289; Bos 2000, 278-279, 302; Davoli 2000, 144; Davoli 55 D’Arms 1981, 24-26. 2005, 104. 56 Vandorpe 2005, 170. 24 Bos 2000, 278-279. 57 Rathbone 1991, 15-23. The Theadelphia vineyards only 25 At Quseir al-Qadim Johnson (1979, 233) assumed that made up a small part of Appianus’ estate in the Arsi- these strings had been used to lower the still soft plas- noite nome. ter stopper into place. This, however, seems unlikely. 58 Rathbone 1991. 26 Sundelin 1996, 299. 59 Rathbone 1991, 38. 27 Lerstrup 1992, 66-75. 60 Nachtergael 2000, 156-161, nos 1-6. For the convenience 28 Bos 2000, 278. of seeing likenesses between the various dies, their 29 Winlock/Crum/White 1926, 79. inscriptions are here listed together. 30 Davoli 2005, 102. 61 In stamp no 5 the name of the vineyard is lacking. 31 Lerstrup 1992, 73-74; see also Hope 1977, 7. 62 The above-mentioned dies are all rectangular and made 32 Again, we must not forget that many pierced amphora of wood (tamaris wood). They measure 7.5 to 10 cm sealings did not belong to wine amphorae. long, 4.5. to 5 cm wide and 3.2 to 5 cm high. The plate 33 Mayerson cites Menahot 9.10 of the Talmudic Toseptha: they are made of can be 1 to 1.65 cm thick. They gen- ‘One ought not to fill a jar up to its top (literally, to its erally bear a handle and are neatly carved, though not mouth) but only up to two-thirds of it, so that its fumes all of them are carved in reverse. Dies nos 1 and 2 date (or aroma) can diffuse.’ Mayerson 2001, 219-220. We from the same year and seem to be made by the same have no information on whether this practice was ever hand, see Nachtergael 2000, 155, 158. applied in Egypt. 63 Nachtergael 2000, 157. 34 Winlock/Crum/White 1926, 79. 64 Rathbone 1991, 278-306, esp. 287. 35 Mayerson 2001, 219-220. 65 Plaster jar sealings have been discovered at Berenike, 36 Davoli (2005, 104) notes that techniques, as described Quseir al-Qadim, Maximianon, Krokodilo and Koptos, above in the Toseptha, have never been attested in Egypt, see Vandorpe 2005, 163, n. 1. neither in written sources nor in depictions. 66 O.Petrie 220-304 (found at Koptos) and O.Beren. I and 37 It is not unlikely that one would bypass the difficult II (found at Berenike). opening by simply making a hole in the amphora neck, 67 Fuks 1951, 207-216. which could easily be closed with wax or with any 68 Fuks 1951, 209; thus, three levels may be discerned: the other material afterwards. absentee businessmen (holding an account), their resi- 38 Studied in detail by Vandorpe 2005. dent-agents (collecting the commodities from the trans- 39 Larger rings or gems (2.5 x 3 cm) are rare, see Vandorpe porters) and the transporters. 2005, 166. Davoli reports the use of a 7th-century BC 69 See Fuks 1951, 210-211 and n. 25: ‘Only λ0γ ς-holders scarab as a die in Bakchias; similar scarabs have been represented by agents and connected with the firm of used in Edfu, see Davoli 2000, 154-155. Nicanor are taken into account.’ To the list of Fuks of 40 Vandorpe 2005, 166. 25 businessmen, one more logos-holder, not connected 41 ‘Man’s religious partialities influence the choice of a to the transport firm of Nikanor, is to be added: Gaius signet ring’, see Milne 1906, 38. Iulius Epaphroditos, attested in O.Beren. I 80-85 and 42 Most of them are found in a non-commercial context, O.Beren. II 147-148; it is not clear whether Tiberius such as the cellars of private houses in Karanis (Milne Claudius Dorion is a logos-holder as well (O.Beren. I 50-
125 67 passim and see pp. 5-6). 95 9ν υ ει κ πωµ δ# 70 Ll. 4-5: the ed. has ...... Only the legible names are incorporated: Apollonios ar.. 96 O.Petrie 297. (?arabarch), Barbarion, Claudius Aniketos arab(arch), 97 Parassoglou 1978, 52 and 81 no 25. Clau(dius) Hermo[?ke]rdon, Tiberius Claudius Serenus, 98 Parassoglou 1978, 78 no 14. Chrestos, Titus Flavius [ ]allis, Herm[?eros], Gaius Iulius 99 Raschke 1978, 645. Epaphroditos, Ker.... imperial freedman, Gaius Norba- 100 Fuks 1951, 212; Ruffing 1993, 1-26. nus Ptolemaios, Primus L. Titus. 101 71 Wine, alongside pharmakon, oil, wheat and some other Raschke 1978, 604-1378, esp. 644; Young 2001, 60, briefly products: discusses three businessmen of high rank. Apollonios (see above, identification (c)): plaster jar 72 Fuks 1951, 210; compare Sidebotham 1986, 84. 73 sealing Fuks 1951; Raschke 1978, 644, 646 and n. 804-807 and Tiberius Claudius Agathokles & Theodoros (O.Petrie 871-872; Rathbone 1983, 88-89; Sidebotham 1986, 84-85; 275, 276): pharmakon, wheat and wine (in koilopomata, Burkhalter 1999; Young 2001, 60. not read by the editor) 74 Rathbone 1983, 89. 75 Claudius Aniketos (see above, identification (b)): plas- Burkhalter 1999. ter jar sealing 76 Milne 1905, no. 33014 and 33015 = SB I 960: Κλαυδ( υ) &Ανικ τ υ &Αρα Tiberius Claudius(?) Serenus (Cuvigny 1998, no 4): (). The two plaster sealings are of un- plaster jar sealing known origin, but all inscribed plaster sealings known Cornelius (O.Petrie 227, 246): wine jars and anise thus far originate from the Eastern desert region. Aulus Gabinius Eudaimon (O.Petrie 225): pharmakon 77 O.Petrie 238 and 239 (AD 33-34). 78 2 Titus Flavius [. . ]allis (Johnson 1979, pl. 75h): plaster PIR 589; Sidebotham 1986, 89. jar sealing 79 ι. υα . α. υ να Cuvigny 1998, no. 5: ]. . . c.[(with photograph). Marcus Iulius Alexander (O.Petrie 252, 266, 267, 271, 80 Burkhalter 1999, 51 (no 2). 81 282): different kind of products and wheat Raschke 1978, 644; D’Arms 1981, 166 and n. 79; Rathbone Gaius Iulius Epaphroditos (see above, identification 1983, 88; Burkhalter 1999, 51-52 (no 4); Young 2001, 60. 82 (e)): foreign wine in ostraka and plaster jar sealings Rathbone 1983, 88. Lucius Iulius Ph... (O.Petrie 261): wine 83 Sidebotham 1986, 84. 84 Marcus Laelius Hymenaios (O.Petrie 240): foreign wine Rathbone 1983, 89; Rathbone’s reservation is partly due Macro (O.Petrie 268, 270): wine to an incorrect reading of G. Norbanus’ name in the Gaius Norbanus Ptolemaios (O.Petrie 244; 257 + Cu- ostraka (without the cognomen Ptolemaios). Cuvigny Γα υ vigny 1998 (instead of BL 5), see above, identification 1998, 3-4, corrected the reading of O.Petrie 257 (d)): pharmakon, other products in ostraka and plaster Ν ραν ' Γα υ Ν ραν ' Πτ λε.µα .υ...... into jar sealings. λ0γ (ν) (checked by Cuvigny on the original). 85 ?Primus L. Titus (Cuvigny 1998, 2): plaster jar sealing Rathbone 1983, 89. 102 86 Paminis son of Parthenios (O.Petrie 228, 229, 231, 248, Tiberius Claudius Agathokles and Tiberius Claudius 249); Paniskos son of Paminis (O.Petrie 255 + BL 5, 256, Theodoros, Tiberius Claudius Serapion: see Fuks 1951, ?230, ?262); Psenpnouthis son of Paminis son of 210; see also Raschke 1978, n. 889; Sidebotham 1986, 89- Parthenios (O.Petrie 233, 250). 91 and O.Beren. I, 27. 103 87 For the identification, see Bingen 1984, 360-361. Claudius Aniketos arab(arch), Clau(dius) Hermo[?ke]r- 104 Sidebotham 1986, 84; he only mentions Parthenios, but don (the editor read: Hermo[ ..]rdon), Tiberius Claudius also his father Paminis is found in an inscription: SB V Serenus, Gaius Iulius Epaphroditos, Ker.... Imperial 8811 = Bernand 1977, no 78a: dedication of a peribolos freedman, Titus Flavius [ ]allis. to Isis, Harpokrates and Pan by Paminis son of Parthe- 88 Whitcomb/Johnson 1979, pl. 75e. 89 nios, and his son Parthenios in AD 21/22. Tiberius Claudius Agathokles and Tiberius Claudius The- 105 Farid 1988, 13-65; see also Depauw, in Willems/ odoros dealt in wine (kept in koilopomata, see below), Clarysse 2000, 248-249 (catalogue no 170-171). wheat and pharmakon (O. Petrie 275-276). The above- 106 The entire dossier of stelai (Greek-hieroglyphic and De- mentioned plaster sealings recording imperial freed- motic) has recently been re-edited by Vleeming 2001, men may have closed wine jars. 90 no 179-202. According to some researchers they work, on the con- 107 Farid 1988; Traunecker 1992, 330-331; Depauw, in Wil- trary, for the benefit of their patron. In this case they lems/Clarysse 2000, 248-249. were at the head of an imperial estate and functioned 108 Mo.itios son of Petasmephis (O.Petrie 277); Porieuthos as agent of the emperor, responsible for selling the pro- son of Kastor (O.Petrie 269, 284). duce. Compare Bagnall, in Whitcomb/Johnson 1979, 109 O.Petrie 287; see BL 7 for the reading of the father’s name. 243-244. 110 91 Wagner 1976 = Bernand 1984, no 65. O.Beren. I no 80-85; O.Beren. II no 147-148; see O.Beren. 111 See O.Beren. I, p. 21. I , 6 (group E) and 27. 112 92 Sidebotham 1986, 95-96. O.Beren. I, 16-20; O.Beren. II 147-148; for ‘Laodicean’ 113 Vandorpe 2005, 169. wine as a genuine import from Syrian Laodicea, see Rathbone 1983, 84-87. 93 O.Beren. I, 23, with reference to a jar with a concave lid BIBLIOGRAPHY found at Deir el-Gizaz, see Di Bitonto Kasser/Doresse 1996, 110-111 (9m), with photograph; this type of jar BL, O.Beren., O.Petrie, P.Cair.Zen., PSI, SB: with a very large mouth, is, however, not suitable for for editions of papyri and ostraka, we refer to: far transports. Oates, J.F./R.S. Bagnall/Sarah J. Clackson 2001 (5), 94 See Rakob 1990, 118-119, pl. 23, 54; examples found in Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic and Coptic Tunisia and Turkey are kept at the Allard Pierson papyri, Ostraca and Tablets (Bulletin of the American Museum at Amsterdam, see the catalogue De Oudheid Society of Papyrologists 9), New York, unless specifi- verpakt, Voorhout 1997, pl. 122. cally stated otherwise.
126 See also: que: dix ans de recherche. Actes du colloque de Sienne (22-
127 Wagner, G. 1976, Une dédicace à Isis et à Héra de la part d’un négociant d’Aden, BIFAO 76, 277-281. Willems, H./W. Clarysse (eds.) 2000, Les Empereurs du Nil (exhibition catalogue), Leuven. Williams, A.L. 1921, Tractate Berakoth, Benedictions, Mishna and Toseptha, London. Winlock, H.E./W.E. Crum/H.G.E. White 1926, The Monas- tery of Epiphanius at Thebes, New York. Withcomb, D.S./J.H. Johnson 1979, Quseir al-Qadim 1978. Preliminary Report (American Research Centre in Egypt, Reports 5), Cairo. Withcomb, D.S./J.H. Johnson 1982, Quseir al-Qadim 1980. Preliminary Report (American Research Centre in Egypt, Reports 7), Malibu. Whittaker, D. 1989, Amphorae and Trade, in Amphores romaines et histoire économique: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne (22-24 mai 1986), Rome, 537-539. Young, G.K. 2001, Rome’s Eastern Trade. International Com- merce and Imperial Policy, 31 BC-AD 305, London/New York.
EVELIEN DENECKER VINKENLAAN 18 B-2920 KALMTHOUT [email protected]
KATELIJN VANDORPE KULEUVEN, ANCIENT HISTORY BLIJDE-INKOMSTSTRAAT 21 B-3000 LEUVEN [email protected]
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