Number 25 Spring 2016 IRRUBRIEFING 1

IRRUBRIEFING Number 25, Spring 2016

Trade Union Bill’s restrictions to public sector union reps’ time off likely to backfire Kim Hoque and Nicolas Bacon New research on the Workplace Employment Also in this issue Relations Study indicates the likely negative Editorial: Industrial consequences of government plans to Relations and the restrict public sector union representatives’ Limits of the Law, to time off in the Bill. 40 Years After In 1975, IRRU published its The Trade Union Bill, introduced on to introduce change and improve seminal analysis of the Industrial first reading to the House of Commons productivity. This argument explicitly Relations Act 1971. 40 years later, on 15 July 2015, is widely recognised recognised the role of workplace union understanding the relations as the first significant change in representatives in promoting good between the law and industrial collective in Britain since employment practice and helping relations is ever more topical and the Trade Union Act 1984. While manage change. This in turn provided the complex. many elements of the Bill have been impetus for the introduction of statutory subject to intense media debate (its backing for union representatives in the >> See page 2 likely impact on Labour Party funding 1970s. This backing was subsequently and the introduction of thresholds for incorporated into the Trade Union Regulating strikes strike ballots, for example), one further and Labour Relations (Consolidation) element of the Bill – the reserve powers Act 1992, which requires employers in essential public for government ministers to restrict in workplaces with recognised unions paid time off (‘facility time’) for union to provide union representatives with sectors: Lessons from representatives in the public sector – has reasonable facilities and time off to Europe? received considerably less attention. enable them to perform their duties and engage in training associated with these Several EU governments have Any attempts to restrict the amount of duties. been recently attempting to time public sector union representatives regulate public sector strikes. But spend on their role are likely to have Support for the importance of workplace the continental approaches differ profound implications for public sector union representatives’ rights to time off sharply from the one adopted by employment relations. A brief look stems not only from history, however, the Trade Union Bill in the UK. at the history of the development of but also from a number of more recent union representatives’ rights to time sources. For example, the government- >> See page 5 off helps to explain why. The Donovan commissioned Macleod Report on Commission’s report to the British employee engagement, endorsed by government in the late 1960s regarded Prime Minister David Cameron, suggests workplace union representatives’ lack of that managers should listen to workforce official recognition as a major cause of concerns expressed via representatives, industrial unrest that hindered attempts >> continued on page 3

IRRU embraces the research activities of the industrial relations community in Warwick Business School. Visit us at: www2.warwick.ac.uk/go/irru

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Editorial: Industrial Relations and the Limits of the Law, 40 Years After

This issue of IRRU briefing is devoted to information and consultation of employees European Convention of Human Rights the Trade Union Bill that (at the time of regulations) and then, increasingly, in the and the dynamics of phenomena such as printing) is going through parliament. EU (e.g. the European Works Councils), and the 2009 strikes for ‘British jobs for British The Bill has been described as the most here we are again. workers’. IRRU is now at the forefront important legal change in UK industrial of the study of internationalisation of Yet if the IRRU workshop on the Trade relations for thirty years, and IRRU was employment relations, including in places Union Bill could look like a return to the the first research centre in the country to where they are extremely important. Our past, it also quickly focused on the major promptly organise a research workshop, in – newly professorial – colleagues Jimmy changes between then and now. First, September 2015, to analyse its implications Donaghey (new Academic Lead of the the apparent shift of regulations from and design research on it. In a way, that University’s Global Research Priority on collective to individual employment rights workshop represented a return to the Global Governance) and Juliane Reinecke in recent years, far from marking the origins. Our Unit was born in 1970, continue their research on Bangladesh, irrelevance of industrial relations, makes when the new Conservative government I keep studying Eastern Europe, and our the field more complicated. The state is was passing through Parliament the lively doctoral community is engaged in no less relevant in employment relations Industrial Relations Act, to ‘outline what pioneering projects on China, , that it was in 1971 – but it is so in different constitutes unfair industrial practice… the Balkans and the Caucasus. ways, as a new special section of Work, to introduce new methods of settling Employment and Society (30:4), edited by The sensitivity of these issues cannot be disputes… to provide new protection for an IRRU team, will be showing. If in 1971 understated. The terrible death of Giulio the community in emergency situations’ IRRU could concentrate its analysis of the Regeni, the Cambridge University PhD (from the government’s guide to the Act, law on some large disputes such as the student tortured and killed in Cairo for in a language very similar to that of today). docks one, one of the expected outcomes his research on union movements at the In 1971, IRRU invested its then imposing of the Trade Union Bill is the further beginning of this year comes immediately research capacity to monitor the extent to fragmentation of industrial conflict to the to mind. We tend today to forget how which the legislation achieved its objectives. point where the political context needs to industrial relations are not just inherently That body of research led to the seminal be closely interwoven, in the analysis, with political – they may be violently so (and my book Industrial Relations and the Limits of organisational micro-politics and attention thoughts go also to the esteemed industrial the Law by B. Weekes, M. Mellish, L. Dickens to workforce diversity (the feminisation of relations colleagues, Ezio Tarantelli, and J. Lloyd (Macmillan 1975). Although, strikes is a recent example of change across Massimo D’Antona and Marco Biagi, killed as happens in academic research, by the industrialised countries). Secondly, the by left-wing terrorists in Italy not so many time the book came out the Act had already Industrial Relations Act was passed before years ago). Our commitment to not only been repealed by the following Labour UK accession to the EU and at a time when robust, but also ethical and responsible administration, that research is still worth the international context mattered very research, supportive to both colleagues and reading today, for its exemplary empirical little. As we go to press with this Briefing, students, needs to be reaffirmed more than coverage and for the sharp conclusions on we do not know if the Trade Union Bill ever. the interaction, made of contradictions, will become law within a EU or a no-longer limitations and unintended consequences, Guglielmo Meardi EU country, but in any case strikes, and between the law and workplace power IRRU Director employment relations in general, are now dynamics. IRRU never stopped studying closely related to international factors, legal change in industrial relations, in the from arguments for competitiveness to the UK (e.g. the national minimum wage, the

IRRU Briefing is published periodically by the IRRU Briefing aims to inform and contribute For further information on our work, please Industrial Relations Research Unit. It contains to the thinking of practitioners in industrial contact IRRU’s Research Coordinator at the summaries of key findings from current and relations and human resource management. address on the final page. recent research projects, information on new Many of our recent papers can be found on projects and publications, and analysis of our web site. Please go to: significant industrial relations developments. www2.warwick.ac.uk/go/irru

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Trade Union Bill’s restrictions to public sector union reps’ time off likely to backfire

views of the grassroots members’, and that << continued from page 1 too many representatives use facility time to produce ‘political material, or material 86 per cent of and that addressing these concerns will which incites ’. Government management respondents increase levels of employee engagement, ministers have argued that, if true, this thereby helping to deliver sustainable represents an inappropriate use of public in public sector workplaces economic growth. Beyond this, Acas widely money. in which workplace recognises that union representatives play an The proposals in the Trade Union Bill to important dispute resolution role, helping union representatives provide ministers with reserve powers employers resolve conflicts and preventing to restrict public sector facility time are, are present either agree the escalation of disputes to employment therefore, being introduced against a tribunals. Indeed, a Department of Trade and or strongly agree that background of significant controversy over Industry review under the former Labour the benefits of statutory rights to time off for union representatives government found that workplaces with workplace union representatives. Central to union representatives had fewer industrial can be trusted to act with this controversy, however, are a number of tribunal cases, saving the British economy an key questions. For example, just how many honesty and integrity, estimated £22m–£43m per annum. representatives (and full-time representatives while fewer than 4 per Added to this is broader research in particular) are there in the public sector, cent of managers in such highlighting the beneficial effects of union and should that number be considered (as representatives on workplace employment alluded to by the government) to be too workplaces disagree relations. For example, our own previous high? In addition, what are managers’ views research has highlighted the positive impact of the role played by union representatives of new types of union representatives in the public sector? If the government is (union learning representatives, equality correct that facility time should be restricted the number of full-time representatives representatives and disability champions) on because union representatives are engaged in would appear somewhat misplaced, given training provision and equality outcomes, activities that incite industrial action and do that the number of such representatives is while research we have conducted with not reflect their members’ wishes one might in fact very low. Only 2.8 per cent of public the Unite trade union has highlighted expect levels of trust between managers and sector workplaces with recognised unions the potential for union representatives representatives to be low. One might also have a that spends all to improve their members’ job quality. expect union representative involvement in or nearly all of their working time on their These beneficial effects are unlikely to joint consultation and the implementation representative duties. This is not statistically emerge if restrictions are placed on union of workplace change to be limited. different than the figure of 2.2 per cent in representatives’ ability to take sufficient time the private sector. Also notable is that full- These are precisely the questions we have off to play their role. time representatives are located in much sought to answer in a recent joint IRRU/ larger workplaces (509 employees on average However, the Coalition government Cass Business School working paper compared with 97 employees for workplaces (2010–15) sought to reassess the value of (IRRU working paper No. 101, available with non-full-time representatives in union representative rights to time off in at: www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/wbs/ the public sector). As such, where union the face of austerity budget cuts. Central research/irru/wpir/). In the event, the representatives perform their role on a full- to this reassessment were concerns over analysis, which draws on data from the time basis, they do so simply because they the wage cost implications of the number government’s nationally representative are in workplaces where they have a large of representatives in the public sector, 2011 Workplace Employment Relations number of employees to represent. particularly those playing the role on a full- Study (WERS 2011), reveals a number of time basis. In response to these concerns, notable findings. In terms of the number of In relation to the government’s concern restrictions imposed by Francis Maude, as union representatives in the public sector, that public sector union representatives may Head of the Cabinet Office, resulted in a fall the WERS survey, based on a sample of be engaging in activities that undermine in the number of full-time representatives 2680 workplaces with a response rate of good workplace industrial relations, the in government departments from 200 in 46 per cent, clearly indicates that union analysis does not find any support for this. November 2011 to 20 at the start of 2014. representatives are more widespread Instead, it demonstrates notable levels Similarly, the Department for Education and in public than private workplaces. In of collaborative working between union the Department for Communities and Local workplaces with union recognition, 38 representatives and managers in the public Government issued non-statutory advice per cent of public sector workplaces have sector. First, 72 per cent of public sector that employees should not spend all or the a union representative, compared with 26 representatives sit on joint consultative majority of their working hours on trade per cent of private sector workplaces, and committees (JCC), where such committees union duties. The government also expressed in workplaces with union representatives, exist (this is almost identical to the figure of concerns over the activities in which union there is a ratio of one representative to 42 71 per cent for private sector representatives). representatives engage. The Department for employees in the public sector compared Where full-time public sector representatives Communities and Local Government, for with one representative to 66 employees are concerned, this figure rises to 85 per example, argued that representatives often in the private sector. However, the cent. If this is viewed as an indicator of the fail to ‘reflect and respond to the wishes and government’s specific concerns regarding willingness of union representatives to work

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with management with a view to adding there are too many workplace union value to the workplace, the figures here representatives (full-time or otherwise) in suggest that the vast majority of (both public The high levels the public sector. The high levels of trust and private sector) union representatives of trust between between union representatives and managers operate in this manner. in the public sector and the widespread union representatives evidence of joint consultation also indicate Second, a further key indication of that the government’s arguments that union employers and unions working together in and managers in the representatives are engaging in activities a constructive manner is the level of trust public sector and the that have negative effects on employment that exists between managers and union relations are difficult to justify. Our hope, representatives. With regard to this, 86 per widespread evidence of therefore, is that our analysis will inform cent of management respondents in public joint consultation indicate parliamentary scrutiny of the proposals sector workplaces in which workplace union to restrict public sector facility time in the representatives are present either agree or that the government’s Trade Union Bill (indeed, Lord John Monks strongly agree that union representatives arguments that union cited the research during the Bill’s second can be trusted to act with honesty and reading in the House of Lords in January). integrity, while fewer than 4 per cent of representatives are More broadly, the research raises concerns managers in such workplaces disagree. These engaging in activities that that the provisions on public sector facility figures are notable in light of the higher have negative effects on time contained within the Trade Union number of representatives and the higher Bill are likely to undermine the trust and ratio of representatives to employees in employment relations are co-operation that currently exists between the public sector than the private sector as difficult to justify workplace union representatives and public reported above. The suggestion here is that sector managers. Given the many challenges public sector managers do not view union facing the public sector, this is likely to representative numbers to be excessive or hinder rather than help the government in their contributions to be unhelpful– were its attempts to improve public services in the they to do so, it is unlikely that they would which is no different from the figure in the years ahead. report such high levels of trust in them. private sector, rises to 82 per cent where full-time lead representatives are concerned. The full report of this research is published Third, the figures reveal significant They would, of course, be less able to work as a Warwick Industrial Relations Paper No evidence of joint consultation over the with management in this manner were 101 (2015): https://www2.warwick.ac.uk/ introduction of workplace. Sixty-six per facility time to be reduced. fac/soc/wbs/research/irru/wpir/wpir101.pdf cent of union representatives in the public sector either agree or strongly agree that Overall, therefore, on the basis of these union representatives work closely with figures from the government’s own management when changes are being nationally representative WERS data, it introduced in their workplace. This figure, appears difficult to justify the claim that

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Regulating strikes in essential public sectors: Lessons from Europe?

Guglielmo Meardi Concerns over public sector strikes have increased across Europe and beyond, and even emerged in more authoritarian countries. Guglielmo Meardi, who has recently completed an ESRC-funded six-country study of employment relations, reviews the developments in three countries with very different approaches to industrial action, but which have all recently legislated on public sector strikes, and tries to draw some cautious lessons for the UK.

Paraphrasing Marx, it seems that a spectre professions with independent unions, and is haunting Europe – the spectre of public especially doctors, train drivers, air pilots, sector strikes. As a whole, in advanced The perceived effects which have been exacerbated by a Federal economies industrial action continues Labour Court ruling in 2010 that granted its long decline in volume: days lost for on the public [of public rights to minority strikes, according to ILO figures, are in most sector strikes] explain unions. Strikes have also become more countries about twenty times fewer than frequent in some categories organised by at their 1970s peak. The decline has been the apparent paradox of the main industrial unions, such as nursery driven by structural changes in employment, European governments teachers and postal workers. rather than by legislation. But it results Consistently with the principle of collective from strikes becoming shorter and smaller, being more worried bargaining autonomy, has no more than less frequent. At the same time, about regulating strikes specific legislation on industrial action industrial action has largely shifted from now, than they were and relies mostly on self-regulation. The the private to the public sector, where right to strike is considered implicit in working days lost could include those of when industrial action the constitutional principle of freedom the affected public, whether commuters was actually a large-scale of association, but has been subject to or schoolchildren’s parents. While there extensive case law in the labour courts, is no reliable estimate yet of these alleged phenomenon which have defined a strict proportionality ‘externalities’, the perceived effects on the test to admit work stoppages, including public explain the apparent paradox of a ‘ultima ratio’ principle that prescribes European governments being more worried negotiations before any industrial action. about regulating strikes now, than they were social-partnership Germany, statist France, The main trade unions, federated in when industrial action was actually a large- and voluntaristic Italy. All have tried different the umbrella DGB, have long adopted a scale phenomenon. solutions for public sector strikes: do their self-regulating code that foresees notice experiences tell us anything useful for the There are some structural conditions that periods and a 75% ballot threshold to call UK situation? make some public sectors naturally more a strike, as well as to continue it in case of prone to strikes. Natural monopolies, Germany proposed settlement. Ballots are organised high technical disruption power, and Germany has long been proud of having autonomously by the trade unions, mostly scope for political exchange in the form the lowest strike frequency in the western in the workplaces. Short warning strikes are of employees-management collusion for world. Yet in recent years an increase in tolerated without ballots or notices. The pressure on policy-makers are features that public transport strikes has led to deep use of agency workers to replace strikers no legislation can change. A typical example apprehension. Wolfgang Streeck, possibly is not forbidden, but agency workers have is public sector, which is strike prone the most influential German industrial the right to refuse work in contracting regardless of the employment relations relations expert (and a former IRRU Visiting companies affected by strikes, and their regime: commuters are familiar with tube Professor) wrote in the Guardian last year employment is anyway subject to co- strikes not just in London and Paris, but that ‘the German wage-setting system is determination with the works councils. As also in socially disciplined Berlin and in approaching a condition of normlessness, a result, despite the recent rise of agency authoritarian Moscow. Yet this does not similar to what Britain experienced in the work, its use to break strikes occurs rarely, as mean that regulations don’t matter, and 1970s’ (‘The strikes sweeping Germany are in the postal services dispute last year. many European governments have been here to stay’, 23rd May 2015) – even if strike An exception to legal abstention regards particularly active on this front in recent density in Germany remains fifty times lower civil servants (Beamte) who have no right years. We compare here three countries than in 1970s Britain. Worrying Streeck are to strike or collective bargaining – this characterised by different ‘strike regimes’: the recent waves of strikes by public services

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included railways employees before railways strikes, occupation strikes and pickets, so privatisation, and still includes university long as they respect the right to work. Given teachers. the constitutional right to strike, the police Strikes are a socio- are not allowed into occupied workplaces What has been the policy response to the political phenomenon unless there is an immediate threat to rise in strikes? The current ‘Grand coalition’ somebody’s safety. In recent years cases of intimately related to each government passed a law in 2015 to codify so-called ‘’ (holding managers the principle of unitary unionism and country’s political system, captive until an agreement is reached) have exclude strike-prone minority unions from been tolerated, and occupation strikes by and regulations that work collective bargaining (Tarifeinheitsgestetz undocumented migrants have been an 2015). There are serious doubts as to in one country may well be effective mobilisation strategy to achieve the constitutionality of that law, but its regularisation. inadequate elsewhere passing confirms the broad attachment of all main actors (conservatives and The ‘December strike’ of 1995, when a social-democrats, main trade unions and month of work stoppage by transport employer associations) to the traditional workers (alongside other categories) brought framework of collective bargaining in the system of centralised collective bargaining Paris to a standstill and succeeded in public sector, which was transposed into law as the best barrier to fragmentation and blocking pension cuts, had a traumatic effect (nr 154) in 2010. conflict. A further important law in that on the then conservative government, which direction has facilitated the legally binding was soon ousted in the elections. Once back In 2013, an Evaluation Report on the extension of sectoral collective agreements in power in the 2000s, the conservatives 2007 Sarkozy law by the (by then socialist- to all companies in affected sectors legislated to reduce the risk of similarly dominated) Senate concluded that users (Tarifautonomiestärkungsgesetz 2014). There disruptive events, with the ‘Sarkozy laws’ of benefited from more information on the have been more radical reform proposals, 2007 (nr1224) and 2008 (nr790). These laws strikes, but there had been no actual decline such as the one for a binding 4-day warning focussed on guaranteeing minimum services in strikes, and it recommended more social coming from the conservative state of in transport and education, introducing a dialogue. In 2013 the rightwing opposition Bayern, but the dominant response has been minimum 8-day negotiation period, the proposed a new Bill to introduce a 2-day of strengthening social dialogue with the nomination of a mediator, and promoting individual warning as well as minimum umbrella organisations – which seems the the holding of a (not binding) ballot. The and maximum strike duration – the Bill opposite orientation to that of the UK Trade guaranteed services are decided by Transport has however no chance to be passed in the Union Bill. Authorities for transport, while in education foreseeable future. they consist of alternative childcare for France Italy all children if the strike is joined by more The strike-proneness of the French is Italy’s Constitution of 1948 copied the than 25% of teachers. Arguably, these laws notorious, but even there the volume of formulation of the French one (art. 40: ‘the were instrumental in avoiding a repetition strikes has declined enormously in the right of strike is exerted within the laws that of the 1995 situation in 2010, when the last decades. The Preamble of the French regulate it’). Yet its voluntaristic approach to government managed to pass a pension Constitution of 1946 stated that ‘the right of industrial relations means that since then reform despite mass protests. strike is exerted within the laws that regulate there has been no legislative regulation of it’, and in line with its inclination to state While the Sarkozy laws were opposed by trade unions, collective bargaining or strikes. regulation a number of acts and ministerial unions and socialist opposition, social Case law has interpreted the right of strike decrees have been passed, especially for the dialogue was not interrupted by them. In extensively, leading to the most permissive public sector, including a ban for judiciary, fact, bilateral agreements had already been regime in the industrialised world, including police and other security forces, guaranteed signed on strike procedures in the RATP Paris political, occupation, protest, solidarity, and essential services in healthcare and transport in 1996 and in railways in 2004. rolling strikes. Pickets are allowed insofar as energy, restrictions for civil servants, and a After the Sarkozy laws, the government did they are not violent, and there are no union minimum 1-day pay deduction in the public intensify social consultation, with important monopoly or ballot requirements (although sector to discourage short-duration work tripartite agreements on employment and unions often organise ballots voluntarily). stoppages. There is also a total ban on the use notably on trade union representativeness, The use of strike-breakers (including agency of agency workers or other strike-breakers, in order to strengthen the position of the workers) is not explicitly regulated but is which is punished with a maximum largest unions to the detriment of the generally punished as anti-union behaviour 6-month jail sentence. smaller, and more strike-prone ones. In according to the Worker Statute of 1970. 2008, the ‘Bercy agreement’ with the main Peace clauses in collective agreements are Case law is much less restrictive than in trade unions paved the road for a new agreed also unfamiliar, and Fiat was the first major Germany, and it tends to accept work-to-rule

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The 1990 regulations were instrumental in contributing to a fall in public sector strikes The government’s during the 1990s, although the level of IRRU Appointments Trade Union Bill is atypical conflict stabilised after 2000. Conforming to a learning process by all actors involved, the 11 April, The Shard: Annual Lowry in these regards, as it does Strike Guarantee Commission intervenes less ACAS-Warwick Lecture. Speaker: not include any exchange and less, but more and more effectively. In John Cridland, CBI 2014, it was involved in 18% of strike calls, or compensation, it and prevented 88% of them. The law also 18 April, Warwick: International includes sweeping changes seems to have also contributed to halting research workshop on The the growth of autonomous unions, but representation of the losers of the across the board, and, this happened in the broader context of crisis through its ballot threshold increased tripartite social dialogue, including on collective bargaining and union 11 May, Warwick: Seminar on requirements, it may representation, in the early 1990s. Modern Slavery (jointly with effectively lead to further Connecting Research on Work and Lessons for the UK? Employment and the Global Priority Strikes are a socio-political phenomenon decentralisation and Network on Global Governance). radicalisation. intimately related to each country’s political system, and regulations that work in one country may well be inadequate elsewhere; for instance, legal abstention led to opposite outcomes in Germany and Italy. Despite the differences, the fragmentation of company to require one in its company strikes, their shift to the public sector, and agreement in 2010. As a result, Italy has long the political and public pressure for their displayed even more strikes than France. regulation are clearly general trends in all The lack of general regulations and the high large western countries. In this sense, the number of strikes explain why Italy was Trade Union Bill responds to a broader trend. the first major EU country to elaborate a The solutions that Italy (in 1990 and 2000), specific regulation for public services. The France (2007–08) and Germany (2014–15) demand emerged in response to the rise adopted reflect institutional and political of strike-prone public sector autonomous diversity but have some features in common. unions in the 1980s, called Cobas, which are They did involve social dialogue and some particularly active in the transport, education degree of exchange with the trade unions; and postal services. they tried to support centralisation and The resulting Law 156 of 1990 was drafted avoid fragmentation; in France and Italy, by a centrist government, but with the they focussed on ‘surgical’ regulation support of the Communist opposition and that minimised disruption for the public, the consent of the large national unions. rather than hampering industrial action In 2000, a centre-left government further in general. The government’s Trade Union tightened it. The law covers the services Bill is atypical in these regards, as it does involving constitutional rights, and in not include any exchange or compensation, particular transport, health, education, it includes sweeping changes across the communication and refuse collection. It board, and, through its ballot threshold requires a 10-day warning and guarantees requirements, it may effectively lead to of essential services. The essential services further decentralisation and radicalisation. are defined through self-regulatory codes by the unions, and are monitored by a specially established tripartite Strike Guarantee Commission. In case of violation, the law foresees injunction to resume work and sanctions for the unions.

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About IRRU IRRU staff

IRRU embraces the research activities of Textbooks by IRRU staff on industrial the industrial relations community in relations and human resource Academic Warwick University’s Business School management include: and research staff (WBS). There are currently 19 academic Trevor Colling and Michael Terry (eds) David Allen Deborah Dean and research staff in membership, plus a Industrial Relations: Theory and Practice Linda Dickens* Jimmy Donaghey number of associate fellows. (3rd edn), Wiley, 2010 Claire Evans Dulini Fernando Our work combines long-term Shainaz Firfiray Manuela Galetto ----- fundamental research and short-term Stefano Gasparri James Hayton commissioned projects. In both instances, IRRU also publishes its own series of Kim Hoque Achim Krausert we maintain the independence and research papers – the Warwick Papers in Paul Marginson* Jude McNabb integrity which have been the hallmark Industrial Relations. The most recent are: Guglielmo Meardi Anna Mori of IRRU since its establishment in 1970. No 103 (2016) Paul Marginson: Trade Juliane Reinecke Keith Sisson* We aim thereby to improve the quality of Unions and Multinational Companies: A Michael Terry* data and analysis available to industrial multi-level challenge * Emeritus Professor relations policy-making by government, employers and trade unions. No 102 (2015) Mark Hall, John Purcell and Duncan Adam: Reforming the ICE Support staff IRRU’s advisory committee includes regulations – what chance now? Val Jephcott (IRRU Research Co- senior representatives of the Advisory, ordinator) Conciliation and Arbitration Service, No 101 (2015) Kim Hoque and Nick Bacon: the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Workplace union representation in the Development, the Confederation of British British public sector: Evidence from the 2011 IRRU doctoral students Industry, the Department for Business, Workplace Employment Relations Survey Duncan Adam Deborah Brewis Innovation and Skills, and the Trades No 100 (2015) Bernadette Ségol: Social Meryl Bushell Ide Humantito Union Congress. Europe: Yesterday, today and tomorrow Martin James† Victoria Jelicic IRRU’s research projects are clustered These are available on-line at: www2. Euk Hwan Kim Joyce Mamode around four main themes: warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/wbs/research/irru/ Rina Musta Jieun Ryu • Internationalisation of employment wpir/ Joey Soehardjojo Arianna Tassinari† Hendrik Tiesinga relations, including employment ----- practice in multinational companies; †ESRC award IRRU, together with the Institute for • equality, inequality and diversity in Employment Research, is the UK national employment; centre for the network of EU-wide Associate Fellows • evolving forms of employee ‘Observatories’ operated by the European James Arrowsmith Jacques Bélanger representation and voice; Foundation for the Improvement of Living Mark Carley Paul Edwards and Working Conditions, EurWork, which Tony Edwards Mark Gilman • legal regulation of the employment is accessible on-line at: Mark Hall Richard Hyman relationship. www.eurofound.europa.eu/default/ Jane Parker Valeria Pulignano observatories/eurwork Helen Rainbird Monder Ram

Further information Information on our current research programme and projects, and on recent papers and publications, is available from IRRU’s website: www2.warwick.ac.uk/go/irru/ Alternatively, please contact Val Jephcott, IRRU Research Coordinator, Warwick Business School, University of Warwick, Coventry, CV4 7AL; email: [email protected]; phone: +44 (0)24 7652 4268 IRRU Briefing is designed by Morse-Brown Designmorsebrowndesign.co.uk Printed on 50% recycled paper.

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