Section I : T h e Religious Pattern of Marathvada. *

The eplgraphlcal records, architectural remains and the literature of ancient Marathwada suggest that reli­ gious toleration was the general characteristic of the period under review. Till the medieval ages, in the region of Mara­ thwada as elsewhere in India, education, literature and fine arts prospered in relation to religion only. As religion was the base of the quest of supreme knowledge^ the discu­ ssion of philosophical doctrines and the thirst for devotion, so also the art, architecture, music and dance were utilised as the various forms of worship of the deities. In short all the aspects of the medieval culture had essentially a rela­ tion with the religious faiths.

No king of any of the djmastles that ruled over this region was a follower of Buddhism. Nevertheless, the numerous Buddhist monuments built till the seventh century

A, D. in this region show how the Hindu kings of the Satava- bana, the Vakataka and the Chalukya dynasties were tolerant towards Buddhism. Similarly the popularity of Hinduism did 70?

not in the least affect the prospects of Jainism in Mara- thwada. In fact Jainism continued, atleast from the Badarai

Chalukya period to be the faith of a strong minority throti- ghout our period of study and was destined to make consi­ derable progress under the influence of the Rishtraldata kings like Amoghavarsa, and others. It must, however, be admitted that inspite of the sympathetic attitude and considerable patronage given to these two faiths our period of investi­ gation marked a distinct and decisive advance of Hiduism in Marathwada, A survey tracing the fortunes of these three main faiths, through the different dynasties that ruled

Marathwada is undertaken in the following pages. Each faith is taken up individually, commencing with Buddhism v^iich was

first to fade away from this land.

Buddhi sm

No archaeological evidence in any shape has yet

come forth to enable us to know the existence of Buddhism

in Pre-Satavahana Marathwada.

The caves at Pitalhiiora (Aurangabad district),

the earlier group at AJanta, and Cave IV at Aurangabad fur­ nish us with the earliest evidence of the existence of Buddhism

in Marathwada.^ These bespeak the tolerant attitude of the

1, Almost all the early caves so far found in the Deccan and dedicated to Buddha were excavated during the SStavahana period, EHD. I , p .142. 768

Satavahanas, the staunch followers of the Vedic religion.

The appointment of an officer like Mahamatra at Nasik^ to look after the comfort of the Buddhist monks, the appoint- p ment of a Buddhist as a rajavaidya (Royal physician) and the reference to the worship of the feet of the Buddha^ and the BhiMchusamgha in Gathasaptasati, are additional proofs of the Satavahana tolerance. Not only the members of the royal family including the king but also the pious people, not necessarily Buddhists, were providing the monks and nuns with the essential requirements like food, clothing and shelter. That gifts were made in favour of the Buddhists by men and women of all ranks is evident from the various records of the period.

The inscriptions and monuments are the only

sources of information about the existence of Buddhism in

Marathwada in the Valditaka period, though it was never very 4 strong in this region as well as in the Deccan,

1, Nasik inscription of Kanha; Ranade, o p . cit. , p.71,

2, ICTWI. inscription Nos, 4,5,6^ p,40,

3, "Buddhasya Calana-Vandana-Padiehi Bhikku-Samghehi", No,308, p,2l2,

4 , Fa - Hien did not visit the Deccan because he was told that the people there, were not following the law of the Buddha, Altekar, RT.p.271. 769

Some of the caves at Ajanta^ and the Ghatotkacha caves so also the sculptures and paintings at these places prove that these were the flourishing centres of Buddhism during this period. Though the rulers, like the Satavahanas, were themselves followers of Brahmanical faith, some of their ministers were Buddhist. Varahadeva, the minister of Harisena of the junior branch of the Vakatakas had excavated, besides 2 a vihara at Gulwada, a magnificent cave at Ajanta in memory Q of his parents. Again the monastery Cave XVII and the

Chaitya hall Cave XIX^Ajanta were excavated by the Vakataka ' feudatory from Rslkadeia."^ It seems that the frustrated and disappointed persons were often inclined to accept the gospel of the Buddha.® Since the legible part of the inscription in Cave XVII at Ajanta informs us that the king of Rsikadesa • • had the misfortune to face the premature death of his younger

1. Cave XI, VII, VI etc. Percy Brown, o p . cit. .(1965) I., p .57.

2. Mirashi, pp. cit. . insp. No,25, v.l8.

3. ASWI. IV- (1964) Inscriptions in Cave XVI, p.127. This cave contains beautiful paintings and the sculptures of Apsaras. See Mirashi, V, V., VNK. insp,24: Burgess, ICTWI. pp,69-72.

4. The inscription in Cave XVII containing the geneology of this feudatory family is now illegible. HAS.No. 14? ICTWI, p .73-76,

5, Mirashi, V, V., op.cit. . p. 109, 77?

brother Ravisamba, and thus decided to commemorate his memory by carving out a vihara at Ajanta^ and Chaitya 2 hall adjacent to it.

It is not to be supposed that Buddhism was con­ fined to the places mentioned above. The same inscription referred to above informs us that the king of Rsikadesa had constructed various Chaityas and Viharas throughout the length and breadth of his kingdom.

Unlike the Sa^avahana period, that of Vakataka was the creative period of Mahayana Buddhism, It is there­ fore no wonder that Buddhists of the Ajanta and other monas­ teries should have been the followers of Mahayana Sect. They might have introduced the images of the Buddha at suitable places in the earlier Hinayana caves at Ajanta.

The Buddhist monument excavated at Aurangabad and Elura in the period of the Chalukyas of Badami and the notes of Hiuen-Tsang on Maharashtra constitute Important

sources, informing us of the existence of Buddhism in Mara- thwada in the regime of the early Chalukyas, Sthavira Acala,

the builder of Viharas, who is mentioned in an inscription

1, It is now numbered as XVII, Mirashi, o p . cit, « p. 108. 2, Cave No,XIX at Ajanta, Mirashi, loc.clt^

3, EHD, I , p .197, 7 71

T 2 at Ajanta, is also known from Hiuen-Tsang*s memoirs.

The Chinese pilgrim also refers to an interesting event about Sthavira Acala (A - Che - lo ), who had traced his mother who was reborn in a village in Maharashtra smd con- 3 verted her to Buddhism .

In addition to the caves at AJanta (later exca­ vations) the Buddhist caves at Elura and Aurangabad were also carved in this period.

The Chaitya hall at Ter^ which is now known as

the Trivlkrama Temple, is a unique gift of Buddhism to the

architectural history of Marathwada as it was the earliest

structural Buddhist monument not only in Marathwada but also in Maharashtra,

The Chalukyas of Badami, though staunch Hindus, were liberal patrons more of Jainism than Buddhism and yet

the structural Chaitya at Ter as also some of the excavated

monuments at Ajanta, Elura and Aurangabad, all belonging to

this period, suggest the existence of Buddhism,

1, ASWI. IV, p,133.

2, Tom, i i , p .152; Watters, i i , pp.239-40.

3, ASWI, IV, p.133,

4, Brown, P , , gp, cit, . p.41. 772

The tide had turned by the 9th cent.A,D, Buddhism had realised that its days in Marathwada were numbered. The discomfiture of Buddhism throughout India^ might have been responsible for this position in Marathwada in the Rashtrakuta period. In this connection it is pertinent to note that the new technique of Tantrie Buddhism was introduced at the Buddhist centres in Marathwada, has also been suggested on the basis o of'the Buddhist Iconographical evidence at Elura . It is

;just possible that the decline of Tantrism and the spread and popularity of Jainism and the dominant position of Hinduism particularly after the teachings of Sankaracarya might have been the main cause of it. One of the only three Buddhist establishments that flourished in this period was in Marath- o A wada at Karapila in the present Osmanabad district. With this solitary example, it is clear that the religion had lost its hold on the popular mind and was in the last stage of its decline.

1. Altekar A, S , , o p . clt. . p.309; I-Tsing in the third quarter of the 7th cent, emphasised the necessity of a synthesis of the various sects to arrest the rapid decline of the Buddhist religion, Re,Takakusu,I-Tsing, A record of Buddhist Religion, p .15.

2. See Gupte, R, S , , IBSE. pp. , ittg .

3. Dantivarman's grant records the donation of a village to a Buddhist monastary at Kampai3ja,EI>VI,pp,287,292.

4. According to Altekar Kampila was in the Tuljapur Taluka of Sholapur district, Altekar, op,cit,, p,309. But Tuljapur was never a taluka of aiolapur district* 773

There were some Buddhist establishments^ In

Karnataka in the period of the Chalukyas of Kalyani but none of them was in Marathwada.

There are neither sculptures nor inscriptions

to show that Ajanta or any other Buddhist centre of early

medieval period was active during the Yadava period. It

had practically ceased to exist during this period.

Jainism

No Archaeological or epigraphical record is

available to assxame the existence of Jainism either in

the Satavahana^ or in the Vakataka period in the region

of our study. The literature of this period also refrains

from providing any information about it, Marathwada, there­

fore upto the rise of the Chalukyas of Badami, had nothing

related to Jainism.

— Q ^ / The Chalukya kings of Badami, like Satyasraya

Pulakelin II were patrons, though not the followers, of

Jainism. Various epigraphs mention the grants of villages

1. One of them was at Dambal. Yazdani, EHD. p .564.

2. Even if the ^tory of Chandragupta Maurya, informing his stay at Sravana Belagola and the spread of Jainism in the 3rd cent.B*C.in Karnataka, is historicsd, it had no concern in any way with Marathwada. See Diskalkar, Maharashtracha Prachin Itjhasa ani Sanskriti, p .98.

3. lA, II, p. 12; lA, V II, p .34; Musalman Purva Maharashtra, p .116. 1 1 !i

b7 the kings of this house either for the maintenance of or for the construction of Jain a temples in this period.

Many officers of the Chalukyas were followers of Jainism,

Poet Ravildrti of the famous Aihole inscription was a Jaina.

He constructed a temple at Tehil and dedicated it to Jaina pontiff,^ The Jaina caves at Amba^ogai and Dharisiva of this period show the influence of Jsdnism on some parts of

Ma rath wad a.

The Rashtrakuta period was probably the most flou­ rishing period in the history of Jainian in this region.

That the revival of Hinduism did not affect the fortunes of Jainism in Marathwada during this period is a noteworthy feature. This might be due to the state patronage to the religion and the influence of the work and achievements of a number of important Jaina sarints and writers like Akalanka- deva, Jinasena and Gunacandra,

2 3 4 Amoghavarsa I , Krsna II , Indra II I , and

1, It was constructed probably in 634 A,D, See Bhave, , p. 116,

2, He was a disciple of Jinasena, and a patron of Jaina literature. He abdicated his throne more than once^ being a sincere Jaina probably thought of observing the vow of akincanata (Possessionlessness) at least for some time. See Altekar, o p . cit. . p,3l2,

3, Gunabhadra, the author of the last five chapters of Adi- pufana was bis preceptor; JBBRAS. XXII, p,85,

4, He donated stone pedestal for the bathing ceremony of Arhat Sinti, ASR, 1905-6, pp,121-2, 1 * 1 t'M I*' n

1 Indra IV of this family are so far knovm to have been the followers or patrons of Jainism. In addition to these kings was the galaxy of Jaina authors, mentioned above, vrtiose literary activities must have considerably influenced the minds of the people. The active part of the Jaina

scholers in the education of the masses and their authority in this field is evident from the J|utna formula "Om Namassi- g ddhebhyah" which is being used by the Hindus to this day. 3 I f the surmise of Altekar that one-third of the total population of Kim tala of this period was following the

gospel of Mahavira is to be taken as tnue, it is very pro­

bable that a considerable portion of the population of that

part of Kuntala which was included in Marathwada might have

been Jaina. The magnificent Jaina cave-temples at Elura

excavated in the regime of Amoghavarsa I are additional

proofs to surmise the influence of Jainism in Marathwada.

The noteworthy fact is that the doctrine of

ahimsa in an extreme form preached by Jainism had no emascu­

lating effect on the history of our period. The Rashtrakuta

1. He, being a staunch Jaina embraced death by the Salleldiana vow. lA, XXIII, p. 124.

2. Altekar, op.clt. , p.310,

3. Ibid. , p.313. 77 B

kings v*o were patrons or followers of this sect were the heroes of many successful battles,^

It should also be mentioned here that the Jainas in Marathwada were the followers mostly of Digambara sect as is evident from the various images of the Tirthankaras in the cave tonples.

At the beginning of the 11th century, the later

Chalukyas bad given patronage to Jainism, which proved a great boon for the propagation and glorification of the faith.

Ranna, the great Kannada poet, was the protege 2 of Tailapa, the foimder of this house. The Murum inscription of Somesvara I records the gift of the village Cincavalli

(Osmanabad district) to the Tirthabasadi and Jinalaya and refers to the Yapaniya Sahgha^ Senagana,^ The kings like Jayasimha I I , Somesvara II and Vikramaditya VI showed favour to the Jaina faith by patronising Jaina writers and giving lands to Jaina teachers and temples. An epigraph of Ramalinga-ffludgad® refers to a number of Jaina pontiffs who were helped by the king.

1« Vaidya, C.V., op«cit« , pt*II, p.l54. ^ 2. Unpublished. _ , n. 3,& 4. This is a sub-division in the Mulasangha;See for details; Deo, S.B ,, History of Jaina Monachism. p .560. 5. Unpublished. 777

Jainism was much more wide-spread and commanded a larger volume of support in Marathwada than did Buddhism,

The Digambara sect of Jainism could get followers in this region with centres at Paithan^, Devagiri^, Ter,^ Jintur,“^ and Charthana,^ That the Bralmins also anbraced Jainism at- least upto the I2th cent,A,D, is evidenced from the fact that Bhadrabahu, who was originally a Brahmana, was conver- ted to Jainism along with his followers at Pal than, -

The Yadavas also had given various grants to the

Digambara Jainas. 7 The great influence of Jainism in Kama- — taka is d e a r from the grants of the Yadavas to them. 8 Some of the contemporaneous Jaina caves at Elura and at Devagiri of this period point to the influence of Jainlsm, ---

1, It was a centre of Jainism. See Panse^M.G,op.cit. , d .134.

2, Some Jaina caves and a temple have been foiand in the fort of Devagiri,

3, SMHD. Vol,III, Various monuments and icons of Tirthankaras of this period are found there,

4, Various icons of Tirthahkaras belonging to this period are found there,

5, Various icons, temple, etc. of the Jains of this period are found in this village, 6, Panse, M ,G ,, op. cit. . p,134. 7, Ibid, 8, Anjeneri grant i s in Sanskrit, which is an exception, (IA,XII,p. 126). It begins with salutation to the Painca- Paramesthis and records the grant of three shops in the ' city ot’ Anjaneri by Seunacandra III for maintaining the temple of Candraprabha Svami. lA, X II, p,l28. 778

By the mid - I2th cent.A.D, Jainism had received a set back. This may be ascribed mainly to two causes. One of them was the rise of Lingayata sect^ which flourished partly

at the cost of Jainism and was initiated by Basava, the prime minister of the Kalachuris of Kalyani, Basava, like the

Digambara Jains, preached his philosophy in Kannada language.

The other cause was the spread of Mahinubhava sect in the

Yadava period. This sect opposed the principles of Jainism,

though a few similarities can be shown between these two

sects. Moreover, iinlike the Jainas, the Mahanubhavas received 2 patronage probably fran the Yadavas in the later period.

Any how Jainism, because of its conservative character was never strong in this region; but due to that very feature

Jainism owes its much longer life, than its more distingui­

shed rival. Buddhism.

Brahmanism

/ Brahmanism flourished throughout the period under

review in Marathwada, Infact it was a predominant creed in

this region. It had recognised every worship, right from

the Agni worship of the Vedas down to the worship of the

deties like a v a , Visnu and Ganes'a. In the following pages

1. Altekar o p . cit . , p.309.

2, Panse, M,G., o p . cit. t_p.34. One of Rimadeva’ s wives was a follower of Mahanubhava,sa.<:-t. 779

cult of each of these deties is taken up individually and

its course traced through different dynasties that ruled in

this region. A separate section is'^devoted to the various

religious aspects like rituals, temples and their mainte­ nance, Danas, Vratas etc.

IsOiss

Vedism was perhaps dominant before the commencement

of the period under study. To begin vrith, the great hold of

the Vedic rituals on the SataviJianas is clear frcin the per-

formance of a number of Vedic sacrifices by Kayaniki. and

Satakarni II and the gifts of cows; elephants and moneys as

daksina to the Brahmins given by them^. Another ruler of • • the line was Yajnasri. Such names are sufficient to prove

their adherence to the vedic creed. In fact most of the

Sltavahana rulers were devoted to Vedism. Epigr^hical

evidence indicates the existence of the worship of the vedic 2 3 — ^ " 4 gods Indra , Yama and Varuna. Gathasaptasati refers to Agni

and the ordeal like Agnipaniya. ®

1. Naneghat inscription. ASWI. V, p.60 ff; Altekar, o p . cit. . p .278. 2. Also referred to in Gatha No.868. 3. ASWI. V, 60 ff. 4. Gathas; 14, 163, 321, 403, 721.

5. Gi'^a No.211. The commentary on this is offered by Vi^ushastri Bapat in his Ya.inavalkva Smrti Mitaksara- ^ i r i . (pp.197-199). 780

With the coramencenent of the period under review that is from the 6th cent. A, D, we find the early Vakatakas who were orthodox Hindus. Pravarasena the founder of the real greatness of the house, performed a number of vedic

sacrifices like Agnistoma, Aptoryama, Vajapeya, Jyotistoma,

etc. Himself a great conqueror, Pravarsena had celebrated Q the Asvamedha sacrifice as many as four times, one of which might have been performed after the conquest of some parts of the present Marathwada. The interesting aspect that we

know frcm the Basim plates^ of Vindhyasakti II is that the

donee Brahmanas were of Atharvana carana ( Atharvaveda). The . • • Brahmins owing allegation to this are practicsdly non-existent now.

The earlier rulers of the Chalukya house were again

orthodox Hindus, -vho prided themselves on having performed a number of vedic sacrifices'^ like Agnicayana, Vajapeya,

Asvamedha etc.

The evidence of the performance of vedic sacrifices

can be found in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsa I and Cambay

plates of Govinda VI of the Rashtrakuta dynasty. Those,

1. CII, III, p.236. 2. Altekar, op.cit. . p,278; Mirashi, V,V., VNK. p,32, 3. Basim plates. C I I, V, p .98-99,

4. Yazdani, EHD. p.243; Altekar, o p . cit. . p.269 ff. 781

however, are exceptions to the rule, since almost all the rulers of this house were the followers of Siaarta religion.

They have given donations for the performance of smarta rituals.^

We hardly come across any king of the later Cha- lukyas, Kalachuris of Kalyini and the Yadava dynasty who cared to boast that they had performed vedic sacrifices.

Inspite of the efforts made by Hemadri, Vi^flfanesvara and

Bopadeva to revive vedism, it lost its influence as it could not bring the people of the four varnas into its fold, which was the necessity of the period. This change from the vedic rituals to the smarta form of faith, which was conspi­ cuous from the Rashtrakuta period, might have been the result of the teaching of ^ankaracarya.

Saivi sm

That the Deccan, including Marathwada, was passing

through a transition from the Vedic to the Puranic pantheon during the S,atavihana period is evidenced from the references

to P a ^p a ti, Gaurl, Rudra, Parvati, Laksmi and Narayana in

the Gathasapta^ati,^ It also refers to Saivism and particu- 3 larly to the Kapalika sect that was in vogue in that period,

1, Bid plates, MUJ. 1 9 6 2 ; Jambagaon plates, MOT, 1961,pp.8-14,

2, Gathas, 372 , 403 , 4 5 5 ,

3, Gatha? 408. 7 8 3

We learn from the same work about the temples of Gauri.

Epigraphical evidence informs us of the kings and the citi­ zens bearing names like ^va^ and Skanda.^ Siva is referred to in the gathas as Gauri-hfdaya,^ Pasuval,^ Pamahahiva ®

(Pramathadhipa), and Hara.

As the Smarta religion was slowly gaining ground in the Vakataka period than the Srauta form of faith we find no successor of Pravarasena I , performing any of the sacrifices. Though no epigraph of the house makes mention / of a Siva or Visnu tsnple in Marathwada erected or patroni­

zed by them, it can be said with the help of other epigraphs of the dynasty that all of them, except Rudrasena 11*^, were

the devotees of Siva. Prom the Ghatotkacha cave inscription we learn that both the kings and the people in this period

1. Siva-^ri. El, viii. No.4.

2. Siva Skanda, EI> viii, No.2,

3. Gatha, 467.

4. Gathas 1, 69.

5. Gathas 448.

6. Githas 700, 768, 986.

7. He became v a i^a v a perhaps under the influence of his queen Prabhavatlgupta, the daughter of Ghandragupta II who was himself a vaisnava. 783

were keen on performing religious rituals.^ If the religious belief of the kings and royal families may be regarded as a fair index of the popularity of a religious cult, Saivism must have made a great headway during the period of the

Vakatakas.

Both Saivism and Vai^avism of Marathwada have been

enriched by the Chalulsyas and Rashtrakutas who also enriched

Karnataka and the rest of the Deccan with caves and structural

temples. The UttaresVara temple at Ter (Osmanabad District),

dedicated to ^iva and belonging to the Chalukya period, as

also the various caves at Elura, Dharasiva and Kharusa,

•constitute the archaeological evidence showing the leaning

either of the Chalukya rulers or of the people or of both

towards Saivism. Unfortunately, we could find no epigraph

of the Chalukya dynasty in our region mentioning a Siva or

Visnu temple erected or patronized by them as they had done

at Badami, Pattadakal and Slsewhere.

History however shows that some of the Chalukya

kings were ^aivas. In particular, their inscriptions men­

tion Karttikeya and the seven MatrkSs whom they viorshipped

and from whom they claimed to have been nourished. Figures

of Karttikeya to whose special care and protection the

Mirashi, V,V., VNK, insp.No.26, l.,8; ICTWI. pp.89-90. 78/<

Chalukyas claimed to have owed much of their prosperity, are very rare in the caves, while the panels of Matrkas are in considerable numbers^. But it is yet difficult to say for lack of records how far these particular leanings of the Chaiukyas influenced Marathwada in this period.

We hardly find any ruler of the Rashtrakuta 2 dynasty boasting of the performance of Vedic sacrifices.

The early Hashtrakutas who ruled over Marathwada were great ^aivas. The world famous monument Kailasa at Elura is an eloquent testimony to their adherence to this creed, Q Their numerous epigraphs refer to the construction of / the temples of Siva within and without the region of

Marathwada. The Kandhar epigraph of K r ^ a III alone speaks of the construction of not less than six temples of Siva by him. One can thus unhesitatingly say that it was the

Rashtrakutas \rtio also enriched ^aivism of Marathwada.

1. Cave XIV at Elura, known as *Ravan-ki-Khai' contains a Saptamatfika panel carved in the Pradaksinapatha, At Aihole in the cave temple Ravan-Pahadi*Matpkas are shown standing.

2. Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsa I and the Cambay plates of Govinda IV,(lA,XVIII, p.235 and El, VII, p.41) respectively show that some sacrifices like A^vamedha were perfonned by them. But these are exceptions. 3. Kandhar epigraph, El, XXXV, p.105 ff: Sanjan plates: LA, XII; Baroda plates, lA, XII, pp.228-30. 78 5

The various Icons of Vlsnu, his avataras and 1 p of Harihara hewn out in this period at Elura , Kharusa, and Ambajogai^ and the instance of the cutting of one 4 of the fingers by Amoghavarsa I, the follower of Jainisn, to be offered to goddess Mahalaksmi show that there was

an inner movement of synthesis. Moreover» the opening

verse in the Rashtrakuta plates pays homage to both fflva • • 5 ^ and Visnu, Their seal shows sometimes Siva in the posture of a seated Yoginf It'need hardly, therefore, be added

that there was harmony prevailing among the followers of

the different sects of Hinduism since it existed even among

the followers of the orthodox and heterodox religion.

The religion of the masses of the Rashtrakuta

period may be described as the Smarta-Puranic religion'^

1. ASVtt, V, pl.XXII etc.

2. ASWI. I l l , p p.15-13.

3* CTI, II, p .425 ff.

4. Altekar, o p . cit. . p*88; M , XV III, p.235.

5» El f XXXV, pt« • .I I ) pp. 105—Il2«

6. Jambagaon Plates, MIg. (I9 6 l ), pp.8-14,

7. The analysis of the epigraphical evidence discloses that inspite of KumSrila's efforts during the Rlshtra- kuta period, the Srauta religion almost died down.* 786

as according to the gospel preached by the Smrtis, the

Brahmana donees performed the Pancamahiyajnas Instead 1 2 of the vedic sacrifices. Smarta agnihotra also was fairly common in the period,

« Never in the religious history of Marathwada

^aivism was so much dominant as it was in the 1 1 th and 12th centuries under the later Chaiukyas, Epigraphical

evidence, is quite conclusive. It shows the same pre­

ponderance of the ^ i v a cults over others. Besides it

also shows the practice of the age, to make grants to a

temple,

/ , The representation of Sivalinga, along with the

Sun, the Moon and the Cow at the beginning of the inscrip­

tions belonging to the Chalukya ruler or his feudatory

indicates the ^aivite character. Such inscriptions are

found at Ganeshwadi,^ Karadkhed,^ Vattal® and at other places,

in Marathwada, Moreover, the salutation to- ^iva at the

1 , Altekar, op.cit. . p .284.

2, Atrisamhita of this period says that a Brihmana who . does not keep agnihotra is a person ^ o s e food should not be accepted (V ,254), ALberuni also refers to Agnihotra; for details see Sachau, I, p,102,

3, VSMP. 1969.

4, IND, Nos, 10-11,etc.

5, EI» XXXV, IV, p.l63ff. 787

beginning of the epigraph confirms 6aiva persuasion.^ 2 Stome^vara I of the later Chalukyas was a Saiva, He had permitted his feudatory to collect 1000 Niskas from the villages of the same number and to utilize the amount for the maintenance of the temple at Vattal, His queen Maila- ladevi had also given a gift to a Pakipata JSanara^i,^

During the reign of his son Somesvara I I , Saivism made rapid progress, ^ His brother Vikramaditya VI also was a staunch Saiva at least in his later life. From Andur^ inscription we learn that his son Mallikarjuna, who prede­ ceased him, and granted a village Cincavalll for the puja and naivedya to God Manakesvara, The same epigraph informs us of a grant by Somesvara I l l 's chief queen Rajaladevi for burning the oil lamp perpetually in the same temple at Andur.

Besides the members of the royal family, feuda- / tories as well aa citizens actively patronized Saiviam,

The feudatories of the Chalukyas from Vattal^, Karadlshed,®

1 . El, XIX, p,136.

2. His Savargaon epigraph records his gift to the Gundesvara temple. See PMKL. No.66, p .349. 3. M , XXXV, pt.IV, p.l63ff.

4. MUJ, (1963), p.90ff. 5. El, XXXV, p t.IV , p .l69ff.

6. IND, Nos- 10,11,13 etc. 788

Tadkhel^ and Sagroli^, all in the present Nanded district, had constructed more than eight temples. Most of them were named after the personal names of the patrons,

3 The other feudatories of the house from Latur, A Ci ^ Ramalinga mudgad, Bembali, Ganeshawadi, all in the

Osmanabad District, were responsible for the erection of many more ^iva temples in Marathwada. Moreover, from the various epigraphs found in this region we learn how the officers and the citizens had donations made for the main­ tenance of these temples, Ganeshwadi epigraph of Bhimanatha, the feudatory of Vikramaditya VI, introduces to us the learned

Pandit Kriyasakti as an authority on the agama of Lakulis'a,*^

It was during the reign of Bijjala Kalachuri that

there was revival of vlras'aivism under the leadership of

Basava. However, ^aivism was triumphant during a short period of twenty-years which saw the reigns of four Kalachuri

rulers over this region with Kalyinl as their capital. The

rulers, their feudatories and the subject were equally enthu­

siastic in following the ^aiva cult, as is evidenced from the

1. M , No.3.

2. IND, No. 14,

3, Khare, SMHD. Vol.II, pp.78-80, 4, & 6, Dhpublished, 6 , VSMP, (1969), p.36 ff, 7 , Other epigraphs of the house also refer to other authorities of this Agama. Ref.Agama in SII, IX(i), p .101; I I , p .30 ff; 119 etc. 789

various epigraphs of the house. The record of Sankama

Kalachuri from North Sholapur district^ and that of Singhana from Ambajogai inform us of the construction of a Siva temple at respective places. The record of Ahavamalla of

1183 A.D,^ indicates that the confirmation of a grant made by the officers for the worship was necessary,

4 Epigraphs of the ^adava feudatories are available to show either the erection, additions and alterations or /• 5 repairs of the Siva temples. Aundha inscription of A .D .1278 of Ramacandra mentions his customary pilgrimage to the great temple of Sivay Imown as Naganatha. - - 6 The construction of numerous ^ v a temples by Hemadri, popularly known as

’•Hemadpanti tonples" in this period, is eloquent proof of the popularity of ^aivism in the ^adava period.

The occurrence of three out of the twelve Jyotir- lingas in this region is sufficient to point out how Saivism remained a dominant creed in this region.

1 . Unpubli shed.

2. PMKL ^ No.67, pp.BSl^S^t*

3. Unpublished,

4. PMKL. No,48, p,243. The Hatnur inscription on the pillar of_a Mahadeva temple records the renovation of the Naganatha temple, 6. PMKL, No.35, p .191 ff, 6 , Many inspsj^, of the early Yadava; which begin with invo­ cation to Siva are available, e.g. Sangamner plates of Bhillama II (M ,II, pp.221-28); A^vf plates of Erammadeva XXXVI, pp. 249-66), Vaisnavlsm • •

The reference to the worship of Vasudeva-Sankar

Sana in the Naneghat inscription^ evidences the existence • • of Visnu cult in the Satavahana period. Gautamiputra Sata- • • kam i of this house was a great supporter of the Brahmins

and tried to emulate the epic heroes like Rama and Ke^ava.^

This feature is prominently reflected in Hala's Gathasapta- -3 sati wherein are found references to Visnu, L a k ^ i and 4 allusions to legends of K r ^ a ,

Rudrasena I I , perhaps influenced by his chief

queen, was the only V ai^a va ® king of the Vakataka family.

His chief queen Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of Parama

Bhagavata Chandragupta I I , being the atyantabhagavadbhakta

was the worshipper of Bhagvat Ramagirisvamin,® That the

followers of ^iva and Vism were living amicably in this

period is evidenced by Pravarasena's Setubandha written

to glorify the achievement of Rama, even though he was

himself a ^aiva. Moreover his Pattan grant refers to a

sattra attached to the t©nple of Mahapurusa or Visnu* It

1. ASWIy V, p.60 ff. 2. IM d . 3. Gathas 151, 406, 411, 810, 982 etc. 4 . Gathas 443 , 426 , 655 etc. 5. His pattan grant refers to a sattra attached to a temple of Mahapurusa or Visnu. XX III, p .86, 6. Literally, the lord of Ramagiri, i .e , modem Ramatek, near Nagpur, 7 91

Should, however, be noted that there is an absence of

not only archaeological but also of eplgraphic and U -

terary evidence to show that they erected or patronized

any temple in this region.

With the Chalukyas of Badami, Varaha and Visnu

-LaksmI were popular as evidenced by their monuments in

Marathwada as well as epigraph!cal evidence outside our

region. The image of Garuda on the door lintel of Kale-

i^vara temple at Ter built in this period is the archaeo­

logical evidence of the Visnu owrship in this period. A

few caves, like XIV at Elura, and the group of Vaisnava

caves at Dharasiva wherein the panels containing VarSha

avatara, Gajalaksmi and Visnu with his consorts are carved,

belong to this period. Their inscriptions^ and monuments

like the Vaisnava• • cave at Badami in Karnataka indicate the popularity of Varaha and Narasimha avatiras and the

stories of Krsna and Purinas. • • • •

A few kings of the Rashtrakuta dynasty bore

V ai^ava names like Krsna and Dhruva, The Jambagaon inscrip­

tion^ of Indra III and Bid inscription^ of Govinda III

1 . In his Nerur grant Mangalesa is stated to have worshipped Visnu; LA, V II, p. 161. 2. M W , (1961), pp.8-14. 3. Mis:, (1962), pp.77-82. 79 3

mention them as the devotees of Rima, It is interesting to note that the first cave excavated under the imperial

Rashtrakutas is known as Dasavatara, for panels contain- • • ing many avataras of Visnu are carved therein. The great • • Kailasa at Elura commissioned by Krsna I contains not only the images of Varaha, Sesasayin, Govardhanadhiri,

Vamana, Narasimha and Visnu but also of Harihara, showing how the Rashtrakutas tried to synthesise the two cults, • • The icons of Visnu in various forms seen in the Ambajogai • • cave and the epigraphic evidence found elsewhere fully confirm this view. Their seal shows a figure of Garuda which usually symbolises the Visnu cult. That Vaisnavism • • • • was one of the main sects of this period is indicated by the usual opening verse in the Rashtrakuta grants which • • contains a salutation to Visnu along with Siva, It is noteworthy that some of the pxirely Vaisnava caves^ at Elura • • were carved in this period.

Incidentally it may reasonably be presumed that 2 Pandharpur was a famous centre about 1200 A.D, The 3 inscription of 1249 A,D, also enables us to assume that

the worship of Vithoba was at least a couple of centuries

old at that time.

1, Caves XXV and XXVI, 2, Pandharpur epigraph. PMKL.No, 1 7 .p .81. Deleury, The cult of Vithoba, p .18,

3, PMKL. No,51, pp.266-60,. 793

Of Vaisnavism, in particular under the later • • Chalukyas, there is not much to be said. None of the

Chalukyas built a temple of V i ^ u in the spirit in vhich they built temples to Siva. So far only two inscriptions^, O one from Dalimba and another from Ganeshwadi , have been found which refer to Visnu temples exclusively at the respective places. The inscription from Yattal records the existence of Tri-purusa tenple. In some of the three shrined temples, probably of this period, a shrine to the left of the chief deity is generally reserved for Visnu. • • References to avataras of Visnu are, however, quite common in the inscriptions of this period.

Nothing except the mention of Visnu temple and • • that too outside our region of study, made in an inscrip- 3 tion of the Kalachuris, is known of the Visnu cult in this period.

1 . One of them at Dalimba was of Kesava, The construc­ tion of another temple of Kei^ava by Rebbaladevi, the wife of General Ravideva though outside our region is an additional event in the history of this faith, IX (i), p.158.

2. VSMP. (1969), p.36 ff,

3. Mangalvedha Inscription, PMKL. No.66, pp.344-48. 7 9/-

Never perhaps was Vaisnavism so strong in this region and in the entire Maharashtra as it was under the

Yadavas of Devagiri \rtio were proud in tracing their descent from Yadu,^ Their emblem was Suvarnagarudadhavaja,

The popularity of Vi^u cult in this period is

also confirmed by the epigraphs. The grant of YSdava

Bhillama V to the group of devotees to build a small

structure to house God Vithoba is recorded in the Pandha?- Q pur inscription of 1189 A,And interestingly enough,

it was again the Yadava king Ramadeva who along with his

Kaxanadhipa Hemadripandita had taken lead to cHuse the

extension of the temple to suit the growing importance

and popularity of the deity. A noteworthy feature is

the mention of Ramadeva in the same inscription as Pandhari-

phadamukhyu (Chief of the devotees of Pandharpur), The

Kanhegaon inscription bearing the Narasimha image records

the grant of a village to the Narsimha temple, Narasimha

in fact was the family deity of the Yadava house. Pal than

inscription again refers to the huge temple of Bhoganarayana • in the premises of \rtiich other three smaller shrines of &odhala

1 , Vi^uvamsodbhava is the epithet of Krsna Yadava in Kanhegaon Inscription, PMKL. No,31, ppl 151-55,

2, Epigraphs which begin with an invocation to Visnu; lA, XIV, pp.314-19.

3, PMKL, No, 17, pp.35-93; Deleury, The cult of Vithoba ^ p. 18, 795

Narayana, Mhatu Narayana and Vesu-Nirayana were constructed.

Unhakdeva epigraph^ records the construction of the temple

of Rama in the memory of his visit to that place. It is

also known that Ramadeva had constructed a temple of ^arnga-

deva after his victory over the Muslims in the north. All

these facts indicate that the personal religion of the

Yadava rulers was Vaisnavism, • •

Vaisnavism of the Yadava period witnessed an

unprecendented bhakti movement which had a tremendous

effect on thousands of Visnu worshippers. Moreover, the

literature of Marathwada in this period was dominated

by the followers of the Bhagavata school like Jnanesvara,

Namadeva, Janabai etc., \ i h o worshipped God Vithoba, a

form of Visnu, of Pandharpur. Great importance was atta-

ched, in the writings of these, to the names of Visnu like

Rama, Krsna, Hari and Vitthala, It is interesting to note

that Jninesvara, the author of Haripatha which glorifies

H ari ( i.e . Visnu ) was the chief of the Natha-sampradaya

of ^va persuation.

The above religious survey of Marathwada enables

us to make the following observations:

(1) Buddhism came earlier, prospered for a time and

practically went out of vogue later, while Jainism which

1. PMKL. No.37, pp. 198-205, 796

came later lasted longer. Both of them were singularly fortunate in enjoying royal patronage,

(2) Marathwada was passing through a transition from the Vedic to the Puranic pantheon during the Satava- hana period. The transition was almost completed under the Vakatakas. We, however, get evidence of vedic sacri- fices upto the 10th cent. A.D, The religion under the

Yadavas was divorced largely from the vedic rituals. Now the religion became completely dominated by the views and theories advocated by the smrtis, Purinas and nibandhas.

The Vedas, no doubt, still continued to be regarded as inspired revelations, but it was not the rituals, rather the views advocated by the later smrti writers like Parasara

and Angirasa, which held the field in the domain of religion.^ / (3) Saivian was the most dcxninant creed throughout our period, Vaisnavian, though of equal importance, was next to it,

(4) The kings and their feudatories of our period of study appear to have patronized the followers of all the reli­ gions. And in none of the inscriptions there is an indication of any open hostility between them. The kings were worshippers of Visnu or diva or both according to their religious predi­ lections. It need hardly, therefore, be added that there was harmony prevailing among the followers of the different sects

1, El., II, p.219; lA, , XVIII, p. 121. 797

of Hinduism since it existed even among the followers of the orthodox and heterodox religions,

( 6) Wide and sympathetic toleration, because of the

broad and catholic religious outlook, was the general chara­

cteristic of the period under study. For we know that various

individuals belonging to different castes, creed and profe­

ssions caused at their expense monasteries and temples to

be excavated or constructed for the use of the followers

of respective religion. This charity on the part of the

public at large definitely speaks of their good sense

and religious tolerance.

However, it would not be out of place

here to add that the spirit of toleration was not

confined to the religions of the land, and at one

time, under the Rashtrakutas it was extended to • • Islam as well , This act of the Rashtrakutas,

the imperial dynasty that ruled over this region

for more than two centuries, however, admirable

from the point of view of universal toleration and

brotherhood, proved fatal in the long run. 798

Section II - A Survey of the Fortunes of

Various Cults

A Survey of the fortunes of various cults is intended in the following pages. For this purpose the caves and the structural temples referred to in chapter t III have been classified into Saiva, Vaisnava and so forth.

All the points indicative of the original dedication of the temples in order to bring out the features \d:iich were common to all or most of the temples of the same cult have been studied.

As the caves are earlier than the structural temples except those at Ter, our inquiry vdll begin with the cave temples. The features like (i) Cult image;

(ii) Orientation of a shrine; (iii) Pradaksnamarga or ambulatoty passage; (iv) Position of dvarapalas or door­ keepers; (v) Position of Matrkas; (vi) of Ganga-Yamuni;

(vii) of Ga^alaksmi; (v iii) of Trimurti; and (ix) of Nandi etc. yield the following useful information regarding the cave temples.

First we shall deal with the caves dedicated / to Siva as those are the earliest and numerous. 799

The ^aiva cawe temples in our region are:-

(a) D4s avatara or Elura cave No. XV

(b) Rame^vara or " II II XXI

(c) Dhumarlena or '* II It XXIX

(d) Kail as a or *' II II XVI II II XXII (e) Nilakanthesvara• • or If II .(f) Elura XVII II (g) •1 II XX (h) Lankesvara i.e.Adjunct to Cave No. XVI

(i) Cave at Bhokardhan

(j) Jogai Amba Mandap

(k) Mahadeva cave at Kharusa,

All these above mentioned saiva cave temples vdll be studied briefly in respect of the features pertaining to our inquiry.

: a = Dagiva.tii;^. j£ave \ It has

(i) linga in the shrine

(ii) no Pradaksina marga

(iii) dvirapalas guarding the shrine door-way

(iv) dvirapalas occupying the ends of the facade

also

(v) the representation of Gajalakpi on the left

side of the wall in the antarala

(vi) a separate Nandi pavilion. 800

b = Ramesvara at Elura

It has

(i) a llnga in the shrine I (ii) a pradakslnimarga round the shrine

(iii) dvarapilas guarding the shrine door-way

(iv) a representation of Gahga and Yamuna at

the ends of the facade

(v) the Matrkas in the south chapel

(vi) Nandi on a pedestal in the court yard, c Dhum^.iPen^ It has

(i) a linga in the shrine

(ii) Pradaksinamarga round the shrine

(iii) dvarapilas guarding the shrine door-way

(iv) representation of Yamuna and Sarasvati

(v) had nandi on the pedestal d as Kailasa

It contains

(i) a linga in the shrine

(ii) a Pradaksinamarga round the shrine

(iii) dvarapiias at the entrance of the sabha- mandapa and at the porch.

(iv) representations of Gsihgi and Yamuna guarding

the shrine door way

(v) a Matrka panel 801

(vi) Gajalaksmi's representation

(vii) a separate Kandi pavilion, e » Hllakanthesvara • •

It is ^doved with

(i) a linga in the sanctum

(ii) dvarapalas occupying the ends of the facade

(i i i ) a Matrka panel in the south chapel

(iv) a representations of Ganga and Yamuna at the shrine door-way

(v) a Gajalaksmi panel in the antarala

(vi) a Nandi in a separate pavilion,

f = Pavfi NQ..,m iAtLJla£a It has

(i) a linga in the shrine

(ii) a pradaksinapatha round the shrine

(iii) dvarapalas guarding the shrine door-way,

g » Cav$ ,Ng. It contains

(i) a linga in the shrine

(ii) Pradaisinapatha round the shrine

(iii) dvarapalas guarding the shrine door-ways

(iv) a Nandi on a pedestal. 809.

h : Lmkeavara. an aajunet to the Kallasa

It has

(i) a linga in the shrine

(ii) Trimurtl at the back wall of the shrine

(iii) a pradaksinimarga round the shrine

(iv) dvarapalas guarding the Nandi pavilion

(v) ' a representation of Gajalaksmi on the

stair case*

(vi) Gang! and Yamuna guarding the shrine door-way

(vil) Nandi in a separate chapel.

1 s BhQk^riha£L-Qay.g It has

( I ) a linga in a shrine (II ) dvarapalas guarding the door-ways of the

shrine

i - Jogal Jkaba mandapa

It has

( I ) a linga in the shrine (II) Triniiirti on the hack wall of the shrine

(ill) dvarapalas guarding the shrine door-way

(iv) Saptamatrki panel in the back wall of

the hall

(v) a Nandi mandapa infront of the main temple 803

k s Mahadeva cave at Kharnsa

It possesses (1 ) a linga in the shrine (ii) a pradaksinapatha round the shrine

( 1 1 1 ) dvarapilas guarding the shrine door-way,

as well as the entrance to the pradaksi­

napatha and the ends of the facade,

(Iv) a panel containing dancing Matrkas In the

south chapel

(v) a Nandi on a pedestal

Each of these features of the caves, now would be put together as It Is necessary for getting at the peculiarities.

Every \rfiere in the caves, the cult image though

« , differently called, Is or was the Slva-llnga. At some places one may doubt the originality of the existing linga.

All the caves at Elura face the west, some at other places face the east.

Pradaksinapatha

b, c, d, g, h and k have pradakslnamarga round the shrine. 804

Dvjlrapal.a.s

Almost all of these caves have dvarapalas. In a, b, C) f , gy ly j and k they guard shrine door-way. In a, e and k they occjupy the ends of the facade. In d they are at the porch and at the entrance of the Sabhamandapa,

Dvarapalas In h are In front of the Nandi shrine. In k again they guard the entrance to the pradaksinapatha.

Santa Matrkas

b, d, e, 3 and k have the Matrkas. In four cases ( b, d, e and k ) they are in the south. In a little shrine adjacent to the Kailasa and in i they are in the east. Interestingly enough in the former they are sho\m standing, while in k they are shown dancing.

Ganga-Yamuna

b, and e have representations of Gang a and Yamuna, c has Yamuna and Sarasvati^ and in d and h they occupy the place of the dvarapalas of the shrine.

a, d, h and e have the representation of Gaja- laksmi which in all cases occupies a conspicuous position.

1. Gupte identifies it as Gahgaj p.217. 805

'Irlmurtl

The caves like h and j have on the back wall of the shrine interior an image said to be that of

Trifflurti, ^a’has it on the back wall of the subsidiary chapel on the ground floor of the cave.

Nandi*s Position

af b, c, d, e, h, j and k have or had a Nandi in the porch, pavilion or on a pedestal or some such

construction in front of the shrine,

c, e, g, i have pure Saiva sculptures \^ereas ina, b, d, f,h, 1 and k there are representations of Vi mu and his various forms and Brahma, Sarya etc.

General observations

This analytic study makes it clear that the

^aiva cave temples in Marathwada haves-

1 ) a linga as the cult image in the shrine; 2) dvarapalas guarding the shrine door-ways in the majo­

rity of the cases; and in some either the facade or

the pradaksinimarga and • • 3) generally a pradaksinamarga round the shrine,

4) Nandi before the shrine,

6) the Matrkas in some cases, 6) in some cases the river goddesses Ganga and Yamuna who in the 8th and 9th century constructions act as guardians of the shrine door-ways. 806

7) In a few cases the Gajalaksmi is In a conspicuous

position at the entrance, 8) in a few later examples, on the back wall of the shrine interior an image of Mahesa, generally known as Trimurti.

The above analysis also helps us to classify these

Saiva cave temples as (a) pure-having Saiva Sculptures and

(b) mixed-having also the sculptures of Visnu, Brahma, and

Surya though in less important positions.

Y ^ spaya C.^ve TgmpJ^^s • •

There are only two Vaisnava caves at Elura and both of them are confined to the early medieval period.

These two Vai^ava caves facing the west are at Elura and numbered XXVII and XXVIII. We find LakanI, Visnu, Siva,

Brahma and Mahisasuramardini on the back wall of the verandah * of Cave XXVII, Moreover, Varaha and Visnu Sesasayi have • • • been carved in the north and south end of the verandah respectively, Vaisnava dvarapalas are to be seen on the shrine doorway and on oblong altar for the image of Visnu • • in the sanctum.

The Vaisnava dvarapalas adorn the shrine door- way of Cave XXVIII also. An image of Durga inside the shrine on the front wall and an altar for an image in the shrine are also to be seen. 807

These features of the only two Vai^ava cave temples from Marathwada, howsoever scanty, enable us to draw the follovdng conclusions*

(a) The Vaisnava cave temples had for the cult image

some form of Visnu^

(b) They have dvarapalas guarding the shrine door-way

(c) The Vaisnava cave temples in Marathwada are of • • mixed type 2 as they have besides Vaisnava

sculptures, the forms of Siva and images of

Brahma, Durga etc.

A cave temple dedicated to Brahma is not to

be found in Marathwada. So far as other deities are

concerned there is only one cave dedicated to the goddess

(Durga) and two are dedicated to Surya. All of these are

at Elura and numbered XIV and an adjunct of Kailasa and

XXV respectively.

The only cave temple of a goddess at Elura known

as Ravan-M-Khai has*

i) an alter with a (now) loose slab containing

an image of Mahisamardini

1 , This is also true in the case of the Vaisnava cave temples at Badami.

2 , There is no pure Vaisnava cave temple, as those are at Badami, in the region of our study. 808

il) Ganga-Yantuna as the dvarapilas at the shrine

door-way,

iii) pradaksinapatha round the shrine

iv) Saptamatrka panel

v) GajalakCTi panel

, vi) the panels containing Salva and Vaisnava

sculptures.

It appears from the sculptures found in this cave that the caves dedicated to §aiva goddesses did not much differ from the contemporary ^aiva cave temples of mixed variety. Another noteworthy feature Is the conspi­ cuous positions given to the sculptures of the goddesses.

Not a single panel here is without a female representation.

In addition to the deity In the shrine tvro panels depict

Durga and Mahisamardini independently.

Of the two shrines dedicated to Sun (SQrya) one is in the Kailasa Itself, It is a southern adjunct to it.

Cave XXV is also dedicated to Surya.

The shrine \^ich is an adjunct to Kailasa has;-

1) Gajalaksmi on the shrine door-way 1 1 ) Gahga and Yamuna as the guardians of the

door-way

ill) an altar for an image, with traces on the

back-wall showing that there might have been

an image of SGrya, 809

iv) Usa and Pratyusi flanking this defaced image

probably of Surya

v) cave faces the west

The cave No.XXV at Elura has:-

1) Gajalakaii on the roof of the mandapa

ii) Surya on the sapta^varatha carved on the roof

of the vestibule

iii) dvarapalas vdth only swords in their hands

guarding the shrine doorway,

iv) Kubera in a panel in the right corner of

the mandapa. • • « v) Cave faces the west.

From the above description it is clear that the

Siirya cave temples in Marathw^da face the west. They have

either the female dvarapalas like Ganga and Yamuna or the male dv^apalas only with khadga in their hands. Prominence

is given to GajalaksmI, They have no pradaksinapatha. It

can be said that exceptiiig the prominence given to the images

of Siaiya, they are very much like the Vaisnava cave temples. # •

It will also be interesting to see what light is ■« thrown on the nature of the temples of different gods and

goddesses by the structural temples in Marathwada,

Our enquiry is directed to a shrine which is

designated according to the cult image placed in it. 8iO

This is analysed under the following heads:

( a) Cult image

(b) Image on the door lint;et

(c) Images on the panel above the door frame

(d) Orientation of a shrine

(e) Ambulatory passage

(f) Images on the principal niches round the shrine

(g) Nandi's position.

The following is the districtwise list of the places in this region where the Saiva temples are situated.

Aurangabad.

( 1 ) Anwa (2) Ambhai

(3) Sanvkhed

District : Bid.

(4) Ambajogai Amale^vara

(5) Ambajogai Kaslvisvanatha

(6) Ambajogai Kholesvara

(7) Ambajogai Sakalesvara (8) Bid

(9) Chin chavali

(10) Dharmapuri ( 1 1 ) Kesavapuri ( 12) Yelamba 811

District Nanded

(13) Ardhapiar (14) Bichkonda

(15) Karadkhed

(16) Khanapior

(17) Mukhed

( 18) Rampur

(19) Sagroli

( 20) Vattal Paramesvara ( 21) Vattal Somes'vara (22) Vattal Mahadeva

District Osmanabad (23) BhoJaraJ a Siruri Anandapala

(24) •' Mallikarjuna

(25) Ganeshwadi

(26) Hipalgaon

(27) Killari

(28) Nilanga

(29) Narayanpur

(30) Umerga

(31) Ter Utteresvara

District Parbhani

(32) Aundhi

(33) Bhogaon

(34) Bori

(36) Charthana Pandhariche Mandir 81?

(36) Gokulesvara Mandir

(37) Narasimha "

(38) Dhanora

(39) Dharasur

(40) Partud

(41) Pingali

(42) Varud,

At all these places diva Is called by various names like Paramesvara, Nilakanthesvara, Kankalesvara, Naganatha,

Utteresvara, S^cale^vara, Kholesvfio*a, Amalesvara, Kasi

Vi^vesvara, Mahadeva, Gokule§vau:a, These names suggest that they are given either according to the peculiar aspect of Siva or after the names of the persons who were responsible for the building of the temple or from the names of the place vrfiere they are situated.

But though skva is designated so differently the cult image everywhere is or was a linga. At some places, the present lifiga might not be as old as the temple itself.

At some places the altar is rectangular and at Mukhed it is like the Bhadrapitha.

Image on the door lintel

The images on the lintel or door-frame at 1-3,

5-11, 13, 15-17, 19, 21-26, 28-30, 32-36, and 42 is that of

Ganesa; at 37 Ganesa is flanked by Siva and Brahma* at 14 and

20 is Gajalaksmi, at 31 is Mahayogi Siva, at other places the 813

figures on the lintel are indistinct and at 14 there is no figure at all. At Ambajogai in Amlesvara temple Ganesa

is on the pilaster near the door jamb.

Images on the panel above the door fr_ame

^ / No. 2 has Brahma, Vi mu and Siva on the panel

above the door frame of a subsidiary shrine; while 32 has / those on the main shrine. 31 has Siva, Visnu and Brahma.

On the rest of them either they did not exist or are now

destroyed or made indistinct by the coat of plaster and

paint.

Orientation

The temples at 8 , 12, 13, 1^, 20, 22, 35y and 38 face the west, while at 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 , 7, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 33, 34 and at the rest of the places they face the east.

PrsLd.aJiLSjLnipiarKa• •

No special pradak^in^arga is provided to any

temple. But the plinth on which the temples at some places

stand can be used for this purpose.

Images In the principal niches round the shrine

At 1 , 2, 4, 5, 8 , 10, 14, 17, 20, 2 1 , 22, 28, and

30 the images are mainly of Siva in various forms like Natei-

vara, Bhairava, Andhakari or GaJasuravadharaurti etc. At some 814

of the above places, one of the principal niches is occupied

by either Mahisasuramardinl, K l l i, Varaha, Nrsimha or Visnu.

At some places images in the niches are now completely muti­ lated,

Nandi

Many of the Saiva tranples in this region have a

Nandi, at some places it is either in the mandapa or in the front porch. At a few places, like Yelamba, Aundha, Kumara- gudi etc, it is on a plinth outside the mandapa, facing the shrine.

From this analysis and the description of the various temples given in the Chapter on Architecture it / becomes clear that the majority of the Siva temples in

Marathwada have or had besides a linga, i) Ganesa, on the lintel of the shrine (Only at two places we find GajalakCTiI, and these are Chalukyan temples). i i ) In the panel above the door-frame is to be found the great trinity. Of course this is not a common feature in this region, iii) The image of Siva dancing tandava on the beam over the entrance of the antechamber, iv) In the niches round the shrine : diva, Visnu in various forms and Brahma very rarely. Some times these are with their consorts also. Only Salva gods are not generally fo\ind on the exterior, v) A pradaksinamarga round the shrine. It is to be noted in this connection that in the case of structural temples generally the need of any special provision for the pradaksina did not arise. For, they stand in the open fields or on the broad plinth providing a passage for ambulation, vi) Dvarapalas guarding the doorways at the bottom of the sakhas of the door Jamb, Camaradharinls are also to be seen, vii) Like the mixed Saiva cave temples, here also we find a mixture of V ai^ava sculptures; and it is more so when a temple is of three shrines, viii) Itolike the cave temples, in the ease of struc­ tural temples in general, there was ample scope to follow any general rule regarding the orientation of the shrine.

But almost all the temples of ^iva face either the east or the west, ix) Nandi is to be infront of the shrine. At present it is either in the porch, or mandapa or antechamber, or on a plinth specially built for him,

Val.sn^va. Temples • •

Only two temples of Vianu are available in our region. Of these, the Trivikrama temple at Ter containing 816

Visnu's incarnation is the earliest knowi temple of Vimu in this region. But as it is converted from a Buddhist

Chaitya nothing can be said definitely about it in this regard. The other one is at Ambajogai and known as Kholes- vara's matha. According to the inscription there it was previously known as Hima-Narayana temple. The very name clearly points out its dedication. Like this temple a few more might have been converted into ^ iv a establishments, as is suggested by their names like Nrsimha temple, Kes'ava temple etc. Ifofortunately a pure Vaimava temple belonging to our period of study is not to be found in our region.

However, the converted Vaisnava shrines and one of the

shrines of the triple-shrined temples containing Vaisnava • • image provide certain information in this regard.

They have or had i

I) Gajalak^i or Garuda on the door lintel.

II ) Vaisnava dvarapalas, or Ganga and Yamuna or the jambs. i i i ) Visnu's image (in one of the shrines) mostly of Kesava

iv) Main niches on the exterior containing the images of

Visnu• • or Varaha or Nrsimha, • ^ etc. v) Next to Kesava, Nrsimha was popular in this region as it is clear from the various Siva temples which are called Nrsimha temples even to this day.

vi) They face either the east or north. 817

Devi Temple ^ No temple of Devi belonging to our period is extant. However, there are references in the inscriptions found in this region. Nevertheless one of the shrines of the tridala temples yields some information in this respect,

I) There are either Gajalaksmi or Saptamatrkas on the lintel and the panels of the door frame.

II ) They contain an image of Devi, il l ) They face even the south,

Gan^?st Temple The only Ganesa temple in this region is at Ambajogai,

It faces east. But many of the parts of the temple including

the shrine are not extant. The original icon of Ganesa is now placed in the sabh^andapa which is extant.

^yya, Tgrnpl.e

Probably there were a few temples dedicated to Surya.

One such might have been at Ter^ and another at Ambajogai. The

one at the latter place is converted into a mosque. It was

originally known as Bhogadltya-mandlra according to the epi- q graph found at that place.

Our study of these tanples yields the following

cult characteristics:-

1 , Except that of Jogai at Anbajogai, which is rennovated on a very large scale.

2, ffllHD, Pt.II, p. 77 ff.

3, PMKL, No.67, p,35l. 818

(A) Cult Images

(i) Siva temples, both excavated and structural, have a lihga. (ii) Temples of Vimu have an image of Kesva or Nrslmha.

(iii) Temples of Devi have or had an image of Devi. (iv) Temple of Ganesa has an image of Gane^a, (v) Temples of Surya had an image of SQrya.

Orientation : I (i) Siva's structural temples face either the east or the west. (ii) Vi m u 's face even the north. (iii) Devi's face even the south. (iv) Ganesa's face the east. (v) ^ r y a 's face the east.

Generally the temples face the east and those of

Siva, Visnu and Surya never face the south. • •

Ganesa is in the centre of the door-lintel generally

in all shrines.

All these observations are in perfect accord with 1 2 those obtained from Gujarat‘S and the Deccan in general and

point to a general crystallization of religious thoughts and

practices at the period of our study.

1. Sankalia, H .D ., AG, p. 139.

2. Naik, A.V., pp.671-73. 8 1 9

Section III - The Influepce of Various Calts oa

Society and Soolal Practices

In the previous section we tried to get cer­ tain Idea about certain characteristics of various cults-

In Marathwada. The description of the various aspects of the religious life of the people in our region is intended in the following pages*

The description would naturally begin with the role of the temples In the life of the people of

Marathwada, as they were the centres of the dissemination of culture, particularly in medieval period. To erect a temple or repair an existing one was considered to be of great religious merit.

Temples

Nothing about the mode of worship or mainte­ nance of tfflnples in the Satavahana period is known though the temple^ of Gauri is referred to in the Gathisapta^ati,

1 . Gatha No.467. Moreover Gatha Nos, 64, 109, 172 and 190 refer to the temples. 820

The Vakataka epigraphs found In this region are silent on this point, and no other archaeological evidence is forthcoming. From the epigraphs of the

Vakitakas foiind elsewhere^, however, we learn that temples were being built in that period. However, there is no evidence to show that temples had become the centres of education etc, in this period. One may reasonably suppose that they might not have developed themselves into the cultural centres.

The Chilukyas of Badami were the master builders in this respect. But the structural temples in this region, save those at Ter (Osmanabad district), are known neither from epigraphlcal nor literary sources. However from the inscriptions of the house found outside our region we come to know some of the practices like granting of a village to a temple, the arrangements for the regular feeding of Brahmanas and ascetics, the maintenance of the

1 . The Pattan plates of Pravarasena II; Mirashi, V. V, OP.clt. , No.1 3 ,

2. lA. VI, p.363. 821

Dana-salls (alms-houses)^ and the services of the musicians 2 to the temple.

The epigraphs of the dynasties of medieval period, namely the Rashtrakutasy the Chalukyas, the

Kalachuris and the Yadavas throw much light on the rituals and on the maintenance of the temples.

As complete a picture of the influence of the rituals in the temples on society and social prac­ tices as possible is proposed to be given below,

Sznppyms. used

Our epigraphs use various words for temples.

While referring to the Kailasa temple at Elura of Krsna I,

Karkka uses the word Kirttana in his Baroda plates. But

1, lA, VII, p,106,

2, lA, X, p ,166,

3, For the details, see Bhand^kar's article on Kirttana in lA, XII (p,22ff) Yogavasistha also uses the word. Viz.

" I jpit^ v rr4r 19; and the notes on Kirttana of Prasanna Kumar Acharya in DHA (p. 130): of Chabra in JOR (1962); of Kulkam i, (B .R .), in the Samsbdhak (19, 1-2, p,163) are worth referring,

4, iA, X II, pp.228-30; Savargaon inscription, PMKL.No.l3. pp.68-71, Amba., IM d ,,N o ,6 7 , pp,351-64. 82?

the popular word appears to have been Matha^ as we learn 2 3 4 from the inscriptions of Vattal , Patana , Phulambri , c ^ 7 R Amba , and Paithan , The epigraphs of TSihakdeo , Hatnur

and Apegaon® use Prasada irtiile Ter^® and Paithan^^ epi­

graphs use Punyasthana and Sthala respectively for temple.

Plan of Temple

From the epigraphs we could get some idea about

a general plsui of the temple.

1. Cousens takes it as monastery. MTD. pp.23, 26-27. But the Dictionary of Hindu Architecture gives various meanings like a college, a rest-house, a cloister, convent, monastery, a temple ( see. p .463).

2. EI» XXXV, pt.iv.

3. The patan epigraph, PMKL. No.21, pp.106-12.

4. PMKL. No.26, pp.133-34.

5. PMKL. No.67, pp.351-54; SMHD^ p t .I I , pp.69-71.

6. PMKL. No.70, pp.363-69. The inscriptions at the last three places (Phulambri, Amba and Paithan) use the word with a slight difference; instead of Matha, they use the word Ma^ha. In the Lilacaritra also it is used (See Lila.I, 1.13). 7. PMKL. No.37, pp.198-206.

8. Ibid. , No.4S, pp.242-43. 9. Ibid., No.74, pp.376-78.

10. Ibid. t No. 12 , pp.63-67. 1 1 . Ibid. ^ No.70, pp.364-68. 823

A comparatively bigger temple usually had pre­ mises known as jagati ^ in wiiich smaller shrines were - 2 erected. The compound wall was known as paula. Amba inscription informs us of a pattasala, A smaller shrine is referred to as t^ a Madu.^

The placing of the Kala^a (sthapana) on the tower of the temple is referred to in the Karadakhed epigraph,® The installation of a deity's icon is refe- 6 rred to in the Dalimba epigraph. The inauguration of the temple declared by hoisting a flag is known from 7 the Ter epigraph . An idea can be had about the architect from HatnurS and Dalimba 9 inscriptions. The latter records the grant of land given to the architect Binnani Reveja.

It should however be borne in mind that all the temples mentioned in the various epigraphs of this region cannot

1 , Paithan epigraph, PMKL,Ko.70«pp.364-68; Lilacaritra. 1.108,122,223; and Part II, 2121Smrtisthala. 191.198. At K h ^ u r ^ o the bigh terraces below the temple complex is known as jagati; M , No, 15, p,46. 2, Amba epigraph: PMKL. No,67, pp,351-54; Paithan epigraph: No.70, pp.364-68; Lilacaritra; I, 141; II, 423; 69; ^ r tisthala, 258. 3, PMKL. No,67, pp,35l-54, 4, Pandharpur inscription, PMKL. No, 17, pp,85-92, 5, ; im,nos, 10,11,13 etc.‘, 6, Unpublished, 7, Ter epigraph: SMHD. I I , p.79ff, 8 , PMKL« No,48, pp,242-43, 9, Unpublished. 824

be traced now. A few of them remain standing, with alterations and additions and a few others in a dilapidated condition. Some like that of Mallikarjunadeva at Savargaon

(Osmanabad district) were, according to the epigraphs, ori­

ginally dedicated to other deities,^

Yadava Rimacandra is stated to have built a golden

- ' • 2 temple at Varinasi which he dedicated to Samgapani.

According to Tasgaon record of Yadava Krsna, Candradeva and Ke^ava, two brothers and feudatories of the

Yadava ruler, constructed a unique temple of Kalideva (Siva);

KholesVara, the famous general of Singhana, is

stated to have constructed a large number of temples and

tanks in Vidarbha and Khandesh.^

Maintenance of Temples

Proper care was taken by the kings and their feu­

datories for the maintenance of the temples, for the construc­

tion of which they had given lavish grants. According to

the epigraphs of Savargaon®, Karadakhed® and

1 . See note of Tulpule in PMKLi p .68. 2. El, XXV, p.207. 3. XXVII, p.209. 4. aiHD, I, p.67. 5. (Savargaon epigraph of 1158 A. D .) PMKL. No.66, pp.348-49. 6. O T , Nos. 10-11, 28-30. 825

Dalimba^, grants were given for the repairs and renovation of the temples. Temples of the medieval period were main- 2 tained from a tax on the public or on the villages and sometimes even the income from the taxes was given to the 3 4 5 temples. Thus, for instance, Andur , Kandhar , Amba ,

Patana,® Vattal,"^ Sagroli^ give details of taxes which were levied on goods and on different professions, of voluntary contributions by shopkeepers and merchants, of the salary of the temple-boys (batnakas) priests and others, for the maintenance of the temples referred to in these

epigraphs. The temples, particularly of Siva, were in charge of Guravs, a non-Brahmana class that looked after the bhoga of the dei iies,®

1 . Unpublished 2. Vattal epigraph; XXXV, p t.IV , pp,163ff,

3. mis:, (1963) pp.90-96.

4. El, XXXV, p t .I I , pp.105-112.

5. Amba; PMKL. No. 6 , pp.30-34. And Amba: PMKL. No.23, pp.118-23. 6. PMKL. No.21, pp. 106-12. 7. El, m v , pt.IV, pp. 163 ff.

8. IND, Nos.16-18. 9. According to Aitekar ( Rashtrakutas and their Times ^ pp.293-94), the Guravs were originally non-Aryans,very probably Dravidian priests, who continued to officiate in the temples of deities which were originally non- Aryan. Later they may have been allowed to be associated with Aryan temples and gods as well. 82fi

H l t u a l

The deities worshipped in the temples were the

Puranic Gods like Siva, Visnu, Narasimha, Ganesa and Devi.

The details of their worship are available from the various epigraphs found in our region. These records show that temple worship was then more or less similar to what it is now. A large number of Yadava records refer to the dona­ tions providing for the angabhoga (bodily enjoyments) and rangabhoga (theatrical enjoyments) of the deities.^ The 2 3 Karadakhed , and Amba epigraphs record a grant for the 4 worship of the deity, Kandhar inscription of Krsna III records a grant of five hundred drammas per month for the

Pancamrtasnana, Pancopacarapuja, curd, milk, flowers etc.

We learn from the Andur epigraph® that a grant of five gadyanas per year was given for keeping a nandadipa perpe­ tually burning in the temple of Manakesvara, The idol was to be bathed every morning. Then the idol was to be anointed with musk and sandal-wood-paste and decorated with garlands and dress. Then naivedya (devabhoga) which consis- ted of sweets, fruits etc, was offered, Andur epigraph

1 , IWKK, No,21, p ,l58; Bijapur Museum Record. 2 , IND, Nos.8 ,10-11,etc. 3, PMKL, No,5, pp,28-36. 4, XXXV, p t ,I I , pp. 105-112. 6. MUJ, (1963) pp.90-96. 6. Ibid. 827

informs us of an offering of betel-leaves, betel nuts after the naivedya. Various records mention the grant for oilmill or oil for perpetual burning of a lamp in the temple. Inter­ estingly enough, the Paithan epigraph^ records the offerings of fruit s. particularly on the EkadasI day (fortnightly fast).

The ritual thus consisted in bathing the idol, anointing it with sandal-paste and other scents and dress­ ing with clothes and then worshipping with a naivedya followed by the arati (ceremonial waving of a lamp in front of the image).

Occasional celebrations of festivals have been V Q also referred^ to. Andur epigraph tells us of the donation for a chariot to be used in the month of ^ravana. Kanhegaon 3 epigraph records a grant on the occasion of the performance of Laksahoma. Amba epigraph"^ refers to the celebration of a certain festival. The recitation of the Vedas is referred to in Kandhar epigraph® of the Rishtrakuta king K r ^ a I I I .

1 . PMKL. No.70, pp.363-368. 2. MUJ, (1962), pp.90-96.

3. PMKL. No.31, pp. 151-156.

4. PMKL. No.23, pp. 118-123.

5. El, XXXV, p t .I I , pp. 105-112. 828

A record^ from Vattal (Nanded district) mentions the Devadasis, for entertaining of the gods. However the 2 Yadava records are silent about this institution.

Auspicious Occasions

Some of the records describe interesting forma­ lities that were observed at the time of making religious gifts. The selection of a proper time and place was regar- ded as very important. When this had been done, the donor 4 used to bathe in the rooming, offer arghya to the Sun , obtain the assent of the elderly persons® and then proceed to make the grant.

1 . EI» XXXV, pt.IV. p .l63ff. 2. However a solitary record of the time of Singhana speaks of many donations to the Brahmanas including the dancing girls ( SIER. 1936-37. BK.475. The custom, however, prevailed in Gujarat and South India as well. That these dancing girls were not leading pure lives, but had degenerated into women of easy virtues, would be d ea r from the testimony of Marco Polo, that a person who desired to take to the life of a sannyasin, was tested by his capacity to stand the blandishments of the temple girls who were specifically sent to lure him (Verma, 0 , P . , Yadavas and their times, p .400) Alberuni's statement that the BrShmanas would have abolished this custom if kings had not stood in their way is quite interesting. The Arab Historian records that the kings made the dancing girls an attraction for their cities, a bait of pleasures for their subjects, for no other but financial reasons. The revenue which yielded from this institution was utilised for mainte­ nance of the army (Sachau, op.cit. . I I , p,157). 3,& 4. Ellora plates of Dantidurga. XXVI, p,29ff. 5. Vattal epigraph: M , XXXV, pt.IV, p.l63ff. 829

EkadaSi day appears to have been an auspicious occasion for the Vakatakas as nine out of tvfelve of their grants were given on that day.^

Satya^raya Pulakesin II of the Badami Chalukya had given a grant to an inhabitant of Tagara in Marathwada _ _ _ 2 on Bhadrapada Amavasya,

A similar religiousity is exhibited by the

Rashtralmtas, Many of their grants are made on certain 3 occasions, like a suryagrahana or a candragrahana. One 4 • by Indra III is made on Pattabandhotsava and one on Sankranti

day.

The Cbalukyas of KalyanI also show a strong

predilection for auspicious occasions. Many of their 5 _ _ _ _ _6 grants are made on grahanas or Amavasya and pumima days

1 . Mirashi, V .V ., in Vakataka Nrpati Ani tyancha Kill.p. 109.

2. LA, VI, pp.72-75.

3. Paithan plates of Govinda I I I : El, I I I , pp.103-110.

4. Jambagaon plates: MUJ. (1961), pp.8-14,

6.& 6 . Karadkhed epigraph of Some^vara I I I : IND,Nos. 10 -11 etc, Ramalingamudgad Epigraph: Ifepublished; Sagroli Epi­ graph: IND^Nos. 14. 16-18, 83?

and on Sankranti day.^ Some of these occasions are called

Mahaparva, Mahotsava or Parva.

Patna inscription of the time of Yadava Sifighana refers to a grant made on the &ravanap5rnima.^ The sanc­ tity of Kapilasasthi is attested to by the Purushottamapuri grant^ which records numerous donations made on that rare

Parva,

To this day all these and many more Parvas are observed in Marathwada as elsewhere in Maharashtra,

A record of the 14th cent. A, D, describes how the king of Vema ’lad given all the danas prescribed by Hemadri.'^

The vratas offered opportunities to individuals

of both the sexes of personally going through a course of

religious life characterised by self-denial and austerities.

There was also the bait of the fulfilment of desires inten­

ded for the ignorant. As such they made powerful appeal to

the popular mind.

1 , Sagroli epigraph of Vikrama VI; Karadkhed epigraph of Vikrama VI, on his 12th and 14th regnal years, Vattal epigraph. E l, XXXV, p t.IV , p,l63ff,

2, PMKLy No,21, pp, 105-12; I , p.338,

3, El, XXV, pp, 199-226; Samshodhana Muktavali. IV, pp, 147-172 ff,

4, EI> P.219, 831

SeQtloD IV - The Bhaktl Cult

The cult of Bhakti forms a vital part of the religious culture of Marathwada,particularly since the

12th cent. A.D, Considerable contribution to the multi­ plicity of faiths and variety of religious life by the

Bhakti cult is a noteworthy feature of this region. This is what we intend to discuss in the following pages.

Marathwada under the later Chalukyas and the

Yadavas saw the revival of the devotional cults known as

Vira-^aiva, Mahanubhava and the Varakari or Bhagavata

sect. Thus, V*ie Deccan in general, and Marathwada in

particular, proved to be a fertile soil for the growth

of Bhakti movement. Though not essentially revolutionary,

these sects gave a new turn to the religious susceptibi­

lities of the people. Now the Vedic deities and Vedic

rites ceased to be good enough for the spiritual cravings

of the people. The worship of god lay in good conduct,

in treating all alike and in offering one's devotion to

Him through the Harinima. It was then only, it > caoiej

to be thought, that man can achieve salvation.

It should be noted at the outset, that Nathism,

Vira-saivism, Mahanubhava and the Varakari Sampradaya are

the different tributaries of Hinduism, dominating the 833

religious life of the people. The existence of these, however, did not affect religious harmony. On the contrary

it united them and breathed into them the spirit of comraunal harmony that was so characteristic of the religious life

of Marathwada, as it was indeed elsewhere in Maharashtra,

during other periods of history.

Interesting feature of the latter three sects

noted above is their Guru-Paramparas (or hierarchy) ^ i c h

is traceable frcxn the Nathism^ which was dominant not only

in Maharashtra but throughout the north and even in the

north-western region of the country. Allamprabhu, his

dissciples Revanasiddha and Mangarulasiddha, all of the

Lingayat sect; Cakradhara, the founder of Mahanubhava sect,

and his guru and grand guru and Jfiinesvara of Varakari Sampra-

daya and his guru, were all either directly, or through

their preceptors, connected with Natha Sampradaya. The

sphere of influence of the philosophy of Nathism will be

measured only after the discussion of the philosophies of

the three sects with which Marathwada was more concerned.

The survey of these three cults is essential in

the cultural history of Marathwada because all these cults

1 . Marathwada was not a provenance of any one from Natha sampradaya, so the history etc.af this sampradaya is not treated separately, as far as its philosophy is concerned, it is dealt with through its influence traceable from the other remaining three sects. 890 O

are directly related to this region. Basava, who had made Vira-^aivism more popular; Cakradhara, who started preaching his philosophy from Paithan, after getting

Saiiyasa diksa at the same place, and Jfiane^vara who also hailed from Apegaon^, a place near Paithan, were all directly concerned with our region of st\ady as far as their sects are concerned. Of these three, Jnanesvara alone belonged to this region by birth, Basava, for instance, was born in Kaladgi district but he could revive Lirigayat sect only when he became the Prime-Mini ster of the Kalachuri klng^ ruling from Kalyini,

Let us now survey the fortunes of these cults.

Our survey ofcourse will be limited to the region and period of our study.

Of these three sects, Vira-^ivism^ or Lingayat • ^ or Linga-vanta is the earliest. It flourished mainly in

1 . Ranade, R.D.. Mysticism in Maharashtra, p.31; Dandekar, Jgahegvarl. (Ed^ intro.. Prasad Prakashan, Poona, 1953. 2. Bhandarkar, EHD, (1967) p .102. 3. Because of the linga which is to be worn by the followers of this sect, it is known as Linga-vanta or Lingayat. The siva-linga is placed in a silver, or brass casket. 4. As Das Gupta suggested Vira-saivas were called viras or heroes for their heroic attitude in an aggressive or defensive manner in support_of their faith. The name seryes to distinguish the Vira-i^aivas from other classes of Saivas, viz, Samanya-s"aiva, MisVa-Saiva, Saddha-saiva etc. See Hi.stojX.gJL P.hj-lpappfty» P.45. 83 4

the Karnatak region during the 12th cent,A.D. It consi­ derably influenced the southern part of Osmanabad and Bid districts of Marathwada and the districts of Kolhapur and

Sholapur of the rest of Maharashtra,

Though the details about the origin of this cult are not pertinent to our study, it may be noted that it is traced to five great religious teachers. Renuka, Daruka,

Ghantikarna, Dhenukama and Vi^vakama, who,according to the tradition, were the earthly manifestations of the five aspects of Para-^iva, viz, Sadyojata, Vamadeva, Aghora,

Tatpurusa and I^ina,^

It was, however, Basava who was mainly respon­ sible for making the Lingayat sect popular in Karnataka along* with some part of the region under study. He came in contact with Marathwada, though it was not his native place, as the Prime-minister of Bijjala Kalachuri (1166-1168 A,D,),

The marriage of the king with his sister, Padmavati, helped in increasing his influence in the realm. Later, in asso­ ciation with Chenna Basava (younger Basava), the son of his another sister, Basava pursued a vigorous policy of spreading , 2 the Vira-saiva doctrines through Jahgamas , the priests of the faith,

1, Majumdar and Pusalkar, p,445, 2, He is taken as Muktatma and respected as Acarya as well as Bhiksuka by the Lingayats, 835

Opinions differ as far as Basava's end is concerned,^ After Basava, the vira-Saiva movement gradually- gained strength under the leadership of Chenna Basava. At this time the Vacanas^ also reached the humblest of the homes because of their universal appeal in some part of our region of study, besides the entire Karnataka. The Vacanas intend to call men back from their career of sin and make them turn / to Siva for refuge.

Let us now see a few striking features of the

Vira-saiva philosophy.

/ ^ Like in other Saiva systems, Para-siva is the sppreme reality, the one absolute without a second, in the * / 4 Vira-saivism also. The glorious He is also powerful, omni­

scient and endowed with all auspicious qualities. The universe of souls and matter is but a part of Him, a projection of

His will. In this sect, like that of Kashmir, Para-siva is held to be both the material and the instrumental cause of the Universe.^ He is both immanent and transcendant.

1. For this see Bhandarkar EHD, p .104.

2. The term Vacana means a ’ saying' though Vacana is a pointed or causal observation.

3. A, few inscriptions contain the Vacauias of the vira Saiva saints, e.g. Sangur inscription of Yadava Mahadeva. XXIII, pts.I & I I , pp.4-19, 46-67 and 194-195,

4. Bhandarkar, "Vaisnavism, saivism and other minor sects*', p .191 ff.

6. Majumdar and Pusalkar, SE, p .447. 83(?

Aikya or Unity with Para-siva, the supreme reality is the final goal of the soul in the Vira-saiva system. The iden­ tity in essence between Lihga (i^iva) and Anga (soul) is the final state of experience and technically called Linginga- simarasya.

Thus, Para-siva which is the supreme reality

is known as Sthala,^ Para-Siva is the abode or home of

all beings. He is the support of all things. In Him the universe exists. Out of His own will and by the agitation

of His innate power (sakti), Para-siva the supreme 'Sthala',

becomes divided into Lihga and Anga. Lihga is Siva or Budra,

and is the object of worship or adoration. Ahga which means

part, is the individual soul, and is the worshipper or adorer,

Sakti is the power which eternally resides in Paramasiva

as His inseparable attribute. It has two parts Kala and

Bhakti - the former resorting to Siva and the latter to

the individual soul, Kala is responsible for the projection

of the world from ^ v a . Bhakti leads the soul from bondage

to final release.

The Astavaranas • • •

Guru, Jahgama and Lihga are the three terms

most often used in Vira-^aiva writings. The sect lays

1. 'Stha' signifying sthana or residence; and to Him the soul returns at the end; La signifying laya or dissola- tion. The word Sthala means place,position or abode. 837

down eight rules of conduct to be observed by all followers, viz. (1) Obedience to the guru; (2) worship of a lihga.

(3 ) reverence for a jangama as an incarnation of Siva;

(4) anearing of ashes (vibhuti) or cow-dung; (5) wearing of

a rosary of rudraksa beads; (6) Padodaka, i.e. Sipping the water in which the feet of the guru or jangaraa have been

washed; (7) Prasada, offering food to the guru, Linga or

Jangama,^ and partaking sacramentally of what is left and; (8) Pancaksara, Uttering the five-syllabled formula 'Namah ^ 2 — 3 Sivaya' . At the diksa ceremony , these eight inodes of

piety are taught to every Lihgiyat child,

Lingayats like Buddhists do not accept the autho­

rity of the Vedas but have like Brahmanas Veda, gotra, pravara

etc. They do not believe in rebirth. More reliance is given

on the Saivagamas than the Vadas by them. They bury their

dead. Vira ^aivism does not believe in caste system"^ and

untouchability.® Infact Basava intended to eradicate untoucha-

bility and tried to give equal status to women. Lingayats

1. He is indirectly referred to in Jnane^vari (XII.7 & 85) and directly by Mahanubhavas in Snrtisthala (p. 18). 2. This formula is known by the Lingayats as ^iva Gayatri corresponding to Brahma Gayatri of the Brahmanas. 3. It is to be given at the age o# eight years. See Basava S^M

preached their philosophy in the Kannada language unlike the Mahanubhavas and Varakarls who preached in Marathi.

Mahanubhava ^

This is another devotional sect. Although this sect was, numerically speaking, not very strong, yet it spread its tentacles far and wide. It would be interesting to see that besides the Marathwada region where it originated, it spread to Bundelkhand and Punjab in north India. Even as far as Kabul and Kandahar, the Mahanubhava temples and Mathas have been discovered. The term Mahanubhava, however, came into vogue only from the time of saint Ekanatha of Paithan. - 3 Earlier it was known as Para-Marga.

Like Vira-Saivism, the founder of Mahanubhava was 4 _ _ also connected with Nathism. In fact, Mahanubhava has a few things similar to the Natha sampradaya, and like the later

Mahanubhava, insisted on the ideal sannyasa dharma. ® It also

1 * In Bundelkhand this sect is known as Acyuta Pantha; In Punjab and Afghanisthan it is known as Jayakrma; However Enthoven gives twelve names of this sect*' including those like Mahatma pantha, Bhata marga and Paramartha. Ethnographical Survey of Bombay (1909). Monograph No. 131,

2 . Deshpande, Y .K ., Mahanubhava Marathi Vanmay. p .97-98, 3. Kolte, V .B ., Mahanubhava Sam^odhan. I, p .37. 4. Kolte, V .B ., Gakradhara Caritra. p ,4 2 .’ 5. Panse, M.R., JM, p.140. 8 3 0

does not believe in the caste system and untouchability.

The only difference between these sects in respect of the

point stated above is that Mahanubhava never tried to

eradicate tin touch ability, etc. vehemently as was done by

the Natha Sampradaya. ^

At the beginning of this section, it has already

been shown how the Ouru^ and great Guru of Cakradhara was

related to Natha Sampradaya. It would be interesting to

see the relation of Cakradhara with this Sampradaya. He

got the knowledge of the Vayastambhini Vidya from Udhali-

natha.^ Cakradhara also refers to Nathism with utmost

respect,^ Na^gadeva, the right hand man of Cakradhara and

the first acarya of the Mahanubhava sect after Cakradhara - 5 also was a disciple of Harinatha.

It seems that this sect has borrowed not only

from Nathisn, but also from the Lingayat sect and Vaisna-

vism. Of course, while borrowing some of the ideas per­

taining to philosophy, Cakradhara, instead of incorpora­

ting those blindly, had made some additions and alterations,

1. Panse, M.9. ,^p.l41, 2. Ibid., p.140, 3* UttarSrdha. 158, 4, Vrddhacarat p .31. 5. Farquhar, J .N ., An Outline of the Religious Literature of Indian p.247, 840

About its similarities with vlra-Saivism, Farquhar has this to say, "It is astonishing to discover its possible influence on the Manabhaus or Mahanubhavas, a Vaisnava sect

in Maharashtra."^ He further points out the common features, namely, both of them are strictly sectarians, one recognizes

Krsna alone vhile the other worships Siva alone. Both sects • • • refused to worship images, though each worships a symbol of

its own god; both sects are strictly vegetarian; both bury

their dead and in both the sects the ascetics are of far

more importance than the temples. Any caste Hindu is wel­

comed as a full member in either sect i f he is willing to 2 undergo initiation,

3 It was Cakradhara , who under, the influence of

Govinda Prabhu or Gundama Prabhu, founded the sect and one

Nagadeva organised it.

The career of Cakradhara from the time he became

a disciple of Govinda Prabhu to the time of his passing away

has been divided into three parts viz. Ekanka, Purvardha

fiUid Uttarardha. It was in the Purvardha that Cakradhara

came in contact with Marathwada. He got his first woman

disciple Nagaisa at Paithan, when he went there after visiting

1. Purquhar, J . N , , ot>. cit. . p .247. 2. Panse, M.G., op. cit. y p. 139. 3. For cakradhara's early life, see V.B.Kolte*s gakradhara-carltra. 841

many places in Andhra country. At Paithan only, he got sannyasa diksa, and moved with his disciples, delivering sermons and preaching his philosophy. His Chaupadi composed in A.D.1264 was written in Paithan only.^ Very soon scholars, court ministers, and distinguished people were influenced by the glamour of his preachings. Even the Yadava rulers of Marathwada like Krsna and Mahadeva could not resist the temptation of having his audience. The Lilacaritra refers to the meeting of the great sage and YSdava Krsna who desired 2 to offer him a large sum of money.

In the last period of Uttarardha which also lasted for four years, Cakradhara kept on moving but confined his activities to the banks of the Godavari, Some of the events Q of his life that took place in the villages and towns of

Marathwada are known from the Lilacaritra. The Sthanapothi tells us of Cakradhara*s visit to not less than seventy five places in this region.

It was, however, during the last two periods - a total of eight years - that Cakradhara expounded his philosophy and laid down the code of conduct for his disciples. He preferred Maharashtra for his missionary

1 , Deshpande, Y .K ,, op. cit. < p.11,

2, Ekanka; Lila No,41,

3, Namely Paithan, Jalna, Bid, Nanded, Verul, 84 2

activities as he was disgusted with Telangana and Kannada country because of the sensuousness that was prevalent there,^

The end of Cakradhara, like that of Basava, 1 s shrouded in mystery resulting in a lot of controversy about its nature. Some scholars believe that he died in

Saka 1194 (1274 A ,D .) at Badarikasrama, others think that he died in saka 1196 (l276 A.D. We are concerned with it because of the suggestion by some scholars that Cakra- 3 4 dhara was assasinated by Hemadri , the Prime-mini ster of the Yadavas. This view, however, does not find favour with other scholars as the incidence is not referred to In other biographical works, like Ratnamala stotra, Smrtisthala and Murtiprakasa. ^

1. P arise, M .G ,, op. cit. . p .140: "Telangana desha, Kannada desha na vachave, Maharashtri Asave", Sutra patha. pp.23-24,

2, Kolte, V .B ,, Cakradhara caritra. p .318,

3, Cakradhara's association with female disciples and his Impact on women gave rise to suspicion in certain minds, which_was fully exploited by the enemies of the Mahanubhiva pantha.

4, For details see Cakradhara Caritra (pp,280-281 and Parisishta I), 6. For details see Madhya,Pi!std.^h _Samsodhan Mandal (Annual 1954), p,123. 843

Though the account of the career of Cakradhara contained in some Mahanubhava pothis smacks much of fiction than of facts, it is certain that Cakradhara was a great reformer of his times. He had found certain evils in the

caste-ridden and tradition-ridden society and tried cease­ lessly to remove them. He showed to the people how the multiplicity of retuals and deities was no panacea for human ills. Vftien we bear in mind that Cakradhara's revolt

against ritualism came at a time when the Caturvarga Cinta-

mani of Hemadri had laid down tyo thousand rituals for the

entire year, we can well visualise how welcome Cakradhara's

teachings must have been to the common people. Further, he

did not believe in the rigidities of castes and asked his

disciples to accept alms from all the four varnas. Not only

people from all walks of life were allowed entry into his

sect, but even women and ^ d r a s were permitted to attain

sannyasa, Cakradhara was a free thinker and went to the

extent of condemning the segregation of women during their

menstrual periods,^

Let us now turn to th^ philosophy of this sect,

Cakradhara, unlike §ankaracarya, was a complete dualist.

According to him, soul, gods, material existence and Parames-

vara are anadi (beginningless) and ananta (endless). As each

of the four elements has its independent entity, it is not

1 . Uttarardha. Lila No,347, li

related to the other. Of these, Paramesvara is formless

(nirakara) and limbless (niravayava) who expresses His power

through the gods. But while Isvara is eternally free (nitya- mukta), gods are eternally bound (nitya-baddha), The nitya- baddha gods therefore cannot deliver salvation. The capacity

of such an action lies only in isvara. The numerous gods may only bestow transitory happiness. But the soul which

is in quest of perpetual happiness will be amply rewarded

if he offers his prayers to isvara alone instead of offering

them to the gods. Hence worship of the gods is meaningless.

In the Mahanubhava sect, i^i Krsna, Dattatreya,

Cahgadeva Raula of Dvaravatl, Gundama Raula (Govindaprabhu)

and Cakradhara are held as the five Krsnas ( ). • • • All of them are regarded by the Mahanubhava followers as

the five incarnations of the God. Although the 6ita was held

in great reverence by the Mahanubhavas, the Sutrapatha was

obligatory for every member of the sect. Besides,' Cakradhara's

name, his form, his Lilas, his miracles, the places where he

camped, the sermons he delivered, the prasada which he dis­

tributed, were all held sacred by the followers of this sect.

Their devotion to Cakradhara is somewhat unique as everything

that he touched or put on was viDrthy of reverence. In this

sect, the initiated live on alms. Rules have been laid down

as to how, v*en and where the alms should be begged. The

Mahanubhavas are required to undergo an intense self-examination. 84 5-

Like the Varakaris, the Mahan-ubhavas were also a devotional sect. However, their deity and their approach to bhakti was different. For instance, the Mahanubhavas regarded Krsna as Supreme God not as an incarnation of

Visnu as the Varakaris believed. Similarly the Mahanu- • • bhava Dattatreya is four-armed but single-headed. Again, unlike the Varakaris, the Mahanubhavas did not subscribe

to worship of any deity. On the contrary, image worship

of the Brahmanical deities was strictly forbidden by them.^

The Mahiinubhivas regarded God above everything. He was

absolute and immanent, Cakradhara did not believe in

the monism of Sankara. For him maya (the material world)

the magical power of creation - was distinguishable frcan

God, It was different from and much inferior to God,

Cakradhara therefore, differed from the Vivartavada of

Sinkara, and deplored all such attempts to wean away the

devotees of God from their real purpose of union with

the Almighty, Except the pancakrsnas ( the five

incarnations of God ) all other deities are meaningless

and as such their worship does not lead the devotees any­

where. Cakradhara forbade his disciples to worship the

Vedic deities and described the pilgrimage to sacred places 2 as futile.

1 , Alisa, desciple of Cakradhara had to forego Krsnamurti before her initiation. Panse, M,G,, op.cit. p.l4l.

2. Lllacaritra (uttarardha), No,125, 8 4

The Mahanubhavas do not believe in the authenti­ city of the Vedas as a medium of spiritual knowledge. But,

Cakradhara did not condemn the Vedas nor did he pay scant regard to them or hold than in ridicule. Cakradhara's opposition to the Vedas was quite natural as he distin­

guished the Absolute God from the Vedic gods. According

to him, the Vedic gods are not the ultimate reality and

hence it is futile to worship them in order to attain

salvation. Cakradhara, however, recognised into the vedic

gods a certain amount of divinity. He therefore paid

them due respect and also exhorted his disciples to do like­

wise. He dissuaded his followers from ridiculing them. But

he asked them not to treat the Vedas as a means of realising

the spiritual goal. It is not surprising that such radical

thoughts in the thirteenth century A.D. enraged the orthodox

section of the society. It is quite possible that Hemadri

and Mahadasrama, the two stalwarts of the vedic religion,

accused Cakradhara of heresy and subjected him to indignities,

A few accusations have been levelled against the

Mahanubhava saints of the contemporary period.^ (i) The

sect did not subscribe to the traditional religious values,

did not observe the caste-system and had no moral scruples;

(ii) That the Mahanubhavas dressed in a manner different

1 . Maharashtra saraswat, p,69. 84

from other Hindu saints,^ and lastly, (ill) the sect was more inclined towards Islam^ in certain matters for which they were rewarded by the Muslim rulers. But Kolte has proved all these accusations as based on misunderstanding 3 and incomplete information about the sect.

While concluding, let us add few more lines to

point out the importance of Marathwada from the point of

view of the Mahanubhavas. Psiithan, Mahur (Nanded district)

Panchaleshvara (Bid district) are the holy places for the

Mahanubhavas. The founder of this sect, Cakradhara, is

Imown among them as CakradharasvamI of Paithan. From here

the sect originated, and here only Cakradhara got his first

lady disciple Nagamba, who was already known as a yogini of

high order. Mahur is another place where Dattatreya in the

guise of a tiger met Cakrapani raula and initiated him.

Panchaleshvara on the bank of Godavari has been sanctified,

according to Mahanubhavas by the residence of Dattatreya

himself.

1 . The Mahanubhava saints are said to have dressed in long gowns of black colour.

2. The aniconic character of Mahanubhava religion, the reverence paid to 'mazar' like constructions and the non-observence of traditional values brought the sect nearer to Islam in appearance.

3. See for details Kolte * Mahanubhava samshodhan. I , p . 142: and pp. 146-149. 48

As has been shown in the chapter on literature, scholars like Bhaskara Bhatta Borikar^, Narendra Kavi and his brother, whose literature had a great impact on the minds of the followers of this sect were from the region of our study.

- - 2 The Varakari Sampradaya

Among all the religious sects, not only of

Marathwada but also of entire Maharashtra, The Varakari

sampradiya occupies a position of honour and prominence.

Centring ro\ind the presiding deity of Pandharpur, it possesses the highest claims of being acknowledged as

the foremost indigenous religious sect of Maharashtra -

Marathwada. In religious appeal, it presents a long and

lovely panorama of divine mystics with a philosophy of

life , deep and appealing both for the learned and the

masses. The mystic of this Vaisnava sampradaya have • • evolved a philosophy where the cult of devotion has been

wedded to the doctrine of advaita,

O The word Varakari is a combination of the two

words, Varl and Karl. It means a sect whose followers are

given to the performance of Varl. Vari designated the

1. Deshpande, Y .K ., o p . cit. . p.16. 2. Also known as Bhagvata Dharma or Pantha; see Dandekar,S.V., Varakari Panthaca Itihasa. p. 2. 3. Ibid. . pp.1-2. 841*

pilgrimage made to Pandharpur where there is a temple of

Vitthala, the chief deity of the sect. The follower of • • this sect is known as Varakari who, of course, is a regular

EkadasI pilgrim to Pandharpur.

The Varakari is also known as Malakari, i .e .

the one with a garland, on account of his wearing around

his neck a mala of TulasI beads. This name malakari gives

two characteristics of the Varakaris: (i) his favourite God

is Krsna i.e. Vitthala, and (ii) he is a Vegetarian. Next • • • • • to Vithoba are the saints to be respected by the followers

of this sect. They use the term Santa-SaJ Janaci-Mandi

('The society of the saints'). The importance of being

in the close contact either with the living saints or with

the saints of the past (through their writings) is always

stressed by the great teachers of this panth.^ The Varakaris

chant the expressions consisting the inspiring names of their

saints like Dnyanesvar Mauli - Dnyanaraja Mauli Tukarama or

Dnyanoba - Tukaram or Nivrtti Dnyanadeva Sopana Muktabai -

Eknath Namadeva Tukaram,

To sum up we have the following chief characteris­

tics of a Varakari:

1, To be a regular pilgrim to Pandharpur

2, The devotee of Vitthala• ♦ (or Krsna) • • • 3, To be a strict vegetarian 4, To be in the company of the saints of the Panth.

1. Deleury, The Cult of Vithoba. p.3.

— Q C r» H ______r I

A follower having the above-mentioned characteris­ tics will read the JlianesVari, the Veda of the sect, respecting it very much. Besides Jninesvari, their scriptures are Gita and Bhagavata among the sanskrit works smd the Ekanathi

Bhagavata, Tukaram Gatha and Haripatha, Here it should be noted that the sect does not enjoin anybody to renounce his family or his work or his home.^ He is not to cease to live in the Grhasthas'rama state and to adopt the Sannyasasrama way of life even for the realisation of God.

The date of its origin is shrouded in mystery.

Some however believe that it originated with Jnanesvara, others think that the sect was prevalent even before.

However, the latter is more acceptable for the following reasons: (i) ’’Pundalika Varada Hari Vitthala" an expression

found among all the Varakarl poets upto the present day,

suggests that all the Varakarls feel indebted to Pundalika

for the presence of Vitthala at Pandharpur. And as

Jfiinesvara and Namadeva join together the two names of

Pundalika and of Vitthala many times in their Abhangas

may be taken as a confirmation of the fact that Jnanesvara

1. ^ Z 'T ^ r i^ I ( 'TRRfwd

H t h o . 8 51

did not found the Varakari sarapradaya. However he was undoubtedly the first and the greatest of its exponents.

(2) That the temple of Vitthala of Pandharpur was there

for a century before the birth of Jnanadeva is supported now by the epigraphical evidence. At Pandharpur so far

five epigraphs have been found. The earliest among them of 1139 A.D, speaks of a small shrine (Lan Madu) and the

latest concerning the topic is of 1277 A.D,which tells

about the reconstruction of the temple in question. (3) More

over at Aland! Vitthala-RukminI have been carved on a • • • • 2 samadhi with an epigraph of 1209 A.D, (4) Khare s’ays, on

the basis of a Rashtrakuta epigraph of 516 A .D ,, that the • • 3 devotion to Vitthala is as old as the 6th cent. A.D. • m Without going deep into the controversy about the Kannada

origin of the place, the original size and place of the

present temple and the origin of the name of the chief deity

itself, on the above basis we can safely conclude that the

temple of Vitthala of Pandharpur was atleast a century old

before the birth of Jninesvara, the chief exponent of the

sect. Emphasis, however can now be given on a very important

1. PMKL. No. 17.

2. Ibid. , No.22.

3. Khare, G.H., Srlvitthala ini Pandharpur^ p.39. 85?

inscription of 1189 A.D. found at Pandharpur to corroborate our above statement. Deleury, the french writer on the cult of Vithoba has the following to say about the topic in question based on the epigraph^ referred to. "There was at that time in Pandharpur a group of devotees of

Vitthaia, suid they were granted by the Yadava King Bhillama • • some financial assistance to build a small structure to house their god. The connection between Vitthaia and

Pandharpur is therefore, certain by that date and we can

safely add that this connection was by then of already long standing, since there was a group of devotees dedi­

cated to this god. It is also fairly probable that this

- - 2 group was the prototype of the Varakari Sampradaya'.*

The above discussion has thus enabled us to

draw three important conclusions to establish strong

connection between Marathwada and the Varakari pantha namely; (i) It was the Yadava King Bhillama ruling from

the capital Devagiri in Marathwada, who has given finan­

cial help for the construction of first known temple

(Lin Madu ) however small, at Pandharpur. (ii) It was

again Yadava king Ramacandradeva, a chief among the devotees

1. PMKL. No. 17, pp.35-91.

2. Deleury, G .A ., The Cult of Vithoba (i960), iDost^ript, p p .193-196. ^ of Vitthala, who had taken keen interest in the reconstruc­

tion of or, possibly, additions and alterations to the

temple and; (i i i ) it was Jnanelvara from Apegaon^

(Aurangabad district) who was the chief exponent of

the sect in the 13th cent, A.D. In fine we can say that

the persons from Marathwada were responsible for the

growth, spread and popularity of the sect both within

suid without Marathwada and among the classes and the

masses.

It would be pertinent to our study to deal with

the role of Jnanadeva in more details.

It was Jnanadeva who was accepted as 'Maiili'

(Mother) by the followers of the pantha. He undertook

pilgrimages to Pandharpur and Alandi. These were taken

as the greatest events in the history of the sect. By

writing in Marathi, he brought the understanding of the

old sanskrit heritage, within the reach of the common

people.

1. Some think that he was from Alandi but now it is almost accepted that he was from Apegaon. See Ranade, R .D ., Mysticism in Maharashtra, p .31; and also The introduction to JSane^varl. by Dandekar ,S .V ., in Jfianei^vari (ED) Prasad Prakashan, Poona, 1963. Deleury also accepts Apegaon as the place of Jfiane^- vara's birth; see. o p . cit. . p .7. 2. It was again Bhanudasa from Paithan who was respon­ sible for bringing an idol of Vithoba from Vijaya- nagara. He belonged to the I5th cent. A. D. Hence his role is not described in details. 8 5 A

When Jnanadeva attached himself to the Bhakti movement he endowed it not only with the new medium of expression of the living Marathi language, but also with a sound philosophical background borrowed from the Sanskrit tradition. Jfianesvara and his family were the first Varakari missionaries. Due to the impetus given by them the new pantha began to spread all over Maharashtra.

It was again the celebrated Jnanesvara who had

written Jfianesvari when he was only fifteen years old.

Deleury refers to Jninesvari as "the Book of the Virakaris

and their philosophical Bible"?' It was JnanesVara's famous — — 2 commentary upon the Bhagavadgita written in 1290 A.D,

In the lucid expositions of the deep metaphysical truths,

in the clear explanations of the ethical problems, in the

wealth of homely illustrations and pointed popular examples,

the Jnaneivari is bound to all ages. He had written it to

revive the Vedic dharma which had degeneratad as a result

of heterodox movements. In this respect he can be consi­

dered as the next great religious leader after ' ^ankaracarya’

atleast in Maharashtra, who protected Vedism.

The history of Varakari sect, indeed, begins

with Jnanesvara, The first hundred years beginning

1, Deleury, The Cult of Vithoba* p,10.

2, Jnanelvari, Chap. xviii , V, 1810. 855

from the middle of the 13th to that of the 14th cent. A. D, formed the most creative period in the history of the sect. It was in his period that the subtle philosophy of the sect was thought out in all its ramifications with rich, luxurious details. Jnanadeva was the towering genius whose personality looms large not only in this period but in all succeeding periods.

I t was Varakari Sampradaya whicKhad given Jn an a ­ deva, the scholar-saint to Maharashtra, nay to the entire country and it was Jfianadeva who had given philosophy to it and made Varakari pantha very popular. But it was

Marathwada, the region of our study which has given both the Varakari pantha at its best, and Jiianadeva to both to Maharashtra and to India.

The next great Varakari recorded by tradition is Namadeva^ who also hailed from Marathwada, If Jnanadeva

gave philosophy to the pantha, Namadeva gave it popularity.

He came from Narasi-Bamani in Parbhani district.' He was

tailor by caste and was initiated by Visoba Khechar,

again from Marathwada. Namadeva accompanied Jnanadeva

in his wanderings, in many parts of India. He wrote abhangas

even in Hindi which exerted, as has been already shown in 85P

the Chapter on Literature, great influence upon the founder of the Sikh religion. It is no doubt creditable for Nama- deva that his popular religious songs were sung not only on the banks of the Bhima and the Godavari in Maharashtra but also on those of the Ravi and Jhelum in Punjab. His

abhangas are also popular in Gujarath,^ He made a fervent

appeal to the masses through his melodious Harikirtanas

and enchanting abhangas and thus democratised the cult.

Tradition accepts Gora Kumbhara from Ter

(Marathwada) a greater authority in this sect than Namadeva,

Muktabai, the sister of Jnanadeva,and Janabai, the maid

servant of Namadeva were the first lady missionaries of

the s e c t , botli o f them e v id e n tly from Marathwada.

Though Varakari sampradaya is a purely devo­

tional sect it has, like all the religions and sects in

India, its own philosophy. This sect has accepted the

philosophy of Jnanasvara or to put in other words it was

Jnanesvara who has given the philosophy to the Varakari sect.

Let us now turn to the philosophical background

of the sect. Evidently it is a vaisnava sect devoted to

the worship of Vitthala who is an akimbo form^ of

1. Narasi Mehta in his 'Haramala' records the deeds of Namadeva: see for details, Deleury, op.clt. ^ p. 11.

2. Such akimbo forms are to be seen at other two places o^ily, namely, at Tirupati and Ahobalam; see Khare,G.H., Sri Vitthala ani Pandharpur. p.77. 85:/

Srikrsna,^ It is however different from the classical * • • ^ Bhagavata or Pancaratra School criticised by Sankara in his Bhasya on the Vedantasutras, since it totally differs from the latter in its rejection of the doctrine of the four Vyuhas.

According to Pendse, Kevala-advaita and Maya- vada of §ankaracirya are the basis of the philosophy expounded by Jnanadeva. But Jnanasvara has something else too. He has put emphasis on Bhakti which was taken as subordinate or allied (gauna) by ^aftkaracarya,

JninesVara's philosophy was Cidvilasavadipurnadvaita.

Advaita based on Bhakti (Unitative devotion), or along

with Bhakti is the speciality of the philosophy of the

s e c t .‘

Gidvilasavada of Jnineivara is somewhat akin

to the Sakti^'visistadvaitavada of the Virasaivas. Jnanes- • • • vara's Paratattva and Virasaiva's Parasiva are the same.

Every thing in the Universe and every event

that takes place, is the visible form of Paratattva.

1, Padma Purina refers to Dvibhujam Vitthalam Vi^um quoted by Bhusari in Prachln Maharashtracha Dharmik ItiM§S> p. 163. 85R

The philosophical doctrines of the sect are marked by originality and a depth of sincerity, Xiicom- promising adherents of the doctrines of absolute monism the Varakarls evolved a philosophy of life whose very core is represented by the devotion to the highest Deity,

According to them, devotion is both means and end (sadhya and Sadhana),

Devotion as an end is never compatible with

Advaita - Jnana. As a matter of fact, devotion really

comes into being only when the ftmdamental unity of all

that moves and lives in this vast Universe and of that

whose is the perennial source of every being has been fully

realised. As Tukaram later said, the true religion of

Vaisnava is to recognise the fact that the whole universe

is pervaded by Visnu,^ The Varakarls maintained that

the Highest God is both Saguna and Nirguna, and Sakara

and Nirakara i.e. endowed with form and formless, and

that the Nirguna can be achieved only through worship of

the Saguna, They put great emphasis upon the efficacy

of the repetition of the divine word as the sole way

to the realisation of God,

1. Vi^umaya Jaga Vai^avaca Dharma. Tukaram Gatha

2, Hari mukhe mhana, Hari mukhe mhana, Punyaci ganana kona karij Haripatha . 859

The Varakari sect was not a revolt against but a reformation of the vedic religion. The Vlrakari

saints had the greatest regard for the infallibility

and the authorities of the Vedas.^ But true to their liberalism in a cult of devotion, they never imposed 2 great restrictions of caste and were everready to

acclaim a fallen brother in their midst if he was

actuated by the higher sentiments of love and devotion

to the lord, Jnanesvara was not slow in infusing a new life and vitality into the ranks of the sect by

making the vernacular a medium of expression for the

highest vedantlc truths and by slightly relaxing the

hard and fast rules in the case of really inspired and

devoted souls.

1. Jnanesvarl, I.

2 . Bhedabheda bhrama amangala.

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