Media in Africa: Twenty

Edited by Guy Berger Guy by Edited

MEDIA IN Twenty years after the Windhoek Declaration AFRICA on press freedom Edited by Guy Berger on press freedom - freedom on press Declaration the Windhoek after years Media in Africa: Twenty

Published by MEDIA IN AFRICA Twenty years after the Windhoek Declaration on press freedom

Edited by Guy Berger This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 Licence. To view a copy of this licence, visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0

Published by the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Private Bag 13386 Tel: +264 61 232 975 Website: http://www.misa.org

Layout & Cover design: Clara Mupopiwa Editor: Guy Berger Sub-editing and proofing: Elizabeth Barratt

Repro and Printing: Paarl Printers, Cape Town Printing Sponsor: Media24

ISBN 9780868104744

The views expressed by independent contributors are not necessarily those of MISA. CONTENTCONTENTContent Introduction Preface: By Esmaré Weideman 5 Foreword: By Janis Karklins 6 This is MISA: By Kaitira Kandjii 8 Overview Media in Africa 20 Years on, Our Past, Present, and Future: By Guy Berger 12 Section 1: Freedom What happened in Windhoek 1991: By Alain Modoux 44 Independence won, but freedom is still at stake: By Gwen Lister 48 The Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa: A Personal Account: By Toby Mendel 50 Media making for socio-political development in Africa: By Amadou Mahtar Ba 53 Journalists rooting out corruption in Africa: By Naomi Hunt 55 Putting more emphasis on policy and pluralism: By Jane Duncan 57 African journalists need protection: By Mohamed Keita 59 Tribute to a committed photojournalist: By Kevin Ritchie 61 African media should inspire understanding, not incite hatred: By Henry Maina 65 Criminalisation of expression in Africa: By Fatou Jagne Senghore 68 Declaration of Table Mountain helps to drive decriminalisation: By Andrew Heslop 70 Self-regulation for democracy’s sake: By Joe Thloloe 72 Self-regulation isn’t perfect, but statutory regulation is much worse: By Fred M’membe 74 The splendor of self-regulation: the Media Council of Tanzania: By John P. Mireny 76 Zimbabwe media: A victim of politics: By Rashweat Mukundu 79 Section 2: Pluralism Kenya: Gains since the Windhoek Declaration: By George Nyabuga 82 Journalism in a free South Sudan: By Kamba Anthony 84 Commercialised media can be a blessing: By Reg Rumney 85 Misreading the market: By Charles Onyango-Obbo 87 Want viable African media? Train your managers: By Francis Mdlongwa 89 Navigating the shifting boundaries of community, private and public media: By George Lugalambi 91 Community radio continues to provide an alternative: By Tanja Bosch 93 Fresh air-waves in Zambia: By Mike Daka 95 Poverty is the bane of media development: By Thompson Ayodele 96 Mentored into magazine publishing: By John Yarney 97 How we started The Observer: By James Tumusiime 99 Sustaining pluralism takes money... and more: By Johanna Mavhungu 101 Audience research is essential: By George T. Waititu 103 Africa on the cusp of an information explosion: By Vivien Marles 104 A small publisher gets technology to do the work: By Anton van Zyl 106 Citizens take up the pen, the cell and the microphone: By Kwanele Butana 108 The lessons of public-media partnerships: By Noma Rangana 110 Blogging is the most African thing to do online: By Daudi Were 112 To every village its own reporter: By Lydia Namubiru 114 African blogosphere promotes digital democracy: By Dibussi Tande 116 MXit like Herman: By Andre Bothma 118 Tabloid journalism and media pluralism: By Herman Wasserman 120 Section 3: Independence

Networking editors is key to media independence: By Rosemary Okello-Orlale 125 Striving to become self sufficient: By Jeanette Minnie 124 Challenges of organising journalists in Africa: By Omar Farouk Osman 127 The importance of editorial independence in Africa: By Mathatha Tsedu 129 What it’s like in the hot seat: By Barbara Kaija 131 ZNBC: a culture conductive to control: By Clayson Hamasaka 133 Post Windhoek, Malawi moves backwards: By Alaudin Osman 135 Brown envelopes and professional paradoxes in African journalism: Terje S. Skjerdal 137 Journalist, African or both? And what about nationality? By Dr. Andrew Kanyegirire 139 Resisting press repression while wrestling with donor-independence: By Professor Kwame Karikari 141

A co-opted media can provoke chaos rather than freedom: By Dr Ibrahim Saleh 148 Conflicts compromise media’s autonomy, but some can rise above it: By Marie Soleil Frere 146 Hostage to gender prejudice: None but ourselves can free our minds: By Colleen Lowe Morna 150 Taking stock of gender in media education: By Emily M. Brown 152 How the African Charter on Broadcasting helped end reliance on a single state provider: By Steve Buckley 154 How West Africa scores broadcast independence: By Steve Buckley 155 New questions for African public service broadcasting: By Dr. Monica Chibita 157 Section 4: Access to Information The globe gets it: Access to Information is advancing: By David Banisar 160 Opening up information in Africa: a story of slow progress: By Gilbert Sendugwa 161 How the right to information makes a difference: By Mukelani Dimba 163 Winning freedom of information in Liberia: By Malcolm W. Joseph 165 Elections coverage: online news is spreading the message: By Jeremiah Sam 167 How digital TV could drive information access: By Guy Berger 169 Talking in African tongues: By Professor Abiodun Salawu 171 When the result is darkness: By Raymond Louw 173 A new generation of media in Africa: By Vivien Marles 175 Time to get beyond stale stereotypes: By Suzanne Franks 177 Covering Africa for African audiences ...via non-African news

Free African Media: from concept to reality: By Theresa Mallinson 181 flows: By Professor Umaru A. Pate 179 Climate change: a social justice informational challenge for the media in Africa: By Alan Finlay 182 Journalism to give Africans health information: here’s how: By Harry Dugmore 184 How African media, and journalism schools, can deal with cultural diversity: By Dr Fackson Banda 186 Windhoek Declaration 189 Preface

played a major role in the progress that has been achieved in Africa in the last 20 years. More African countries today can be described as constitutional democracies than two decades ago when the Declaration was adopted. The old adage that democracies don’t go to war against each other, has a media freedom element that pertains particularly to our continent: African countries where the media is free, prosper and develop. Take the case of Mali, which is rated by international agencies as being the African country with the highest degree of media freedom. Mali became a democracy with a free By Esmaré Weideman Media24 not only deems it an press one year after the adoption honour and an opportunity to of the Windhoek Declaration. Today, Esmaré Weideman is CEO of Media24, sponsor this important publication. it is considered a well-established and was previously editor-in-chief We see it as our duty. African democracy — in no small of Media24’s flagship weekly news We are part of the Naspers group, measure because it has studiously magazines, Huisgenoot, You and Africa’s largest media company, respected and maintained media Drum. recently rated the 10th largest freedom. global media enterprise. Substantial progress in the field of Though successfully doing business media freedom has been achieved in more than 50 countries all over in Africa in the past 20 years. the world, we are deeply rooted Yet much remains to be done. in Africa. In 2015, four years from Less than five African countries now when the centenary of the today appear in the “totally free” oldest newspaper in our group will category of global press freedom be celebrated, Naspers/Media24 will indexes. More and more African have been in Africa for 100 years. countries are descending into the We intend being here for much “partly free” category, interestingly longer. Progress in Africa and the enough, among them, South Africa role of the free media therein is in and Namibia. Unfortunately, the our DNA. “unfree” category is rather densely Media24 is indeed proud to populated by African countries. be associated with the 20th So, we have our work cut out for us. celebration of the milestone event The energies of civil society, business, that is the Windhoek Declaration. media companies, trade unions, the The Declaration was originally churches — and Africans from all issued as a continental clarion call walks of life — need to be harnessed for media freedom in Africa, but into a continental effort to enhance has since grown into a lodestar for and protect the institution of the media freedom all over the world. free media in Africa. We believe the Windhoek Declaration Our progress as a continent demands and what it strived to achieve, this from us.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 5 Foreword

and Peoples’ rights (Banjul Charter), which provides for the right to freedom of expression and opinion as well as the right to receive information. This provision is also in accordance with article 19 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, which enshrines media and press freedom; as well as with article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which contemplates the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas within the restrictions provided by law for the protection of legitimate interests which are truly necessary. The importance of the Windhoek By Janis Karklins UNESCO warmly welcomes this Declaration’s legacy cannot be suf- publication as we commemorate the ficiently stressed. For the first time, Janis Karklins is Assistant Director- 20th anniversary of the adoption journalists were strongly assured General of Communication and of the Windhoek Declaration on that their plight was being heard Information of UNESCO. He was Press Freedom, Promoting an within the UN system; the Declara- previously the Latvian Ambassador Independent and Pluralistic African tion marking an unprecedented in- to France, Andorra, Monaco Press, a landmark document that ternational commitment to address and UNESCO. He was as well the set the stage for the developments their needs as directly expressed by Permanent Representative of Latvia taking place in the African media them. It was indeed in its spirit that to the United Nations in Geneva. sector since then. UNESCO therefore several regional instruments were He has held several elected posts congratulates the Media Institute of adopted following the Windhoek in the World Intellectual Property Southern Africa (MISA) for bringing Declaration, aimed at strengthening Organisation and also in the together such an impressive group the principles foreseen in that doc- leadership of the World Summit on of experts to present us with an ument and recognising the role of the Information Society. overview of the past two decades the media as a vehicle for strength- and share their assessments on the ening dialogue, mutual understand- status of press freedom in Africa. ing and reconciliation. On the basis The Windhoek Declaration was of these regional instruments and agreed upon by African journalists their recommendations, several Af- at a seminar sponsored by UNESCO, rican countries have adopted prin- the UNDPI and UNDP, held from 29 ciples pertaining to the Windhoek April to 3 May 1991. It was later Declaration and the regional in- endorsed by UNESCO’s General struments into their national con- Conference. The main assertion stitutions and through other more of the Windhoek Declaration is specific legal provisions and regula- that a free, independent, plural tions. and diverse press is a fundamental In practice, however, freedom of human right essential to democracy the press is not yet fully secured in and development. The Declaration’s Africa. Thus a critical examination content finds its basis in article 9 of its current status, the progress of the African Charter on Human and setbacks that have taken place

6 | Media in Africa - 2011 in the past 20 years was called for, ary this negatively impacts on free- The Windhoek Declaration was and this publication is an excellent dom of expression and the rights of adopted on 3 May 1991, a date response to such need. As emerges media professionals. Furthermore, we still recall annually to celebrate from the analyses you will find there is an important need to im- World Press Freedom Day. The date in the following pages, positive prove journalists’ professional and makes us look back to Africa. It was developments in the region were ethical standards, as well as their there that the Windhoek Declaration accompanied by a lack of progress basic education. Also pending is a was agreed upon; forever leaving an in enabling press freedom in some need to ensure a more widespread indelible imprint that goes beyond countries. reach of news and information and the region, given the universality communication technologies. of its principles. As we read the On a positive note, there is no doubt following pieces produced by “African media still that both press freedom and media authors from diverse backgrounds suffers indirect pluralism have expanded in Africa with first-hand experience of the since the adoption of the Windhoek issues, let us celebrate what has been restrictions related Declaration. Over the years, media achieved in these past two decades to administrative outlets multiplied in many countries and evaluate what still needs to be as the media sector was liberalised. done in Africa. The continent is in procedures, punitive The number of community and pri- fact one of the two global priorities taxation and vately owned media grew, along within UNESCO’s Medium-Term with initiatives to transform state Strategy for 2008-2013 and, as in unfairly distributed broadcasters into independent pub- 1991, our organisation is ready to advertisement.” lic service broadcasters. Accompa- stand up to the challenge of assisting nying this evolution, and taking into efforts by member states and civil account that the Windhoek Decla- society to overcome the remaining ration was focused on print media, barriers to press freedom. This is The recent resolution on Freedom renewed discussions took place on in light of the impact that press of Expression and Protection of the occasion of its 10th anniver- freedom has on every other human Journalists adopted in November sary in 2001, which resulted in the right, on civil society’s informed 2010 by the NGO Forum in Banjul, adoption of the African Charter on engagement in public affairs and The Gambia, expresses the concern Broadcasting. on the quest for the attainment of for the lack of full press freedom in sustainable development, demo- parts of Africa. It reiterates other s we now commemorate the cratic governance and peace. remaining challenges, including the Apassing of another decade since continued existence of repressive the Windhoek Declaration’s sign- legal provisions limiting the flow of ing, we must necessarily take stock information, as well as the enact- of further changes that have oc- ment of new emergency and ter- curred in the African media land- rorism laws. Political interference scape. By way of example, one may in the media is an issue of concern, point to the expanded use of elec- as are the pressures that journalists tronic platforms and cell phones in face to disclose their sources of in- Africa, which are increasingly being formation along with harassment, utilised for information production, censorship, threats, illegal deten- dissemination and sharing by dif- tions and the increased number of ferent actors, although this has yet killings of media professionals and to characterise the majority of the related personnel – the perpetra- population. Also promising are the tors of these crimes largely going growing efforts by national, region- unpunished. African media still suf- al and international actors to pro- fers indirect restrictions related to mote freedom of information legis- administrative procedures, punitive lation in Africa and to demonstrate taxation and unfairly distributed their strong commitment to counter advertisement. Where there is a threats of regress where advances lack of independence of the judici- had been made.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 7 This is MISA

ever, remains problematic in countries such as Zimbabwe, Swaziland and Angola where the powers-that- be ensure that democracy remains a myth. “As a result, some dictatorial governments have been prevented from infringing the rights of journalists to publish information freely and By Kaitira Kandjii Since its formal initiation in 1992, the impartially.” Media Institute of Southern Africa Kaitira Kandjii is Regional Director, (MISA) can aver quite a number Media Institute for Southern Africa of achievements accomplished Furthermore, just as criminal (MISA). He joined the organisation through its involvement in the defamation remains on the books as an Information Officer in 2000, region. in many SADC countries, there is having formerly worked in media, As a non-governmental organisation also the criminalisation of ‘insult’ government and academia. with members in 11 of the SADC to the head of state whose office countries, the organisation focuses is ‘protected’ by national law. The on the need to promote free, use of these laws stops a country independent and pluralistic media, from achieving true democracy. as envisaged in the 1991 Windhoek Nevertheless, MISA has pressed Declaration. Through email alerts on undiscouraged and has also and our annual publication “So this is managed to offer financial aid democracy?”, MISA has consistently to journalists facing such legal monitored and reported on media predicaments. freedom violations over the years. MISA has also supported media Over the period, there has also practitioners in distress as a result of been progress in ensuring that arrests, and it has given backing to media freedom and the protection media houses in litigation or being of the rights of media houses and shut down. This is through its Legal journalists are achieved. As a result, Defense Fund (LDF) established in some dictatorial governments have 1996. The MISA National Chapters been prevented from infringing in Botswana, Malawi, Zambia and the rights of journalists to publish Zimbabwe have since established information freely and impartially. national LDFs, modelled on the This has been achieved through the regional Legal Defense Fund. Other campaigning against legislation National Chapters like Lesotho, that perpetuates an environment Mozambique and Tanzania are in where the media cannot function the process of establishing their independently. The situation, how- funds, based on their needs.

8 | Media in Africa - 2011 In addition, MISA has managed to broadcaster into a public service contribute to the improvement of one, although much still needs to be media standards through excellence done in implementing the spirit of in journalism, through media awards these laws. The overall achievement, and selective training programmes, however, has encouraged other like election reporting, based MISA National Chapters to engage on the assessed needs of media their legislatures over transforma- practitioners. In 2011, we initiated tion of their national broadcasters the prestigious annual John Oliver in terms of the ACHPR declaration. Manyarara Lecture – named after The Access to Information campaign the late Zimbabwean judge who that is now on the map is a key tool worked tirelessly for press freedom to enhance transparency and citizen in Southern Africa. The lecture this participation in government, judicial year was delivered by the respected and legislative issues. In this activity, Botswana intellectual, Prof Bojosi MISA aspires to work together with Otlhogile. all concurring organisations and MISA has also been able to promote individuals to continue nurturing and achieve the establishment of democracy and human rights in self-regulation mechanisms as the Africa. preferred option to statutory councils favoured by governments.

n the “Open the Waves” cam- Ipaign, MISA has done a lot to contribute to the body of advocacy materials on broadcasting. The organisation has been very influential in the implementation of the African Charter on Broad- casting (ACB), adopted in Wind- hoek in 2001. Along with the 1991 Windhoek Declaration, the ACB’s provisions have been incorporated in the document agreed by the Af- rican Commission of Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) in 2002, titled the “Declaration on Freedom of Expression in Africa”. MISA remains involved with campaigns for broadcasting diversity and editorial independence, and for the transformation of state broadcasters into genuine public service broadcasters. Some success can be claimed in Zambia where MISA helped to bring into existence the Independent Broadcasting Author- ity and the amendment of the Zam- bia National Broadcasting Corpora- tion Act. This success resulted in a legal foot- ing being established for the transformation of the country’s national

Media in Africa - 2011 | 9 overviewoverviewOverview Overview: Media in Africa 20 Years on, Our Past, Present, and Future

other senses of identity that an African journalist may have, at least in terms of aspirations. It is central to the appeal of being a true journalist who works as a professional to serve the noble cause of circulating information in the public interest. It is this idealism that underpins the power of the Windhoek Declaration. The journalists who drew up the Declaration set up a beacon that illuminates the goal of conveying stories for honourable reasons, rather than for the narrow pursuit of power, wealth or religious orientation. It is this objective that sustains most African journalists in the face of daily challenges to By Guy Berger 1. Introduction compromise and is often upheld at great personal cost. More than 100 Guy Berger is Director-designate for To assess the 1991 Windhoek journalists in the region have paid Freedom of Expression and Access to Declaration in terms of African the ultimate price since 1990, and Information at UNESCO. He served as media history requires recognising many others have endured other head of the School of Journalism and that this seminal document came serious hardships. The idealism Media Studies at Rhodes University from the hearts of journalists. that powers their work is not a from 1994-2010. He is co-editor Generally around the world, but Western concern, even if it is shared with Elizabeth Barratt of “50 years in Sub-Saharan Africa especially, in much of the West. Instead, it is of African Journalism” which is journalism is bound up with a universal driver of why people available at www.highwayafrica. idealism. This is notwithstanding choose to become journalists in com. His research is online at http:// the many persuasions and pressures the first place. It transcends various guyberger.ru.ac.za that can lead its practitioners to national or continental journalisms fall short of the ideal. The desire to (in the plural) – i.e. various cultural strive for the best applies to even forms and traditions of journalism. Picture: Prof Guy Berger with the most constrained journalists, Although the record of some African Archbishop Desmond Tutu in July who – when they set aside any media is serving as an instrument 2010 ahead of the Nobel Prize self-rationalisations – would of power, disinformation and even winner signing the Declaration of invariably prefer to do the right hatred, the news workers in these Table Mountain against insult laws thing journalistically. To this end, outlets tend to operate with either in Africa (see http://www.wan- they hunger to be free of distorting a sense of shame or a disavowal ifra.org/microsites/declaration- controls by government officials, of their identity as journalists. In of-table-mountain). Photo by Tim politician owners or unscrupulous contrast, legitimate journalism – Anger. bosses. This idealistic motivation even when partisan – retains an includes even the most underpaid ethical conscience that respects the reporter on a private outlet who values of truth-telling and public persistently supplements his or her interest, and subscribes to the need erratic income with bribes. It is also for all key interests to be represented something which supercedes most fairly in the public sphere.

12 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

What then have been the prospects for coming closer to the Windhoek Declaration’s ideal of untarnished journalism in the past 20 years? The answer to this involves pinpointing what the limits have been, and what kinds of journalism have developed in relation to them. Two vantage points can be taken on this matter. On the one hand, for observers like Francis Nyamnjoh writing in 2005, there has been no real improvement in most of the continent. In his view, the “mediascape in Africa in the age of intensified globalization speaks more of continuity than change and more of exclusion than inclusion”.1 In a similar vein, analyst CW Ogbondah wrote in 2002: “There is as much continuity as there is change in the current political situation in Africa.”2 From such perspectives, instead of positive change building incrementally over the years, there has been a continuity of journalism being corrupted by state controls, business imperatives and the weaknesses of practitioners themselves. In addition, there is still ongoing self-censorship as well as sensationalised presentations of reality, and there is also journalism that has inflamed violent conflict.

different, less fatalistic and report, the trends over the whole optimum conditions of African A more optimistic view, points two decades since the Windhoek journalism, and to help change to unprecedented pluralism over Declaration tend to confirm this realities so as to move more in line the period, even if there is not assessment, even though the with these standards. a utopia of diversity and quality immediate past decade has not Looking ahead with the inspiration of of journalism. It highlights the sustained the initial progress. the Windhoek Declaration, over the journalism heroes and heroines who Overall, despite the fact is that the next 20 years mass communications have exposed social ills without fear glass may still be seen as half-full capacity will spread rapidly beyond or favour, and it recognises media or half-empty, it certainly contains the institutions of the mass media. that promoted peaceful resolutions a lot more liquid than was the As discussed in the conclusion of conflict. In this camp, writers case before 1991. Of course a mere of this review, the vista is one of like Charles C Okigbo and Festus Declaration cannot be held to have greater choice for media consumers Eribo wrote in 2004: “On the whole, been the primary cause of these and greater participation by non- most people in Africa were better partial improvements. And yet it media people and institutions who off in 2001 than a decade earlier – would also be a grave distortion believe they have stories to tell albeit modestly – and most of them if a media history ignored the and points to make in the public enjoyed the benefits of a freer – contribution that Windhoek did arena. Pressures will grow for more albeit not necessarily free – press.”3 make. This achievement was, in transparency in the state, business In the analysis provided later in this effect, to set standards for the and the mass media itself. In this

Media in Africa - 2011 | 13 future, amidst all the information operated within (and often against) or co-option, most media served put into circulation, the idealistic such difficult confines. Many post- these corrupted systems. As is well nature of journalism will be of colonial African states had freed known, the instruments deployed even greater relevance than it has themselves from foreign rule in the against journalism in particular been. But there will still be many 1960s only to evolve in the 1970s included the self-same laws and battles to wage and to support, into systems where an authoritarian institutions that the erstwhile including new ones relating to the ruler controlled every key institution colonial authorities had used for Internet platform. Drawing on the of power – including parliament, their political domination. legacy of the Windhoek Declaration, the security and civil services, the By the mid-1980s, the lack however, it should be possible to electoral machinery, and often even of will and/or ways for these further create the conditions that the judiciary as well. In this context, stagnant regimes to deliver a are conducive to the contribution it would have been highly unusual viable development project had of fully fledged journalism to Africa. if not just the state-owned media, produced a political impasse. This but also the privately-owned media was intensified by the failure of (where it existed) could somehow structural adjustment programs 2. Where it all began have been exempt. Through coercion imposed by international agencies,

In 1991, the Internet was almost unheard of in Africa. Very few people on the continent knew about cellphones, let alone had heard a range of ringtones interrupting a gathering. Back then, Nelson Mandela had not even been a year out of prison, and FW de Klerk was still the president of South Africa. No one at the time envisaged quite how badly Zimbabwe could turn out, let alone how Tunisian resistance would have a domino effect even beyond the African continent. Rwanda in 1991 was just another African state. Twenty years ago, it was not a case of African election results being violently disputed as has happened in Kenya and Cote D’Ivoire in recent years – elections were few and far between. And in that distant past, outlets for ethical journalism were but a dream. Most Africans were not just blighted by underdevelopment, but also severely malnourished in terms of quality information. It was the wider social context that set both possibilities and parameters in the pre-Windhoek era. Prior to 1991, media development in most African countries was almost everywhere subjected to the whims of self-interested elites who had captured power for personal gain, using combinations of force and nationalism to do so. Journalism

14 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

and the results were an increase in of government structures, it was deliberations. It is a profound popular dissatisfaction, including logical that the attendees and the recognition of the importance of even amongst elite factions who focus of this watershed event would cherishing journalism. were not accommodated within be linked to the private press. It was the ruling bloc. At the same time, these journalists who produced a he dynamics of the Windhoek the Cold War came to an end, focused statement that would be- TDeclaration ranged far and suddenly reducing international come well known around Africa and wide in other ways as well. The stakes in propping up regimes that beyond. Although their declaration values underpinning the statement had been friendly to one side or the speaks of “press freedom”, the clear- influenced the drafting of the other. Many Africans protesting for ly intended import is not limited to media freedom clauses in the change took extra courage from the newspaper freedom, but designates new South African constitution, overthrow of discredited political “media freedom” more widely and and they also helped persuade and economic models in Eastern “journalistic freedom” in particular. numerous authorities to open up Europe. The pre-1991 context, in Windhoek was no ordinary talk- space for print media in many short, was ripe for change, even in shop. Its momentum was such that countries. Donors were enthused tough-nut apartheid South Africa. the Media Institute of Southern and support was mobilised for The form and timing of change Africa (Misa) was formed a year media law reform, skills training, would be uneven around the later (see www.misa.org). This and general sustainability. All over continent, with elections and their organisation was a custom-built Africa, scores of new publishers consequences differing between vehicle to advocate for the vision were both permitted and inspired to countries. But in most cases the of the Windhoek Declaration. Misa launch newspapers.4 In Gabon, after 1990s saw, at least initially, a went on to build chapters across a multi-party system was accepted, qualitative change away from the Southern African Development more than 200 papers were the previous period of powerful Community region, and the NGO registered within a few months. The and centralised authoritarianism. continues to serve as a public lifting of restrictions on publishing Africa’s second wave of democracy alarm service about press freedom had a similar effect in the then- had arrived, and with generally violations in southern Africa. The Zaire, where from 1990 to 1995, 638 positive implications for journalism energy unleashed by Windhoek press titles were registered. Nearby, in the short-term. also fed into the ethos in which the the lifting of the lid in Cameroon International Freedom of Expression saw 1300 papers registered in 2000, round this time, the influen- Exchange was founded in 1992 even though barely 30 sustained a Atial international body UNESCO as a worldwide coalition of free degree of publication. Amongst the emerged from Cold War paralysis speech and free media advocates continuing success stories from that to develop a new communications (see http://ifex.org/). Meanwhile, period have been the weekly papers agenda that stressed both freedom UNESCO was on a roll, initiating The Namibian (founded in 1985) of expression and media develop- similar or extended declarations in and The Post (launched in Zambia ment, thereby securing broad-based other regions of the world: Alma Alta in 1991), which became thriving support from previously opposed (Kazakstan), Santiago (Chile), Sana’a dailies notwithstanding the many international interests. It was un- (Yemen) and Sofia (Bulgaria). At the obstacles (including printing and der these auspices that the winds same time, painstaking lobbying advertising bans) strewn in their of change bustled into Windhoek in produced the successful adoption paths by the authorities in their early May 1991. Intentionally coin- of the Windhoek Declaration by the respective countries. ciding with the symbolism of the re- United Nations General Assembly in As one might have expected, cently liberated Namibia, UNESCO’s 1993, and by UNESCO’s own General however, Windhoek’s aspirations did Alain Modoux convened a confer- Assembly in 1995. The result was not materialise in many countries, ence on the role of a free, independ- an enduring gift from Africa to and nor did they always remain ent and pluralistic press in Africa’s the globe, delivered by UNESCO. in place where some progress had new democratisation. The prestige The contribution that all this made been made. In many instances, of the event even managed to per- to humanity was the securing the second democratic wave was suade the Cameroonian government of international recognition of short-lived. New predatory and to free a jailed journalist in order to World Press Freedom Day, which kleptocratic regimes replaced attend. As the period was one in today is observed every 3 May on ousted ones, often exploiting ethnic which broadcasters were firmly part the anniversary of the historic or regional identities to secure and

Media in Africa - 2011 | 15 maintain their power. Even today, African countries, elections and been murdered by the end of July a scan of headlines on websites liberalisation of the media in the 1994. It is noteworthy, too, the like the International News Safety 1990s, were followed by an explosion state-owned Radio Rwanda had Institute (http://www.newssafety. of violent conflict where journalism initially played a moderating role org) or the Center for the Protection became part of the polarisation and in the build-up to the genocide. In of Journalists (www.cpj.org) shows hatred. In Burundi, for example, “the contrast to RTLM, Burundi’s private just how much the abuse of power papers became weapons of war” and stations had promoted peace in that by these authorities continues those fragments of the media that divided country, while UN Radio and how it constitutes a primary tried to stay neutral were severely Okapi had also played a positive role obstacle to free and independent pressured to take sides.8 in promoting understanding in the journalism. Nevertheless, such clouds in the DRC.9 As a measure that the 2001 African sky were not sufficient to Charter was spot on, it is today ut the early years after Windhoek overshadow the sunlight spreading only extremely retrograde states Bwere still a period of optimism elsewhere on the continent, and like Eritrea, Zimbabwe and Algeria that came to be further fuelled by the the momentum of Windhoek that retain a state monopoly in notion of the African Renaissance persisted. Ten years after the broadcasting. However, while the and the New Partnership for African original conference, the Southern African Charter on Broadcasting Development. It was not surprising African Development Community recognised that democracy needed therefore that in 1997, analyst (SADC) adopted the Culture, to transform state-owned radio Tendayi S Kumbula wrote: “Press Sport and Information Protocol. and TV stations away from being freedom is making a comeback This explicitly adopted the media mouthpieces of governments and in Zimbabwe”.5 As we now know freedom aspects of the Windhoek towards becoming impartial public all too well, the repression in that Declaration, although it also took an service broadcasters, this – along country worsened with increased ambiguous position on the issue of with independent regulation of intimidation, violence and bannings. statutory registration of journalists broadcasting – still remains a The architect in much this was in the region. In the same year of huge challenge across the African cabinet minister Jonathan Moyo 2001, under Misa-auspices, a new continent. – a man who in 1992 had blasted generation of media activists put The broadcasting Charter, along the docility of the government- the focus onto radio and TV, with with the original Windhoek Dec- controlled media as “sometimes the development of the African laration, also had further effects, takes on disgusting proportions” Charter on Broadcasting. This in particular helping to shape the in propagandising for President specific attention to broadcasting 2002 Declaration on Principles of Robert Mugabe.6 Elsewhere, many at “Windhoek+10” had been Freedom of Expression. This impor- other newly elected governments encouraged in the original Windhoek tant document was agreed by the also retained, and even intensified, Declaration, and it reflected two African Union’s Commission on Hu- media controls, and there were developments: (i) escalating calls man and People’s Rights, and it con- infamous remarks like that of then for an end to governmental abuse tinues to serve as a benchmark for Malawian President Bakili Muluzi of state-owned stations, and (ii) best practice media environments in who spoke ominously of dealing the liberalisation of the airwaves Africa. In it, the key conditions for with “watchdogs that display to allow non-state players to set media freedom are spelled out, and symptoms of rabies”. Despite the up their own stations. There was a there is elaboration on independent Windhoek Declaration, in Cameroon potential danger to liberalisation broadcast regulation and press self- more than 100 journalists were sent such as had happened in Rwanda regulation (as distinct from govern- to prison between 1990 and 2003, in 1994 where the private-owned mental regulation). while in the Democratic Republic Radio Télévision Libre des Mille of the Congo (DRC), 160 journalists Collines (RTLM) had played an oday, 20 years on, and with were jailed between 1997 and 2001 extreme part in the genocide. Tsome progress made as regards in repression after the seizure of However, that role had also been print and broadcast journalism, power by Laurent-Désiré Kabila.7 able to emerge without effective a third area is coming into focus In some cases, conditions even regulatory constraints, and within for taking the Windhoek idealism worsened. A study by Marie-Soleil a context where 48 journalists yet further. This is the right to Frère details how, in six central (including 25 Hutu journalists) had information, something that is

16 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

critical to journalism as well as optimum, and new issues are also to citizens and groups striving arising in relation to the spread of for transparency and openness. It the Internet. All of this is explored is essential to good governance, below. accountable international relations, honest business practices and environmental concerns, amongst 3. What we’re looking at: others. The earlier demands in Windhoek were that the state Windhoek 1991 set out several ideal should permit the right to free standards for African journalism to expression through the press flourish, and these can be grouped and subsequently broadcasting, into in four broad categories. They and these issues understandably are: the context, capital, capacity dominated the flavour of the two and knowledge needed for African decades after 1991. Today, the other journalism to contribute fully to side of the coin is for the state to not democracy and development on the just stay out of unwarranted control continent. of information in society, but to Contextual standards – political, also open up its own information legal, social: resources for public inspection and a) A society should have free and control. That requires governments diverse media institutions: As practice transparency and also a standard, there should be the proactively empower citizens to establishment, maintenance Tanzania: What’s new in Zanzibar? access public information, such as by and fostering of an independent, A buyer is spoilt for choice as he using (and promoting the spread of) pluralistic and free press. scans the plurality of titles available Information and Communications This aspiration was further in Stone Town, in 2008. (Photo by Technologies (ICTs). elaborated in the Declaration: Alessio Rinella, http://www.flickr. The schema above lays out how (i) independence was from com/photos/rinhello/) Windhoek prompted the evolution governmental, political or of African standards appropriate economic control; (ii) freedom to the ideal of journalism. It also was from government control points us to investigating in more of materials and infrastructure Capital: depth how actual practice compares essential for production and a) There should be support: to these standards over the past 20 dissemination; (iii) pluralism Windhoek urged direct donor years. Accordingly, this brings us was specified as being an end funding for non-governmental to an assessment of progress since to monopolies and ensuring, publications, with the limita- 1991 in the conditions for African instead, the widest range of tion that any external support journalism, including the wider media outlets and opinions. for state-owned media should environment of free expression and b) There should be professional be only “where authorities media freedom. Also relevant is an and economic freedoms: This guarantee a constitutional and assessment of the state of access standard requires freedom for effective freedom of informa- to information. The verdict, as jailed and exiled journalists; tion and expression and the elaborated below, is that there have an end to repression against independence of the press”. been major improvements in regard individual journalists; and b) Collaboration is needed: to the vision for a free print media, the lifting of restrictions (eg. The standard to be striven for partial progress in broadcasting, but on newsprint and licensing here is cooperation between still a lot of work needed in regard systems) that constrain the publishers within Africa, and to the right to information. Warning opportunity to publish and between publishers of the lights need to flash, however, in to circulate media within and North and South, and support relation to a general retrogressive across national borders. for the creation of regional trend in the past decade. The terrain African press enterprises. for journalism is still far from

Media in Africa - 2011 | 17 Capacity of personnel: while achieving each aspect of the in a nation, and for economic de- a) Media groups should be Windhoek Declaration is essential velopment”. Prominent amongst organised: This refers to the to the other, progress on one such subsequent frameworks are establishment of independent, does not inevitably guarantee the the following: (i) the African Media representative associations of progress of another. To illustrate Development Initiative, (ii) the Me- journalists, and associations of this, one can acknowledge that dia Sustainability Index by the In- editors and publishers. while media freedom is essential ternational Research and Exchange b) There should be training: for ethical journalism, on its Center (IREX), (iii) UNESCO’s “Media for both journalists and media own it does not automatically Development Indicators” and (iv) managers. generate this outcome. That said, the African Media Barometer of the c) Ethics are part of the pic- though, without media freedom in Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and MISA, ture: There should be develop- politics and law, very little else can which is based upon the Declaration ment and promotion of non- happen. In this regard, if there is on Principles of Freedom of Expres- governmental regulations and one fundamental condition in the sion in Africa. These frameworks codes of ethics in each country Windhoek Declaration, it is media all highlight Windhoek’s central con- “in order to defend more effec- freedom. To study this key aspect of cerns, while adding other aspects as tively the profession and en- African performance, it is possible well. Accordingly, other standards be- sure its credibility”. to draw on frameworks that are yond Windhoek (although linked to Knowledge: somewhat more narrowly focused it) can be included in an assessment a) Research is required: This than the Windhoek Declaration of conditions for the optimum role would be into the state of press – such as that of Reporters Sans of journalism in Africa: freedom in African countries, Frontiers, the Committee to Protect Adding to Context standards: into economic barriers, and into Journalists and Freedom House (see • Freedom of information the feasibility of establishing below). The point of such a focus is dispensations an independent press aid that the most important ingredient • Independent regulation of foundation. since Windhoek has been, and for a broadcasting, and reform of It can immediately be seen how long time will continue to be, the state-owned media progress on any one of these ideal quality of contextual freedom for Adding to Capital standards: standards was, and is, dependent ul- journalism. This central pillar does • Access and use of modern media timately on success in all the others. not construct the entire house as technology for both inputs and As a holistic vision, the Windhoek envisaged by Windhoek, but the outputs of journalism Declaration requires all components dwelling depends on it being in • Media service for marginalised to be in place in order for journalism place if the other components have groups and languages to be really pumping. For example, it a chance of being assembled. Adding to Capacity standards: is not possible to envisage a mean- • Importance of editorial inde- ingful code of ethics being devel- ven taking all the Windhoek pendence from owners and oped, or an effective self-regulatory EDeclaration points, it is also clear outside influences. system being put in place, without that the document never set out to • Existence of media support journalists also having the legal cover the entirety of media issues. groups freedom to make ethical choices. Its principles of independence, plu- • Self-regulation and complaints Similarly, media freedom is also a rality, diversity, sustainability and systems for the public prerequisite for pluralism. As a third pan-Africanism are also very rel- • Local content production and example, one simply cannot imag- evant to broadcasting and Internet topic-based expertise ine having collaboration in Africa media, even though these matters • Participation in news and media without having vibrant associations also raise issues of their own. How- discourse by people outside the in industry, and without some sup- ever, Windhoek’s particular focus media industry port being made available for this has also been enriched by several Adding to Knowledge standards: (at least initially). Finally, if all of other (later) frameworks which have • Development of news- and these elements are to perform op- taken further the task of highlight- media- literacy amongst both timally, they need to be informed by ing, to use the words of the Decla- audiences and public officials. knowledge and hence there needs ration, what it takes for the media From some points of view, not even to be research. to be “essential to the development this expanded horizon is enough It should be noted, however, that and maintenance of democracy to get a complete handle on key

18 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

matters. Some people could, for instance, suggest explicit focus on gender across all indicators; others might propose attention to the image of Africa. For the purposes of this report, these themes will be touched on where they permeate the issues raised. Other critics could oppose the separation of some categories. It is true that there is a cross-cutting character of many of the aggregated standards. One example is that the right of access to information is not just an aspect of political-legal-social context, but is also about practical access which includes capacity, technology and knowledge. However, for the Maputo: In January 2003, two of the men accused of assassinating Mozambican purposes of exposition in assessing journalist Carlos Cardoso have their handcuffs removed at the murder trial in how far Africa has come since which the then- President Chissano’s son was implicated. (Photo: Joao Silva/ Windhoek, and where we still need PictureNEt Africa) to go, this report keeps a focus on the four broad concerns of Context, Capital, Capacity and Knowledge. At much of the data and the cases 4.1 Political context: the same time, it also strives to be cited are indicative, rather than According to Francis Nyamnjoh, responsive to the kinds of criticisms statistically definitive. there is a danger that theories from that could be made of this analytical With these caveats, the ensuing the North are used to underpin framework. chapters delve into the question the norms of what media in Africa Although it might be obvious, of how African journalism has should look like. “This is why Afri- it bears mentioning that what fared since 1991 in the key areas can media often does poorly on follows should not be taken to of context, capital, capacity and global indices of press freedom, for constitute sweeping generalisations knowledge. instance, because freedom is meas- about African journalism as a ured in a particular way.”11 A some- whole. African countries differ what similar sentiment was echoed enormously, and not least in terms 4. Context – political, in 2007 by then CEO of the South of Francophone and Anglophone legal, social: African Broadcasting Corporation, colonial legacies and in terms of the Dali Mpofu, who criticised journal- forms of governance in them. It is As per the original Windhoek ism that was “foreign, frigid, and also important to be mindful that Declaration, it is important in this feelingless”. He argued that it should where an average is calculated, it is section to examine whether Africa instead be based on “African val- often significantly brought down by exhibits a context that meets the ues” with privacy and dignity tak- horror cases in 2010 like Eritrea (17 standards of political and economic ing preference over the right to free jailed journalists), Ethiopia (4 jailed freedoms for media and journalism. speech. For Nyamnjoh, “we should journalists), Equatorial Guinea and In addition, we can add the points be much more careful in negotiat- Zimbabwe, even if these offenders raised in the other frameworks posting and arriving at the ethics and are, in the bigger picture, just four Windhoek: freedom of information; values that we think we can afford countries out of the total.10 The independent regulation of broad- to impose on African media”.12 Such reader should therefore read the casting and reform of state-owned views suggest that Africa should be material below mainly as providing media. judged by a different and indeed illustrations of the kinds of gains lower standard of free speech than and the types of problems that can the West. Overlooked, however, is be identified over the 20 years since the way that public interest any- the Windhoek Declaration. Further, where can often justify occasions

Media in Africa - 2011 | 19 when free speech (and by extension Journalists killed in Africa media freedom) can – and should – take legitimate precedence over 1992 1 other rights. At any rate, and not- 1993 8 Mainly Somalia withstanding their reservations, 1994 25 Mainly Rwanda neither Nyamnjoh nor Mpofu would 1995 2 surely want to see African countries 1996 1 condoned for rights violations like 1997 1 killings, jailings and intimidation of journalists, or politically-driven 1998 8 closures of media outlets. These 1999 13 Mainly Sierra Leone kinds of extreme indicators can be 2000 4 universally accepted as evidence of 2001 0 a context that is not conducive to 2002 0 journalism. Notably, such violence 2003 2 is also reflected prominently within 2004 1 Western indices such as those of Reporters without Borders13 and 2005 3 Freedom House. For example, Re- 2006 1 porters without Borders says that it 2007 10 Mainly Somalia gives major attention to: “every kind 2008 2 of violation directly affecting jour- 2009 11 Mainly Somalia nalists (such as murders, imprison- 2010 9 Somalia, Nigeria, Angola ment, physical attacks and threats) and news media (censorship, confis- cation of newspaper issues, searches In 2005, the UK’s Department for were incarcerated, 46 prosecuted, and harassment).”14 (There is further International Development (DfiD) and 19 publications banned – and discussion of Freedom House’s scor- classified 25 African states as fragile, this data set is only for 30 countries, ing matrix in the concluding sec- and it is no surprise that journalism because strife in countries such as tion of this report). We can also in fragile states is also fragile.15 Yet Chad, Somalia and Togo made it im- note that paying attention to these some of the worst cases of killings possible to get information there.17 kinds of gross violations of press have also been in more stable At least since then, there has been a freedom is also in line with the for- countries. For instance, the assassins comparative improvement. For 2010, mal position of the African Union, of Deyda Hydara in The Gambia in there were 28 journalists in jail (in- as contained in the Declaration of 2004 and Norbert Zongo in Burkina cluding 17 in Eritrea, 4 in Ethiopia, 3 Principles of Freedom of Expression Faso in 1988 have never had to in Sudan, and 1 each in Burundi, the in Africa as adopted by the body’s face the consequences. In the case Gambia, Egypt and Tunisia).18 The Commission on Human and Peoples’ of the murder of Metical’s editor murders that year were as follows: 2 Rights. So how has Africa fared in Carlos Cardosa in Mozambique in in Nigeria, 2 in Angola, 2 in Somali, these respects? 2000, there was not impunity, but 1 in Rwanda, 1 in Cameroon, and 1 Figures from the Committee to “the criminals had not only killed in Uganda, totalling nine.19 Protect Journalists (www.cpj.org) a top economic editor, but also a provide a count of 102 journalists publication …”16 owever, while fewer journalists killed in Africa from October 1992 Other brutal extra-legal measures Hare jailed today, closures of to September 2010, with the highest against journalists include harass- media houses still occur regularly. annual counts being in war-torn ment and detention, verbal intimi- In 2010 alone, a newspaper and a countries. dation, beatings, arson, court cases, radio station were each suspended imprisonment, arbitrary confisca- for two months by the High Council tion, seizures and sabotage, and ac- on Freedom of Communication in tual closure of media outlets. In the the DRC, while Tanzania suspended very year of the Windhoek Decla- a publication for three months. ration, 1991, 91 African journalists Rwanda’s Media High Council barred

20 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

two publications for six months on such remarks have a chilling ef- Tom Rhodes notes, the experiences charges of insulting the head of fect. According to Gerard Loughran of the DRC, The Gambia, and Ethio- state and provoking insubordination writing of The Nation group’s limp pia should serve as a warning that in the army. Other repressive actions assessment of electoral rigging in staging an election is in itself no have arisen in relation to new media. Kenya in 1998: “It was an extraor- guarantee of democracy or of the SMS was banned during food riots dinarily supine and uncharacteris- development of media freedom.23 in Mozambique in 2010. Prior to tic response to a flagrant abuse of For instance, in Djibouti, allowing this, the Ethiopian Government had the democratic process. Where in multi-party elections led not to banned SMS for two years after the past The Nation had taken pole the establishment of free and in- the contested elections in 2005. position in defence of wananchi’s dependent media, but rather to a This year, the besieged regimes rights, now it was leaving the bat- stand-off between government and in Tunisia and Egypt cut off the tle to lawyers and churchmen.”21 opposition media.24 In Ethiopia in Internet altogether for a number As Loughran points out, this was at 2010, the prelude to the elections of days. Subsequently, Zimbabwe a time of threats and intimidation saw journalists being intimidated has arrested activists for watching all over. Nevertheless, it is also ob- and imprisoned, foreign broadcast- DVD news clips of the north African served that journalists on occasion ers being jammed, and websites be- protests as well as a citizen who acquiesce too readily. According to ing blocked. posted a message on Facebook that the then-editor of the ruling party’s Elections have also not necessarily the demonstrators’ unity of purpose paper Kenya Times, Philip Ochieng: changed undemocratic patterns of was worth emulating. Uganda “The Nation got into problems part- governance. Ogbondah describes in 2010 adopted the Interception ly by not arguing”. He believed that “a neo-patrimonialist regime” as of Communications Act, giving it could have challenged and per- one “in which the ruler personalizes the state sweeping powers to suaded the government at the time. the government and the regime tap phones and monitor e-mails. Killings, jailings and wartalk are ex- and, in an uninstitutionalised but These measures show that basic treme cases, even though sadly they erratically pervasive way, penetrates information rights are still not are still not altogether uncommon the state and society at large”. He sufficiently respected in a number two decades since Windhoek. The contends that African elections of countries. happier fact is that they are not the in the 1990s did not end neo- Despite Windhoek, those in pow- rule, and that is partly due to how patrimonialism. “The old leaders er also sometimes use belligerent democratisation in many countries have either continued or the new language that shows little regard has entailed some improvements leaders voted into power have for due legal process. In 2010, the in the conditions for journalism. In adopted a similar behavior as their brother of the Swazi king warned: 2000, 42 of 48 countries in sub-Sa- predecessors, thereby confirming “Journalists who continue to write haran African had held multi-party the pervasiveness of these values bad things about the country will elections, according to the World in the political elite.”25 In this die.” In 2008, Ezekiel Mutua in his Bank.22 context, the new rulers have felt position as Kenya’s top civil serv- no shame in resorting to the same ant for information and commu- his explains why most African tactics as their post-independence nication assumed he had the legal Tgovernments nowadays refrain predecessors in seeking to control power to disband the Media Council from the worst abuses and proclaim critical journalism – deploying very of Kenya: “If the MCK cannot work respect for press freedom, even crude tools if need be. That there in tandem with its parent ministry, when they do not really mean it. is still a way to go is underlined by then… I will have compelling reason Generally a negative environment Misa director Kaitira Kandjii who to deregister the Wararu team and for journalism is a function of con- in 2010 stated: “While we have appoint a team that will cultivate testation around power that lacks made strides since the Windhoek a much more professional, law- legitimacy, whether the right to Declaration in 1991, the last five ful and symbolic relationship with rule is won through military coup, years have witnessed a steady the ministry”.20 Two years earlier, civil war, revolution or even elec- deterioration of media freedom, Kenya’s Internal Security Minister tion. Thus although improvements reminiscent of Africa’s one-party George Ogola threatened the press: in the media environment generally state era of the 70’s and early 80s, “If you rattle a snake, be prepared result from elections, there is no in- characterised by the suppression to be bitten”. In concrete context, evitability about this. As researcher of the basic fundamental rights of

Media in Africa - 2011 | 21 freedom of expression, assembly and the ruling party has accepted of media outlets found guilty of and human dignity.” He added: “The that this basic law could be used to inciting racial or ethnic hatred, southern Africa envisaged in the block its desire for a parliamentary- but on the basis of very vague Windhoek Declaration of 1991 is a appointed “Media Appeals Tribunal” definitions of incitement in the law. far cry from the arrests, beatings, to overrule the newspapers’ self- torture and detention of journalists regulatory system. A progressive n the positive side, a culture and the general repression of media constitution has also been important Oof law-governed actions has freedom that are characteristic in in countries like Mozambique where grown over the past two decades. the region today.”26 there are even strong provisions laid Accordingly, the courts have played down protecting journalists’ right an increasingly important role in ven when polities are more to keep their sources confidential. shaping the context for free and Esecure, political contestation However, constitutions also often independent journalism. But they can still play a part in threatening have had clawback provisions have sometimes upheld defective journalism. In South Africa, the included in them. Probably most laws or interpreted reasonable laws country’s 16th year of democracy notable here is Swaziland where the in a highly conservative manner. For saw increasing rhetoric and threats 2005 constitution enshrines press instance, since 2005, Lesotho, South by ruling party politicians and freedom but also provides that Africa, Swaziland and Zimbabwe severe mistreatment of journalists the King may waive rights at his have all seen controversial rulings by police. The Protection of discretion.29 against the media, including Information Bill provided for up The constitutional dispensation for fines and injunctions against to 25 years prison for disclosing media freedom can also be analysed publication.33 For Ethiopia, exiled classified information. Even Benin, at the formal level and at the editor Mesfin Negash says: “when long admired for a progressive implementation level. For instance, it comes to freedom of speech, environment for journalism, saw a The Gambia has constitutional the legal apparatus is basically an march by six media organisations guarantees of free speech, but appendage of the executive”.34 In in 2011 in protest against what the despite these, freedom of expression one of the most disgraceful cases, organisers called “the barbarity of and of the press “are the most in 2010 a Zambian magistrate security forces” against journalists.27 violated rights in the country”.30 dished out not just a four-month In this overall context, besides for In addition, as Ogbondah states, jail sentence, but made this a hard this focus on direct repression, it “The tendency for constitutional labour term. His target was Fred remains important to look at how paragraphs to remain contradictory M’membe, editor of The Post, who the legal dispensation for press and ambiguous allows the political was found guilty of contempt of freedom has evolved in sub-Saharan leadership to find justification for court for publishing a column by a Africa over the past 20 years, and interferences aimed at limiting US-based Zambian law professor. whether it has come closer to the the freedom of the media”.31 However, courts have also freedoms Windhoek called for. Another common problem is that sometimes supported freedom constitutions are not consistently of expression and press freedom. 4.2 Legal context translated into laws – this is In 2010, Uganda’s Constitutional 4.2.1 Constitutionality and the particularly evident in regard to the Court declared the criminal sedition rule of law right of information.32 statute to be unconstitutional. A constitutional guarantee of free In some cases, constitutionally-valid There have been instances, though, speech and freedom of expression laws have been passed, but vague where some problems do not even is a starting point for the ideal provisions allow governments to get to court because laws are conditions for journalism envisaged circumvent the intended spirit. For selectively applied. For instance, in 1991. A study of 10 African instance, Zambia broadcast laws Rwanda’s press law of 1991 as countries for UNESCO in 2007 found passed in 2002 have yet to see the well as its inherited penal code that eight had constitutions with full light of day, not least because clearly outlawed appeals to ethnic media freedom clauses,28 and these the government was determined to hatred. However, in 1994 impunity were largely introduced in the post- interpret the law to allow it retain was allowed to RTLM broadcasters Windhoek period. In South Africa, final powers of appointment. A whose poison helped to instigate the constitution has proved to be recent troubling case is Chad which the genocide.35 an important check on government in 2010 introduced prison sentences desires to control broadcasting, for journalists and suspensions

22 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

4.2.2 Criminal defamation suspended. In Uganda, there have 4.2.3 Licensing journalists and A major obstacle to journalism over been prosecutions for cartoons, media the past 20 years has been laws while even in South Africa, cartoon- Journalists and media houses are that make defamation a criminal ist Zapiro has faced numerous (civil) still subjected to registration (and (as opposed to a civil) matter, defamation charges from the seem- hence potential de-registration) in and insult laws banning criticism ingly thin-skinned president, Jacob places like Zimbabwe, Cameroon, of government officials. These Zuma. Equatorial Guinea and even provisions are often hangovers Botswana. This is a restriction that from colonialism, although the ore heartening is that by 2005, is increasingly illogical in terms of former colonial power Britain Mcriminal defamation was in the spread of the Internet, although itself eventually scrapped these in use against journalists in only 5 of it does allow for governments to England and Wales in 2009. The 17 countries surveyed by the Africa undertake selective prosecutions. archaic nature of such provisions is Media Development Initiative: But registration is a cumbersome evident in places like Botswana and Cameroon, Mozambique, Sierra instrument, which may be why it Zambia where there is still language Leone, Somalia and Zimbabwe.38 is not enforced in Uganda where in the law that prohibits defamation Limited progress can be seen in Cote journalists are supposed to be of “foreign princes”. Lest this is seen D’Ivoire introducing a new press law registered or face a fine or three as a merely quaint throw-back, in 2004 that retained insult laws, months jail. This has not stopped Libyan despot Muammer Qaddafi but at least scrapped imprisonment Rwanda, however, from introducing has used exactly this provision in as a penalty for press offenses.39 a recent “licensing” requirement Ugandan law against that country’s This is a country where there were that all practicing journalists must Red Pepper newspaper.36 20 cases for insult of the president have an educational qualification It is in infamously problematic of the republic or a foreign head if they wish to continue practicing. states like The Gambia that insult of state between 1992-1994.40 A However, compulsory registration laws are applied extensively, for ex- similar slight improvement occurred of journalists seems overall to ample with six journalists recently in Guinea in 2010. Chad and Niger have little enduring traction in the being jailed for criticising the last year decriminalised defamation, post-1991 era. The African Media country’s despot Yahya Jammeh following belatedly in the footsteps Development Initiative study of for his comments about murdered of Ghana which did so in 2001. 17 countries revealed that 14 of editor Deyda Hydara. In a similarly Another positive development these at the time did not require repressive state, Swaziland’s par- against insult laws in the past compulsory registration for liament passed standing orders decade is the Declaration of Table journalists.41 Recently, Nigerian in 2007 to make it mandatory for Mountain adopted in 2007, and journalists won a case on the journalists to be fined for offend- endorsed by Archbishop Desmond unconstitutionality of the Nigerian ing parliament or MPs.37 However, Tutu in 2010 (www.declaration. Press Council which had enforced other less-reactionary countries are org). This is a campaign by the registration of journalists, and could not exempt from using such tactics. World Association of Newspapers impose penalties for noncompliance. In the DRC and Nigeria, journal- and is evidence of the North-South The right to practice journalism, ists have been charged for stories solidarity recommended in the as distinct from a privilege to about presidential health problems. Windhoek Declaration. do so, appears to be increasingly A Kenyan journalist spent eight Despite such trends, new laws recognised around Africa. months in prison after a conviction in Burundi and Rwanda missed for criminal defamation in 2009. opportunities in 2003 and 2009 4.2.4 Broadcasting law Last year, Gabon jailed a reporter for respectively to scrap these kinds Matching the spirit of the Wind- three months on charges of criminal of provisions, and instead explicitly hoek+10 and the African Charter on defamation. In Cameroon another retained them. Meanwhile, Angola Broadcasting, many African coun- journalist was released in 2010 af- in 2010 passed a law that bans tries have now passed laws allowing ter serving 20 months on charges of speech that insults the president, for liberalisation and deregulation publishing “false news” and in 2011, the state, or official institutions, and of broadcasting. Although these an editor was convicted of criminal provides for up to two years jail for are not always ideal, and not always defamation, given a six-month sus- offenders. fairly implemented, they led to a pended prison sentence and a fine, flourishing of commercial, commu- and had his newspaper indefinitely nity and religious radio stations, as

Media in Africa - 2011 | 23 well as TV in many (mainly urban) continual battles over the balance two years after interference by the areas. In 2008, for example, the DRC of power between it, government ruling party in the appointment of had 41 radio stations and 51 TV sta- and industry interests. Generally, the board in 2007, which interventions in Kinshasa alone. There were regulators are also weak and under- tion even served to undermine its 381 radio stations and between 81 resourced, and especially feeble as own members of parliament as re- and 93 TV channels in total in the regards state-owned broadcast- gards the choice of board members. country.42 In Benin, there were 73 ers. In Congo Brazzaville, a lack of Elsewhere, Radio-Television Sen- radio stations in 2006/7. Uganda regulation has seen a near chaotic egal and the government-run daily now has over 120, and Mali 200.43 flourishing of radio stations run by newspaper Le Soleil obey the presi- In some countries, religious media unchecked rival political interests. dent’s direct orders.49 However, Gha- outlets have been the main or sole Likewise, though Togo has 96 radio na’s National Media Commission, area of non-state media develop- stations, “with a few exceptions, the set up in terms of a constitutional ment since 2000.44 There have also media have become mouthpieces mandate to insulate the state- been periods of great public debate for political parties”.46 Despite these owned media from governmental through live outside broadcasts, as problems, it would seem that at control, operates autonomously and in the Ugandan ebimeeza radio pro- least the days of direct government serves as a model for other coun- grammes until government stopped favouritism in licensing are num- tries to consider. them. Today, private broadcasters bered, and many decisions are at are almost everywhere, barring Erit- least mediated by a separate regula- 4.3 Social context: rea and Zimbabwe. tory body even if its independence Windhoek spoke of journalism that and impact is not at optimum level. was independent of governmental ne enduring issue, however, is and political control, and in state- Othat state-broadcasters tend nother issue for the role of owned media this is not only a legal to retain a monopoly on national Abroadcast journalism is the issue: it also applies to the culture broadcast signals in almost every matter of ensuring the neutrality and practice of employees in these country. This has seen an absurd of state-owned media. Only a few institutions. An example worth situation in Zambia, where a Lusaka- countries (eg. the DRC) have laws looking at in detail here is Zambia’s based channel was initially forbidden on this, and even fewer (like Ghana) ZNBC’s which has a legal mandate as from making its content available also have institutions to promote a public broadcaster and is therefore to other parts of the country via a this (see below). During elections, supposed to provide impartial satellite network owned by another neutrality is an especially critical editorial content.50 The broadcaster company. Another ongoing area issue, and it is at such times that also proclaims a commitment to of concern is that provisions and most abuse occurs. African coun- the highest ethical standards of legal dispensations for community tries where state-owned broadcast- broadcasting and to balanced and media are lacking in many ers perform politically as independ- diverse news content. But although countries: for instance, this was so ent public service broadcasters can a 2002 law foreshadowed a new in approximately a third of the 17 probably be counted on the fingers and representative board of ZNBC countries surveyed by the African of one hand. In 10 of the 17 states directors, the previous system of Media Development Initiative.45 researched by the African Media Ministerial appointees has simply Independent regulation and licens- Development Initiative, there were continued. In this context, the ing of broadcasting is another di- no regulatory obligations for state culture of editorial interference in mension in short supply. In most broadcasters to fulfill a public serv- the news has been extensive. countries, the Ministry of Infor- ice remit.47 And in Rwanda, a dec- mation still directly or indirectly ade after the genocide, a report uring 2008 at least, ZNBC report- dictates who can receive a licence. noted that state-owned broadcast- Ders were told to avoid stories that Unbelievably, Zambia has dragged ing carried not a single report on dented the image of government its feet for nearly a decade in im- the political opposition in coverage leaders, and yet damaging stories plementing legislation to set up an of the anniversary.48 Even in South involving opposition leaders were Independent Broadcasting Author- Africa, which was thought to have a aired. As a result, ZNBC staffers ity. However, South Africa has a “bullet-proof” system of independ- stopped pursuing stories that they communications regulator that is ence for the state-owned SABC, has knew would not be broadcast. Even constitutionally-enshrined as being experienced problems. The broad- in the 2006 elections, opposition independent, even though there are caster was wracked for division for parties were covered only inasmuch

24 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

as they made points that were or impartial forum). They try to 4.4 Freedom of information not anti-government, or points harmonise this kind of journalistic This standard is a critical part of the that would have to wait for a identity with the identities of being context for free and independent government reaction if they were a civil servant and a government journalism, but it is also one which ever to make the airwaves. Many employee, and they do all this in the has been severely handicapped at staffers believed that ZNBC was a absence of editorial independence. both the legal and cultural level “government institution” and that it One journalist at Lentsoe has during the 20 years since Windhoek. followed that government officials stated: “We add salt there and there Only six African countries have received the upper hand in the news. to ensure that the government relevant legislation (Nigeria, South Significantly, the newsroom had no is always protected”. Some news Africa, Uganda, Angola, Ethiopia proper guidelines and policies, which workers attempt to cover opposition and Liberia), and even they still lacuna was seen by some of the parties knowing that the story exhibit a culture of centralised news workers as a deliberate ploy to could be published if they obtain and tight-fisted control of public enable manipulation to take place. government comment and run that information with little use of ICT to Further, some staffers were seen as as the major angle of the story. Other make information available. While being ruling party political cadres news workers rationalise the same governments are quick to complain who want a story to be changed, technique as being in the interests of about private media publicising claiming to have been called by the not publishing half a story: “It does rumours, they overlook that this president. Said one staffer: “It is just not make sense to rely on second- problem is often a function of people here fighting for favours hand information when with just a their failure to make information from the ruling regimes.” little patience we can get the whole available comprehensively and A similarly difficult culture has been story from the horse’s mouth.” When timeously. Such was the case when identified in Ethiopia’s state-owned government is the newsmaker, there was a Nelson Mandela health media. There, the abolition of open however, opposition views are not scare in South Africa in early 2011. censorship in the law in 1992 and sought out. The result is that the In general, officials are forbidden 1995 led to greater reliance on Lentsoe’s news workers tend see from giving information to the control through self-censorship.51 themselves primarily as government media, and even written questions The practice is particularly effective information disseminators, rather to designated spokespersons are on sensitive issues such as election than as journalists. While they often ignored. In Uganda, many coverage and foreign policy. It works sometimes seek to uphold pro- journalists experience delays of through unwritten rules enforced by fessional journalistic obligations up to a year when requesting editors, and it involves both active towards truth and fairness, there is access to government records withholding of some information also an unwritten code that they do supposedly covered by the law.55 and avoidance of collecting other not bite the hand that feeds them. A recent example has been the information.52 Some of the staffers These cultures are very hard to difficulty of getting hold of the who implement it say their hands are change. Yet, as state-owned media profit-sharing agreements between tied, thereby shifting responsibility faces increasing competition, the the government and oil companies to the media institution. There pressure will increase for these en- working in Uganda. The private sector is also the frequent justification tities to solicit audience share by takes its cue from government foot- that the audience know that the becoming more journalistic in their dragging. Thus journalists trying to state-owned media represents the news practices. Pluralism à la Wind- cover the extractive industry find government’s view.53 This kind of hoek will pressure state-owned me- that businesses are generally tight culture is a barrier to independent dia to include some real journalism with information.56 journalism, even where there is a or lose audience share and influence South African media had to go to change of government. regarding news. In this context, court to get access to a contract state-employed news workers who between their government and FIFA, nother case is Lesotho’s state- wish to act as journalists will no but even access to uncontroversial Aowned newspaper, Lentsoe la longer have to do so by subterfuge information remains a problem. As Basotho/Lesotho Today.54 Here, news and circumvention, and even their has been pointed out by Marie Soleil workers negotiate different kinds of colleagues may catch the spirit of Frère, especially regimes where journalistic identities (avoiding the independent role fulfilment. leaders have military backgrounds, watchdog one, but at least striving such as central Africa, where power towards that of being a neutral was won and maintained by force

Media in Africa - 2011 | 25 and intimidation, appear to find ne pan-African initiative that iar and comfortable pattern of it hard to change their outlook to Oseemed particularly ominous self-censorship, with the eye of the embrace open styles of information for contextual freedom was a journalist on job security and possi- management. proposal by the European Union and bly an eventual professional promo- Generally speaking, the environ- the African Union for a continent- tion”.58 The hopes that new government for access to information is wide media observatory, dominated ments would change the situation better than it was in 1991. But gains by state personnel, which would with regard to state-owned media have been very limited. In 2006, enforce a media code of conduct were soon dimmed. In Zambia, the laws governing access to informa- across all countries. Opposition from Movement for Multi-Party Democ- tion were still pending in three of many journalists and media support racy (MMD) pledged to privatise the 17 countries (Ghana, Kenya and groups put paid to it. Times of Zambia and the Daily Mail Zambia), but nothing had material- Overall, the Pan-African context is before coming to power in 1992, ised by 2011.57 And yet neither jour- slightly improved since 1991, but it but soon reneged once in office. A nalism nor transparency can easily still has a long way to go. 2002 law setting out a public serv- flourish in an environment where The character of politics, law and ice character for the ZNBC has been public information is withheld. social culture as discussed above implemented in only one key re- covers probably the central shapers gard: the introduction of TV licence 4.5 Pan-African context of the journalisms within any given fees. By 2008, this source of fund- Unfortunately, progress at a pan- African country. But there are also ing was the second largest revenue African contextual level has yet to other institutional connections stream at 20 percent, after commer- be achieved across a range of fronts, and controls which play a part – in cial revenue (mainly advertising) at even though it is arguable that particular, ownership, economics 70 percent.59 Although ZNBC is still this realm is vital for promoting and business models. As discussed not a public service broadcaster, the contexts conducive for journalism in the next section, these forces can public now has to pay for it directly. at individual country levels. The be profitably assessed in terms of Not content with holding onto state- African Union does not have an Windhoek’s standards. owned media, some African gov- instrument to enforce standards for ernments have also demonstrated free speech and media freedom. As predatory designs on private me- noted, a valuable indirect spin-off 5. Capital: paying for the dia. Back in 1976, Kenya’s presi- of Windhoek has been the African pipers dent Jomo Kenyatta tried to get his Union’s Declaration of Principles of nephew appointed as chair of the Freedom of Expression. However, It will be recalled that the Windhoek board of The Nation group.60 Such this is not a binding document on Declaration called for funding for controlling strategy is not dead: in African states. Also, the African Peer non-governmental publications, 2005, it was revealed that the Zim- Review Mechanism has ignored the and it stated that state-owned babwean government had clandes- condition of media freedom as a media should only be supported if tinely bought the controlling shares measure of good governance. Very they existed in a context of freedom in three private newspapers.61 few election benchmarks in use have and independence. The Declaration given due weight to the importance also advocated a standard of cross- 5.2 Unfair competition and of media freedom and independence country collaboration. To this can be advertising power in terms of whether a poll is deemed added technology and services for The problem is not just that the to be free and fair. The African Court the marginalised. Not a great deal abuse of state-owned assets for of Justice has not yet heard a case of progress has been made in these narrow political purposes violates dealing with media issues, in part areas. democratic principles. The contin- because of the way it limits who ued capture of these entities by may bring cases to it. On the other 5.1 State ownership governments can make it hard for hand, the Economic Community of As outlined in the section above, a private sector entrants to compete. West Africa (ECOWAS) court has major form of press control across This is especially in cases where played a valuable role in holding the Africa remains governmental own- state support, such as partisan ad- regime in The Gambia to account ership and control within the sector. vertising and favoured access to for the torture of journalist Musa As Louise Bourgault noted in 1995: reporters, are biased towards state- Saidykhan. “Government ownership makes it owned sector media. In the 1980s, all too easy to slip into the famil- The Nation had to pay 30% import

26 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

78 cents vs 7 cents.65 In Ghana more recently, state-owned media are reported to receive the bulk of advertising support from the public sector.66 Some states have gone as far as abusing public resources in order to punish critical papers. In 1989, when The Nation was banned from reporting the Kenyan parliament, a number of parastatals and local governments cancelled their advertising. In 2006, Kenyan police stormed the offices of The Standard newspaper and government followed up by withdrawing advertising. In like vein, state advertising in Namibia, Botswana, Malawi, Lesotho and South Africa has been misused as a retaliatory tool against critical coverage in certain newspapers.67 Corporations have also sometimes been bullies, even of major media houses. At one point Bata Shoes withdrew ads from The Nation because the paper reported a strike at its factory. Kenya Canners cancelled a label-printing contract after it was reported how the company gained a monopoly of the pineapple market. Firestone stopped Journalists at work, interviewing Sombo Izetta Wesley, President of the Liberia its adverts in the group after reports Football Association (LFA), on November 4, 2009. Wesley became the first about the difficulties of getting female president of the LFA in 2003, which also made her the first woman in the foreign exchange and spare parts.68 world to head a football federation for FIFA. Photo by Ahmed Jallanzo, Africa Fast forward to today, and it is Media Online evident that much African media steers clear of criticising cellphone duty on newsprint, while the Kenya order, i.e., if the management companies, given their extensive Times did not have to.62 This kind of of capital can be wrested away advertising. On the other hand, in situation is happily no longer widely from the all-controlling powers of Uganda “it is almost commonplace prevalent post-Windhoek. However, centralized government on the one that every advertiser expects some in Botswana, one result of state en- hand and from foreign-dominated coverage”.69 terprise competition has been the government or from multinational However, an even bigger problem collapse of Tswana-language paper sources on the other.”64 Her remark is when economies are too weak to Mokgosi, which could not survive in resonates particularly with the power have advertising. The significance of the face of government pouring re- that governments and corporations this is evident in Frère’s analysis of sources into the state-owned Daily have through advertising. In the the DRC: “In a context where there News.63 post-1991 history of The Nation, is virtually no advertising and the government advertising and tenders little that exists is given according ccording to Bourgault: “Press have often gone to the state-owned to political sympathies, and where Afreedom in Africa will flower Kenya Times, even though at one the population is too poor to buy only if new sources of finance can point the cost of doing so meant a newspaper that costs as much be harnessed in a new economic the ads reaching 1000 readers for as several meals, only those media

Media in Africa - 2011 | 27 that have a sponsor (political or owever, the Windhoek Decla- facility called the Southern African funding agency) survive.”70 One Hration did encourage donor Media Development Fund. These journalist has vividly put it: “Only support for independent African entities have played valuable the politicians have the means to media, and this has seen injections roles, albeit on a small scale. In support the press. If we are neutral, of finance in many countries. Francophone countries, a degree of we don’t get any money and we These contributions have mainly state support has been forthcoming die.”71 And when there is war and been to private media (including for private media, although as in conflict, the impoverishment that community media) from Western Senegal the specific allocations have results can also be deadly from a donors. Sometimes in violation of been controversial. In the DRC, a media business point of view. Windhoek’s concerns about funding donation of $1 million to the private state-owned media in unfree press was selectively distributed,75 5.3 Business imperatives and environments, China has recently and the same pattern was repeated access to finance become a supplier of aid in these in Congo, over a donation of The Windhoek Declaration has not instances. In conflict zones like $600 000.76 Cameroon has had managed to change the economic the DRC, donor support for UN- similar experiences.77 The 2005 problems discussed above. It also associated radio like Radio Okapi in Blair Commission for Africa gave has not ameliorated other business the DRC has been important. But renewed impetus to Windhoek’s challenges. Distribution problems are there is a particular question about calls for an independent finance not always as immense as in Kenya in who will control and fund this facility specifically for African 1960, where on The Nation’s Mom- credible station when international media, and the resulting African basa run, “one van was charged by a underwriting stops. More broadly, Media Initiative has been pushing rhino, and on two successive nights numerous media ventures have this agenda forward, although by vehicles ran into herds of elephants”. collapsed when external subsidies early 2011 no concrete fund had It was also a time when “one driver come to an end. As indicated earlier, yet emerged. The reality of tight was swept five miles downstream in however, some private media houses financing for media is also related a flood…” But the costs of navigat- like The Namibian have been able to to the political precariousness of ing poor road infrastructure around convert foreign funding into vibrant investing in this business sector in the continent are still huge. The businesses. Likewise in Zambia, many countries. challenge of selling adverts for pri- The Post newspaper has been able For government-controlled media, vate media has also not changed to grow beyond publishing to set a vicious circle exists: state subsidy since the early days of The Nation, up parallel enterprises in printing, has been drying up and so the where the advertising manager re- courier services and internet institutions that are supposed to called: “The job wasn’t just tough, it provision. prioritise public service end up was overwhelming”.72 Yet, capital for media businesses giving preference to content where An area insufficiently addressed – one of the key concerns in the the primary motivation is to bring in the original Windhoek Decla- Windhoek Declaration – remains in advertising and sponsorship to ration concerns the need for well- scarce. Private media – even like The pay their bills. As a result, costly established and nationally-networked Nation – take even up to a decade or small audience programming advertising and marketing agencies, to reach profitability and invariably – such as rural news and minority and related research data. These face severe cash flow problems in language provision – falls by the are essential if private media are their early years.73 In Cameroon, wayside, to the detriment of the to serve as a market place that not for example, print journalists have public. Weak commercial media also only attracts audiences for editorial sometimes gone unpaid for up to 10 mean poor investment in human content, but also successfully months at a time.74 In South Africa resources. In Lesotho, media operate links specific buyers and specific and East Africa, the strength of from hand-to-mouth on such sellers through commercialised entrenched corporate media houses shoestring budgets that none hire information. Progress here has also makes it difficult for new staff with the requisite educational been almost non-existent in many competitors to emerge. and professional qualifications to African countries, and the resulting Hopes were high with the founding understand the dynamics around dampening effect on advertising has of the Media Development and the Lesotho Highlands Water Project a negative impact on the financial Diversity Agency in South Africa, which is central to the country’s bottom line of many media houses. and the creation of a sub-regional economy.78

28 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

could not talk about newspaper been made in using ICT to enrich 5.4 Tabloid success companies in the Central African the inputs into African media, to One area where there has been busi- Republic – papers there consisted broaden the reach (especially to ness progress in African media in of one person who did everything.81 the diaspora), and to interact with the past decade has been the rise of The point here is that in terms of audiences. The prospects for smart tabloid newspapers. In 2008, some Windhoek’s standard of pluralism, cellphones to increasingly serve as 15 percent of 182 newspapers in media outlets need to be sustained to viable media platforms are strong, 10 African countries were said to be able to play a more autonomous although barely utilised as such to be tabloids, characterised by sensa- role, and for this a stronger business date. There is thus much room ahead tionalised stories and superstitious basis is required. for increased exploitation of new incidents being reported as fact.79 Another point falling under communications technologies, for The success of tabloids in South “capital” as an enabling factor for example in regard to social media Africa, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Sen- journalism concerns cooperation in Africa. A key standard for African egal, Nigeria, Uganda and Tanzania, between publishers and the journalism going forward will be amongst other countries, is in some creation of regional African press how effectively it can harness ICT. ways an indictment of the main- enterprises. A once thriving news stream press which has tended to be exchange amongst publications in for and about elites. Talk radio sta- the SADC countries fizzled in the 6. Capacity of personnel tions have also thrived, often open- 1990s. Vibrant content exchanges ing up local advertising markets in broadcasting have never really The Windhoek Declaration’s stand- which could not be economically gotten off the ground. At the same ards here are organisation, training catered for by state-owned national time, businesses like The Nation and ethics. To these can be added broadcasters. A study of three Afri- group have successfully developed the existence of media support can countries has found that most operations across several states, groups, self-regulatory and com- tabloid readers still got their news while South Africa’s MultiChoice plaints systems, and participation by from TV, and that they regarded the successfully provides satellite TV outsiders in media discourse. tabloids as light entertainment and in numerous African countries. escapism.80 Notwithstanding these MultiChoice has also accumulated a 6.1 Achievements issues, the tabloid phenomenon is wealth of African-originated video When they are allowed to do their undeniably a media success story. content, with the prospect of more work unhindered, most African There are, however, question marks indigenous material being made journalists do an impressive job of over whether tabloidism is equally available to audiences around the informing their publics. The work a success for ethical journalism (see continent. In central Africa, the of the best is recognised on a below). radio station “Africa No. 1” based continental basis by competitions in Libreville has covered many large such as the CNN-MultiChoice 5.5 Sustainability, collaboration cities in Francophone Africa. Kenyan awards and the Highway Africa and technology entrepreneur Salim Amin launched awards. A perusal of the winning Given the political drivers of many Africa 24 Media in 2005 as a pan- entries shows many quality jour- media enterprises, especially African video content agency (www. nalists making optimum use of newspapers in relation to elections, a24media.com). These initial steps the post-Windhoek freedoms to it is not surprising that only few represent some positive progress produce outstanding contributions. endure. When power objectives are since 1991 when all that existed Notwithstanding these achieve- won or lost, such media ventures back then was the propagandistic ments, the view of analyst Nyamnjoh lose their rationale as a means to a Pan African News Agency. The is that African journalists are victims, political end. But another factor in Southern Times, a joint venture and not least of Western culture and all this has been the dependence of by state-owned newspapers in a very narrow view of democracy. many private initiatives on a single Zimbabwe and Namibia focusing on Furthermore, for him: “In most of champion, and the lack of a wider southern African pro-government Africa the threats to a free, open institutional base of shareholders news, continues the propaganda and participatory media system and who could otherwise raise an angle of PANA on a smaller scale. society are as much from repressive enterprise’s sustainability above governments as from the interests of dependence on a particular person. s regards media technology, it rich nations, international financial In 2000, it was observed that you Ais clear that great strides have institutions and communications

Media in Africa - 2011 | 29 Television cameraman captures historic moments during Kenya’s promulgation of the New Constitution at Uhuru Park on 27th August 2010. Photo Felix Masi, Africa Media Online

multinationnals”.82 He further gen- Africa’s editors, Burundi’s private constraints of their national broad- eralises that “in most countries, radio stations, and the written press cast members. The continental body, journalists are ordinarily perceived as in Chad.85 For journalism to be really the African Union of Broadcasters, mouthpieces for competing political strong, its custodians need to be is weak, but it has played a role in pressure groups”. These views are, proactive in earning the confidence negotiating with FIFA on affordable however, open to challenge. Most of the public, and they need to be broadcast rights for the 2010 World African journalists are certainly not well organised to develop, promote Cup for African broadcasters. In the passive dupes of an inappropriate and defend their craft. year 2011, the Highway Africa con- professional ideology, nor are the ference, which is focussed on pro- bulk of them mindless puppets of 6.2 Organisational capacity fessional empowerment, will mark ulterior political forces. They are Associations representing journal- its 15th anniversary as the world’s active creators and reinforcers ists, editors and publishers have largest annual meeting of African of various traditions and diverse emerged around Africa since 1991, journalists. Its sister gathering of influences. Most subscribe to the with noticeable successes and bloggers, the Digital Citizens Indaba, core universal ideals of journalism, shortfalls. There has been relative will mark its 5th anniversary. and they are generally sensitive to success by The African Editors’ Fo- African situational issues such as the rum, although some regional com- n South Africa, the SA National need to promote development.83 On ponents such as the Southern Af- IEditors’ Forum already mentioned the other hand, Nyamnjoh is correct rican Editors’ Forum have become above has been a bulwark of to criticise simplistic assumptions defunct. A network of owners and engaging with the government that the press necessarily works in executives is crystallising in the an- and blocking restrictions. But aside the direction of liberal democracy if nual African Media Leaders Confer- from the West African Journalists’ it is free of governmental control.84 ence (arranged by the Sol Plaatje Association (formed in 1986 as What makes a difference is the Media Leadership Institute and the an umbrella for organisations in consciousness, power and expertise Konrad Adenauer Stiftung), and the ECOWAS), networks of journalists of the practitioners themselves in annual African Media Leaders Fo- elsewhere on the continent re- terms of whether and how they rum (convened by the Africa Media main weak. They often play a role attempt to actualise journalistic Initiative). The Southern African more akin to a pressure group idealism. At minimum, where media Broadcasting Association (SABA) than having a firm base in their people are organised and united, has managed to hold annual con- constituency. While the significance they can better resist pressures ferences for many years in an effort of this work is not to be under- from state, business or belligerents, to promote public service concepts, estimated, the challenge for a as is evident in the cases of South despite the political and economic group like the Federation of African

30 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

Journalists is that its strength one interesting exception being in some ethical practices arising that relies on component organisations the SABC’s Editorial Policies. threatened democratisation.90 In sinking more substantive roots in Taking stock overall, if one were to her estimation, a decline in the the newsrooms. Many countries ask if there has been progress since number of papers in some West lack labour legislation that would Windhoek in the organisational African countries had less to assist in this task, and it is also capacity of African journalists as do with government sanctions, often nigh impossible to bridge the a constituency, the answer would than public rejection of unethical divides between those working in have to be in the affirmative – journalism. Ethical violations, she government-controlled media and even if a lot more still needs to be proposed, could be examined in those outside of it, particularly in achieved. four dimensions: (i) their character, politicised and polarised cases like (ii) which media they occurred Zambia and Zimbabwe. Journalists 6.3 Ethical capacity in, (iii) their victims, and (iv) the working for state-owned media are 6.3.1 How ethics are practised prescriptions for correction. She often employed as civil servants, across the mediascape listed the principles as being which further complicates the Journalism ethics as signalled in the most compromised as: social organisational project. Another Windhoek Declaration make up a responsibility, truthfulness, respect hurdle is weak media economics realm in which capacity increases for human rights, and professional where very many African journalists have happened since 1991, but integrity. Private media were most are forced to freelance as individuals, insufficiently. In most state-owned to blame for libel, but all sectors and as a result are not often media, journalistic ethics continue had media that were overly partisan gathered together in a newsroom to be subordinated so as to favour to the point of being unfair. The collective. In the Congo, over the last the government of the day. In victims, she wrote, were largely the decade there were barely any paid private-owned media, especially political elite - something that can employees in the privately-owned those outlets that take on an discredit democracy more broadly. press, while even those in the state- oppositional role or which specialise These points remain broadly relevant media faced permanent delays in tabloid sensationalism, many in 2011. However, one should be in salary payments.86 Meantime, ethical problems persist. Included in wary of going as far as academic fulltime employees have little the list of ills are the bribes taken by Francis Kasoma once did. He noted bargaining power, and payments journalists. This widespread problem that even the little freedom of the for journalists compare poorly to is known variously as brown press which many independent other professionals.87 The common envelope, coupage, soli, gratu, newspapers were enjoying in 1997 consequence is to make journalists gumbo, camorra and plugging. It could be drastically curtailed if they more vulnerable to taking bribes.88 has corrupted journalistic content continued to flout basic ethics. As a Over 20 years, it still remains the through reporters electing to take cautionary note, his point is correct. case that journalists’ capacity underhand payments from sources But he went on to add: “When to assert at least basic editorial who seek “below the line” media this happens, the irresponsible independence against owners, play. This is especially serious in independent press will be as much advertisers, sources or powerful regard to elections coverage. As to blame as the governments taking social groups is far from strong. stated by Nigerian journalist Lanre the draconian measures to stop There is a long history, dating back Idowu, the effect is that “media irresponsible journalism.”91 Kasoma to colonial times, of media being access remains largely determined missed the point that governments seen in an instrumentalist manner by the size of the candidates’ purse that respect freedom of expression by governments, owners or political and not the richness of their ideas.”89 are required to tolerate a range of movements. For this reason, while Another consequence is that there unethical speech (within demo- a pluralism of many “tools” serving is little incentive, let alone moral cratically reasonable law), and as channels for vested interests is high-ground, to cover corruption in further that journalistic speech is better than a monopoly, it is not the state or business if it is also a enjoined to be ethical purely on as good as having journalists with feature in the media. a voluntary basis inasmuch as it capacity to maintain autonomy claims to be a form of speech that and be shielded by editorial in- lready in 1996, Panos’s Diana is “other-regarding” rather than dependence that is guided only by ASenghor wrote that the new merely “self-regarding”.92 ethics. Editorial independence, vital pluralism for private media had as it is, is too seldom codified, with produced a perverse effect with

Media in Africa - 2011 | 31 when moderators confronted hate training, this has not always kept 6.3.2 Ethics and populism speech in online comments on the pace with new developments such Analyst Herman Wasserman Thoughtleader.co.za blog.94 as how digital technologies pertain has noted that democratisation to privacy on Facebook or plagiarism in Africa changed the media ll these developments point to from the Internet. environment not only in terms Athe importance of continuing Regarding regulation of ethics (as of media regulation, but also as to build capacity of journalists to distinct from law), progress has regards professional norms.93 He shape their work in the fluid ethical been made over the years in regard points to the flourishing of tabloid parameters that have become to self-regulatory and complaints journalism which was formerly possible where governmental systems. There are cases of success, a taboo genre. This new practice control has eased and where new such as in Tanzania, and Cote of journalism for many African technologies are broadening the D’Ivoire prior to its recent election countries has provided a form participants in media discourse. crisis. However, in some cases, self- of “media citizenship” for people The most serious ethical shortfalls regulation bodies remain bedevilled who are otherwise marginalised since 1991 have been cases where by divisions between media, and in mainstream discourse, and its media have been used, wittingly and lack of universal recognition success is also partly a sign of readers sometimes unwittingly, to foster and authority, while at the same having lost an interest in politics as hate crimes. Some ‘journalists’ have time also attracting attack from something that will change their been ideologues or hired-hands of governments for being toothless. lives. However, these media are forces using ethnic or xenophobic Statutory regulation is a perpetual also often accused of fabrication, hatred as a political tool, but there threat dangled in the background, stereotyping, and denigratory has at least not been another case and it is sometimes introduced as imaging of Africans. Interestingly, as bad as that of Rwanda in 1994. well. These statutory bodies are while the Windhoek Declaration seldom independent of government, saw ethical journalism as essential 6.3.3 Actions to improve ethical and even as in Kenya where media to building audience credibility, journalism stakeholders predominate, they some of the tabloids, despite their An observation is sometimes made risk becoming a cartel of vested questionable ethics, have been able that existing systems of ethics players which does some of the to secure high reader trust through are not working, given the gap government’s dirty work for it. their populist tone and style (as between some African journalists’ There is also unresolved debate Wasserman shows). This highlights lip service to ethics, and their about whether self-regulatory that ethical practice should not actual practice. One suggestion bodies should function only to be reduced to an expedient means has been that the concept of hear complaints, or whether they towards the end of survival, but personal individual ethics should be should initiate cases themselves as rather regarded as a good in itself. replaced by a more institutionalised well as defend press freedom on the Ethics is what constitutes journalism and community-based one that Francophone “observatory” model. as a communications practice for stresses communitarian values.95 the higher public interest, which This approach risks a notion that ince the Windhoek Declaration, is something quite distinct from romanticises and homogenises Showever, stakeholders have serving the interests of particular African culture, and it can detract evolved much more clarity about the publics as the tabloids like to do. from each journalist’s individual complexities around self-regulation Talk radio in Africa has also been a choice and responsibility. Depending as a key standard for an optimum relatively new form of journalistic on the point of view, according to journalism environment. discourse, often merging private Diana Senghor, remedies range Other cases of progress include issues with public ones, and from training, strengthening the institutional initiatives to promote involving the audience in the making business side of media, increasing better ethical adherence. Some of meaning. Again, there are ethical independence from government, Nigerian papers have begun issues here – such as in Kenya 2008, and improved ethical regulation.96 publishing notices to readers that when hosts of several radio call-in The business and independence their journalists should not be shows were ill-equipped to deal with dimensions have been touched upon paid by sources. An innovative participants espousing hate speech. earlier, including in the discussion contribution has come from the A similar issue occurred in the 2008 on the state of organisation of Media Council of Tanzania (www. xenophobic violence in South Africa media constituencies. As regards mct.or.tz), which in 2010 published

32 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

proposed codes not only for African attention, the NGOs will also need to ists in SADC countries were female journalists (including special codes begin to up their performance and in 2007, according to Gender Links, for broadcast and photojournalism), collaborate more if they are to avoid with women being cited as sources but also for owners, managers and closure. Nevertheless, as valuable in approximately the same propor- editors. support organs of journalism in tions.100 Even more marginal in con- African, they have become a critical tent and staffing are rural people 6.4 Support capacity part of the ecosystem of journalism and their concerns. Capacity – in- Capacity also relates to the in Africa over the past 20 years. cluding consciousness – is also an existence of media support groups issue as regards the portrayal of gay such as training institutions and 6.5 Specialist expertise capacity people. A point on this has been advocacy NGOs. Besides the NGOs Windhoek set a standard of media contributed by the African Union’s that provide training, numerous training in the original Declaration. Special Rapporteur for Freedom of public and commercial educational Although this was not elaborated, Expression and Access to Informa- facilities have arisen over the past it has a bearing on the value-add tion, Pansy Tlakula. She advised 20 years. These operate mainly at that journalists can bring to public journalists in 2010 to recognise that the entry-level into the media, discourse. African journalists have freedom of adult sexual orientation providing would-be practitioners improved their expertise over the is part of the continuum of freedom with foundational skills. Nineteen past two decades, learning from of expression. Some homophobic African schools were recognised by short courses, life itself and from private newspapers in Cameroon UNESCO in 2006 as having potential, secondary information such as and Uganda have yet to perceive and they have been strengthened available online. However, the focus the connection. through the resulting linkages.97 on state position and politics as In a time of increasing technology the route to power and wealth has change, however, many trainers are left many other topic areas short- in need of further training, and the changed in most African media. apacity also impacts on local journalism schools also urgently The capabilities of the journalists Ccontent production. However, need to take on an experimental themselves in regard to coverage there is little hard information and knowledge-creation role – and of economics, health and ICT are on this topic, aside from some not just stick to transferring existing inhibited by a lack of specialisation attention in the African Media knowledge and skills. It is safe to and training. Development Initiative.101 Suffice to say, however, that African journalists This situation accounts for say that much African media is still and would-be journalists today have why research has found that in weak on domestic content, and on many more opportunities than ever Nigeria, Ghana and Uganda, the content from elsewhere in Africa, as before to access education, from media’s coverage of the extractive compared to content imported from both offline and online providers. sector generally lacks depth and abroad.102 This applies particularly Media NGOs have risen and fallen investigative stories are a rarity.98 In to entertainment programming, in Africa since the 1990s, often as ICT reporting, journalists regurgitate but also affects news. While local a function of changing fashions public relations releases and fail content production has flourished amongst donors. The NSJ-training to link state policy frameworks in the cultural industries in places centre in Mozambique did sterling to issues like Internet access or like Nigeria, much international work for a decade, but closed after cellphone pricing.99 news even about African countries it lost donor support. Journaliste en It appears that specialist capacity is still sourced from international Danger in the DRC is much respected has not kept pace with the need over agencies whose content is mainly for opposing press repression in that the years, meaning that Windhoek’s designed to serve audience interests country. Many other NGOs have objective of a fully-fledged role for in the developed world. done valuable work in legal support, journalism in development as well content critique and law reform. as democracy has not been properly 6.7 Capacity and media audiences However, many of them have yet to materialised. Weakest of all since 1991, has been build maximum relationships with capacity development amongst the the media practitioners and media 6.6 Capacity and social-cultural public to enable it to understand houses whose cause they help to issues and take part in the news discourse. advance. In a context of growing Capacity also concerns gender is- We can celebrate that calls-in to competition for resources and sues. Only a fifth of print journal- radio shows have been boosted by

Media in Africa - 2011 | 33 the spread of cellular telephony, and that many African media platforms also run vibrant sections of SMSs sent in by their audiences. However, attempts to build cadres of citizen journalists have been limited. The skills and avenues for ordinary people – especially women, minorities and rural people – to do reporting and get their news (as distinct from views) into the public domain, have not been adequately developed. Public knowledge of journalism and media is limited, and this applies no less to politicians, civil servants and ministries of information. There is also still much progress needed around promoting news- Monrovia: Alfred J. Sirleaf first established his chalk board news, “Daily Talk”, and media- literacy amongst audi- in 2000 during Liberia’s Charles Taylor regime. The innovative journalist saw ences and amongst state officials. a need for “straignt to the point” reporting that was free and accessible for Public suspicion of media’s role all. His provocative style of reporting the truth resulted in the Daily Talk being and its claims to truthfulness may destroyed twice; he finally fled into exile in Ghana. As peace returned, so did the sometimes be warranted. How- Daily Talk. Photo: Chrstopher Herwig ever, audiences should be better informed about the standards and mechanisms by which they can hold even very poor people consume in- has been the 2006 African Media journalists to account in regard to formation in Africa.”104 Media per- Development Initiative (AMDI), self-proclaimed ethics. Their abili- sonnel themselves need far more which was complemented by the ties to participate meaningfully in understanding of audiences. On the UN Economic Commission for media discourse and media policies one hand, such knowledge is vital Africa’s continental consultation also deserve attention. if advertisers are to be convinced called “Strengthening African about who they are reaching. The Media” (STREAM), both funded Pan-African Media Research Or- by Britain’s DFiD. Audiencescapes 7. Knowledge ganisation, which holds an annual is a newer initiative by the NGO conference around the continent, is Internews, which offers valuable Windhoek called for research, but a good step in this direction. How- updates on African media (www. “there is a dearth of publicly avail- ever, other knowledge such as how audiencescapes.org/). The website able data on the media sector in people understand and use media, http://ujima-project.org is a valuable sub-Saharan Africa,” according to and not forgetting here the use of collation of African information the 2006 report of the Africa Me- social media and cellphones, is still reported outside of the continent, dia Development Initiative.103 Stra- in short supply. In addition, hard in- although designed more for media tegic awareness of the media sec- formation about the significance of use than providing information tor as a whole is low, according to independent journalism for devel- about the media industry. The same report. “The impact of new opment and democracy is difficult African Media Barometer by Misa technologies on information and to come by. Policy and law is too and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung knowledge transfer, for example, often being made in the absence has useful analysis of particular creates huge opportunities and of both comparative and local data, countries’ media situations.105 threats for every newspaper, maga- and dependent on experiences of Academic studies remain limited, zine radio and TV channel. Mobile developed economies or on simple although a number of journals do telephony and the rapid roll-out of guess work. serve as platforms for scholarship satellite sports channels, especially Probably the largest study that about African media (for example, of football, have changed the way has been conducted since 1991 Ecquid Novi: African Journalism

34 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

Studies; African Communication extreme of no press freedom, while Research; Journal of African Media 8. Assessment and new one at zero would be perfect press Studies). A recent initiative by the issues ahead freedom. African Union and the European Within the three Freedom House Union to support a portal on 8.1 The view over 20 years is good; areas of focus, different indicators information about African media has not so for the last decade count for different amounts of been agreed on and the Africa Media Ideal standards for context, capital, penalty points. For example, if Inititiative NGO is building it. There capacity and knowledge all remain there are not effective freedom of remains a shortage of books and very relevant for African journalism information laws, a country incurs textbooks on African journalism, but two decades after Windhoek. a maximum of two penalty points, some innovatory items exist such as Configured to enable optimum but the non-existence of effective “Secrets of online and multimedia performance, they represent an constitutional provisions to protect journalism” by Mudathir Ganiyu and integrated set of standards against press freedom can understandably Qasim Akinreti, which was published which progress can be assessed. attract up to six negative points. in 2010 in Ibadan, Nigeria. As this report demonstrates, they Government ownership and control Also adding to the stock of knowl- arise directly from the Windhoek that influences diversity of views edge about African journalism, there Declaration and its successor can also reach up to six negatives. have been some studies into the frameworks, and there have been The highest penalty is where specific areas stated by Windhoek. many advances towards achieving journalists or media outlets are One is into economic barriers (such them since 1991. The caveat is subject to extra-legal intimidation as by the Sol Plaatje Institute for that overall progress is not only or physical violence, with the ceiling Media Leadership).106 Another is into insufficient, but much has been here commendably established as the state of press freedom in African reversed in the past decade. While high as 10 points. A country with countries (such as by UNESCO).107 journalism is still in a better place many penalty points (60-100) is than it was 20 years back, a worrying categorised as Not Free; 0 to 30 owever, it is hard to conceive decline in the fundamental area places a state in the Free press Hof extensive knowledge about of context has been taking place group; while 31 to 60 constitutes African media in the absence of when the entirety is analysed. This the Partly Free press categorisation. rights and access to information. assessment derives from wide- Having regard to this methodology, Access to information is thus ranging evidence that is reflected there should be no real concerns not just relevant to journalists’ in the holistic annual scores of about drawing on the Freedom performance in informing their Freedom House. Although this House data to reach conclusions audiences, but also to knowledge NGO is substantially funded by the about the state of press freedom that can feed into shaping the US government, its views are not around the continent since the character and contours of the media particularly skewed towards a US Windhoek Declaration. That the itself. As blogger Steve Song points model of media freedom.108 Thus, its Freedom House scores are also out, regulators could do a lot more latest media freedom index is based deemed fit to be utilised in the to require cellphone companies (and on an assessment of three areas respected Mo Ibrahim African one can add, broadcasters as well) to which are quantified to contribute governance index also highlights disclose more data that could help us up to 100 points: the applicability and legitimacy of understand the changing electronic • The legal environment (which these measures. communications environment. contributes 30 percent of the Although detailed data is not In conclusion, we know more today total), available for the years before 2000, than we did in 1991 about journalism • The political environment maps provided by Freedom House’s in Africa. Yet there is still a need for (which is more important than website yield the following count much more knowledge generation the other two, making for 40 for 52 African countries as regards and dissemination about African percent of the whole assess- Press Freedom scores:109 practitioners and institutions. ment), and • The economic environment (30 percent). The points that a country scores are taken as penalties, meaning that a country with 100 points is at the

Media in Africa - 2011 | 35 1984 1989 1994 1999 Free media 0 1 2 4 Partly Free media 5 4 18 15 Not Free media 48 48 33 34

Seen in chart form, the overall improvement is evident:

Free 30 Partly Free

20 Not Free

0 1984 1989 1994 1999

However, over the second decade after 1991, there is a reversal. Using the Freedom House data as recalibrated by the Mo Ibrahim foundation,110 there is a clear overall decline in press freedom between the years 2000 and 2009 for 52 African countries (excluding Somalia for which there was not data). In the tables below, unlike Freedom House’s original measuring system, the higher scores signal better conditions, and the lower ones represent worse performance:

2000/1 2001/2 2002/3 2003/4 2004/5 2005/6 2006/7 2007/8 2008/9 2400 2200 2150 2100 1850 1700 1950 1500 1350

The visual trend in the overall ranking is very evident in the chart below:

3000

2500

2000

1500

Series 1 1000

500

2000/1 2001/2 2002/3 2003/4 2004/5 2005/6 2006/7 2007/8 2008/9

36 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

Correlating this picture is data from Reporters without Borders. Using this information in conjunction with their measuring system to compare 2002 and 2010, the African average rating has worsened from 28 to 34 negative points.111 (Eritrea ranked worst at 105 points; while Namibia was best at incurring only 7 points in 2010). As noted earlier, averages can obscure the diversity of situations in that a handful of bad countries can skew the trend downwards. But even if one takes a more nuanced and modal approach, there are fewer countries with a “free media” and even the “partly free” category has shrunk while the numbers of “not free” countries has grown over the last decade. This depressing pattern is evident in Freedom House ratings for the percentage of African countries (out of a total of 52) which were scored as Free, Partly Free, or Not Free:

2000/ 2001/ 2002/ 2003/ 2004/ 2005/ 2006/ 2007/ 2008/ 2009/

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Free % 17 12 12 12 15 12 8 13 4 10 Partly Free % 58 62 60 58 40 42 60 31 44 40 Not Free % 25 27 29 31 44 46 33 56 52 50

Shown in trend form, the downward slope is evident:

40 Free % 30 Partly Free % 20 Not Free % 10

2000/1 2001/2 2002/3 2003/4 2004/5 2005/6 2006/7 2007/8 2008/9 2009/10

As was the case back in 1991, the verdict for media development today chimes with the observation by the African Media Development Initiative in 2006: “the key barrier to media development is the control that states exert over media”.112

Much work is needed to claw back parts of the ‘promised land’, to prevent further attrition by governments, and to ensure a universal yield of high quality journalistic ‘crops’.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 37 in their home and 72 percent listen on their analogue TV sets, they will 8.2 Looking ahead: new media to the radio for news on a daily effectively gain a computer in the The growth of private and commu- basis.113 On the other hand, it can home. In many cases, this could be nity media highlights that state- be confidently predicted that where used with a simcard and modem to owned media has proved unable radio fails to meet people’s needs, enable these people to email, social to satisfy the market in Africa. The and where there is affordable access network, interact with content and rise of tabloids shows the same in to alternatives, many individuals publish content – all via their large regard to mainstream media genres. take up these options. In February screens and smart set-top boxes. More recently, the advent of talk 2011 it was estimated that 39% Significantly, these new technolo- radio and blogging in Africa sig- of urban South Africans and 27% gies are harder for governments nals the limitations of the profes- of rural users over the age of 16 to control than traditional media, sional media sector to reflect the were now browsing the internet on not least because more and more input of individual citizens. Just as phones, meaning that six million people use them and the volume the fax machine and cheaper media South Africans had internet access of information put into circulation production equipment underpinned via cellphone.114 About 140,000 escalates. It is the case that selec- the growth of new African media Tunisians joined Facebook every tive actions can be taken, such as outlets since 1991, so the increased month last year, using it to bypass the jailing for three years of blog- accessibility of digital platforms will local media censorship. There were ger Maikel Nabil Sanad by the Egyp- intensify this trend in expanding the about 17m Facebook users in Africa tian army after the 2011 revolution, media in the years ahead. at the start of 2011, and there are simply because he had criticised In some parts of Africa, particularly expected to be 28m by the end of the military.116 Furthermore, there is mobile media uptake is moving it.115 It is the case that the real media surveillance of individuals and the ahead. Smart mobile operators force in the Tunisian and Egyptian under-regulated co-option of cell- like Safari.com provide zero-rated revolutions was television news phone operators and internet service Facebook access to students in received by satellite, and particularly providers into monitoring, filtering Kenya, while Twitter offers updates Al Jazeera. But the role of new and blocking legitimate journalistic by free SMS in Nigeria, Kenya, media in terms of recirculating content that is unpalatable to au- Madagascar and Cameroon (the news, deliberating on information, tocratic regimes. Nevertheless, the last until March 2011 when it was and organising physically on the overall mediascape is becoming suf- banned). These strategies incentivise basis of it, should not be discounted. ficiently vast for new outpourings online mobile behaviours, and they According to Linus Gitahi, CEO of of journalism to emerge, survive, turn people instantly into micro- The Nation, in March 2009 more replicate and be enriched. media publishers on the one hand, Kenyans had used or touched a The authors of the Windhoek and super-consumers of content mobile phone than had watched Declaration would not have been on the other. Language barriers are a TV screen. “Mobile phones are able to envisage the African being tackled with Google working now ubiquitous in villages as well communications world that is on services in Swahili, Amharic, as cities. If an individual does not beginning to unfold. It is up to Wolof, Hausa, Afrikaans, and Zulu in have a cell phone, they almost their successors to apply the old addition to English, Arabic, French surely know someone who does.” standards and develop new ones in and Portuguese. Young people, he noted, were a networked world, and to advocate At present, the potential is far from growing up as “digital natives” and for these against the forces who seek being realised. According to David the prospect was becoming one of to maintain unfree environments Montez, a survey of Tanzania in individualisation and customisation even in the traditional media space. 2010 found almost two thirds of of mass communications. To add adults using cellphones on at least to his points, we can observe the 8.3 Summing up a weekly basis. And of these users, coming transition to digital TV This review set out to analyse the 15 percent received regular SMS- broadcasting. The digital switchover Windhoek Declaration and its text message information services, will make technical space for many significance. Central to this has been but fewer than 4 percent used their more players on the airwaves and the recognition of how journalistic mobile phone for Internet access. In for more wireless internet access. idealism runs throughout the history comparison, the survey found that As viewers acquire a set-top box since 1991. Independence, pluralism 85 percent of adults have a radio to convert digital signals to view and freedom as Windhoek values

38 | Media in Africa - 2011 Overview

that nourish journalism are not ends in themselves, but essentials for the quality of democracy and development in Africa. Windhoek has meant historic movement beyond the previous commandist situation to an acceptance that a mediascape monopolised by state- owned and government-controlled enterprises does not provide for society’s needs. There has been extensive rise of commercial-private, and to an extent of community- based, media platforms since 1991. But this wonderful progress should not blind us to the data which show that the contextual environment for journalism has taken a turn for Namibia: recording stories for prosperity. Photo: Kiiru Ngotho, Myndz the worse since 2000. More effort Community is therefore needed to establish and maintain enduring systems for journalism to thrive. But if it is a case it is highly important to ensure focused on the importance of con- of two steps forward and one back, the health and distinctive com- text, capital, capacity and knowl- at least we are still facing forwards munication of the news media edge for specifically journalistic as regards journalism, and have not (including online news media) and communication, as distinct from turned around to face backwards. the professional journalists working personal news or propaganda from Still, Windhoek’s standards as there. political or commercial quarters. elaborated in this report are thus As the original document itself as important today as ever, in terms o illustrate this point, it can be stated: “The establishment, main- of specifying the relevant goals to Tnoted that in Zimbabwe, where tenance and fostering of an inde- be achieved. Energies are needed independent media has been deci- pendent, pluralistic and free press to advance these across context, mated since 1991, there was only is essential to the development and capital, capacity and knowledge. 1 journalist to 34,404 residents in maintenance of democracy in a And this momentum is necessary 2006, compared to 1 to 11,155 in nation and for economic develop- in the face of both the ongoing Kenya. In more liberalised Nigeria, ment.” This ideal continues to be challenges and the newly emerging the figure was 1 journalist to 4,290 valid and relevant. Even 20 years af- new ones such as the issues of citizens.117 There are likely to be dif- ter the Declaration was developed, Internet freedom, regulation, access ferences in the definitions of jour- the document remains a living rea- and ethics. nalist in these statistics, and data son why conducive conditions for It is likely that the dissemination are not always easy to come by. journalism in Africa should continue and uptake of new communica- But the point is that even looking tions technologies will become a ahead, the ratio of fulltime journal- strong factor in favour of helping ists to the population will continue to actualise the vision of Windhoek. to be a vivid way to highlight the More and more direct stakeholders entirely unique communications will enter the mass communica- contribution that comes from pro- tions environment and find com- fessional journalists with a base in mon ground with the cause of tra- free, viable and independent media ditional journalists. However, within institutions. this scenario of increasing numbers In conclusion, the original focus of of voices from non-media sources the Windhoek Declaration not only beginning to use new technologies, endures, but also helps to keep us

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watchdogs. A profile of Ugandan journalists in the 8 Frère, 2007, p.13 New Millennium. Journalism, 5(1): 69–96 http:// 9 See Frère, M-S, 2007, pp.94,87 www.promusica.se/Library/Electronic%20texts/ 10 CPJ census of imprisoned journalists on December Mwesige2004.pdf 1, 2010; Mwilu, L.R. 2011. Framing the foreigner: A close reading http://www.cpj.org/imprisoned/2010.php of readers’ comments on Thought Leader blogs 11 Nyamnjoh, 2011, p.26 on xenophobia published between May and June, 12 Nyamnjoh, 2011, p.27 2008. Unpublished MA thesis, Rhodes University, 13 See for example: http://en.rsf.org/how-the-index- South Africa. was-drawn-up-23-10-2002,04118.html Negash, M. 2010. Welcome to Addis: what it means 14 http://en.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/methodology.pdf being a journalist in Ethiopia, in Mdlongwa and 15 Beckett and Kyrke-Smith, 2007, p.35 Letlhaku (eds). 2010. pp.64-73. 16 Amancio Miguel, in Kareithi and Kariithi, 2005. Nyamnjoh, F. 2005. Africa’s Media, Democracy and the p.231. Politics of Belonging. London: Zed Books 17 Bourgault, L.M. 1995, p.213 Nyamjoh, F. 2011. De-westernizing media theory to 18 http://cpj.org/imprisoned/2010.php make room for African experience. In Wasserman 19 http://cpj.org/killed/2010/ 2011 (ed). 20 Berger, G., 2009, p. 278 Ogbondah, C.W. 2002. Media laws in political transition. 21 Loughran, 2010, p.111 Pp 55-58, in Hyden and Leslie (2002) (eds) 22 Okigbo and Eribo, 2004, p.102 Okigbo, C.C. and Eribo, F. 2004. (eds) Development and 23 http://cpj.org/2008/02/africa-analysis.php Communication in Africa. Lanham MD: Rowman 24 IREX, 2008, p.109 and Littlefield Publishers 25 Ogbondah, 2002, p.69 Podesta, D. n.d. Soft Censorship: How Governments 26 http://www.misa.org/researchandpublication/ Around the Globe Use Money to Manipulate the democracy/democracy.html Media. Washington, DC. Center for International 27 http://www.cpj.org/blog/2011/04/benin- Media Assistance. journalists-protest-attacks.php Ramaprasad, J. 2003. The Private and Government 28 Berger, 2007, p.170 Sides of Tanzanian Journalists. The International 29 Misa, 2006, p.11 Journal of Press/Politics. 8 (1) pp. 8-26 30 IREX, 2008, p.141 Senghor, D. 1996. Introduction: the emergence of 31 Ogbondah, 2002, pp.55-80 information ethics. In Karikari, 1996 (ed). pp 1-9. 32 See Berger, 2007, p.170 Skjerdal, T S. 2008. Self-censorship in Ethiopian state 33 Misa, 2006, p.10 media. African Communication Research. 1 (2): 34 Negash, 2010, p.71 185-206). 35 Frère, 2007, p.102 Wasserman, H. 2010. Tabloid Journalism in South 36 Melzer, 2010, p.106 Africa. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University 37 Misa, 2008, p.98 Press. 38 AMDI, 2006, p.56 Wasserman, H. 2011. Popular media, democracy and 39 Melzer 2010, p. 83 development in Africa. London: Routledge 40 Nyamnjoh, 2005, p.74 White, A. 2007. To tell you the truth. The ethical 41 AMDI, 2006, p. 39 journalism initiative. Brussels: International 42 Frère, 2007, p.189 Federation of Journalists. 43 IREX, 2008, pp. 3, 353, 207. 44 AMDI, 2006, p.31 45 AMDI, 2006, p.57 Endnotes 46 IREX, 2008, p.345 47 AMDI, 2006, p.58 1 Nyamnjoh, 2005, p.53 48 Frère, 2007, p.99 2 Ogbondah, 2002, p.69 49 IREX, 2008, p.279 3 Okigbo and Eribo, 2004, p.94 50 This information is sourced from Hamasaka, 2009 4 Frère, 2007, pp.191, 44-5, 173 51 This information is sourced from Skjerdal, 2008 5 Kumbula, 1997, p.178 52 Skjerdal, 2008, p.194 6 Kumbula, 1997, p.175 53 Skjerdal, 2008, p.200 7 Frère, 2007, pp.184, 44-5 54 This information is sourced from Kotele, 2009

Media in Africa - 2011 | 41 55 Colmery et al, 2010, p.164 97 See Berger and Matras, 2006. 56 Colmery, B et al, 2010 98 Colmery et al, 2010 57 See AMDI, 2006, p. 58 99 See Berger, 2006 58 Bourgault,1995, p.221 100 Lowe Morna and Ndlovu, 2008, p.8 59 Sourced from Hamasaka, 2009 101 AMDI, 2006, p.88 60 Loughran, 2010, p.2, 25 102 AMDI, 2006, p. 93 61 Misa, 2005, p.12 103 AMDI, 2006, p.25 62 Loughran, 2010, p.193 104 AMDI, 2006, p.14 63 IREX, 2008, p.27 105 http://fesmedia.org/african-media-barometer- 64 Bourgault, 1995, p.224 amb/ 65 Loughran, 2010, p.193 106 See http://spiml.co.za/ 66 Kareithi and Kariithi, 2005, p.21 107 See Berger, 2007 67 See Podesta, n.d. 108 See Freedom House, 2010. Freedom of the Press 68 Loughran, 2010, p.169 2010. Methodology. Accessed on 12 April 2010 69 Robert Kasozi, cited in Kareithi and Kariithi, 2005, from http://www.freedomhouse.org/images/File/ p.243 fop/2010/ 70 Frère, 2007, p.64 Methodology2010--final5May10.pdf 71 cited in Frère, 2007, p.47 109 http://freedomhouse.org/template. 72 Loughran, 2010, p.43 cfm?page=361 73 Loughran, 2010, p. 26 110 Thanks go to Andrew Kanyegirire for this data; 74 http://www.google.co.za/url?sa=t&source=web&c the responsibility for interpretation, d=1&ved=0CBUQFjAA&url=http%3A however, lies with the author of this report %2F%2Fwww.cpj.org%2F2011%2F02%2 111 The average figure is worked out because the Fattacks-on-the-press-2010-cameroon. 2002 figures exclude three countries php&ei=WfSuTaicAcehOr3Jre4B&usg=AFQjCNF that are covered in the 2010 report (Somalia, Wz_bTg0rQWQWR2jFma Botswana, Lesotho). The inclusion of WL5E44MEQ offender Somalia (scored at 66 negative 75 Frère, 2007, p.49 points) in 2010 would add to the average of 76 Frère, 2007, p.130 that year, as compared to the 2002 figures 77 AMDI, 2006, p. 71 112 AMDI, 2006, p. 106 78 Bethuel Thai cited in Kareithi and Kariithi, 2005, 113 Montez, 2011 p.254 114 See http://worldwideworx.com/2011/02/03/sa- 79 Lowe Morna and Ndlovu, 2008, p.7 cellphone-users-embrace-internet/ 80 Lowe Morna and Ndlovu, 2008, p.6 115 Ledgard, 2011 81 Frère, 2007, p.140 116 See http://www.freeafricanmedia.com/ 82 Nymanjoh, 2005, p.51 opinionista/2011-04-18-military-censorship- 83 See for example Berger and Barratt, 2007; threatens-egyptian-revolution Mwesige, 2004; Ramaprasad, 2003 117 AMDI, 2006, p. 3 84 Nymanjoh, 2005, p.78 85 Frère, 2007, p.247; see Barratt, 2007 86 Frère, 2007, p.126 87 AMDI, 2006, p. 43 88 Frère, 2007, p.126 89 Cited at http://cpj.org/2011/02/attacks-on-the- press-2010-nigeria.php 90 Senghor, 1996 91 Kasoma, 1997 92 See White, 2007 93 Wasserman, H. 2010. p. 27 94 See Mwilu, 2011 95 Mfumbusa, 2008, p. 140 96 Senghor, 1996

42 | Media in Africa - 2011 FREEDOMFREEDOMFreedom What happened in Windhoek 1991

been jailed several times. For two, the Director-General of UNESCO had to personally call the presidents concerned to ask them to release the journalists and let them travel to the seminar. He succeeded for one (Cameroon) and failed for the other (Kenya). The Cameroonian was Pius Njawe, publisher of Le Messenger, sadly killed in a car crash in 2010. Back in 1991, he told delegates at Windhoek how he had been arrested, had his passport seized and dragged before a court. Fortunately, he was freed in time to be there — attributing this to masses of supporters By Alain Modoux In February 1990, a few weeks after who had taken to the streets to the fall of the Berlin Wall, I convened protest his harassment, as well as Alain Modoux is former Assistant a conference of media people from the international pressure on the Director-General of UNESCO for East and West, and was challenged Cameroonian government. Freedom of Expression, Democracy by an African diplomat who asked Liberian publisher Kenneth Best told and Peace, a former president of me: “Do you think that democracy of traumatic experiences including Orbicom which is the international is just for the North? Why don’t many prison terms, plus arson network of UNESCO chairs in you organise a conference for the against the offices of his newspaper communication, and a board member African media!?” and many forms of censorship. of the Media and Society Foundation. That is how the Windhoek story Tunisian broadcaster M Salah started. Fourti spoke about the problems Apart from my fundraising and of government monopoly and the organisational tasks, my main role difficulty in getting permission to was to make sure that the seminar set up a free radio station. would be 100% African — that is The Windhoek seminar on for Africans by Africans. And so it “promoting an independent and came about that Africa’s declaration pluralistic African press” was held was born, as a gift to the whole in partnership with other UN international community. Agencies such as UNDP. The event UN agencies usually consult was supported by 12 international Member-States when they invite agencies, ranging from Nordic non-governmental people. This is funders, the International Federation to ensure that each participant of Journalists, Friedrich Ebert is acceptable to his/her own Stiftung, and the World Association government. Instead, the list of of Newspapers. journalists to be invited to Windhoek A total of 63 participants from 38 was drawn up independently, countries attended, along with a working with media organisations. similar figure of representatives At the time, many of the participants from international organisations were considered as “public enemies” and NGOs. Hage Geingob, the by their governments. Some had then-prime minister of newly-

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independent Namibia, set the tone greatly from electricity outages, newsprint was identified. An appeal by highlighting the importance of and were held back by the absence was made for international aid to independence and a watchdog role of journalistic training and ethical help the independent press acquire for the press. codes. Publishers revealed their desktop publishing equipment, but Thérèsa Pacquet-Sévigny, the problems of depending on state- there were also cautions against de- UN under-secretary for public owned presses to get papers printed. pendency on donors. information, described how the The Zimbabwean Mass Media Trust, Among the debates were whether watershed 1989 General Conference set up in 1981, came under criticism there was a role for governments of UNESCO had enabled the from delegates for the erosion of to collaborate with development international community to move its political independence and its initiatives for independent media away from polarisation. This was removal of editors at government (such as in training programmes or by embracing both the need to behest. in building journalists’ unions) — or develop information infrastructures Legendary Kenyan journalist Mo whether this would compromise in developing countries, and at the Amin (who was killed five years lat- independence. same time pledging respect for the er) spoke about his dream of “Africa UNESCO’s response was that in- free flow of information within and Journal” – a 30 minute weekly bul- creased dialogue between the au- between nations. letin of pan-African news. Zairean thorities and the independent press From UNESCO, Henrikas Yushki- publisher Leon Moukanda called was one of the conditions for an in- avitshus spoke of the organisation’s for structured news exchanges with dependent press. hopes to promote free, independent counterparts in developed coun- Ironically though, given the focus and pluralistic media in both public tries, while Shamlal Puri of Newslink on pluralism, there was no debate and private sectors. The World As- Africa urged reduced dependence about a call for standardisation of sociation of Newspapers underlined on copy from abroad and for better curricula at journalism schools in that financial viability of media en- coverage of Africa as a whole. Zam- Africa. terprises was important to sustain- bian scholar Francis Kasoma (who Ghanian academic Paul Ansah ing and defending independence. sadly died a decade later) spoke described freedom of expression The International Federation of about the need for small, commu- as the mother of all human rights Journalists urged African journalists nity media to develop communica- and called for a mixed system of to organise, act professionally and tion at local level, and for training public and private newspapers. He resist censorship. in advertising, marketing and dis- noted that boards of directors of Gwen Lister, founder and editor tribution. These points retain their state-owned media should reflect of The Namibian, was elected to relevance today. a diversity of opinion and should chair the seminar. Vice chairs were There were calls for intellectual inde- safeguard against government Cameroon’s Njawe, Sam Amuka pendence by journalists, and respect capture. (publisher Vanguard media in for a code of ethics. Good manage- George Odiko of the Kenya Union Nigeria) and Mohamed Ben Salah ment, improved working conditions, of Journalists said associations of (president of the Association of guaranteed rights, confidentiality journalists and editors were needed Tunisian Journalists). Eight plenaries of sources and protection against to keep political powers at bay. A and six working groups followed, outside interference, were put for- journalist from Zambia condemned covering four topics: ward as necessary factors to affirm the dismissal of five journalists • Present situation and perspec- independence. Setting up press on state-owned media who were tives of the independent African associations was encouraged. The accused of over-estimating crowds press formation of the Media Institute at opposition rallies. • Socio-economic parameters for of Southern Africa was announced Namibia’s then Minister of Information a viable independent press by Methaetsile Leepile of Botswana and Broadcasting Hidipo Hamutenya • The need for human resources who became its first director – and closed the seminar saying that his development at the outset the agency identified government was prepared to accept a • The constitutional, legal and the need to promote training and relationship of “creative tension” with political framework. news exchange, and to safeguard the media as part of consolidating In the discussions that took place, press freedom. independence and democracy. it was pointed out that African Government monopolies on adver- That was Windhoek 1991. newspapers lacked start-up capital, tising in some countries were noted, were limited to urban areas, suffered and the need to collectively buy

Media in Africa - 2011 | 45 List of African media delegates at the Ghana conference: 18. Ms. Ajoa Yeboah-Afari, Editor, “The Monitor” 19. Mr. John Nyankumah, Editor-In-Chief, Ghana Algeria Broadcasting Association 1. Mr. Omar Belhouchet, Director of Publication, 20. Mr. Paul Ansah, Director, School of Communication “El Watan” Studies (University of Ghana) 2. Mr. Mayauf Zoubir Souissi, General Manager, Guinea “Le Soir d’Algerie” 21. Mr. Sankarela Diallo, Director of Publication, Angola “L’Evenement de Guinee” 3. Mr. Joaquim Pinto Andrade, Director of Guinea-Bissau “Plural” 22. Mr. Francisco Barreto De Carvalho, Director General Benin of Information, B.P. 4. Mr. Ismael Yves Soumanou, Founding Director, Kenya “La Gazette du Golfe” 23. Mr. Mohamed Amin, Managing Director, 5. Mr. Thomas Megnassan, Director of “Camerapix” – “Visnews” Publication, “La Recade” 24. Mr. George Odiko, Secretary-General, Kenya Botswana Institute of Journalists 6. Mr. Methaetsile Leepile, Managing Editor, 25. Mr. Stephen Musalia Mwenesi, Secretary to the “Mmegi Publications Trust” Africa Centre for Communication and Development Burkina Faso Lesotho 7. Mr. Luc Adolphe Tiao, Secretary General, 26. Mr. Mike Pitso, Editor, “The Mirror Newspaper” Ministry of Education and Culture (Burkina Liberia Faso) 27. Mr. Kenneth Best, Managing Editor, P.M.B. Burundi Madagascar 8. Mr. Albert Mbonerane, Editor-In-Chief, 28. Mr. Rahaga Ramaholimihaso, Director General, “Ndongozi Y’Uburundi” “Madagascar Tribune” Cameroon Malawi 9. Mr. Pius N. Njawe, Director of Publication, “Le 29 Ms. Janet Zeenat Karim, Managing Director, Messager” “Women Now” 10. Mr. Paddy Mbawa, Editor-In-Chief, “Cameroon Mauritius Post” 30. Mr. Gerard S. Cateaux, Editor-In-Chief, “Week End” Chad Namibia 11. Mr. Saleh Kebzabo, Director of Publication, 31. Ms. Gwen Lister, Editor, “The Namibian” “Ndjemena Hebdo” Niger Cote d’Ivoire 32. Mr. Ibrahim Cheick Diop, Director of Publication, 12. Mr. Issiaka Tao, Director of the Cabinet, “Haske” Ministry of Communication (Cote d’Ivoire) Nigeria 13. Mr. Paul Arnaud, Director of Publication, “Le 33. Mr. Sam Amuka, Publisher, “Vanguard Media Ltd” Nouvel Horizon” 34. Mr. Lewis Obi, Editor-In-Chief, “African Concord Djibouti Magazine” 14. Mr. Ismaill Tani, Director, “La Nation” 35. Mr. Kaye Whiteman, Editor-In-Chief/General France Manager, “West Africa” 15. Mr. Sennen Andriamirado, Editor-In-Chief, 36. Muhamed Sani Zorro, president, Nigerian Union of “Jeune Afrique” Journalists 16. Mr. Michel Duteil, Director for Africa, Havas Senegal Media International 37. Mr. Abdoulaye Bamba Diallo, Director of Publication, Gambia “Le Cafard Libere” 17. Mr. Sana Manneh, Editor, “The Torch 38. Abdoulaye Ndiaga, general secretary, West African Newspaper” Union of Journalists

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Sierra Leone Zimbabwe 39. Mr. Paul Kamara, Editor, “For Di People” 58. Mr. Godfrey Nyarota, Executive Editor, “The Financial South Africa Gazette” 40 Mr. Roy Wilson, General Manager, “The Sowetan” 59. Mr. Onesimo Makani-Kabweza, Editor-In-Chief, 41. Mr. Anton Harber, Co-Editor, “The Weekly Mail” “Moto Magazine” Sudan 60. Mr. Andrew Moyse, Editor, “Parade Magazine” 42. Mr. Bona Malwal, Editor-In-Chief and Publisher, 61. Mr. Govin Reddy, Editor-In-Chief, “Africa South” “The Sudan Democratic Gazette” 62. Mr. Hugh Lewin, Publishing Director, “Baobab Books” Swaziland 63. Mr. Geoffrey Chada, Executive Secretary, Zimbabwe 43. Mr. Sabelo Gabriel Nxumalo, Managing Director, Mass Media Trust “Umgijimi Wangwane Newspaper” Togo 44. Mr. Komi Agah, Director of Production, “Forum Hebdo” 45. Mr. Vincent Traore, Expert en Communication, “Baque ouest Africaine de Development” Tunisia 46. Mr. Ismail Boulahia, Secretary General, “Association des Directuers de Journaux” / Director, “Al Mostakbal” 47. Mr. Salah Fourti, Radio 7 48. Mr. Mohamed Ben Salah, President, “Association des Journalistes Tunisiens” Uganda 49. Mr. Alfred Okwaare, Editor, “The Desk Magazine” 50. Mr. Aloysius Bbosa, Assistant Editor-In-Chief, “Munno Publications” 51. Mr. James Namakajo, President, Ugandan Journalists’ Association United Kingdom 52. Mr. Shamial Puri, Managing Editor, Newslink Africa 53. Mr. Alan Rake, Editor, “New Africa” United Republic of Tanzania 54. Mr. Fill Karashani, Editor, “Business Times” Zaire 55. Mr. Leon Lunyama Moukanda, PDG de “Umoja” Zambia 56. Mr. Goodwin Mwangilwa, Executive Director, “National Mirror” 57. Mr. Francis Kasoma, Head of Department of Mass Communication (University of Zambia)

Media in Africa - 2011 | 47 Independence won, but freedom is still at stake

equal, and to repair the legacies of poverty and underdevelopment that were rooted in colonialism in developing nations. But the agenda was largely abused by African governments, who instead muscled in on the media themselves to control and regulate the flow of information. So while the continent was focussed on the fight against South African government apartheid rule and accompanying abuses, few noticed that government domination through “information ministries” and state media was gaining By Gwen Lister The word ‘independence’ was a strength in the rest of Africa. popular one in the 1990s in sub- Journalists had had enough, how- Gwen Lister is founder and editor- Saharan Africa. ever. The winds of both global and in-chief of The Namibian. She was At the end of the Cold War, it found continental change in the 1990s, chair of the Windhoek Seminar in resonance in Namibian independ- as well as the efforts of pioneer- 1991, and a founding member of the ence in 1990, when the country ing African journalists who set up Media Institute of Southern Africa. won self-determination and politi- independent media in the face of In 2000 she was named one of 50 cal freedom from colonial rule. This government repression, provided press freedom heroes of the past half was followed a few years later by inspiration and impetus for media century by the International Press South Africa, as it too threw off the freedom and independence. Institute (IPI). shackles of apartheid. With the fall of apartheid, attention ‘Independence’ was also a word became focussed on the fact that foremost in the thoughts and ac- all was not well elsewhere in Africa, tions of African journalists emerg- and not least with the presidents- ing from a draconian era on the for-life scenario which played out sub-continent, and it became solidi- with increased autocracy and one fied in wider media circles with the party rules across the continent. adoption of the Windhoek Declara- Independent media initiatives sprang tion in 1991. up under oppressive conditions, but At the heart of this Declaration their advocates had little contact was a craving by journalists from with one another and no common across the African continent to rid voice until a series of seminars in the media of excessive controls by the late 1980s. This development governments in the new spirit of coincided with UNESCO attempting freedom. to break with the by-then discred- This occurred against the backdrop ited NWICO. of an era of belief in the New World Hence the convening of the historic Information and Communication Windhoek conference which aimed Order (NWICO). This was initially to set the standard for a new a praiseworthy attempt to make media dispensation in Africa — one global media representation more which would respect the need for

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media that was independent of continent considered to be ‘free’ and interference continue to jeop- government ownership and control. (Ghana and Mali) in terms of media ardise media gains, but so too do The conference saw the coming- while the rest are ‘partly free’ or not the enemies within. These include together of a wide spectrum of free at all. self-censorship, lack of passion and mainly like-minded African journal- commitment, and a failure to main- ists meeting their counterparts from tain ethical standards and journal- other countries on a broader basis “...there have been istic excellence as well. There is also for the first time ever. Their activity recent threats to an absence of the cross-border soli- was to find common ground in their block the paper from darity that is so vital to win wider quest to free media from the con- freedoms across the African conti- straints of government control, and publishing hard- nent. in the process to give voice to the hitting SMSs from our As the battle for press freedom and people so long denied a platform. access to information continues, In the ranks of fellow free-media readers.” journalists should be in the forefront pioneers were, among others, the of that fight. They should shake off late Makani Kabweza from Zimba- complacency and once again find bwe, Fred M’Membe from Zambia, In Namibia, now downgraded from again the euphoric and determined Methaetsile Leepile from Botswana, ‘free’ to ‘partly free’, and also home voices of the Eighties — for the sake the late Pius Njawe of Cameroon, of the Windhoek Declaration, the of those they represent. and so many others from across the government operated an advertising continent who fought and paved ban against The Namibian for a the way for the freedoms that many decade, and there have been recent take for granted today. threats to block the paper from Our rapport was immediate and it publishing hard-hitting SMSs from cemented the way for our insistence our readers. on promotion of independent media Today, it is not only independent in the Windhoek Declaration, and in reporting which is important, and turn the formation of the Media the absence of restrictions on our Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) work, but also the extent to which in 1991, a body that was set up for especially marginalised communi- precisely the purpose of promotion ties can access the media and make and advocacy of an independent their voices heard. The African me- press in the sub-continent. dia landscape has changed since The Windhoek Declaration gave 1991, and adaptation to the onset impetus to a resurgence of inde- of changed circumstances as well as pendent media in several countries the advent of new media technolo- — some survived, while others could gies is necessary for Africa to max- not sustain, and several more were imise the benefits of press freedom in turn quashed by governments and public information access. which continued to resist the call of Meanwhile, the war for press the Windhoek Declaration. freedom, and access to information, A new sense of pluralism and is far from won, even if the diversity has emerged since 1991, emphasis on media independence and there is little doubt that it has of government ownership and paved the way for more widespread control may seem to be less critical acceptance of the importance of a now than it was in 1990. We should free press in democracy. continue to call on governments But over the ensuing 20 years since to promote a free, pluralistic and 1991, the setbacks have been more diverse media environment, and to than the gains. The 2011 Freedom divest themselves of the media they House Map of Press Freedom in continue to control. Africa paints a depressing scenario Furthermore, not only do the exter- with only two countries on the nal threats of government control

Media in Africa - 2011 | 49 The Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa: A Personal Account

19’s Africa Programme and some forward-looking members of the African Commission in the late 1990s. The idea was for an African declaration and the appointment of the specialised mandate that is now called the African Commission’s Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Informa- tion. At that time, special mandates on freedom of expression already existed at the UN (appointed in 1993), the OSCE (appointed in 1997) and the OAS (appointed in 1998). So, incorporating these tools and By Toby Mendel Africa has a remarkable document, mechanisms to support freedom a shining beacon of strong and of expression into the African hu- Toby Mendel is the Executive Director clear standards regarding the right man rights system was somehow of the Centre for Law and Democracy, to freedom of expression. It is the a natural development. To take the an international human rights NGO Declaration of Principles on Freedom idea forward the African Commis- that focuses on providing legal of Expression in Africa, adopted by sion appointed a Working Group on expertise regarding foundational the African Commission on Human Freedom of Expression at its 30th rights for democracy, including the and Peoples’ Rights at its 32nd Ordinary Session in 2001, comprised right to information, freedom of Ordinary Session, held in Banjul, The of three Commissioners: Andrew expression, the right to participate Gambia, from 17-23 October 2002. R Chigovera (Zimbabwe), Jainaba and the rights to assembly and In its 16 principles, spread over some Johm (The Gambia) and Nyameko association. Prior to that he was for six pages and broken down into Barney Pityana (South Africa). 12 years Senior Director for Law at many sub-principles, the African With the support of Article 19, the ARTICLE 19, a human rights NGO declaration covers almost every group held its first working session focusing on freedom of expression important freedom of expression in Cape Town, South Africa, from and the right to information. issue. These range from defining 10-11 February 2002. the scope of the right, to addressing Preparatory to the February meeting, regulation of the print, broadcast I prepared a draft declaration for and public service media, and discussion, in consultation with a enshrining the right to information. number of freedom of expression They cover points on promoting experts and activists from around diversity, preventing attacks on Africa and other regions. The draft media workers, defining criminal contained 14 principles which and civil restrictions on speech, and are substantially similar to those putting in place economic measures found in the final declaration, to foster media pluralism. although important changes – some The background to the development strengthening respect for freedom of of this seminal document was expression and some weakening it – born somewhere between Article were made later on in the process.

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The February working session urthermore, the trend was by cussions and also by a high degree included only a few participants, Fno means one way; several of consensus. so as to facilitate as flowing a provisions were added to the draft to The most significant change intro- discussion as possible. From among strengthen protection of freedom of duced at the second meeting was to the commission’s working group, expression. For example, provisions add a new principle on regulatory only Chigovera and Pityana were were added on: bodies for broadcasting and tel- able to attend, along with some • the right to equal enjoyment of ecommunications. Using language staff from the African Commission freedom of expression without that closely reflected that of the Af- and a small number of experts. discrimination, rican Charter on Broadcasting 2001, This meeting was one of the • the promotion of local it called for such bodies to be inde- most intense and intellectually languages, pendent. Other substantive changes stimulating of the large number of • the need for public included: meetings I have been to in my many broadcasters to be available • protection for whistleblowers; years as a freedom of expression throughout the whole territory • editorial independence of public activist and campaigner. The of the country, and broadcasters, discussions were challenging, and • the desirability of media • respect for the non-combatant much expertise and experience was owners and professionals status of journalists in conflict brought to bear on them. adopting agreements to situations, and Importantly, all of the participants protect editorial independence • a new principle calling on states were aware, from sometimes dif- against undue commercial to give practical effect to the ferent institutional perspectives but influence. principles. always with the same overall goal The preamble was also strength- in mind, of the significance of what ened, including by highlighting the we were doing. I have no doubt that particular importance of the broad- “The most significant these factors played a key role in cast media in Africa and making ref- forging a document of the superior erence to various relevant African change introduced quality as reflected in the declara- processes and documents. at the second tion. One of the really remarkable meeting was to add The draft that I had prepared as aspects of the meeting – given background for the meeting was the wide variety of backgrounds a new principle on intended to represent a high-water of the participants – was that we regulatory bodies mark of protection for freedom managed to come to an agreement of expression. I suspected, from on every provision. While this for broadcasting and previous experience, that the overall sometimes involved compromise or telecommunications.” trend would be to dilute the strong even sacrifice, in no instance did we statements of support for this run into an impasse that we could fundamental right as contained in not address amicably. And, in many Up until this point the process, the draft. cases, apparent disagreements which had largely involved the This did sometimes happen. For were resolved through imaginative working group and civil society example, I remember Chigovera formulations that managed to retain organisations, was such that it was remarking, amusingly, in response to what was important to one party natural that the draft declaration a line in the draft that would have while addressing the objections of strongly supported freedom of abolished sedition, false news and the other. expression. Although the process contempt laws, that this seemed an Following on from this initial meet- had resulted in a very strong draft attempt to undo all three branches ing, a second draft was prepared, declaration, the desired impact of government. However, I was very reflecting the agreements that had would only be achieved if it were to pleasantly surprised at how little been reached. This draft was the be formally adopted by the African of the substance of the initial draft subject of a much wider consulta- Commission. This approval was the ended up actually being removed, tion among African stakeholders, last hurdle to be cleared – and it was although several provisions were held in Pretoria in May 2002. I did not an inconsiderable one. rendered into a rather more not attend that meeting but by all The draft declaration was consid- diplomatic language. accounts it was again characterised ered, and ultimately adopted, at the by very serious and high-level dis- 32nd Ordinary Session of the com-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 51 mission, held from 17-23 October be reluctant to endorse a document 2002 in Banjul, The Gambia (the which highlights the democratic final communiqué of this session is shortcomings of their home nations. available at: (http://www.achpr.org/ Furthermore, official bodies, even english/communiques/communi- those which promote human rights, que32_en.html). tend almost by their very natures Remarkably, the commission to be conservative, especially as introduced very few changes. Some measured vis-à-vis state practice. were made to the preamble of the Thus, it is rare for these bodies to declaration and, in a few cases, adopt decisions which run contrary language was watered down slightly. to the practice of most states, even No substantive provisions were if there are strong, principled human added and only two – calling for rights reasons for this. Yet many the repeal of criminal defamation of the provisions in the African laws and for states not to abuse declaration fall precisely into this immigration powers to limit the category. There is nothing in the free movement of journalists – were declaration which is not founded removed. Perhaps ironically, at its on a clear and strong principled 48th Session in November 2010, the analysis of international guarantees Commission adopted a Resolution of freedom of expression. And yet on Repealing Criminal Defamation the practical achievement of many Laws in Africa. of its provisions remains elusive in The communiqué states simply that many countries. the commission adopted the decla- These challenges make it all the ration, without providing any detail more remarkable and commendable about how that happened. How- that the African Commission did ever, from the information I have adopt such a robust and forward- received, it is clear that discussions looking declaration on freedom around the draft declaration were of expression. Years after it was extremely difficult and that several adopted it remains as relevant as commissioners expressed consider- ever, providing a beacon of light able reluctance to support the dec- and direction to those who promote laration. freedom of expression – not only in I believe the fact that the declaration Africa but around the world. was adopted is due, in very large measure, to the emphatic, even insistent, support of the members of the working group. Indeed, without their steadfast support the declaration would probably never have been adopted. This is perhaps understandable. Few, if any, countries in Africa, or in other regions of the world for that matter, can claim to conform to all of the provisions of the declaration, and many fall woefully short of meeting the standards it proclaims. Although commissioners are supposed to be independent, this is not always the case in practice. Furthermore, even independent individuals from rea- sonably democratic countries may

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Media making for socio-political development in Africa

horrific effects of global warming and climate change, growing poverty, the merciless and unchecked march of killer diseases, inadequate healthcare facilities, famine and crop failure, it is logical to expect the African media, that much-vaunted watchdog of society, to take a greater interest in and play a bigger role in demonstrating its commitment to the common good. Critics see the media as sensationally obsessed with their own sense of self-importance; it is either their way or the highway, they say of the media. Such criticism is often By Amadou Mahtar Ba “... Were it left to me to decide given credence by the utterances of whether we should have a media owners who argue that as the Amadou Mahtar Ba is the Chief government without newspapers or fourth estate, the media should not Executive of the African Media newspapers without a government, be required to submit to any form of Initiative (AMI), a pan-African effort I should not hesitate a moment to regulation. Why? Because they are aimed at providing the continent’s prefer the latter.” an indispensable social institution media owners and practitioners with This strong endorsement of the whose primary duty is to the people the tools they need to play an effective fundamental role of the media in and not some pretentious regulator. role in their societies. He is also a co- human societies expressed in 1787 There is some merit in such an founder and Chairman of AllAfrica by the third President of the USA, argument but only to the extent Global Media, Inc — owner and Thomas Jefferson, still resonates in that the media themselves justify operator of http://allafrica.com — the 21st century and is regularly their freedom with a commitment an international multi-media content echoed by world leaders. to responsible or ethical behaviour. service provider, systems technology Increasingly, this presumed role of For it is at the level of media developer and the largest distributor the media has become less of an freedom and responsibility – as of African news and information echo and more of an exhortation. Tanzania recently demonstrated worldwide. He attended the 1991 The conversation now taking place with its industry-wide-endorsed Windhoek Conference. at media conferences, in newsrooms Declaration of Editorial Freedom, and in government and donor circles Independence and Responsibility is that the fourth estate needs to (Defir) – that the media can build take seriously its role as an agent a sound and solid justification for of social change. And that means claiming the watchdog role. aligning its editorial agenda with But, as Professor Guy Berger the aspirations of the people. observes, a watchdog role will References to concepts like devel- achieve little without a deeper opment journalism and a new psy- appreciation of what really ails chology of journalists are gaining Africa. Understand the reality of currency, and there is a great push Africa first, he told delegates at for the media to focus more on so- the March 2010 Pan African Media cial issues. Conference in Nairobi, then fix it. Against the background of the Implicit in that statement is an

Media in Africa - 2011 | 53 exhortation to the media to adopt optimism is as inspiring as is Sen’s and all the positive good that stems a solution-based approach as endorsement of the role of free from having responsible and ac- demonstrated by Nobel Prize winner media. But let’s get real. countable authority. It accepts as a Amartya Sen. Despite this upbeat mood, the truism that media are irreplaceable In his book, Poverty and Famines: media sector still faces many public watchdogs, providing a plat- An Essay on Entitlement and challenges that prevent it from form for a well-informed citizenry Deprivation (1981), Sen argues that fulfilling its promise: from repeated to endorse or sanction its leaders. In no famine has ever taken place in vicious attacks on press freedom, addition, media that perform their a country with multi-party politics very little technology adaptation watchdog role by making govern- and a free media. Famine, he says, and the almost impossible task of ment actions more transparent occurs not from a lack of food, accessing capital, to a lack of ethical helps spur economic development but from inequalities built into its leadership within a large number of overall by making it more difficult distribution. Fix that reality and half media organisations. for public funds to be embezzled. the famine problem is resolved. It is Lack of ethical leadership, in The danger is that the political on record that his work on the causes particular, is of growing concern class often mistakes this critical of famine led to the development of as evidenced in the recent general role of the media, especially, for practical solutions for preventing election in Tanzania, the goings- “irresponsibility”, leading many or limiting the effects of real or on in Uganda, the 2008 civil strife important media players to be perceived shortages of food. It is a in Kenya and the 1994 genocide labelled state “enemies”. In this lesson the media and policymakers in Rwanda. In all these cases, the regard, AMI is forthright in affirming in much of Africa would do well to media’s shameless partisanship flew its defence of the media as a friend learn. in the face of the much-touted and not enemy of the people. ethical principles they claim to African media do not want to be ascribe to. and will never be the enemy. We are “... Were it left to me To help address these core the friend of African progress, the to decide whether constraints, the African Media partner of African success and an Initiative (AMI) has embarked on an important element of the African we should have a ambitious programme of activities renaissance. government without anchored around strengthening By stating this belief, we at AMI the sector from the owners’ and are not denying that in some newspapers or operators’ perspective. Indeed, these unfortunate instances some media newspapers without key players have traditionally not houses have participated in failing been involved in media development their societies. That needs to be a government, I efforts. Yet they hold the future corrected. should not hesitate a of private and independent media Indeed, for African media to play houses in their hands. their fundamental and critical roles moment to prefer the The African Media Leaders Forum of strengthening our nations, it latter.” (AMLF) is precisely designed to ad- is essential that their leaders take dress this anomaly by bringing to- themselves and their operations gether every year some of the most seriously. That is why African media In July 2009, in his historic address respected media owners and opera- leaders attending the 3rd AMLF to Africa from Ghana, US President tors from around the continent. This in Yaoundé, Cameroon, on 18-19 Barack Obama emphasised that an flagship AMI programme represents November 2010, recommended that “independent press is part of the a unique platform to discuss the AMI spearheads an industry-led capable, reliable and transparent challenges and opportunities they process to develop a “Leadership institutions that will lead Africa to face and provides them with the and Guiding Principles” code for success in the 21st century”. necessary tools to fully participate the exclusive use of African media Yes, we can, but only if we can in the economic and human devel- owners and operators. tame the enemy within. Fixing the opment of the continent. This work has started in Kenya reality that is the sorry state of the AMI does not waiver in its belief that and we are looking forward to re- continent is one thing; leading the strong, independent and profession- port significant progress at the 4th continent to success in this century al media are central to achieving AMLF to be held in Tunisia on 9-11 is a different kettle of fish. Obama’s and maintaining good governance November 2011. We cannot overes-

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timate the importance of this project for our sector in a con- Journalists rooting out text that is profoundly marked by technological changes which corruption in Africa make it possible for almost anyone anywhere to generate and widely disseminate content. To save the future of journalism in Africa and guarantee the emergence and success of good democratic governance as well as economic and human development, we need a coalition of visionary media leaders committed to the highest standards of ethics both in their newsrooms and in their business units. AMI will keep working tirelessly to achieve this objective for African media to become and remain pluralistic, independent and the honest voice of the people. In terms of declarations By Naomi Hunt Corruption is a problem. In fact, with of intent, Tanzania is well on the armed conflict, it is a major impedi- way of achieving that objective. Naomi Hunt has worked as a press ment to development. According to On the ground, though, the sto- freedom adviser for Africa and the statistics published on StopCorrup- ry is dramatically different, as Middle East at the International tion.eu, 25 percent of African coun- documented by the Media Insti- Press Institute (IPI), Vienna, Austria, tries’ GDP is lost to corruption each tute of Southern Africa’s book, since 2009. year. Corruption inflates the costs So this is Democracy? The pub- of achieving the Millennium Devel- lication, launched in Windhoek opment Goals (MDGs), too. Accord- on World Press Freedom Day ing to one statistic that the website in March this year, takes a dim lists, the cost of meeting the MDG view of what it calls the “mer- on clean water and sanitation will cenary” conduct of the media be $48 billion more than it should during Tanzania’s October 2010 as a result of corruption. Kickbacks, general election. graft, bribery, the misappropriation That’s the other reality that of funds – all undermine democracy needs to be fixed before the and take resources away from those media can effectively take up who need them most. its role in the socio-political While governments and NGOs have development of Africa. recognised the importance of increasing accountability and transparency, and many African countries have instituted anti-corruption commissions, many have failed to promote a free and professional media as a way to combat corruption. Journalists hold governments accountable by uncovering corruption and by helping sustain public pressure so that corrupt officials

Media in Africa - 2011 | 55 are brought to book. It seems logi- demand it – using national security, the institutions on which we rely on cal that those interested in fighting criminal libel or contempt of court to hold politicians and corporations corruption should help to bolster a laws. Journalists are also subject accountable – efforts to beat strong, independent media by pro- to intimidation and harassment by corruption will be compromised. tecting press freedom, improving police and political party supporters, As a consequence of the threats, access to information or even di- and media houses are sometimes attacks and prosecutions, many rectly supporting journalist training raided and their equipment journalists stay away from ‘hot’ initiatives. confiscated. topics such as corruption. Donor countries have recognised It goes without saying that attacks Media houses also need resources, the importance of access to on journalists, raids and equipment especially time, and journalists information – by journalists and the seizures must end. But governments with special skills to carry out public – as a means of combating that are serious about combating accountability reporting. IPI recently corruption. In March 2010, after a corruption must also stop began a corruption reporting survey series of corruption scandals broke prosecuting journalists who report among journalists. To date, most in Kenya, officials from 20 European on corruption involving police, African respondents have written Union countries warned the country public officials or other members that more training is required if that they would not market it to of the state apparatus. Even when the media is to effectively play its outside investors unless officials these prosecutions don’t succeed – role in exposing corruption. Other proved they were serious about which they often do not – they serve issues raised include the need for fighting corruption. Among the as a form of harassment which costs corruption accusations to be de- recommended actions was a call for media houses time and money. politicised and for there to be more a Freedom of Information bill to be ‘independent information’ on which passed. to base reports. Corruption is a pressing public “As a consequence of Gwen Lister, founder and editor of concern: the BBC World Service the threats, attacks The Namibian in Windhoek, said in recently released a poll showing a written interview with IPI about that corruption is the world’s most- and prosecutions, the state of corruption reporting in discussed problem. Respondents in many journalists Namibia: “I’d like to see a lot more Kenya and Nigeria said they had serious and in-depth reporting, discussed corruption with friends stay away from rather than isolated instances of and family over the past month at ‘hot’ topics such as reporting on corruption.” She added: rates of 63 percent and 49 percent, corruption.” “Apart from skills, we often lack the respectively. Globally, corruption is resources in terms of time to spend seen as the second biggest problem on such investigations. For there to after extreme poverty. Further, journalists must be allowed be an improvement we would also In reaction to the consensus at to comment on ongoing court cases need journalists who specialise in home and abroad that corruption dealing with corruption – as judicial specific areas, such as financial/ must be stopped, government corruption is a serious barrier to economics reporting.” officials are speaking up against the prosecution of other kinds of To reveal some of the most egregious, corruption. But though there has corruption. high-level cases of corruption, it may been some prosecution of corrupt Legislation that provides access to be necessary for journalists to be officials and the restitution of information is often lacking, and keyed in across national boundaries, funds, the journalists who report should be implemented. too. Organisations like FAIR (Forum on corruption or who help sustain In the same way that police officers, for African Investigative Reporters) political pressure in a particular judges and other public servants have recognised this, and FAIR case of alleged corruption may who do not receive an adequate recently published an investigation nonetheless find themselves in hot wage feel they need to seek bribes, into football corruption that water. journalists in many countries receive included reporting from several The pattern is repeated in countries little or no compensation for their different African countries – an around Africa and the rest of the work which can lead to payment attempt to look for patterns of world: public officials proclaim their for favourable articles or silence. corruption across the region. commitment to transparency but Obviously, if there is corruption There is reason for optimism that crack down on the journalists who within the judiciary and the media – the next 20 years will see a rollback

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in corruption. The international community is increasingly Putting more emphasis on tuned in to the importance of journalism as a way to guarantee policy and pluralism transparency in business, politics and development aid distribution. The main reason for optimism is the strength of the journalists who see corruption as one facet of the news that must be reported as it happens, every day. Despite a lack of political will in many countries to seriously tackle corruption, and despite the prosecutions, attacks and harassment of media and reporters, there are still journalists willing to dig deeper and reveal the truth. Before his untimely death earlier this year in a car accident, Cameroonian journalist Pius By Jane Duncan Since 1991, the Windhoek Decla- Njawe, who had been arrested ration has become the yardstick to 126 times and imprisoned three Professor Jane Duncan is Highway measure transformation of the Af- times, said: “A word can be more Africa Chair of Information Society, rican press from a state-controlled powerful that a weapon and at the School of Journalism and to an independent sector. Twenty I believe that with the word … Media Studies, Rhodes University, years on, the Declaration remains we can build a better world and South Africa. She was formerly the relevant, in the light of set-backs make happier people. So, why executive director of the Freedom of over the past decade. give up while duty still calls? Expression Institute in Johannesburg. The moral of the story is that unless No one will silence me, except the media pull out all the stops The Lord, before I achieve what to secure conditions for media I consider as a mission in my freedom in times of ‘peace’ between native country, in Africa and, governments and the media, they why not, in the world.” may find themselves with very little leverage if hostilities break out between the two parties. The media must not simply trust government’s promises that they will maintain media freedom; they must ensure that policies and structures are put in place to guarantee media freedom going into the future. Where constitutional reform is possible, then freedom of expression and access to information should be guaranteed as stand-alone rights, with media freedom being given special emphasis. These constitutional rights should be codified into legislation, and existing censorship legislation should be

Media in Africa - 2011 | 57 repealed or reformed. systems, promotion of local content The media, too, may be resistant to However, policy should precede leg- and the like. campaigns for media pluralism, as islative reforms, otherwise changes some may benefit from a concen- will be made in a policy vacuum. trated media. Concentration may at Policies should spell out the broad “But all too often, times be necessary to guarantee the vision not just for the media, but governments want economies of scale and scope that for communications transformation are necessary to ensure survival. But as a whole. Otherwise, legacy me- subjects, not citizens it is far easier for governments to dia may land up being overtaken by — the former are less influence information flow in con- events. All too often, governments centrated media markets, than it do not spell out their own assump- likely to challenge is in pluralistic ones. In the former, tions in reforming communications. abuses of power than it may take just one government- This may be deliberate, for instance the latter.” linked buy-out of a key media house where a government wants to struc- to gain control a big chunk of the ture the landscape by stealth — in media. So it is important that the ways that may benefit government On the other hand, Ministries of media think beyond their own short officials or private businesses linked Information tend to focus on con- term interests on the concentration to government. But a government trolling the content of communica- question. may also simply lack policy capacity. tions to achieve particular national Arguably, civil society has expended Civil society organisations have been objectives. In practice, they tend to enormous energy thinking about relatively effective in spelling out the become tools for government, and and campaigning for the ‘independ- tasks to be undertaken to transform more narrowly, for ruling party con- ent’ part of the Windhoek Decla- the media from a state-controlled trol of the media. ration, but not enough energy has to an independent sector. But there The biggest guarantor of media gone into the ‘pluralistic’ part. Un- has been too little serious work on independence, though, is pluralism, less this lacuna is addressed, then how government communications as citizens can then access control-oriented governments may should be transformed. alternative sources of information continue to outflank the media. A key principle for civil society is if the state attempts to control Conditions must be created where that government communications information flow. But all too often government control of the media should facilitate communication and governments are reluctant to becomes impossible, and these con- interaction between government implement positive measures to ditions are even more possible now and citizens in a dialogic manner, promote and safeguard pluralism. than they were 20 years ago. In spite rather than talking to citizens and This means that as media markets of some setbacks in press freedom telling them what to think. The open up, they may land up being over the past decade, there is cause former is more appropriate to a dominated by a few voices. to be optimistic. democracy that seeks to encourage Governments have also resisted citizenship. But all too often, transforming state broadcasters governments want subjects, not into public broadcasters and citizens — the former are less likely establishing independent regulators. to challenge abuses of power than These remain urgent tasks. But as the latter. recent events in Egypt and Tunisia This is why many African countries have shown, if internet and mobile still have Ministries of Information. penetration is high, then alternative Ideally these should be replaced communications networks can be with Ministries of Communication. set up. The two differ (or should differ). In the converged communications Communications Ministries are space, civil society must ensure that meant to facilitate access to everyone has affordable access to communications through the the means of communication. That development of national policy situation will then undermine any on issues like universal access to government attempts to control communications networks, diverse information, as citizens can circulate ownership of communications information much more easily.

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African journalists need protection

brutality in their repression of protests. Photojournalists and videographers frequently see their memory cards seized and their cameras smashed, or they are forced to delete images at gunpoint. This has been happening despite much publicised “media-sensitivity” or human rights training of African security forces by external military forces like those of AFRICOM. To add insult to injury, African leaders regularly endanger the lives of journalists by publicly demonising the press for reporting local unrest, By Mohamed Keita During the darkest moments of likening such coverage to treason, the five-month crisis that followed or incitement. President Yoweri Mohamed Keita is Africa Advocacy the disputed November 2010 Museveni recently described media Coordinator with the New York-based presidential elections in Cote reporting protests against rising Committee to Protect Journalists. D’Ivoire, a press card was, for many fuel prices as “enemies of Uganda’s He regularly gives interviews to Ivorian journalists, the worst item recovery,” while in Ethiopia Meles international news media on press that could be uncovered by querying Zenawi’s government jailed 15 edi- freedom issues in Africa. armed men at the myriad of tors on anti-state charges including checkpoints dividing the main city treason over editorials criticising Abidjan into pockets loyal to either the killing of demonstrators after a then-President Laurent Gbagbo, or disputed 2005 election. his rival Alassane Ouattara. The public nature of journalism The division of the Ivorian press exposes media professionals to into rival partisan “blue” (Gbagbo) incredible risks. Local journalists and “green” (Ouattara) camps covering local stories are particularly meant that each side perceived vulnerable because they lack the journalists as spies or militants of sort of institutional and diplomatic the rival camp. Security risks typical support protecting international of an armed conflict confronted journalists. journalists: threats, kidnappings, intimidation, and even murder. n the battleground neighborhoods Today, frontline journalists working Iof Abidjan, Ivorian journalists in the streets of Douala, Harare, running for their lives had no Kampala, Lomé, and other places one to turn to but themselves. face the most precarious security With the country’s press unions risks, particularly those carrying rendered moribund by years of recording equipment. They are internal infighting, government vulnerable targets for security pressure and cynicism of the forces determined to suppress what senior journalists leading them, a are often compromising photos breakaway organiser emerged in the and video footage showing deadly person of the energetic Stéphane

Media in Africa - 2011 | 59 Goué, an upstart photojournalist for the purpose of identifying their popular for negotiating a deal for sources. free phone calls between journalists There are also efforts made to dis- on the network of a local telecom suade sources from coming forward. company. In Kenya, journalists defeated a bill Goué launched the Ivorian in 2007 that would have forced Committee to Protect Journalists them to reveal sources in court, (CIPJ) in 2010 and in March 2011, he but their colleagues in South Af- organised the evacuation of a dozen rica have been battling a “secrecy of his colleagues from Abidjan after bill,” pushed by the ruling ANC, that he himself came under threats for initially threatened to impose a 20- publicly speaking out against media year jail sentence on journalists and abuses. Goué sought the help of whistleblowers who exposed official UN peacekeepers on the ground, documents. In Cameroon in 2010, to secure evacuation of stranded journalist Germain Cyrille Ngota journalists through an airlift from died in prison after his arrest over the city. It was then that the the sources of a purportedly leaked Committee to Protect Journalists document alleging corruption at based in the USA intervened, as an the state oil company. external pressure group, to expedite As more and more African journalists the evacuation and sensitise the UN join bloggers and citizen journalists leadership that journalists should be on the internet, many are largely a top priority in the broad mandate unprepared for the state-sponsored of protection of civilians. dangers and censorship that lurk online. Cyber security is a constantly evolving, but it is becoming part “In Cameroon in of the vital toolkit for new media 2010, journalist professionals who report news from places like Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Germain Cyrille Zimbabwe. Ngota died in prison after his arrest over the sources of a purportedly leaked document alleging corruption at the state oil company.“

The protection of journalists entails shielding their confidential sources, particularly those acting as whistleblowers who hold institutions to their promise of accountability and transparency. But security forces frequently seize journalists’ mobile phones, an essential reporting tool, or indubitably put pressure on telecom companies to illegally obtain phone records of journalists,

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Tribute to a committed photojournalist

The troops crested it, and opened fire wildly. The rebels, whom Anton and the four had been documenting, scattered. Anton lay, mortally wounded, as his three companions screamed at the troops to cease fire. The soldiers knew they’d made a mistake — Anton’s colleagues have no doubt about that. In the heat of war, young and scared they’d fired first — with devastating consequences. The three surviving journalists made a pact, they could not tell the world about Anton’s death because they By Kevin Ritchie The news when it came was like a knew they had witnessed a war punch to the solar plexus. “Anton’s crime. If they spoke out, they might Kevin Ritchie is managing editor of been taken prisoner in Libya.” jeopardise their own lives and never the Saturday Star. It was late at night, but the social live to tell the truth about what networks were abuzz shortly after- happened to Anton. wards, closely followed by the wire services and then the newspapers. “Anton was a And then the wait began. For 46 days, Anton’s family, friends committed journalist and former colleagues gave one to the very end. He another succour, held vigils in Cape Town, Johannesburg and London was fearless, though and pushed the South African never foolhardy, government to act to get him freed. Posters were brandished, T-shirts and he never lost pulled over work shirts and talk the quintessential show hosts inundated on radio and integrity of his craft TV. The not-knowing was the worst. The as a photojournalist.” snippets that everyone seized would turn out to be half-truths, sinister Anton Hammerl was a newspaper- pointers towards the real story that man, a hardcore news photographer, everyone feared, but didn’t want to an artist, a father, a husband and a hear — Anton had been killed the friend. day the three other journalists who Johannesburg-born and bred to he was with outside Brega were Austrian parents, he enrolled at captured. the renowned Pretoria Technikon’s The four of them, all freelancers, had photographic school, but left before been with rebel soldiers when the qualifying to follow his dream of government troops crested the hill. becoming a news photographer.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 61 Initally he spent time freelancing at Anton was a committed journalist to The Star under the mentorship of the the very end. He was fearless, though paper’s legendary chief photographer, never foolhardy, and he never lost the late Ken Oosterbroek. He was the quintessential integrity of his then appointed Chief Photographer craft as a photojournalist. He paid of the publication’s sister paper the for it all with his life. Saturday Star, a position he held for 10 years before leaving for Britain Anton Hammerl was the ninth five years ago with his wife Penny African photojournalist to be and their family to pursue freelance killed in the line of duty since the opportunities there. Windhoek Declaration of 1991. When he left, he’d already made his Data from the Committee to Protect mark on the local scene amassing Journalists lists the others as: awards like the 1997 World Press • Abdulkhafar Abdulkadir – Photo Joop Swart Masterclass; freelance (Somalian, killed in the Abdul Shariff Humanitarian Somalia), December 3, 2009 photographer of the year award • Samson Boyi – The Scope twice — in 1997 and 1999; the (Nigerian, killed in Nigeria), Mondi Shanduka Photographer of November 5, 1999 the year in 2005 and the Fuji Africa • Djilali Arabidou – Algérie- News Image of the year in 2006. Actualité (Algerian, killed in His death in the Libyan desert Algeria) March 12, 1996 touched the local journalism • Ken Oosterbroek – The Star community, cutting across corporate (South African, killed in South rivalries and the divide between Africa) April 18, 1994 broadcast and print in a way never • Madjid Yacef – L’Hebdo Libéré seen since Oosterbroek was shot and (Algerian, killed in Algeria) killed by the National Peacekeeping March 20, 1994 Force weeks before South Africa’s • Abdul Shariff – freelance (South landmark 1994 elections. African, killed in South Africa) The reason this time was that this January 9, 1994 too was a revolution everyone • Djamel Bouhidel – Nouveau believed would happen - and indeed Tell (Algerian, killed in Algeria) believed needed to happen - yet October 5, 1993 unlike 1994, the eyes of the world • Hosea Maina – Reuters (Kenyan, were on Libya, but the main news killed in Somalia), July 12, 1993 organisations were not prepared to Four more photojournalists, from send anyone there. outside Africa, have also been killed It was too dangerous, the situation on the continent over the past 20 was too fluid with vast swathes of years: territory changing hands between • Lucas Mebrouk Dolega – rebels and government forces in the European Pressphoto Agency space of a day. (French, killed in Tunisia), Nobody asked Anton to go there. No January 17, 2011 one paid him to go there. He felt a • Martin Adler – freelance compulsion as a journalist to record (Swedish, killed in Somalia), and document a story that the June 23, 2006 bigger fish in the journalism world • Hansi Krauss – Associated Press couldn’t find the resolve to do. (German, killed in Somalia), July He did so knowing full well the 12, 1993 risks. He left a young family behind • Dan Eldon – Reuters (USA, killed in London, his second son Hiro not in Somalia), July 12, 1993. Hammerl’s portraits: Archbishop even four-months-old, to cover the Tutu, the Dalai Lama, Angelique Kidjo story.

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Anton Hammerl, at the time working for the Saturday Star, won a Mondi Shanduka Nib for taking the top award for news photography in the 1996 Mondi Shanduka Newspaper Journalism Awards. The judges said he was a clear winner for the series, titled “Mugger meets his match”. The sequence had all the qualities of a great news photograph – dramatic, action-packed, and well-composed.

In the same competition he also won a commendation in the feature photography category, for his portrayal of a priest turned warlord in northern Uganda. The judges wrote: “This is a powerful depiction of a man caught up in his past, as evidenced by his face, arrogant pose and backdrop of biblical scenes.” Taken in Gulu, one of the largest towns in the north of Uganda, former warlord Ray Adire was persuaded to pose for this photo. He was once a priest, but was abducted to serve in the Lord’s Resistance Army. He rose up to be a commander in the rebel group before becoming disillusioned and surrendering to Ugandan soldiers, one of whom stands behind him.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 63 Libya, 1st April 2011. Photo by Anton Hammerl, Africa Media Online

Hammerl’s last photographs were of Benghazi-based anti-Gadaffi fighters 10km outside the recaptured town of Brega, engaged on an ever-moving frontline. On 8 April, loyalist forces attempted to re-capture the city. Taking advantage of a disorganised rebel retreat, the Gadaffi troops entered the city and had taken control of most of it by 9 April. However, rebel forces soon regrouped and had pushed pro-Gaddafi forces out of the city by 11 April, with heavy support from NATO airstrikes. The front line then stagnated outside of the city, 40 km down the road to Brega. Loyalist shells continued to intermittently strike the western gate and outskirts.

Libya, 3rd April 2011. Photo by Anton Hammerl, Africa Media Online

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African media should inspire understanding, not incite hatred

and commentators have provided the three-part test as a standard by which to assess whether or not content restriction by any state is permissible. According to the test: • freedom of expression limitations must be provided by law, in sufficiently clear terms as to make it foreseeable whether or not a statement may be deemed offensive or permissible, • any such restrictions must be directed at one of the following goals: ensuring respect of the rights or reputations of others, or protecting national security, By Henry Maina Africa states, like other states glo- public order, public health or bally, are allowed - and in some public morals, Henry Maina is the Director, ARTICLE respects obliged - to prohibit dan- • legitimate limits must be 19 Eastern Africa. He previously gerous speech that has a high prob- strictly necessary for the worked as the Deputy Director of ability to stir violence, discrimina- achievement of that goal, Legal Resources Foundation (Kenya). tion or hatred. including that no suitable Incitement to genocide is equally alternative measure exists forbidden and is an international which would be less harmful to crime akin to war crimes and crimes freedom of expression. against humanity. Ironically, though, The three tests make sense in legal the African Charter has no provisions theory but remain challenging in on incitement similar to those regard to how they may be applied in Article 20 of the International in practice. Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Nevertheless, there “How have states is an international consensus on these issues. identified incitement What remains open to debate, to genocide, violence, however, is how states identify hate speech – and what measures discrimination and they take to deal with it. These hatred in Africa so matters are sometimes a source of conflict due to undue limitations on far?” freedom of expression and media freedom. This is because it remains The legal definition of incitement a daunting task to precisely define was not elaborated by the the crime of incitement to genocide, Nuremberg tribunal in 1946 of Julias hatred, violence or discrimination. Streicher, a newspaper editor, and International human rights scholars Has Fritzche, a radio broadcasting

Media in Africa - 2011 | 65 official. It took over 50 years until discrimination and hatred in (Maintenance) Act) uses “promotes the International Criminal Tribunal Africa so far? While incitement to feelings of hostility” on the one for Rwanda (ICTR) in 1998 handed violence or hatred – including by hand and on the other talks about down the world’s first conviction for politicians, community leaders or “abusive, insulting and threatening incitement to genocide. journalists – has actually resulted in language in the Miscellaneous ICTR has since played an important massive violence in many countries, Offences Act. Uganda and Rwanda normative role in giving clarity to the continent is replete with a have another conceptualisation jurisprudence on incitement to patchwork of concepts, approaches of incitement as sectarianism. genocide through its numerous and interpretations. However, sectarianism is not indictments and prosecutions in This means there is a significant defined but carries connotations for the so-called media cases. This can difference or variation across separatism or secessionism. be highlighted by the Prosecutor v countries in how the prohibition This patchwork of law has in some Nahimana, Barayagwiza and Ngeze and the threshold of incitement countries been used to chill media case where three individuals alleged have been defined by laws and freedom and gag journalists from to have been the masterminds regulations. Seldom is the wording giving voice to the voiceless. behind a media campaign to de- of article 20 of the ICCPR found For the media not to be caught sensitise the Hutu population and enshrined in domestic legislation. up as a propagator of hate, Article incite them to murder the Tutsi Indeed, some domestic laws fail to 19 proposes that journalists population were prosecuted and refer to “incitement” as such. should demonstrate a moral and convicted. In Kenya, the National Cohesion social responsibility to combat Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean Bosco and Integration Act article 13 uses discrimination and promote Barayagwiza were members of the the terms “threatening, abusive or intercultural understanding. steering committee that founded insulting”. South Africa’s Promotion One big lesson is that media Radio Television Libre Des Mille of Equality and Prevention of Unfair pluralism and diversity offers the Collines (RTLM). Hassan Ngeze was Discrimination Act article 12 makes safest way to ensure the media is the owner, founder and editor of reference to “incite harm; promote not captured by a single group of the popular and widely distributed or propagate hatred,” while the powerful people who could then Kangura newsletter. Films and Publications Act article 29 use it as a tool for incitement – as How have states identified uses “incites to imminent violence”. was the case in Rwanda. incitement to genocide, violence, In Zimbabwe, the Law and Order Africa’s legal environment — enabling or disabling? By Henry Maina

The second decade of the 21st “...promote freedom Article 9 of the Charter states: Century is a fitting moment to 1. Every individual shall have the look back at 20 years after Africa’s of expression, in right to receive information; second liberation. This is necessary particular freedom 2. Every individual shall have the given the revolutions in the Arab- right to express and disseminate his world and the recent less publicised of the press opinion within the law. resistance in Angola, Uganda, and and fostering a The Charter has since been ratified Swaziland. by all African Union member states In this context, how is African free- professional media”. (excluding non-member, Morocco). dom of expression, including free- In determining a communication dom of the media, being protected continent had its first binding against the republic of Botswana, by law? instrument on fundamental rights the ACHPR affirmed that freedom The 1991 Windhoek Declaration adopted — the African Charter on of expression under the Charter was endorsed 10 years after the Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR). has two arms: the right to receive

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information and the right to express vention on Preventing and Combat- is that at constitutional level, mostly and disseminate opinion. Some ing Corruption and related offences yes, but national statutes continue countries like Kenya, Nigeria, and — especially articles 5 and 9 which to be a big threat. Such threats are Tanzania have incorporated the seek legislative measures that pro- increasing with the passage of anti- Charter into national law, meaning tect whistleblowers as well as access terrorism laws especially in Ethiopia, that its applicability can be enforced to information laws. Similarly, arti- Uganda, and Sudan and some gov- by local courts. cle 12 provides legitimacy for media ernments’ overzealous approach to and civil society organisations to control the internet. “Eighteen states have engage in the affairs of the state in One way forward might include combating of corruption. testing national laws against these clear provisions in The 2007 African Charter on De- continental instruments, within one way or another mocracy, Elections and Governance, each national jurisdiction and at commits governments to promoting ACHPR. But there is also the African guaranteeing conditions to foster “citizen par- Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights freedom of ticipation, transparency, access to, which has an overall mandate to information.” freedom of the press and account- rule on Africa states’ compliance ability in the management of public with the African Charter and which affairs”. In addition, it prescribes “fair complements the protective role of The retention of archaic legislation — and equitable access by contest- the ACHPR. despite that likelihood that it would ing parties and candidates to state However, access to the court remains not pass muster with international controlled media during elections”. dependent on the 25 AU member human rights law — is mostly (ill-) To advance political, economic and states that have ratified the Court’s informed by the caveat on article social governance, state parties are protocol making a declaration that 9 of the Africa charter, “within the required to “promote freedom of will allow individuals and NGOs with law”. expression, in particular freedom observer status to file a case against Yet laws like official secrets, criminal of the press and fostering a profes- them. So far only four countries, defamation and other insult laws, sional media”. namely Burkina Faso, Malawi, sedition and treason laws used to At the national level, most African Mali and Tanzania have made the persecute journalists fly in the face countries have general provisions declaration. of the positive legal instruments guaranteeing freedom of expression Although the Human Rights court agreed at the continental, sub- in their constitutions. This includes based in Arusha, Tanzania, is being regional, and national levels after the Eritrean Constitution — approved operationalised, it will be merged the Windhoek Declaration. in 1997 but not implemented. with the Court of Justice and Hu- Such instruments include the Eighteen states have clear provisions man and Peoples’ Rights to form the 2000 African Union Charter in one way or another guaranteeing “Africa Court of Justice and Human which underscored the centrality freedom of information — these Rights” once the protocol establish- of all fundamental human rights are Angola, Cameroon, Democratic ing the latter enters into force. It is as captured in the Universal Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, a site that could contribute to cre- Declaration of Human Rights and Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, ating a more enabling environment the International Covenant on Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, for media on the continent. Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, These retrogressive laws also violate Uganda and Zimbabwe . The number the decision of the ACHPR in 2002 gets lower as only seven countries to adopt a declaration on principles have passed at least nominal of Freedom of Expression — which freedom of information laws — to date remains the strongest South Africa, Angola, Uganda, elaboration of article 9 of the Ethiopia, Liberia, Nigeria, and African Charter. Zimbabwe. The laws in Zimbabwe On another positive note at the con- and Angola stress exceptions, more tinental level, the African Union has than access. adopted two regional instruments Therefore, the answer to the key to advancement of freedom of question whether freedom of ex- expression. One is the African Con- pression is effectively protected

Media in Africa - 2011 | 67 Criminalisation of expression in Africa

Besides these problematic laws, the lack of independence of the judiciary in many countries has also been a challenge for the development of progressive jurisprudence on freedom of expression. And in many cases, security threats, the high probability of imprisoning journalists and the routine imposition of huge financial penalties against media owners have all prevented the media from covering sensitive issues. Investigative journalism has been hampered. Causing offense to heads of states is an absurd and vague notion present in the penal codes in many African By Fatou Jagne Senghore The right to freedom of expression countries. These codes do not give is an essential ingredient of de- a precise definition and scope of Fatou Jagne Senghore, Regional mocracy. It is recognised by major such offenses, and this has opened Representative ARTICLE 19 West international treaties and national floodgates for lawsuits against Africa, is a legal expert with more than constitutions. Despite positive de- journalists and has extensively in- 10 years experience of specialising in velopments witnessed over the last creased the scope of speech likely to media law and policies issues and on 20 years, particularly with respect to be deemed offensive. Mere opinions the African regional system of human pluralism and diversity of the me- critical of political powers have of- rights. dia, freedom of expression remains ten been criminalised. one of the most controversial and The European Court of Human violated rights on the African con- Rights (ECHR) has condemned laws tinent. that criminalise “insulting” Heads African countries have many laws of State as being contrary to the with vague and undue restrictions European Convention on Human that criminalise a wide range of Rights. That Court found that the expression, and thereby undermine offence of insulting foreign heads of constitutional guarantees and in- state was liable to infringe freedom ternational commitments of states. of expression without meeting a Indeed, in many parts of the conti- “pressing social need” capable of nent, the restrictions have become justifying a restriction of that type. the principle, and freedom of ex- (Case Colombani and others against pression the exception. France ECHR 330, 25.6.2002). The The harsh and vague nature of case concerned the late king of criminal sanctions for speech are Morocco. one of the major causes of self- Criminalising the defamation of censorship on the continent. Most public officials is another trend that of the laws that criminalise speech runs counter to modern democratic are crafted in such a manner as to rules. But such defamation cases allow intolerant and abusive public remain on the top of the list of officials to interpret clauses so as to lawsuits before the courts in punish critical voices. many African countries, with the

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majority of the cases brought by to work in an environment of leaders and journalists have been public officials. The Declaration of fear and their security remains under pressure from governments. Principles on Freedom of Expression fragile. Court actions and arbitrary This has changed slightly since the in Africa has called on states to detentions using harsh media laws recent Arab spring. revise their laws on defamation have made The Gambia one of the In Senegal, despite the relative (principle XII). most unsafe places for journalists in freedoms enjoyed by writers, un- Even countries with traditions of West Africa. conventional writers like journalist freedom of expression have witnessed In Rwanda, the “genocide ideology Abdoulatif Coulibaly have faced nu- a rise in the use of defamation laws and sectarianism law” is particularly merous counts of indirect censor- to pressure journalists to disclose over-broad. It includes a number of ship. He himself has received death their sources and/or to silence the undue and unreasonable restrictions threats. press. Senegal and Benin are cases that violates international stand- In Africa, Ghana has been a pioneer in in point. In Senegal, since 2000, ards. Over the past years, numerous decriminalising defamation, followed there have been an unprecedented law suits have been filed under this by Togo and Central Africa Republic. number of cases of defamation draconian law and in most instances Since then, several countries have filed by influential public officials. political opponents have been tar- followed: Cote D’Ivoire, Chad and Recently in Senegal and Ivory Coast, geted. Niger, and Mauritania is in the journalists have been sued for process. Senegal has promised to stealing administrative documents. “Around Africa, decriminalise defamation since 2005. Countries in conflicts or post con- Currently, a law has been adopted flicts also abuse national security significant numbers by cabinet and submitted to the laws as an alibi to keep the press of journalists have Parliament, but is blocked there due away from reporting on the situa- been jailed under to the reticence of parliamentarians. tion in the ground and enlightening The criminalisation of speech in the public. such criminalising Africa not only violates the rights of Around Africa, significant numbers legislation, and only those speaking, it has the effect of of journalists have been jailed under limiting the free flow of information. such criminalising legislation, and very few of them have only very few of them have had fair had fair trials.” trials. Countries such as DRC, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Libya, Equatorial Writers and musicians have also Guinea, Rwanda, Sudan, Zimbabwe had their share of experiencing and Swaziland have been the most repressive laws. In 2010, a book by prominent in abusing harsh laws Bertrand Teyou on the First Lady of to stifle freedom of expression. Cameroon was banned and its author The case of Eritrea is extremely jailed for defamation. Cameroonian alarming: since 2001, more than a musician Lapiro de Mbanga was dozen journalists have been held accused in 2009 of constitutional incommunicado and without any conspiracy and inciting employees form of trial, accused of treason of a banana farm in his hometown and conniving with the enemy — to destroy the plantations. He was ‘Ethiopia’ among others. All private recently released after international media houses are banned in Eritrea. pressure. Despite international outcry and In 2008, Algeria’s book writer and numerous condemnations, including journalist Mohamed Ben Chicou a decision of the African Commission found his work “Diary of a free on Human and People’s Rights in man” banned. That same year, the 2007, these Eritrean journalists are Director of the Algerian National still languishing in prison under Library was fired from his job for inhuman and degrading conditions. inviting a maverick author to speak. Some have died. In this country, and many other In The Gambia, journalists continue north African nations, opinion

Media in Africa - 2011 | 69 Declaration of Table Mountain helps to drive decriminalisation

in surveys by the World Press Freedom Committee – an international coalition of press freedom organisations of which WAN-IFRA is an active member. Reporters who cover corruption by public officials, misconduct by police or military personnel, dubious public spending and even the health of kings or presidents, continue to be systematically hauled before the courts in many African countries. They also risk incurring charges of endangering national security, destabilising the country, and – in extreme cases – even treason. By Andrew Heslop One of the most widely abused tools As a result, African journalists, edi- used to silence critical journalism tors and publishers are frequently Andrew Heslop is Editor, Press is law that makes defamation a imprisoned for exposing the truth. Freedom and Media Development, at criminal offence. It is deployed In cases where financial compen- the World Association of Newspapers. by governments from Algiers to sation is ordered, exorbitant fines Blantyre, Dakar to Mogadishu. often far outweigh the actual dam- That’s why the global press industry age inflicted. Assets are seized, pub- developed the Declaration of lications are forced to close and in Table Mountain at the 2007 World many cases the accused risk jail if Newspaper Congress in Cape Town, they are unable to pay. South Africa. The declaration In this way, the criminalisation identifies that defamation being of defamation serves to deter treated as a criminal – rather than investigative journalism and reduces civil – matter as amongst the the capacity of the press to fulfil most severe obstacles facing the its role of public watchdog. The independent press in Africa. consequence is that African leaders It also pinpoints ‘insult’ laws that and other officials enjoy virtual forbid criticism of high office as an immunity from criticism. equally serious obstacle. To secure It is no surprise that Zimbabwe the repeal of these laws, the World is very active in using its laws to Association of Newspapers (WAN- harass the critical press. An article IFRA) has been leading a long-term published in The Standard weekly strategic campaign. newspaper owned by independent Across the continent, this legislation publishing house Alpha Media is used to turn journalists into crim- Group highlights the extent to inals, close down their publications which authorities will go to punish and stifle information that is crucial investigative journalism. to safeguarding the public interest. In November 2010, reporter Nqobani Research shows an alarming fre- Ndlovu was arrested for a story that quency of cases based on crimi- alleged the police were recruiting nal defamation. This is evident war veterans loyal to the Zanu-PF

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party of President Robert Mugabe to Holdings Group, in a statement to cause of meaningful, long-lasting take over senior posts ahead of next WAN-IFRA. “However, we are not and effective change. year’s elections. He was charged with intimidated but emboldened to Until Africa is free of criminal making defamatory statements and continue informing the public in a defamation, insult laws and other released after spending nine days in professional and ethical manner,” he laws that allow for suppression a Bulawayo prison. affirmed. of the press, the continent risks That a journalist could be incarcer- The Declaration of Table Mountain remaining in the foothills, rather ated without trial like this is disturb- campaign goes beyond the repeal of than reaching the apex, of the ing enough. But the subsequent es- these obnoxious criminal defamation mountain of progress. calation of this case shows precisely and insult laws. It also aims to have why criminal defamation law has a free and independent press placed become one of the most frequently far higher on the political agenda of used forms of protection for au- African governments. thorities with something to hide. The link between an active and independent press, free from government interference and intimidation, “In this way, the and economic, political and social criminalisation of development is seen as a must for any state with democratic preten- defamation serves to sions. deter investigative There are many steps to achieving the aims of the Declaration, involv- journalism and ing local, regional and international reduces the capacity organisations working in partnership both on the ground and in the of the press to fulfil corridors of power across the con- its role of public tinent. watchdog.” One milestone is amending the Afri- can Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a mutually agreed self-monitoring Initially, Ndlovu was to be charged instrument for African Union mem- with contravening Section 96 of ber states when it comes to review- the Zimbabwean Criminal Law ing governance. The campaign seeks (Codification and Reform) Act to include press freedom as part of related to criminal defamation, with the APRM assessment criteria. any conviction leading to two years’ The Declaration of Table Moun- imprisonment or a fine, or both. tain campaign has been gathering He now faces an additional charge steady momentum. After intense under Section 31 of the same Act, lobbying and direct contact with which deals with the publication of policymakers and government rep- falsehoods prejudicial to the state. resentatives, the NGO forum of If convicted, he could face up to 20 the African Commission for Hu- years in prison. On 30 November man and Peoples’ Rights proposed 2010, The Standard’s editor, Nevanji a resolution on defamation that Madanhire, was also arrested and was adopted by the commission charged with breaching the same in November 2010. section of the Act. This resolution is another tool “The arrest of Nqobani Ndlovu is a in the armoury when it comes big blow against the return of con- to addressing heads of state on fidence in Zimbabwe as far as press their commitment to a free and freedom and freedom of expression independent press. It helps the is concerned,” commented Trevor media, civil society and progressive Ncube, chairman of Alpha Media political voices alike to advance the

Media in Africa - 2011 | 71 Self-regulation for democracy’s sake

the Press Council that had existed during the days of apartheid and created an Ombudsman’s office. In 2007 there was further transformation as the press felt the need to have the voice of the reading public in the mechanism. Thus the current Press Council and Ombudsman’s office came into being. Over the past few short years, however, the politicians started grumbling and those grumbles are now a loud anger at self-regulation. Leaders of the African National Congress (ANC) ruling party have argued that the Ombudsman is By Joe Thloloe Tucked away among the initiatives biased in favour of the publications and projects identified at the semi- because he is a former journalist; Joe Thloloe started his career in the nar that produced the Windhoek that complainants who want to 1960s on the Rand Daily Mail and Declaration is a project on the “de- use the system have to waive their Golden City Post. He is a veteran of velopment and promotion of non- constitutional rights to go to the Drum magazine, the (banned) World governmental regulations and codes courts; that the system does not and (also banned) Post, as well as of ethics in each country in order to have the force of law; and that Sowetan. After democracy, he rose defend more effectively the profes- the Ombudsman is toothless – the to head up SABC TV news in its early sion and ensure its credibility.” only sanctions that the system days, and subsequently occupied the Twenty years later it has become can impose are a reprimand, the same position at e-TV. In 2007, he was urgent to revisit the project and publication of an apology, or a appointed Press Ombudsman, within tackle it with the same vigour that summary of the rulings. the South African Press Council. was shown when Africa fought Each of these criticisms can be colonialism. proved to be false: The irony is that politicians and • the record of the decisions of ordinary citizens in each of our the Ombudsman and of the countries will proclaim: “I love and Press Appeals Panel, headed respect freedom of expression and by a former judge, is public on freedom of the media; I support a our website: two thirds of the free and independent press, but…” findings are in favour of the The rub is in that but phrase. complainants; In South Africa, we enshrined free- • the complainants are informed dom of expression, “which includes of the option to go to the … freedom of the press and other courts or other tribunals and media” in the Constitution and we they voluntarily choose to use believed we were among the pace- the Press Council’s system; and, setters in upholding democracy. finally, Immediately after the Constitution • the vast majority of press was adopted in 1996, the press councils around the world do quickly looked at its system of self- not impose fines because they regulation and amended it to match see their role as educational the new liberation. It transformed rather than punitive.

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The real reasons for the animosity more effectively the profession are lurking under the surface, and ensure its credibility” has to be unspoken, as the more “reasonable” resuscitated in spite of attempts arguments for a “statutory Media by the politicians in South Africa, Appeals Tribunal” in South Africa Botswana, Zambia, Zimbabwe and are marshalled. elsewhere on our continent to Unfortunately these arguments find turn the media into their lapdogs fertile ground among sections of through statutory councils. the public that remember only the We have to do it for the sake of bad journalism. In 2010 the Press democracy and true liberation on Ombudsman’s office received 213 our continent. complaints. One complaint is one Journalists and editors need to get too many, but the 213 measured back to their ethical codes and live against the millions of words that them. Possibilities abound: refresher are churned out in newsrooms in courses on ethics, brown-bag South Africa every day is miniscule. lunches to discuss ethics, talks in Unfortunately it is the 213 that will newsrooms by authorities on ethics. be remembered. They need to be actioned if we The only defence for the media want the legacy of Windhoek to be is a rigorous adherence to good entrenched in our media freedom journalistic ethics: stories that are landscape. “which includes … freedom of the press and other media in the Constitution and we believed we were among the pace- setters in upholding democracy.” truthful, accurate, fair, in context and balanced. Each time they sit down to write, journalists need to remember why they are telling the story. The South African Press Code spells it out: “The primary purpose of gathering and distributing news and opinion is to serve society by informing citizens and enabling them to make informed judgments on the issues of the time.” It has to be credible storytelling, in the public interest. The Windhoek project of developing and promoting non-governmental regulations and codes of ethics in each country “in order to defend

Media in Africa - 2011 | 73 Self-regulation isn’t perfect, but statutory regulation is much worse

i.e. when it is more “responsible”. Fundamental rights do not have to be earned through good or acceptable conduct. Press freedom would be a farce if it meant merely the freedom to report pleasant things. I hold that the greatest right in the world is the right to be wrong and that, in the exercise thereof, people have an inviolable right to express their unbridled thoughts on all topics and personalities, being liable only for the abuse of that right. There have been many complaints from our politicians about the con- By Fred M’membe Self-regulation isn’t perfect, but duct of our press and many have ad- statutory regulation is much worse. vocated for statutory regulation of Fred M’membe is editor in chief of The Few would argue that news media the media. They argue that as one Post, Zambia’s leading independent on our continent always carry out of the basic attributes of democrat- daily, and a veteran crusader for their functions responsibly. They can ic sovereignty, the media should be press freedom. He has incurred the be sensational, superficial, intrusive, regulated by democratically elected persecution of numerous Zambian inaccurate and inflammatory. But as people in parliament and the gov- governments for his outspoken and Nelson Mandela once aptly put it, ernment in general. They also ar- courageous journalism. “… none of our irritations with the gue that it is only through statu- perceived inadequacies of the media tory regulation that severe-enough should ever allow us to suggest sanctions can be imposed to guar- even faintly that the independence antee strict observance of a given of the press could be compromised set of rules. Such sanctions, particu- or coerced.” larly those provided by criminal law, The freedom of the press, and of can then be implemented by state its inalienable right to be the critic authorities like the police and public and mirror of our societies, is under prosecutors. threat on our continent. In saying But there is great opposition to this this, I am not in any way implying approach by other stakeholders who that our people, including our feel statutory regulation is not the politicians, should not take issue best way of addressing deficiencies with the deficiencies of the media. in the media. These groups advocate It is part of the democratic process for self-regulation, under which that they take vigorous issue with those involved in the media draw the media – but without in any way up their own regulations in order implying a right to infringe on the to achieve their objectives and take freedom of the press. full responsibility for monitoring I have never understood the ra- compliance with them. And because tionale of those who seem to be the state is not involved in this form saying that the press will enjoy full of regulation, statutory sanctions rights when it is worthy of them; cannot be imposed.

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Thus, the self-regulation approach is “Nelson Mandela once not primarily based on enforcement by punitive or exemplary sanctions. aptly put it, ‘… none Based on voluntary agreement, of our irritations the conviction that the parties concerned have common objectives with the perceived should ensure effectiveness of this inadequacies of the system. The key element of self- regulation is the voluntary nature media should ever of participation. But those who allow us to suggest advocate for statutory regulation see this voluntariness as its weakest even faintly that point because stakeholders cannot the independence really be forced to comply with the of the press could rules. They also argue that self-regulation be compromised or suffers from a lack of democratic coerced’.” legitimacy. It originates from media players or groups with their own specific interests. These interests already have enough laws on their may contribute to, or even be partly statute books to deal with most congruent with, the general interest media deficiencies. What more do – but nevertheless these special they want? If it is our court systems interests do not necessarily coincide which are weak, why not remedy totally with the general interest. that instead of putting unjustified Thus, they argue, there will always restrictions on the media? And if it be a tendency that those involved is the institutions of media self-reg- pursue their own interests rather ulation that have deficiencies, why than public interest. not work on improving them within But the alternative to self- the context of self-regulation? regulation of the media is statutory No one can argue that there are regulation, which would be the not many problems and challenges quickest route to tyranny for most in our self-regulatory systems. But of our governments. The discourse the solution is not to impose statu- should therefore not be about the tory regulation on our media. In- choice between statutory regulation stead, it lies in striving to continu- and self-regulation, but about the ally upgrade the professionalism best alternatives for self-regulation. of our media through training and A lot of work is still needed on through working to improve the the best ways to implement self- organisation, efficiency, effec- regulation. And it’s up to each tiveness and orderliness of our country to find a form of self- self-regulatory systems. regulation that best suits its media and takes into account factors that may differ from country to country. Self-regulation is widely seen as a form of constraint on media behaviour compatible with democracy. And the terrain of self-regulation is generally seen to operate within the broad legal parameters of media freedom. Most of our countries

Media in Africa - 2011 | 75 The splendor of self-regulation: the Media Council of Tanzania

ross violation of professional Gand ethical norms of the trade was rampant. This prompted government to start mulling the possibility of establishing a statutory press council in 1994. The government actually drafted a bill providing for this organ. It was clear from the proposed bill that this statutory council was aimed at controlling — rather than regulating — the media. Aware that this would impinge on as-yet limited freedom of expression in Tanzania, the media fraternity ganged up against government’s unilateral By John P. Mireny Tanzania’s media landscape began initiative in favour of establishing a to undergo seismic transformations self-regulatory body. John P. Mireny is Publications, from the early decade of the 1990s. At the end of June 1995, media Research and Documentation Media pluralism was reluctantly practitioners formed their own Manager at the Media Council of accepted, even though no changes council, and finally realised their Tanzania. were implemented over media- dream in May 1997, when the related policies and laws that Media Council of Tanzania (MCT) supported socialist principles and was officially registered. which also suppressed political Ever since, MCT has remained an opposition. Private entities started independent, voluntary and non- to own and operate media outlets statutory body aiming to effectively and directly competed with state guarantee freedom of expression, media, even though they were through a free, plural, independent subjected to old and repressive and diversified Tanzanian media institutional regimes. landscape. At the time of re-introduction of In line with the Windhoek multi-party democracy in 1992, Declaration, MCT upholds that a the Tanzanian newspaper market free press is essential to democracy consisted of only two dailies. By and a fundamental human right. 2006, there were more than 537 MCT has no statutory powers — all registered newspapers, including media outlets, and institutions like 12 active dailies and more than 50 Press Clubs and media colleges, weeklies. voluntarily submit to its jurisdiction. Although the industry exploded They also contribute to the costs, in size, sufficient numbers of pro- and agree to abide by the findings fessional journalists were lacking. of the Council. Hence, the booming industry resort- Self-regulation remains an ideal ed to employing novices, to the cha- institutional safeguard mechanism grin of both public and authorities. for upholding freedom of expression in Tanzania during its transition to a market economy, and thereafter.

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But the legacy of old institutional need arises, such as around gender media members and one none- order prevails, and bears badly on reporting, court reporting, covering media person. There is no internal freedom of expression and editorial people with disabilities and the like. appeal process and hearing beyond independence. Globally, the drawback of such codes committee’s decisions. Although an This is why it is important after 15 of conduct is that they are difficult approach to a court is still permitted, years, MCT has proved to the public to uphold. They remain professional MCT’s arbitration proceedings may in practice that self-regulation is codes accepted voluntarily by not be tendered as evidence during effective in ensuring compliance journalists, but there is no penalty such legal proceedings. with media ethics through peer other than moral pressure that acts While the system often orders pressure. to ensure compliance or conformity. apologies, it can also order that the Self-regulation also boosts profes- A case could arise that a journalist offending media pay an amount of sional standards by requiring me- association expels a member who money as solace and compensation dia houses to think about and even consciously breaches such a code, for actual costs incurred by develop their own standards of be- but prohibiting a person from complainant. The sum is usually haviour and to institute the office practicing as journalist would much smaller than the amount that of media ombudsman in particular overstep the mandate. Likewise, would be awarded by the courts outlets. direct condemnation of journalists of laws. No punitive damages are To authenticate that self-regulation over perceived flawed reportage granted by the MCT. is the professional responsibility is sometimes unfair. In newsroom of journalists themselves, Tanzania hierarchy, decisions on newsworthy “After 15 years at has thus seen the codification items are usually made by editors, of standards of responsibility of senior managers or even owners. work, MCT has journalists, through the participation In such circumstances a code of proved to the public of professional associations. ethics for journalists alone can Those codes, which are reviewed over become relatively ineffectual. For the in practice that time, focus upon explicitly accepted MCT, these dangers are effectively self-regulation is principles. The first principle is avoided by the impeccable integrity the obligation to the truth and of its governance and arbitration effective in ensuring accountability to the public. There structures which bears much on compliance with is also the right to fair comment ensuring compliance with decisions and criticism; the need for factual, and position of the Council. media ethics through accurate and objective reporting; Akin to other voluntary councils peer pressure.” the use of fair methods to collect in the region, over-dependency news; readiness to correct mistakes; on donor funding may sometimes Beyond adjudication of complaints, and respect for the confidentiality hinder proper planning and in- MCT conducts print media of sources. dependence. However, over the monitoring on a daily basis and The first-ever code of conduct in years, MCT has developed im- publishes a report on the same Tanzania was drawn up in 1995 mense credibility and respect, and bi-annually. Such reports identify and to date has seen three revi- for each 10 complaints brought professional and ethical weaknesses sions to accommodate new global to the Council, eight to nine are and strengths and are widely shared and domestic moral challenges. The resolved to the satisfaction of all with all stakeholders as part of the current version comprehensively parties. strategy to enhance self-regulation. delineates sub-codes with specific The complaints handling mechanism Besides this, MCT conducts rapid responsibilities for advertisers, me- requires that cases are first lodged response media monitoring, focus- dia managers and editors, photog- at the Secretariat for mediation. If ing on ethical misconduct trends, raphers and video producers, and the parties fail to reconcile, they and immediately providing alerts to reporters. There are also guidelines are free to seek remedy in the media practitioners. This approach for media owners. courts of law. The case can also be to self-regulation has so far proved In addition, specific professional passed on to the Ethics Committee to be effective as performance re- codes of conduct are developed for arbitration. The overarching sponse is positive and instant. to guide professional reportage at arbitration goal is reconciliatory. Alongside the codes, MCT considers every general election. There are The Ethics Committee is chaired by it significant that there is editorial also guidelines developed as the a retired judge, and includes three independence so that journalists are

Media in Africa - 2011 | 77 able to operate free of direct control each media player. The Declaration of the commercial interests, owners, was launched on March 18, 2011 the government or foreign donors. and endorsed by key national and The concept of editorial independ- diplomatic stakeholders. ence assumes that journalists are MCT supports the Think Tank by professionals and should be allowed writing position papers on media to decide what newsworthy agenda issues, delivering lectures to media is as a matter of editorial policy and schools as well as conducting live professional judgement. TV talk shows on issues of public interest. “Much as the In enhancing professional self- regulation at the newsroom level, freedom of the MCT also helps to provide demand- media to operate driven in-house journalism training and the development of editorial independently of style-books. controls is desirable, In this regard, media houses are supposed to identify weak that privilege has professional areas in need of hands- to necessarily go on technical intervention, including the need for having standard alongside certain editorial style-books. responsibilities in Aware of the dilemma of relying solely on the power of moral exhor- the exercise of that tation for upholding the codes and freedom.” principles, MCT provides distinctive and practical moral support to the classic concept of media ombuds- This is why MCT resolved to establish man. a Think Tank on Freedom of Expres- This is a professional media employ- sion and Media Issues in its 2007/8- ee whose main task is to receive and 2010/11 Programme Strategy. The investigate complaints from media eight-member high profile team audiences about the ethical per- was formed in 2009 and tasked to formance in news coverage. prepare a blueprint on editorial in- MCT is promoting this approach dependence to which all stakehold- because ombudsmen are better ers could subscribe. placed to suggest fitting remedies or The process culminated in drafting responses to correct or clarify news the Dar es Salaam Declaration on reports. We would like to see the Editorial Freedom, Independence mushrooming of ombudsmen across and Responsibility (DEFIR). In the country’s media houses. They developing DEFIR, a conscious could work like the ombudsman at balance between freedom and The Guardian newspaper in UK, who responsibility prevailed. publishes a regular list of corrections The guiding dictum is: Much as the and clarifications that respond to freedom of the media to operate in- complaints. dependently of controls is desirable, Similarly, the same post has the that privilege has to necessarily go power to adjudicate more serious alongside certain responsibilities in complaints and change the editorial the exercise of that freedom. policy. DEFIR is a complementing factor to the code of conduct, as it sets out clear lines of responsibility for

78 | Media in Africa - 2011 Section 1: Freedom

Zimbabwe media: A victim of politics

players as well as reform the state- owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC). Of these, only one has been accomplished: the licensing of new newspapers, albeit under the same controls as before. The Access to In- formation and Protection of Privacy Act remains the same and newspapers still have to register to operate. While citizens of Zimbabwe have access to stories such as “Mugabe is a liar” on a daily basis and social media like Facebook have exploded, the broadcast media remains shut – save for shortwave radio broadcasts By Rashweat Mukundu A visitor to Harare on a cold 19 June by the Voice of America and three 2011 would have been impressed other civil society-run broadcast- Rashweat Mukundu is a Zimbabwean by Zimbabwe’s state of “media ers from London and South Africa. journalist, media and freedom of freedom”. Just 500 metres from These are called “pirate” radio sta- expression activist. He is currently State House, the official residence tions by Zanu-PF and are part of working with Zimbabwe Civil Society of President Robert Mugabe, was GPA talks with demands that they Organisations on human rights a billboard from South Africa’s be shut down. programmes. Sunday Times newspaper declaring The question is: why are the reforms “Mugabe is a liar”. coming in drips? The answer is The same billboards were strewn all political and lies in the calculations over town, even along 8th Street, that the former ruling party and still 300 metres from the police general much-in-control Zanu-PF is making headquarters. This to most would on its political future. Having noted be the clearest indicator of media the solid support that the MDC- plurality and a democratic media Tsvangirai party holds in urban dispensation. The scenario how- areas, and that the electorate in ever belies the true state of affairs these areas is unlikely to be swayed of Zimbabwe media, which is that by anything, Zanu-PF has left the nearly two years after the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) that ushered in a new politi- “Just 500 metres cal order in the form of the Govern- from State House, ment of National Unity (GNU), the political crisis still persists and the the official residence Zimbabwean media’s future remains of President Robert far from certain. Article 19 of the Global Political Mugabe, was a Agreement (GPA) clearly states that billboard from South the three main political parties, Zanu-PF and the MDC parties, should Africa’s Sunday Times embark on media reforms that newspaper declaring would culminate in the licensing of ‘Mugabe is a liar’.” new print and broadcasting media

Media in Africa - 2011 | 79 print media to flourish, hoping wish to access state functions are scene, the MDC, hardened Zanu-PF that the economic challenges and still required to register with the attitudes to the media. cost of production will take care state-appointed Zimbabwe Media The opposition parties and the of this sector. After all, not many Commission (ZMC). The same ZMC media were then labelled “enemies of these newspapers reach rural has since announced that it is work- of the state” and subjected to all communities which are under the ing on setting up a Statutory Me- sorts of harassment including the tight grip of Zanu-PF. dia Council to regulate the work of bombing of newspapers, arrests and As a result the party cares little journalists. exile of media workers. The state about billboards in Harare attacking media was put under tighter control President Mugabe – as long as these “With regard to the and senior media workers dismissed. are not displayed in Zimbabwe’s ru- New laws were crafted to legislate ral communities. Another element ‘Mugabe is a liar’ the operations of the media and the in this scenario is Zanu-PF’s calcula- billboard, Zanu-PF government then made it clear that tion that the broadcast media, espe- dissent would not be tolerated. cially FM radio, will remain the most senior member and The current political changes in popular media: with at least 80% of former Information Zimbabwe, however slow, indicate the Zimbabwe population accessing that change is coming – albeit news via this medium. As a result, Minister Jonathan at the whim of politicians. The broadcasting has to be firmly kept Moyo called for the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe under the grip of the party. in June 2011 called for applications ZBC TV and its four FM radio stations journalist concerned for two commercial radio licenses. remain directly under the control to be arrested.” Despite this, the country remains of the Ministry of Information and in the woods politically and unless Publicity. Senior staff are appointed the political question is settled by the Minister in consultation with Have things always been like this through the adoption of a new and the president. And ZBC has recently for the past 20 years? Certainly not. democratic constitution as well as more than doubled its propaganda Zimbabwe previously seemed to holding of free and fair elections, messages in support of President be on track to meet the Windhoek it is possible that the small gains Mugabe, with jingles praising the Declaration’s call to develop a plural made will be eroded. president played across all the radio and diverse media. The 1990s saw Change and growth of the media in stations and TV at hourly intervals. a lot of investment in the print Zimbabwe is an unfortunate victim While the print media has flourished media that resulted in some of the of the politics of the country. Unless since 2009, with four daily news- leading newspapers – the Zimbabwe the politics are sorted, Zimbabwe’s papers being added where there was Independent, the Daily News, and media path remains warped and one, threats are still made against The Standard – coming on board. The dangerous. Twenty years after the journalists. The Secretary to the government, through the Ministry Windhoek Declaration, Zimbabwe’s Cabinet is reported to have called of Post and Telecommunications, media is still grappling in the dark one such entrant, The Mail, in June was then actively working on draft on how to move forward. 2011, threatening unspecified action legislation to open the broadcast after the paper made allegations of media and ZBC was still the people’s unprofessionalism by the Attorney choice for news and entertainment. General. The ruling party back then, Zanu-PF, Journalists are still barred from was confident and faced no threat visiting certain areas as security is from any quarter. not guaranteed. With regard to the The economic liberalisation policies “Mugabe is a liar” billboard, Zanu- initiated and supported by the IMF PF senior member and former In- and the World Bank somewhat formation Minister Jonathan Moyo contributed to a softening of media called for the journalist concerned policy and attitudes of the ruling to be arrested. Not only do news- elite. But the collapse of Zimbabwe’s papers still require a license to oper- economy in the mid to late 1990s, ate in Zimbabwe, but journalists in and the ensuing political struggles formal employment or those who with the new entrant to the political

80 | Media in Africa - 2011 PLURALISMPLURALISM Kenya: Gains since the Windhoek Declaration

or commercial interests.” Section four notes: “All state-owned media shall: • be free to determine independently the editorial content of their broadcasts or other communications; • be impartial; and • afford fair opportunity for the presentation of divergent views and dissenting opinions.” The Constitution of Kenya 2010 was the culmination of many years of struggle for good governance, rule of law and justice. It is especially critical for the media considering By George Nyabuga Much has changed in the Kenyan that freedom of the press is often media scene since 1991. The most critical to safeguarding against bad Dr George Nyabuga is the Associate cited change is the constitutional governance and tyranny. This is also Director at the School of Journalism protection of media freedom. Article directly in line with the provisions and Mass Communication, University 34 of the new constitution prom- of the Windhoek Declaration that of Nairobi. He has previously worked ulgated on 27 August 2010 states, African states should “provide the as a journalist. inter alia, that “Freedom and inde- constitutional guarantees necessary pendence of electronic, print and all for press freedom”. In this sense, other types of media is guaranteed”. Kenya seems to have taken up Section two of the article empha- the gauntlet, albeit that this took sizes: “The State shall not: almost 20 years. • exercise control over or inter- Since Kenya became a multi-party fere with any person engaged in state in 1991, the media have en- broadcasting, the production or joyed greater freedoms compared circulation of any publication or to the 1980s when the clampdown the dissemination of informa- against recalcitrant journalists and tion by any medium; or media was at all-time high. During • penalise any person for any the 1980s, it was almost impossible opinion or view or the content for companies, organisations or in- of any broadcast, publication or dividuals deemed ‘independent’ to dissemination.” get licences especially for broadcast Section three of the article says: media to broadcast outside urban “Broadcasting and other electronic areas. media have freedom of establish- This was based on the warped view ment, subject only to licensing pro- that the support base of most of the cedures that: then-government, and specifically • are necessary to regulate the President Daniel arap Moi, was airwaves and other forms of rural Kenya where 80 percent of signal distribution; and the population lives, and that • are independent of control by independent broadcasting to these government, political interests people would dilute that support.

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At the time, there was a tendency handsets and calling rates are drop- by the state to monopolise airwaves ping. Internet penetration is grow- because of the perceived strength ing. Mobile television via mobile te- of radio and TV, and their attendant lephony is a reality. Mobile internet ‘threat’ to the status quo. Moi’s is readily available. News is available government saw broadcast media on mobile phones as news media as a preserve of the state and struggle to attract more audiences. the ruling elite. For a long time, The media scene is looking up; it has ‘independent’ radio and TV stations never been better for media organi- were only allowed to broadcast in sations. urban areas. Even where limited This growth in the media sector is private ownership was allowed, not, however, without challenges. It there was covert control through has meant a reduction in audience pressure on owners, editors and and advertisement share. This means even advertisers. This stunted media the struggle for survival is intense. growth and frustrated investors. Although this should have raised the quality of media and journalism, there are concerns that the media “All state-owned are continually dumbing down and media shall: ‘afford sensationalising issues to survive. Media concentration is growing as fair opportunity for organisations like The Nation Media the presentation of Group, Standard, Royal Media and Radio Africa groups dominate the divergent views and market and use their enormous dissenting opinions’.” resources to stifle competition, plurality and content diversity. Despite these concerns, however, Once Moi was out of power in 2002, the advantages outweigh the private media took off. Kenya is disadvantages, thus far. now home to 120 radio stations, most of them FM. Most are based outside of urban areas and they broadcast in local languages. 150 investors are still awaiting licences. The country has also seen the rise of television stations with a national reach. ‘Independent’ TV stations like Kenya Television Network, Nation TV, Citizen TV and K24 have emerged. More than 60 investors are awaiting licences and the government promises to issue these, and many more, once the migration from analogue is completed in 2012 (there are indications, however, that this deadline will not be met due to budgetary and other constraints). Mobile telephony penetration now stands at 60 percent according to the latest Communication Commis- sion of Kenya statistics. The cost of

Media in Africa - 2011 | 83 Journalism in a free South Sudan:

each others’ roles have been held several times, which has reduced the number of attacks on journalists since 2005. Working as a journalist in a free South Sudan is both a challenge and a privilege because of the hurdles one goes through. The need to know the ethics of the different groups of people is important. This is because not all who are educated are learned, and not all learned are educated. However, the best part is that as a journalist you get access to society’s renowned and admired By Kamba Anthony Journalism in South Sudan faces people, although at the expense of some challenges about the role of sacrificing your personal resources Kamba Anthony is a South Sudanese the media in developing an active to get to your ‘foot in the door’. journalist who has worked with a se- citizenry and a truly democratic South Sudan in the last three years ries of newspapers in the region since country. (2009-2011) has had more than ten 2009 and is now at The Sudan Trib- During the years of the north- privately-owned newspapers and une Daily. He went to the University south political agreement before magazines, and a series of local FM of Bahr El Ghazal, studying Econom- independence (2005-2010), media radio stations that are expected to ics & Social Studies as well as Rural stakeholders had to act really swiftly act independently but to date rely Development. to counter threats to the freedom on support from NGOs. of the press like harassment, The government runs a television torture and the illegal detention and a radio station where most gov- of journalists and censorship. ernment programmes are broadcast. Much as they did so, however, the This limits editorial independence freedom of the press in this part of and some journalists working there the world has still been restricted are trying to change this. to disseminating information to a Some independent media houses limited class of people as a result of have come under attack for running the levels of literacy and poverty. critical pieces. These problems tar- The struggle for media freedom in nish the otherwise unspoiled repu- the country has been a constant tation of the new government. cause of debate among journalists As far as readership and audience is and government. Related bills have concerned, people in South Sudan been sent for approval to the South are eager to know what is happening. Sudan parliament since 2007, but Most readers are used to political to date not one has been passed. stories, and there is an insufficient Journalists still operate on hopes number of development stories that are raised every now-and-then and of editorial teams oriented to by the Information Minister Barnaba produce these. The human interest Marial, who is supportive. Meetings aspect of stories tends to get second between members of the press and place, whereas politically-heated security bodies on understanding stories occupy the front pages.

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Circulation of newspapers in South Sudan is a great chal- Commercialised media lenge due to infrastructural lag. Though papers may reach city can be a blessing readers timeously, not all the other regions get the issue in time. Also, in South Sudan today, there is only one private- owned printing press belonging to the Citizen newspaper, apart from the state-owned Nile Printing press which in recent times has not been fully func- tional. Much as the word spreads that press freedom is a government target to guarantee, much remains to be put right, as is evident in the delay in passing the Media bill. This is an early indicator of how the government is uncomfortable with some sec- By Reg Rumney Media alarmists like US academic tions of the draft law. It calls for Robert McChesney take a dim more scrutiny of how the gov- Reg Rumney is director of the Centre view of commercial media and ernment will keep its promise for Economics Journalism at the private ownership. For them, “Big of giving freedom to the press, School of Journalism and Media Media” is gobbling up competition, not to mention freedom of ex- Studies, Rhodes University. He is a shutting out opposing views and pression for all citizens. former Economics Editor of SABC turning a deaf ear to the poor and Things could improve if the News, and before that he was Business marginalised. government gives equal at- Editor of the Mail & Guardian. His The other side of this coin is an tention to both its political writing is online at www.ceja.co.za equally simplistic view which as- mandate and its responsibility sumes that greater competition in to serve its citizens decently. the media translates into greater The 2010 elections passed with diversity. South Africa’s ruling ANC, few reports of post-election in a document tabled at its National violence, but coverage of some General Council in September 2010, violence led to the arrest and follows this line of thinking: detention of a journalist for at “Free, independent and pluralistic least a week, not to mention media can only be achieved through unreported harassments. not only many media products but There needs to be improved by the diversity of ownership and understanding by people in control of media.” the government about the While everyone agrees that mo- role of media in developing an nopolies are unequivocally bad, the active citizenry, and to keep to diversity of ownership in a market growing this new country into economy does not necessarily guar- a mature democracy. antee a diversity of opinion – but nor does concentrated ownership automatically mean homogenous content. When there is much competition among newspapers or broadcasters,

Media in Africa - 2011 | 85 it can lead to a race to the bottom. Cronin, “then we will tend to get Further, sensationalism, to par- The drive to attract audience exactly what we are often getting. aphrase Tom Stoppard in his play and advertising spend may lead Trashy tabloids aimed at the work- about journalism called “Night and to a sameness in product. This is ing class, and acres of middle-class Day”, is a sign that no one is control- often content that is designed to whingeing in what passes for seri- ling what we are allowed to read or underestimate the public’s taste, ous journalism. In short, journalism listen to or see. To view tabloids as usually symbolised by the rise of that panders to the lowest common “trashy” despite, or because of, their celebrity gossip and tabloidisation denominator in its target audience.” resonance with the working class is of politics. snobbish in an old-fashioned van- On the other hand, as Alison Harcourt “...while monopolies guardist way. Commercially-driven and Robert Picard in the Fall 2009 diversity, in the sense of providing edition of Journal of Media Business are unequivocally bad, some choice — even if imperfect Studies, note: “… the explicit link diversity of ownership choice — means that audiences with of concentration to lower diversity the wherewithal can enjoy the very of content and pluralism has never does not necessarily democratic act of voting with their been established.” guarantee a diver- money for the media they want. They also remark on “notable In many African countries, diversity economic, financial and strategic sity of opinion – while as choice has often meant the arrival reasons behind consolidation and neither does concen- of an alternative to a monopolistic concentration in media industries”. trated ownership au- state news media. Especially in In this light, the cartel-like control conditions where the state-owned by four news media groups in South tomatically mean ho- newspaper and/or broadcaster tends Africa, is an economic development mogenous content” to lead every day with the thoughts in line with world trends on news and picture of a ‘beloved leader’, the media consolidation. In countries ‘curse’ of commercialism may seem with a population of 20 to 50-million Yet Cronin was writing about City more like a blessing. people, there tend to be just three Press — a publication which ironi- All this does not rule out a role to four leading media firms. A cally illustrates how the market for alternative or publicly-funded similar scenario of limited private can sometimes support diversity. news media alongside privately ownership groups is a prospect in Though the newspaper recently ap- owned and commercially-driven many other African countries. pointed a black (but non-African) media. Like the fact that ownership That then raises the question of how woman as editor, the newsroom is pluralism (or concentration) does exactly such ownership affects con- staffed by Africans and it serves an not mean content diversity (or tent. The crudest assumption is that overwhelmingly African audience. sameness), so content diversity does the news media owner has, if not The publication is owned by a com- not necessarily mean quality. a direct say in what is published or pany, Naspers — which the enthusi- The difficulty is that dominant busi- broadcast, then a veto. This ignores astic adoption of capitalism by Af- ness model of public news media in many issues, not least the relative rikaners after 1990 has transmuted, Africa means that these institutions autonomy of editors and journal- from an organisation associated have to compete for advertising in ists. Another simplistic understand- with Afrikaans-nationalism, into an a commercial environment — which ing is that owners’ pursuit of profit international money-making ma- does not necessarily stimulate them is synonymous with money-grub- chine. to produce different content to pri- bing, and that a media owner will While over-estimating the impor- vate media, let alone quality con- mechanically serve Mammon. Why tance of private owners, it is common tent. news media owners should have no to find people who underplay the Africa may well have to look conscience or social responsibility is commercial imperative of money- towards other models such as non- never explained. making media. Yet it is this hidden profit organisations and resourcing Writing on the SA Communist Party’s hand which guarantees that the in order to provide particular kinds Umsebenzi Online website last year, content that journalists in profit- of quality journalisms, such as in the party’s deputy secretary gen- making media produce needs to the areas of investigative reporting, eral Jeremy Cronin makes the same have a chance of finding a viable pan-African analysis and health mistake. “If editorial ‘independence’ audience, in other words — meeting journalism. swings on profit maximisation,” said real interest or need.

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Misreading the market

liberation that followed the collapse of the Berlin Wall, most military and one-party dictatorships closed shop in Africa. Either the old dictators re- invented themselves as half-heart- ed-democrats of sorts, like Mathieu Kerekou in Benin; or the militaries organised elections and transferred power to pliant governments as did General Abdusalami Abubakar in Nigeria; or presidents who came to power as rebel leaders, like President Yoweri Museveni, civilianised themselves and their guerrilla groups. In the 1990s all these governments started liberalising their economies By Charles Onyango-Obbo The killing, imprisonment, beating and opening up the airwaves. In down and ostracism of journalists countries like Uganda, in a space Charles Onyango-Obbo is a columnist by the enemies of the free press of 10 years, over 120 licences were and Executive for Digital and Africa (EoFP) remain very much in fashion issued for independent FM stations. Media with the Nation Media Group in Africa. The same is true in Kenya, Tanzania in Nairobi, Kenya. The thing about this is that there and Nigeria, to name a few. TV is something old-fashioned and licences were also given out. wasteful about it, because the This liberalisation also led to the EoFP’s won the battle for control of rise of many new newspapers the press long ago. Typically though, in markets where previously the in keeping with their lack of nuance state-owned propaganda sheet, on almost everything else, they which got its newsprint tax-free, don’t know it. was the only morning reading. The The truth is that most of the best rise of new local and international media in Africa today rarely lead companies made it possible for new on the big issues of the day, or “set newspapers, TV stations and FM the public agenda” as we like to say radio stations to build businesses self-importantly. The most they are around advertising models. is a big nuisance, although a few It was the blossoming of new in- still tell interesting stories. dependent media and competition There was nothing that governments that neutered the media. Newspa- did deliberately to make media in pers seeking to expand circulation Africa, and nearly everywhere else beyond the men in dark suits who in the world, tepid. It was the result had the money and power, started of a big accident. courting “non-traditional” audienc- The Africa of the 1970s through es whom they identified as women to the close of the 1990s was a and the youth. dangerous place for independent They were convinced that these journalists. One-party dictators groups were not interested in news, and military tyrants arrested and stories about inflation or corruption killed journalists without a second in governments. Rather they wanted thought. lifestyle, fashion and beauty tips, However, with the “second wave” of celebrity news and entertainment.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 87 Inserts became the means by that the most disservice has been ists but most are defiant enough not which these elusive groups would done to good journalism. Apart from to be cowed. Ministers of informa- be captured. Thus if you look in the fluff of celebrity news, lifestyle tion still threaten media and the most African countries, the leading and sex, there are feeding frenzies international media freedom groups newspapers have inserts throughout over the political catfights. They are rightly shame these politicians. the week. There is the inevitable dramatic but they mean little. However, 20 years of free market business and finance pullout but Some readers and listeners have economies in Africa have produced nearly all the rest are dedicated to decided to take matters into their giant banks and Africa’s love affair what Kenyan editor Jaindi Kisero own hands. with the mobile phone has spawned calls “fluff” – second-rate lifestyle Following a controversial election deep-pocketed and powerful mobile stories and fashion. In all of in Kenya in December 2007, there phone companies. Eastern Africa, for example, there was violence in which about 1 500 My sense is that terror by politicians is not a single newspaper that has people were killed and nearly 600 and security forces accounts for, introduced a public affairs pullout 000 displaced. José Luis Moreno at most, about 10 percent of the in the last 10 years. Ocampo, the Chief Prosecutor at the self-censorship and restriction of Meanwhile in broadcast, aided by International Criminal Court at The media freedom in the more open the spread of the mobile phone, Hague, has since brought charges African countries. 90 percent of the radio stations went big on call-ins. It against three senior politicians, censorship is done by corporates. is amazing listening to the call-ins. a senior government bureaucrat, If presidents and army chiefs attack From Accra to Dar es Salaam, they a journalist and a former police journalists, they can expect their are the same. You have angry and chief for the killings and rapes. The publishers and employers to stand passionate callers; agitated, scolding suspects came to be known as the by them. But if the MD of a giant politicians, teachers, nurses, parents, “Ocampo six”. telco protests at an unfavourable journalists, diplomats, priests and Early in 2011 as they neared their story, they can expect to be ordered more. first appearance at The Hague, and to publish a groveling apology and And that is where it stops. In Uganda, then upon their return, the Kenya be suspended. a country with 120 FM stations, media went in to overdrive with In Kenya, President Mwai Kibaki’s only two approximate being current the story. There was nothing else office might ask a newspaper not affairs and issues-based talkshow in the newspapers, FM or TV news to publish a story, and it will still radios – KFM and CBS, which has – at a time when food prices were be published. However, some of the been shut down by the authorities in skyrocketing and a famine was powerful CEOs can get stories out – Kampala several times. There cannot wreaking havoc in the eastern part and in – newspapers, radio and TV be more than five such stations in of the country. at will. the wider East Africa, a region with Eventually the public tired of it all. In reality then, African presidents over 300 private FM stations. People were not tuning into TV news killed media freedom years ago when Most FM stations restrict their and a petition, “I support Ocampo they liberalised their economies and obligation to allowing these call- six media blackout” started online. airwaves. When they arrest and jail ins. Because there are so many When the petition reached 1 000, journalists today, they are kicking stations, there is a lot of noise but media houses caught fright and cut people who have already fallen. little focus. All this has led to an and ran, dropping the Ocampo Six Fortunately there are lively websites, instant-coffee effect, where callers story. blogs and activity on the social media get their gratification from venting It was a remarkable demonstration platforms Facebook and Twitter, on air. After that they go home and of disconnect between the media which publish the inconvenient sleep soundly, happy that they have and public, and also probably a material that mainstream media is had their say. There is no conversion turning point. With that, the media covering up or too afraid to touch. into action or follow-up. Tomorrow who are supposed to know better It’s this digital space which needs it is another topic – perhaps gay and “set the agenda”, needed to the most protection today. bashing. FM radio, therefore, has be taught some basic lessons in become the modern opium of the journalism by the public. people. Meanwhile, big advertisers have But it’s in the competition for dealt the finishing blow. Dictators advertising revenues and audiences still threaten and imprison journal-

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Want viable African media? Train your managers

plays a bigger role than political pressure”. It adds: “The results (of the study) challenge the widely held belief that political pressures represent the major challenge for newspapers in most developing countries. The study reveals that regardless of the level of market development and political freedoms, the majority of newspapers around the world consider the economic climate and market conditions to be the major challenges to editorial independence and the business advancement of their media outlets, and remain a By Francis Mdlongwa African media have generally leading challenge at every level of performed better financially than development.” Francis Mdlongwa is director of developed nations’ media in the This point underscores the need for Sol Plaatje Institute for Media midst of the deluge of emerging and relevance of Rhodes University’s Leadership, Rhodes University, South digital channels. Even so, they Sol Plaatje Institute (SPI), the only Africa. He was previously editor of the need to restructure and transform university-level institution in Africa Financial Gazette, and editor-in-chief themselves into sustainable which specialises in educating both of the Daily News, Zimbabwe. companies that will remain relevant aspirant and practising media man- in the 21st century. agers in media leadership and man- One of the most urgent and critical agement. challenges facing African media is Africa’s media face a host of to shift their attention from training forthcoming challenges if they are journalists to training highly com- to be sustainable and relevant in petent and versatile media manag- the “age of discontinuity” – to quote ers who are able to steer their firms the late management guru Peter to sustainability. Drucker’s (1968) book with this title. A 2010 study by the influential Such an age occurs when long- World Association of Newspapers established firms collapse because (WAN) and its partner IFRA on of rapid change, as is the case now the financial health of media in with many media firms in developed developing countries backs up countries. this view. It says that developing Moving forward, African media nations’ media and their foreign needs to: aid funders must quickly tackle the • Place quality content at the “neglected component of business heart of their operations, cog- development” if media firms are to nisant of the fact that this will become financially viable. define their societal influence The WAN-IFRA report observes that and credibility, which in turn the “impact of economic factors on will drive audiences to their independent news organisations is media. In turn, audiences will generally underestimated and often drive advertisers and increase

Media in Africa - 2011 | 89 revenue. This in turn means they are capable of ‘reframing’ and must deliberatively invest more of thriving in conditions of am- into improving newsrooms and biguity and uncertainty. editorial work (Rosenstiel and Mitchell, 2004). “Africa’s media face a • Restructure their firms, human and other resources to take host of forthcoming advantage of economies of challenges if they are scale and of geography as the continent liberalises and opens to be sustainable and up to political and economic relevant in the ‘age of change. • Take advantage of regional discontinuity’.” languages such as KiSwahili in Eastern and Central Africa to • Cultivate and nurture a strong reach bigger audiences with culture of transparent account- their content. ability. As can be seen from the • Draw up policies and operation- recent furore that has accom- al systems because, as media panied revelations of the sup- analyst Peter Scholtes (1998) pressed report on the opera- notes, “more than 95 percent tions of South Africa’s Sunday of your organisation’s prob- Times, media firms must subject lems derive from your systems, themselves to the same high processes and methods, and not ethical standards that they de- from your individual workers.” mand from the public. He continues: “Your people are doing their best, but their best References: efforts cannot compensate for your inadequate and dysfunc- Drucker, P.F. 1968. The Age of tional systems. Changing the Discontinuity: Guidelines to Our system will change what people Changing Society. New York: Harper do. Changing what people do & Row. will not change the system.” Rosenstiel, T. and Mitchell, A. • As much as possible, they 2004. The Impact of Investing in should heed the 80:20 principle Newsroom Resources. Newspaper because it really works. They Research Journal, Vol. 25, No. 1, need to establish what gives Winter, pages 84-97. their media firms 80% of Scholtes, P.R. 1998. The Leader’s revenue and then focus on this Handbook: A Guide to Inspiring more than on the rest of their Your People and Managing the Daily activities which only give them Workflow. New York: The McGraw- 20% of revenue. Hill Companies. • Hire managers and leaders who WAN-IFRA, 2010. Financially Viable are keen to learn from the mis- Media in Emerging and Developing takes of the past; leaders who Markets. Paris: WAN-IFRA. are prepared to tolerate mistakes of their staff and accept that these are critical learning curves from which success, especially in innovation, is derived. These are leaders who, when confronted by challenges,

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Navigating the shifting boundaries of community, private and public media

content • Offer programming of a high standard • Enrich the cultural heritage of Uganda through support for the indigenous arts and cultural diversity • Contribute, through its programming, to a sense of national identity and unity • Ensure programming that will cater for the poor and vulnerable • Ensure that the public has access to information, and By George Lugalambi Around Africa, the classic distinctions • Serve the overall public interest, between community, private, and avoiding one-sided reporting Dr George Lugalambi is a media and public as media categories have pro- and programming in regard to public affairs researcher and analyst. gressively eroded. Largely to blame religion, political orientation, His most recent work includes a are the realities of the contemporary culture, race and gender. 2010 project that compared the media landscape, economics and performance of public and private policy. “Is there any value in broadcasters in Uganda. The study The Uganda Broadcasting Corpora- was part of the Africa Governance tion (UBC) illustrates this well. On distinguishing among Monitoring and Advocacy Project of the one hand, the government’s the old categories of the Open Society Initiative. He was national policy prescribes an overall previously head of the Department mandate for UBC that is as grand as community, public or of Mass Communications, Makerere it is improbable. state and private or University. On the other, private and even state commercial media?” media have found opportunities and been encouraged to compete with, and ultimately undermine, Similarly, the policy over-ambi- the public broadcaster. The trends tiously requires community broad- make one wonder whether there casters to: is any substance remaining in the • Provide citizens with a platform distinctions among the three media to articulate their local issues types under discussion. • Provide more opportunities for As set out in the national broadcast- programming in the indigenous ing policy of 2004, UBC is supposed Ugandan languages to shoulder an impossible burden • Provide indigenous programmes which requires it to perform all the relevant to development at the following: grassroots • Provide services which will • Reduce the gap between urban inform, educate and entertain and rural communities in ac- the whole country cessing communication for de- • Offer a high percentage of local velopment

Media in Africa - 2011 | 91 • Encourage members of the (such as quality programming) even Group media have exploited the community to participate in without the funding guarantees, company’s commercial acumen and the planning, production and however meagre, it enjoys from the the veil of autonomy from state presentation of programmes, state. control to score political points and Evidently, the compulsion to be eve- for the government and to deliver • Promote ownership of media by rything-to-everybody, as the policy bountiful returns to its private low income groups of society demands of the public broadcaster, investors. i.e. the poor and vulnerable. has left it in a vulnerable position. These developments lay bare the Both pro- and anti-government unbridled blurring of lines between Compare that with what the policy critics accuse it regularly of par- what is public and what is private demands of private media: tisanship. Most revealing though in both conceptual and practical • Provide a vibrant broadcasting is the fact that UBC is being chal- terms. Moreover, the forces at work industry that will play a key role lenged by another (partially) state- have as much to do with media in nation building by reflecting owned media conglomerate, the economics as with the political the rich cultural, linguistic, Vision Group, whose properties in- economy of the industry. religious and regional diversity clude a stable of newspapers among In this situation lurk some critical of Uganda which is the highest circulation dai- implications for media policy. • Promote the development of ly, The New Vision, as well as TV and Here is the question that should national sporting events, music FM radio stations. engage policymakers in African dance and drama In principle, the Vision Group is to countries where the reality is similar • Ensure a significant percentage some extent bound by many of the to Uganda’s: “Is there any value of local content same public mandates as those im- in distinguishing among the old • Ensure high professional stand- posed on UBC. But because its origi- categories of community, public ards of journalism and integrity, nal core business was newspaper or state and private or commercial and publishing, it was never subjected media?” • Provide programmes of specific to the same policy requirements If Uganda’s national broadcasting interest to the poor and the as UBC. The Vision Group contends policy is anything to go by, in vulnerable. that the state does not control its practice there are fewer and fewer editorial policies, although govern- authentic differences to be found The framers of this policy appear ment is its single largest sharehold- amongst the mandates prescribed to have been inspired by a vision of er with just fewer than 50% of the for public, community, and private the public broadcaster as a benevo- shares. media. lent communicator for the nation. The company’s critics contest this But with a largely unfunded public proposition. They point to the service mandate, UBC has resorted decidedly anti-opposition news to tussling it out in the market to framing that its media outlets bankroll its mission. employed in their coverage of the To be able to compete with its less elections of February 2011. The restrained private and commercial elections returned President Yoweri rivals, the public broadcaster has had Museveni and his party, the National no choice other than to compete Resistance Movement. on the same terms. This has thrust Most revealing is the Vision Group’s UBC on a collision course with its strategy of aggressive expansion commercial competitors who argue that has led many to wonder whether that it should not have it both ways: the government is encouraging it claiming public money and simul- to effectively supplant the public taneously jostling with tax-paying broadcaster. Driven by its robust commercial broadcasters for adver- business savvy, the Vision Group has tising revenue. acquired radio stations in lucrative Private broadcasters have gone so markets and also set up TV and radio far as to argue that they do a better stations on its own. job on some mandates of UBC Unrestrained in ways UBC is, Vision

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Community radio continues to provide an alternative

government funding, in the form of subsidies for outside broadcasts or interviews with local municipal governments, which in turn raises issues in terms of control and editorial independence. Financial sustainability is closely linked to social sustainability, which refers to stations’ ability to generate vested interests from their social networks, which might in some cases lead to advertising from local businesses. Social sustainability usually means that the community sees the need for a station and By Tanja Bosch Community radio stations across feels a strong sense of affinity for, Africa offer audiences the possibility or ownership of, the station. This Dr Tanja Bosch works in the Centre of creating alternate public spheres may result in financial contributions for Film and Media Studies at the through their engagement with even from poor individuals. University of Cape Town. She is a local audiences. Radio is still the This has been difficult for stations former station manager of Bush cheapest and most widespread in urban areas where they compete Radio, and has also worked as a medium on the continent, with the with commercial stations for listen- trainer for UNESCO community ability to reach remote and rural ership. However, religious commu- radio stations in Jamaica and areas in indigenous languages. nity radio stations have been suc- Trinidad; and for Open Society The primary challenges for commu- cessful in creating this kind of social Foundation stations in South Africa. nity radio are financial and social sustainability as listeners coalesce She is a board member of the Media sustainability. Financial sustainabil- around a common religious ideal. Diversity and Development Agency ity presents a problem for stations On the other hand, geographic- in South Africa, and has published that target the lower income groups based stations often target such in the following areas: community and as a result do not attract ad- diverse communities that fostering radio, talk radio and citizenship, vertising. This inability to attract a sense of shared group identity is health communication, youth and big advertisers is also linked to a difficult. mobile media, identity and social perception of the product being of Community radio is still often networking. poorer quality than other sectors of seen as being a ‘stepping stone’ to broadcasting. In South Africa, this employment at bigger stations. This has led to many community stations is a big obstacle to sustainability becoming more music-driven in an and is frequently linked to stations’ attempt to sound more ‘profession- reliance on volunteers, who often al’, but losing their distinctiveness in come with no broadcasting, media the process. or even organisational experience. A few stations still attract consid- In South Africa, a few successful erable amounts of donor funding, stations like Jozi FM pay presenters though international resourcing and staff a stipend, but even this generally dwindled in the post- salary cannot compete with the apartheid era. More commonly, lo- salaries available at bigger stations. cal stations now rely heavily on Talented presenters are often

Media in Africa - 2011 | 93 poached by commercial stations. continue to operate. In South Africa, Community radio is more process- figures from the South African Ad- oriented than product-oriented. vertising Research Foundation show Its primary goal is to encourage the audience is growing rapidly ordinary people to become media which may indicate rising popular- producers and not just consumers, ity despite problems of sustainabil- in an effort to demystify media ity. particularly to large sectors of the The potential for community radio population who did not previously stations remains clear: to provide have access to state-owned media. local communities with a voice, in This causes a tension which makes their own language, and to present it difficult for stations to compete an alternate voice in an increasingly with more ‘professional’ commercial centralised and tightly controlled stations. media ownership landscape. In Around Africa, community radio South Africa at least, the challenge stations have been historically man- is to carefully negotiate the re- dated to ‘empower and educate’ the lationship with government in order community, but state policies pro- to maintain editorial integrity. vide little to no guidance on the practical techniques for accom- plishing this. Stations have interpreted community empowerment as involving community members in AGMs, on their board of directors or as volunteer presenters. How- ever, this presents some difficulties in the latter case, because only a few presenters can be appointed. Some stations interpret community involvement simply as affording listeners the opportunity to call in and engage with presenters on the air. Meanwhile, the most successful stations are often those with tightly controlled and closed leadership structures. The rise of online social networking has changed the way that stations operate, and community stations have also been swept up by this – following the trend by commercial stations to use Facebook and Twitter to stay connected to listeners. This raises issues of the digital divide as many community radio listeners do not have access to the internet; though the rise of the mobile internet has meant an increasing number of people can go online using their cell phone handsets. Despite the many, weighty challenges, community radio stations

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Fresh air-waves in Zambia

local printers. With opportunities blossoming for broadcasting when multi-party democracy was restored in Zambia in 1991 after 27 years of one-party rule, radio seemed like a good idea. The media environment was changing fast as the airwaves were liberalised. I opted for commercial radio and sold my family house in Lusaka to raise money to buy the station building in Chipata. I then applied for a licence, raised funds from UNESCO for initial equipment and Danida to renovate the studios, and immediately set about hiring staff. By Mike Daka Breeze 89.3 FM is a radio station The first team of 15 was chosen out located in downtown Chipata, the of the first 100 applicants. Today the Mike Daka is owner and Managing capital of Zambia’s Eastern Province, station has 30 employees. Director of Breeze 99.6 FM – a and it’s a commercial radio station The next task was to think of a privately owned radio station in with a difference. name. We settled on Breeze FM to Chipata, Eastern Zambia. He has That’s because it encompasses three represent the cool air that blows over 30 years media experience kinds of radio: it is a community- over Chipata from the surrounding having worked as a reporter, editor based, commercial radio station hills, especially at dawn and dusk. and director of the Zamcom media with public interest programming. The listeners quickly identified with training institute. Legally, Breeze FM is easy to define. the name because its translation Chipata Radio Services Limited is a in the local Chinyanja language, private company, registered under Kamphempo ka Yazi Yazi, is both the Companies Act of 1994. Yet it melodious and full of meaning. has a public service mission and its The station commenced test trans- operations are more in line with missions on 5 October 2002 and was community radio. granted a Confirmed Broadcasting This is only possible because of the License on 31 January 2003. strong relationship existing between Breeze FM broadcasts mainly in the station and its community. The Chinyanja (or Chewa) and one third station’s focus is on the interplay of in English. Chinyanja/Chewa is also issues concerning the community – widely spoken in Malawi and parts of its history and the social, cultural Mozambique. The station operates and economic activities and for 24 hours each day. For 18 hours endeavours of the people. from 6am to midnight, it broadcasts Radio was my second choice when local programmes. The night shift, I decided to retire and re-locate to from midnight to 6am during my home town. After many years weekdays (and 7am over weekends), as a journalist, trainer and media transmits BBC programmes. Breeze activist, I really wanted to start FM is a partner station of the BBC. a newspaper. However, I was not Initially Breeze FM had a broadcast happy with the quality and cost of radius of 120km and covered slight-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 95 ly over half of the population of eastern Zambia of 1,3 million peo- Poverty is the bane of ple. Two years ago, it was granted authority to expand its coverage media development area to the entire Eastern Province. Work on the geographical expansion programme started in June 2011 and was due to be completed in August 2011, with the aim of increasing the listenership to well over one million people. The expansion programme will make Breeze FM one of the largest community-based radio stations in Zambia and the region. The expansion work was supported through a grant from the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (Osisa) and a loan from the Media Development Loan Fund (MDLF). Of course, Breeze FM has had its shares of challenges too. These include difficulties in finding suitably qualified people, the shortage of By Thompson Ayodele Although there has been an serious paying clients, delayed pay- appreciable growth in media in ments, hostility of previous govern- Thompson Ayodele is a Africa in recent times, the continent ments and power interruptions. former journalist in Nigeria still lags behind in comparison to These challenges aside, audience and currently the director its potential audience. In a recent surveys carried out by various of Initiative for Public Policy ranking, no newspaper in Africa was organisations in the province show Analysis, a public policy think- rated among the world’s top 100 of that Breeze FM is the most-listened- tank based in Lagos, Nigeria. the most-circulated newspapers. to station in eastern Zambia. More Poverty is the reason why many than 75 percent of respondents cite readers share a single newspaper. Breeze FM as their favourite station. Despite the population of Nigeria, Breeze is, therefore, ideally placed none of the national newspapers to carry out its broad development has a circulation of one million mission, which is “… to stimulate a day. It is logical to infer that prosperity in the coverage area by somebody who shares or borrows a creating access to useful, relevant newspaper would be willing to buy if and up-to-date information that he/she had the financial means. But will give growth at personal, family it is a common sight for newspaper and community levels.” vendors to be crowded by those The station began to register a profit who want to view headlines or look during its fourth year of operation, for opportunities to read a free copy setting it on the path to achieving – even to the point of straining their its vision of becoming a model of necks. In Nigeria, such people are a profitable, community-based and referred to as “free readers”. commercial radio station. Since many people live on less than a dollar a day, it is obvious there will be nothing left to patronise a pay- TV station or to buy a daily copy of a newspaper. Weak purchasing power is thus the bane of audience growth

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and consequently undermines media capacity to drive change. Mentored into Electronic media has larger audience size than print because anyone who magazine publishing can afford a television or radio can access free-to-air programmes. But the size of the audience in this case is limited by a lack of stable power supply. Because of the level of poverty, many people lack the economic power to buy a power generator. Most people therefore listen to radio because it is cheap and can run off batteries. “Poverty is the reason why many readers share a single newspaper.”

However, one effect of being unable By John Yarney I grew restless as I peeked on the to increase Africa’s media audience overhead screen for the flight is that elites have been able to John Yarney is a media status on the South African Airways monopolise the industry. More entrepreneur based in Accra, flight from Johannesburg to Accra. I dangerous is the situation where Ghana. He currently heads up the thought we had covered more miles governments own a large chunk of publishing start-up, Emerging than the tracker was indicating. the media. Given the fact that most Communications Limited. I was very eager to disembark in governments in Africa are dictatorial Accra to deploy my four sets of and corrupt, press freedom cannot luggage — personal effects; theories be guaranteed in such situations. on media management from Rhodes Above all, what the public hears University; huge enthusiasm and is what the government or ruling dreams; and final coaching on media party wants them to know or hear business from Lynn Ferreira — then about. Often such media become an Assistant Publisher at Media24. official propagandists. When this In June 2007, I had a phenomenal becomes the order of the day, the experience job shadowing Lynn. In discerning public is unwilling to my opinion she gave me the best tune in and do not care to get a preparation for the assignment copy of a newspaper. I was setting out on in Accra — This underscores the need to tackle one-on-one solo presentations on poverty. Going by its population, all aspects of the media business; Africa’s media audience is huge and appointments with key people in the major obstacle to maximising Media24 who had some experience this potential is poverty. to share; letting me tail her to all her daily meetings and a lot of personal coaching. With Ghana as the launch pad, I was intent on putting in place the foun- dations of a sustainable media enterprise in the West African Region,

Media in Africa - 2011 | 97 comparable to the likes in South the enterprise was undercapitalised, you can generate from magazines, it Africa and East Africa. The terrain we almost closed shop. is certainly worth considering them. looked ripe for such an endeavor — Three years on, CIO Business World Have the perils of the terrain eroded a growing upwardly mobile middle- is still on the newsstands and is one my enthusiasm and dreams? No. class and a seemingly thriving busi- of the top two business magazines The experience has made me wiser, ness sector. of choice for business people in but also more audacious. With the The plan was to enter the market Ghana. In 2011 I transitioned from insights from the projects in Ghana, with a women’s magazine with a Business World to concentrate on I am still dreaming and feverishly real and inward-looking outlook, Emerge magazine. working to extend the brands to called Emerge, and eventually other destinations in 2012. extend into other areas. “Three years on, And what were my resources? Pow- erPoint presentations, my knowl- CIO Business World edge of the landscape and my dog- is still on the gedness. On January 5, 2008, Cape Town- newsstands and is based designer, Sarah Wilson, one of the top two started working on the nameplate and the general typography of the business magazines new magazine. On Tuesday January of choice for business 8, 2008, I was walking into my first appointment to raise money for the people in Ghana.” new enterprise. Fast-forward to the first week of We launched this year. With not May 2008. I had just raised less very significant resources, three than a third of the amount needed other mavericks — Akosua Agyei- to finance the dummies. All the Boahene, Emma Ajei-Otchwemah potential investors I approached and Veronique Lunganga, have kept were very skeptical about putting this project going. They have caught the money in a magazine publishing the vision and believe in the project in Ghana — most thought Ghanaians even more than the originator. Week did not read; some had burnt their in, week out, they have brushed fingers investing in print media aside all teething issues associated projects that had failed; while others with a start-up. thought it was far safer and more From my experience on both profitable to put their money into magazines — CIO Business World pure commerce or the instruments and Emerge — it is clear that on the capital markets. Ghanaians will read if you give them Before Emerge magazine finally compelling content that satisfies emerged, there was a dry run with a their personal needs. Three months different venture. after the first issue of Emerge was A long-time friend Kofi and I published, we were still getting decided to launch a local version of daily calls from people who wanted CIO Business World, a magazine for personal copies. which the target audience comprised Again with experience from the the country’s CIOs, CEOs, CFOs and two publications, I think that with senior business executives. In August the right concept, right staffing 2008, with less than $2700 in cash, and adequate capitalisation, print a CIO magazine license from the media and especially magazines International Data Group (IDG) and can be sustainable in Ghana. Other our skills, the magazine got off the sectors may be more profitable, but ground. On three occasions, because looking at what brand extension

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How we started The Observer

a greater challenge professionally and business success. There was a general feeling that with our skills and experience we could champion good quality journalism, and make some money in the process. We would stand for QUALITY and CRED- IBILITY in journalism, as we sought to promote good governance and accountability at all levels of public and private life. We had no money, save for a little cash to rent our office premises for the initial three months, and also to purchase a printer. One of the well- established newspapers in Uganda had agreed to a credit facility to print By James Tumusiime I was at Rhodes University in South a few initial editions of the paper. In Africa in December 2003 when I addition, individual partners were to James Tumusiime is Managing received email from colleagues at contribute whatever they could, and Editor/Director and founder of The my workplace, a daily newspaper in that is how chairs, computers and Observer Kampala, that our editor had been desks were obtained. For the first fired. couple of months we sat on plastic He was a sharp-tongued but witty, chairs. courageous and charismatic man whose elevation had been wel- “We would stand comed by those who knew his qualities. However, the new owners for QUALITY and of this newspaper, who had only re- CREDIBILITY in cently acquired majority sharehold- ing from him and five other part- journalism, as we ners, didn’t get along with him and sought to promote so he was given two days to get out. I had been considering leaving my good governance and job after completing my Master’s accountability at all degree, without really being sure levels of public and what I wanted to do next, but this immediately gave me ideas. I private life.” thought about the possibility of a newspaper venture with my former editor. Returning to Kampala later It now looks like we thought at the that month, I swiftly met with time that a newspaper was just him and he confirmed that other about news. As journalists, all we colleagues had contacted him about knew was to cover and report news the same idea. stories. But a newspaper is more A few meetings later, The Weekly than just that. You must sell the Observer was born, started by a news that you report. You must sell group of 10 journalists in pursuit of advertising space too.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 99 In Uganda almost 90% of the achieved, I would say it was really newspaper sales are through road- hard for our reporters and sales side vendors and supermarkets, not staff to introduce themselves to through subscription. people who had not heard of the We contracted a company to handle new publication. The conversation the distribution chain, but in the would go like this: “Hello, I am James absence of close monitoring as calling from The Weekly Observer”. we all buried ourselves in editorial The reply would be something like: work, the dealer stopped remitting “What is that?” the money and we took long to Now almost everyone in Uganda notice it. Almost $20,000 was lost. knows the paper and what it stands We had to end the contract and for. A lot of readers continue to plunge into the unfamiliar territory compliment our quality product and of newspaper circulation. our resilience in a difficult market. With regard to advertising, we Since our inception, the newspaper thought an advert in the paper was has become a bi-weekly and thus as good as money but we were to changed its name to The Observer. learn much later that this wasn’t the We have moved out of the one- case. Some of the adverts had no room office into a two-storey office proper orders. Some unscrupulous building, and consolidated our mar- sales staff had taken advantage of ket position as a credible alternative our inexperience to place adverts newspaper. irregularly. Most of such adverts One cannot talk about newspapers in would become bad debts. Uganda today without mentioning The Observer, mostly in a good light. “A lot of readers Considering the humble beginnings, that positive brand awareness is in continue to my view our single most important compliment our achievement. However, being journalists, balanc- quality product and ing business interests and journal- our resilience in a ism remains a challenge as the two are often in conflict. Many times we difficult market.” have had to jeopardise our business interests so as to uphold our journalistic duty. Doing that when there All these challenges we withstood, are operational costs to pay is not but the challenge we were most easy. Yet running a newspaper is unprepared for was the death almost synonymous with incredible of our managing editor/director, overheads in printing, salaries and the man who had led us into this distribution costs, among others. project, just one year and a half into the venture. He fell sick suddenly in October 2005, and was dead within three weeks. Many people, including some of our own partners, were certain that this was the end of the road. It was hard enough with him, but without him? Nevertheless I stepped forward and tried to steady the ship amid these waves of doubt. Looking back at what we have

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Sustaining pluralism takes money.... and more operated. So sustainability is much more than delivering audiences to advertisers. With this perspective, the Sol Plaatje Institute for Media Leadership (SPI) in 2006 embarked on a research study into the community print sector titled “Key Editorial and Business Strategies”. The study focussed on editorial and business strategies used in community and small independent newspapers. The six case studies we looked at then inspired a further study — this time into five community radio stations in South Africa. This study examined By Johanna Mavhungu “Is media in the business of research strategies that community delivering eye balls to advertisers?” radio stations employ to understand Johanna Mavhungu works as a media This question comes from US media their listenership trends. Here researcher at the Sol Plaatje Institute analyst, Prof Phillip Meyer. are some key findings from both for Media Leadership (SPI) at Rhodes To understand where he’s coming research studies: University, where she has overseen from, it needs to be noted that • Community outreach is a ne- many studies into African media the term “sustainability” is often cessity not a luxury, both in issues that are available at http:// equated with financial viability. terms of developing society and www.spiml.com/. But sustainability can refer to a increasing a publication’s rel- system that works effectively and evance and visibility. efficiently for the short, medium • Newspapers need training, mon- and long terms, whilst financial itoring and mentoring in all as- viability is only an aspect of this. pects of knowing how to start In media, key elements for up and run a newspaper from sustainability include appropriate strategising through to imple- legislation, technology, audiences menting skills based tasks. and financial viability. All are • Research should be conduct- complementary elements and part of ed for the following purposes the value chain of media businesses. in community radio stations: They form an integral part of the to gather ideas for daily pro- system on which the business is gramme production, ongoing content development, and re- “So sustainability view; and to encourage community participation combined is much more than with survey research to measure delivering audiences listenership. Since then, the SPI has carried out to advertisers.” further research into the sustainability of media with the Internation- al Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) titled “Africa Media Sustain-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 101 ability Index” (MSI). In the past four efficient equipment and quality ty and future sustainability. Instead, years of the MSI has tracked media niche reporting. The business man- media sustainability will benefit development in 40 sub-Saharan Af- agement objective includes revenue from a reasonable investment into rican countries. The study applies generation from multiple sources, quality content. five objectives to define sustainabil- availability of credible market re- ity, each objective being measured search and percentages in ad spend. REFERENCES: by indicators like promotion and protection of free speech; profes- Meyer, P. 2004. The Influence sional journalism; plurality of news “Restrictions in Model and Newspaper Business; sources; business management; and legislative bills in Newspaper Research Journal, Vol supporting in-stitutions. The criteria (25) 1, 66-83, winter 2004. are used to reflect a socially effec- South Africa and Mavhungu, J. O’Shea, C. 2009. tive and economically sound media proposed changes to Formative Target Audience sector. Research: A Case Study of Five The results of the MSI 2006/7 the self-regulatory Community Radio Stations in South indicated that media in South system of the print Africa. Grahamstown: Sol Plaatje Africa was sustainable. However, Institute for Media Leadership. since 2008 no sub-Saharan African media will have a Milne, C., Rau, A., Du Toit, P., country has obtained a sustainable negative impact on Mdlongwa, F. 2006. Key Editorial rating. South Africa still leads with press freedom and and Business Strategies: A case “near sustainable” rating. study of six independent community Of the 40 countries measured in access to information, newspapers. Grahamstown: this study, 15 are in the lower levels and therefore Sol Plaatje Institute for Media of “near sustainable”, 20 in the Leadership. unsustainable mixed system, and sustainability.” at least 14 nearing sustainability. Eritrea and Equatorial Guinea are the only two in the unsustainable The two can be understood in re- and anti-free press category. These lation to Phillip Meyer’s “influence are an indication of the movement model” in regard to newspaper busi- in media development in sub- nesses. He notes that an abundance Saharan Africa, and they show of information gives readers greater that sub-Saharan Africa’s media choice and makes it harder to find environment has regressed. a loyal audience. The credibility of Ratings for Botswana went below content becomes ever more critical sustainable partly due to the intro- in this scenario. duction of the Media Practitioners The influence model according Act in December 2008. Restrictions to Meyer shows that credibility in legislative bills in South Africa has an influence on profitability. and proposed changes to the self- Likewise, the MSI objectives dealing regulatory system of the print media with professional journalism and will have a negative impact on press business management show that freedom and access to information, there is a correlation of low scores and therefore sus-tainability. in each area. From a media business perspective Meyer posits that if a media outlet of the five objectives, two are espe- is credible especially with its imme- cially relevant for this article: the diate community, it is bound to be scores for professional journalism financially viable, because quality and business management. The indi- content ultimately attracts audi- cators for the first of these includes: ences. Effectively, then, advertisers, ethical and well sourced reporting, investors and funders are not the payment scales and availability of only determiners of financial viabili-

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Audience research is essential

buyers need to invest in media, on behalf of their clients, that guarantee them optimum audience returns. Rigorous audience research is also needed to: • Provide a uniform tool for gaug- ing if the objectives of media campaigns have been achieved; • Provide an industry-wide, single trading ‘currency’ for advertisers, advertising agencies and media owners for the buying and selling of media space; • Create the basis for objectively and transparently setting rate cards and evaluating campaign By George T. Waititu The importance of regular, robust performance by media within and industry-recognised audience and across markets. George T. Waititu is a media research measurement and media research This critical information is conspicu- consultant. He has been previously cannot be under-estimated in terms ously lacking in most African coun- been the CEO for Synovate (previously of developing the African media. tries, where audience measurement The Steadman Group) in Pan Africa, National, international and con- and media research data is either and is also a former president of tinental investment in media will completely unavailable or available the Pan-Africa Media Research quite simply not happen with- on very ad hoc, and often unsound, Organisation — PAMRO. He has more out high quality, independent and basis. than 10 years’ experience in market rigorous audience research data. Change, however, is being driven by and media research. These data are urgently required to the Pan-Africa Media Research Or- provide media owners, advertisers, ganisation (PAMRO). This body seeks advertising agencies and media de- to promote the use of audience velopment groups with market and measurement in Africa, in a context audience intelligence. This intelli- where an increasingly competitive gence is needed in order to: media market produces a fragment- • Provide essential audience be- ed environment in which consumers haviour data as the bedrock face a vast array of media choices. for informing the creative The context is also one in which process of programme making, advertisers’ demands are changing. communications strategy deve- The marketing fraternity and their lopment and impact evaluation; agencies are increasingly required to • Provide detailed viewing and demonstrate and measure “Return listening behaviour patterns on Advertising Investment” and to for informing scheduling and justify their media buying strategies. acquisitions, and broader As a result, audience measurement communications policies; data is increasingly available in at • Maximize the efficient, effec- least 10 African countries either on tive and accountable use of a regular or ad hoc basis. Challenges ad-vertising through informed to improving on this situation planning and buying. Media include:

Media in Africa - 2011 | 103 • Lack of understanding of the need and use of audience data; Africa on the cusp of an • Lack of research capacity in most countries; information explosion • Unwillingness of stakeholders to sustainably commit the financial resources required to invest in the collection and dissemination of such data; • The complex nature of audience research in terms of methodology and the fact that all industry players have to commit to a common currency.

wo initiatives need to be Tundertaken to move ahead: • The creation of joint industry groups to champion/initiate and manage audience measurement. The main mandate for such bodies would be to mobilise finances to guide and audit By Vivien Marles The continent has previously been research methodologies. poorly served by media technologies, • The sensitising, training and sup- Vivien Marles was appointed with the notable exception of porting of research practitioners Managing Director of InterMe- radio which remains the dominant and users about the methods dia, Africa in 2011, with her of- media in Africa today. But new (the ‘tools of the trade’) — and fice in Nairobi. InterMedia is a technologies have begun to make a how to use and communicate specialist media and communi- difference. research effectively. The main cation research and consultancy Evidence from InterMedia’s “Au- target group here needs to be firm, based in Washington. She diencescapes.org” and other glo- advertisers, as experience shows previously spent almost five bal audience surveys reveal these that this is the only group that years with Synovate Pan-Africa trends: can provide sustainable financial (formerly The Steadman Group) • Although in most African coun- support to industry audience as Research and Strategy and tries internet users still make measurement. Training Director. up only an elite group among the population, they are rapidly defining new ways of gathering and spreading news. Typically, it is educated wealthy individuals (often young men) in urban areas who have greater access to the internet and who use it on a more regular basis; • Mobile phones are quickly saturating markets all over the world, bringing faster and easier communication to people and places never before served by landline phones. However, especially across of Africa, users are only beginning

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to adopt applications beyond likely due to the popularity of urban men — are beginning to use basic personal communication, borrowing phones or visiting kiosks. mobile internet. such as voice calls and SMS; Intermedia has found that among In Nigeria, young, well-educated • Mobile broadband promises to Kenyan adults who use their phone urbanites make up the majority of reshape the communication to get news, the most popular internet users. That country’s demo- and media landscape. This is method was via SMS from a mobile graphic and regional variations in beginning to take hold in many phone operator (81%): about a third Internet use serve to reflect a pat- countries across Africa where said they received SMS from a news tern elsewhere across the continent. Internet access via mobile organisation or listened to the radio For example: phones is rising exponentially, on their phones. • Men are almost three times and where most access to more likely than women to say specifically broadband is being “...new technologies they have used the internet in provided via the airwaves. the past year; These exciting technological ad- have begun to make a • Almost half of respondents in vances are enabling new media to difference.” Lagos used the internet in the leap-frog traditional media tech- last year; nologies. For example, in a survey of • Only 15% of respondents in the 3011 Nigerian adults (aged 15 years Until relatively recently, Africa has central and eastern states of and over) in October 2009, InterMe- been excluded from the broadband southern Nigeria said they had dia found only 1% had a landline revolution but with the arrival in gone online, and telephone in their homes, while al- 2010 of the undersea fibre-optic • In the northern regions, fewer most two-thirds had a working mo- cables from Europe and India linking than 10% of respondents had bile phone at home. Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, Ghana done so (as few as 2% in the Mobile phone penetration varies and Nigeria amongst others, this is northwestern states). across the continent, but is expand- changing rapidly. The challenge now The new media revolution is taking ing, even in rural areas. Many peo- is in developing internal broadband a firm grip across the continent. For ple who do not personally own a linkages through a patchwork of the very first time most citizens now phone are able to borrow one from 3G, satellite, cable and broadcast- have affordable access to ‘personal’ a friend or family member, or use hybrids. media devices which expands their one at a commercial “kiosk”. Recent Although Internet access still re- choice of media usage and exposure survey data shows that personal mains very limited in spread and to a wide range of news and ownership of mobile phones ranges speed in most countries, the growth information sources. from around 20% in Ethiopia and rates in the past two years have Enormously exciting developments Niger, and between 30% and 40% been spectacular in some countries in technology and applications are in Zimbabwe, Ghana and Tanzania, — notably those with direct access taking place to harness the power through to between 60% and 70% to the coastal undersea cables, and of new media. Nairobi is rapidly in Nigeria and Kenya. with rapidly growing urban and becoming the Silicon Valley of While voice calling remains the most middle class populations like Niger- Africa with new m-government popular use of mobile phones, SMS ia, Kenya, Ghana and Mozambique. initiatives, access to mobile money messaging with friends and family, Regular, daily or weekly, internet and m-health applications — to receiving SMS information from access is now typically available mention just a few. mobile operators or other sources, to an “information elite” in urban Africans are on the cusp of a and listening to the radio are all areas, consisting largely of educated media and information explosion becoming popular among mobile men. Typically, there is a penetration which promises to transform lives phone uses. For example, more of below 10% even in the most ‘new through great increases in access than a quarter of those surveyed by media’ advanced countries, but it is to finance, information, news and InterMedia in Rwanda and Tanzania growing. diverse opinions. said they had used SMS to get Meantime, home access is extremely information from friends and family rare; internet cafés are the most at some time. In Rwanda, this was common access venue. And the more than the number of people heaviest users of new technologies— who owned a phone themselves, typically young, educated, affluent

Media in Africa - 2011 | 105 A small publisher gets technology to do the work

a quality product seldom go hand in hand but I was not willing to sacrifice on content. The only way I could afford a skilled and creative team was by cutting down on any wastage and ensuring a process that was streamlined to minimise errors. You need a bit of luck in life and often assistance comes via strange routes. It started off with me (then still the news editor) realising the need for an online presence back in 1997. Seeing there were no web design experts in the region, I decided to tackle it on my own. A few dummy’s guides and a software By Anton van Zyl Press freedom is an idealistic ap- programme later, the newspaper’s proach that looks good on paper…. first website appeared. Anton van Zyl is the owner/manager Well, yes. Most of us can’t agree of Zoutnet CC, a company based in more. The problem comes in with South Africa’s Limpopo province and the paper. Who pays the paper and “Press freedom is an which publishes the award-winning printing bills and who makes sure it idealistic approach Limpopo Mirror and Zoutpansberger gets delivered to thousands of read- newspapers. He is a director and ers? that looks good on founder member of the Association Press freedom is inevitably linked paper…” of Independent Publishers (AIP) and to the newspaper owner and man- vice-chairperson of the advertising ager’s ability to survive in a tough co-operative Capro (Pty) Ltd. economy. This is even more difficult When I became owner and manager if you are a small community-based of the publishing company a few paper without the safety net of a years later, I realised that I had big national brother. In order to sur- very little time at hand to spend vive you have to adapt, be creative updating and working on “luxuries” and find solutions even before the such as a website that didn’t bring bigger competitors realise there are in any revenue. The solution arrived problems. in 2003 when a young developer In the case of Zoutnet, publisher of introduced himself. He was keen the Limpopo Mirror and Zoutpans- on doing websites, even though he berger newspapers, one means of had little experience. I decided to survival lies in the innovative use of give him a chance and the dummy’s technology. The two newspapers are guides found a new home. circulated in the northern parts of A couple of months later the web- Limpopo, in probably one of South site was finished and it immediately Africa’s poorest regions. impacted on the way the news- When I took over the two titles in rooms functioned. Because it was 2000, I realised efficiency was crucial database-driven, much more infor- to survival in a small, price-sensitive mation could be derived from the economy. Low profit margins and site. Editors could keep track of the

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most popular stories, readers could lated the distribution aspects of comment on issues and additional the newspapers. DistriBooker keeps photos and information could be track of deliveries at the multitude made available. In today’s terms it of delivery points and generates re- is nothing exceptional, but a dec- ports on where surpluses or short- ade ago it was ground-breaking for ages are experienced. small rural papers. Once the website was finished, the company started to look for “Press freedom is a few other projects to keep the inevitably linked to young designer busy. The need for a booking system for adverts was the newspaper owner discussed. A system was needed and manager’s ability where marketers could book adverts from any workstation and where to survive in a tough the central list was populated on economy.” the fly. It needed to regulate the complete workflow, from when the advert was booked to when it was Following a few more small projects, placed on a page and eventually work started on probably the most invoiced. It had to include various complex project of all, Newsfiler. check mechanisms and also had to This system controls the workflow in generate reports on everything from the newsroom and is an extremely a client’s records to the instances powerful filing system. It allows where too much discount was reporters to log into the system and allowed. post their stories and photos. These In 2004 the first version of AdBooker can then be sub-edited and sent was implemented. Like all the other through for proofing. Feedback can applications that followed, AdBooker be given throughout the process was designed as a website, which and it also tracks changes to stories. meant it was not dependent on Once editing is finished, the story the workstation’s operating system. is made available to the layout Any computer with a browser and artists. As is the case with the other access to the server could log on to applications, Newsfiler generates the programme. Permissions could a variety of reports and is also an be set up and modified, meaning extremely potent archive system. every user could only see what he The software that was developed or she needed to see. The server was made an immense impact on our linked to the internet and it became business. It not only cut down on “cloud-based”, years before such losses, such as for missed adverts, applications became popular. it also made us much more Shortly after AdBooker’s first productive. It probably helped to version was finished, work started keep us in business in difficult times. on similar applications. Press-Store, Best of all, the development could an online file repository, followed. be done with a budget that would This made the work of especially not even attract the attention of an the news editors much easier, as accountant. large files could be received from correspondents in a structured manner. The next project was DistriBooker, a web-based system that regu-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 107 Citizens take up the pen, the cell – and the microphone

Each course lasted for six weeks and the syllabus covered basic news reporting skills, computer skills, internet research, media law and ethics, radio production and photography. While we have trained over 100 citizens so far, only 65 CJs have emerged on the other side. To ‘qualify’ as CJ, a citizen should get at least one story published. The graduates are issued with CJ certificates and identity cards, which allow them unrestricted access to the fully equipped CJ Newsroom of well-maintained computers with internet. The cards can also be used By Kwanele Butana When Grocott’s Mail secured fund- as press cards. ing from the Knight Foundation to Our CJ Newsroom, possibly the first Kwanele Butana is a senior reporter start a project aimed at converting one in Africa, also has memory card at the Cape Times, and former Citizen ordinary citizens into journalists in readers and data cables for every Journalism Editor at Grocott’s Mail, the place where I was born and bred, type of cellphone. These are often Grahamstown, South Africa. I thought to myself: “One should be used to upload videos and photos the guinea pig in this experiment taken by CJs using their cell phones. which promises unpredictable out- The CJ articles, photos and videos comes.” are edited and published online in a The result was my appointment in specific section of the newspaper’s April 2010 as Citizen Journalism website. Depending on their news Editor at the paper. I began a values, stronger articles and photos journey to where I had never dreamt are also published in print, in which of being, by taking part in recruiting case the CJs are paid freelance rates. and training Citizen Journalists Our ethos is that CJs are the eyes (CJs). and ears of the community as well In addition to the ever-effective as defenders of democracy. We word of mouth, our recruitment inspire them to interrogate issues policy included publishing adverts in their immediate communities so in Grocott’s, as well as sticking up as to enable them to connect their notices in strategic areas around fellow citizens to the levers of local Grahamstown inviting applications. political power. Our application forms simply asked potential trainees to motivate as to “The result is that what good use they would put the journalistic skills to be gained from good stories now our course. There are no minimum play on three media academic requirements for being a CJ, save for some level of literacy platforms: online, as reporting entails reading and print and radio.” writing.

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While CJs are encouraged to monitor buy something to eat. Currently, I’m their neighbourhoods regularly, we only left with five CJs. also run campaigns where CJs are assigned to write stories focusing “...stories that would on a specific issue or theme. We’ve otherwise not have run campaigns on cleanliness (how clean/dirty is our town?), reached the public employment (who works or doesn’t sphere.” and why?), World Cup Fever (is our town ready for the mega-event?) and heritage (national monuments Nevertheless, for the past 12 months in town). there has been a constant flow of CJ The CJs like to get bylines in the material to local audiences – stories paper but nothing appeals to them that would otherwise not have better than hearing their stories on reached the public sphere. I can bet radio. They do this by producing and you my middle finger that in African presenting an hour-long current cities where joblessness and poverty affairs show on Radio Grahamstown issues are not as pronounced as in twice a week. our town, the prospects of success The result is that good stories now for similar projects will be even play on three media platforms: greater. online, print and radio. All of this rests on a community of practice where CJs not only have an opportunity to network and share ideas and information among themselves, but can also enjoy mentoring and continuous support from professional journalists at regular diary meetings. On the downside, not everyone who goes through our training courses makes the cut, and a certificate doesn’t always yield a fired-up CJ. As evident in what is left of my team of around 20 active CJs, the numbers dwindle gradually over time due to the same reasons which lead to a considerable drop-out rate from our courses. The majority of our applicants are young and unemployed, and therefore don’t hesitate to drop out of our course at the slightest prospect of anything job-like. Some are still studying and may feel overbur- dened with having to juggle their schoolwork with our coursework. Grahamstown’s abject poverty also prevents some CJs from travelling around in pursuit of news as they are short of money for a taxi or to

Media in Africa - 2011 | 109 The lessons of public-media partnerships

media. It was also intended to increase local media coverage of targeted marginalised groups including women, which would contribute to increased involvement and participation of these groups. The main activities of the programme included: • establishment of two focal points in each country, • information sharing and development of an online learning and news platform, • training of trainers and media training for 30 people from 15 organisations in each country, By Noma Rangana Despite the increase in the number and on-the-job training. of media outlets and the booming The training focused largely on Noma Rangana is regional new media, a considerable number creating awareness and on the Communications Officer at Save the of people still do not have access ability to use a variety of digital, Children Sweden (Southern Africa). to information. Whether we are traditional and edge-of-the-net She was previously Programme talking about current awareness media tools. The online portal also Manager for the Citizen Journalism in or edutainment, there is still a big served as an outlet for the news and Africa Programme at Hivos, and also problem. The urban-rural divide is stories written by the participants. a Senior Programme Officer at Open still big. At the beginning of the programme, Society Foundation for South Africa. The Hivos Citizen Journalism in Afri- skills assessments were done and it ca Programme was aimed at building emerged that the majority of the the capacity of civil society organi- people interviewed did not have sations and ordinary citizens to use communication or media skills. There online and offline citizen journalism was also limited understanding of as a means of publication, lobbying, how to engage the media. The other networking and knowledge shar- problem identified was that some ing with their constituencies and to people had not been exposed to be reliable sources of news for the new media and its potential as an media. The programme was imple- alternative to mainstream media. mented in six southern and eastern Inter-country networks were en- African countries. couraged for information sharing. The objective was to improve the This was also to ensure that stories capacity of selected African civil and news could be published out- society organisations working in side the country, especially where it gender, HIV/Aids, rural development, was difficult to raise certain issues. children and the youth, so they Implementing the project proved to could use both traditional and be a daunting task as lack of con- digital media strategically and with nectivity was a major problem for journalistic professionalism. This many participants and the media. would support democratic processes For some in the media, internet ac- and a diverse and independent cess meant maybe one or two con-

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nected machines and a long waiting communicating were introduced issues do not seem to be a priority line. This made it difficult to verify but the local conditions did not in most mainstream media. In many stories and to do online research on always align with the strategy. instances, due to ownership and issues to be covered. Not having a The approach had to be re-worked bias towards the ruling party, some dedicated email address was anoth- to take local conditions into editors do not publish certain sto- er impediment as emails were lost consideration. ries. The other issue is that certain or unread because there was more One example was in Uganda discussions are not raised by the than one person using the email ad- where the interest to write and media due to legislative challenges, dress. This made it difficult for them share information was great. There eg. sexual orientation in Uganda to cover stories in outlying towns, was also a willingness to have at and Tanzania. and difficult for civil society organi- least one article sent to the local Another challenge that needs to sations to establish a relationship newspaper. But for those who did be addressed is equipping the with the media. have access to a computer, this was journalists with knowledge and The cost of connectivity is too high only during working hours and they understanding of specific subjects. in some countries while in others did not have the time. In the end, there is just no infrastructure. audio blogs seemed to be the best Communication is also not seen as option and they worked well. These “Many papers and a priority by many organisations, also proved useful to the media as stations do not have and there is no dedicated person there was a lot of information and to deal with related issues. Access they were posted online. specialists and as to computers was a problem as Civil society organisations complain a result the quality many of the people argued that about the media not taking their there were few computers in the work seriously and not showing up of reporting is workplace and priority was given to for events. In many instances, if the compromised.” other work than writing stories. organisation is not willing to pay Beyond pamphlets and brochures, for the journalist’s involvement, Many papers and stations do not some organisations do not have there will be no coverage of the have specialists and as a result the other ways of sharing and dissemi- event. Many of these journalists quality of reporting is compromised. nating information, and the media are underpaid and do not have the This is also evident in the way often struggle to get comments and resources to go outside the main certain issues are reported on or in articles from organisations. The re- centres. Some of these journalists lack of content. lationship between the media and are too junior to understand the A partnership between the media organisations is often adversarial, relevance of certain issues. The and the people on the ground will making it difficult for each side to pressure to meet deadlines also ensure there is a constant flow of listen. makes it difficult for journalists information from all sides. It will to follow up on stories and issues also strengthen the role the media outside the main centres. is playing. Organisations which “Many of these There are no community radio implement various programmes on journalists are stations or community media in the ground will be seen as reliable some of these communities and sources of information as soon as underpaid and do not mainstream media has no interest they up their game. have the resources to in community issues (unless it’s a go outside the main scandal). There are no libraries and resource centres that could keep centres.” newspapers for current awareness, or provide audio and books for entertainment and education. One of the lessons learnt in The cost of getting articles pub- implementing this programme was lished is not affordable to some, as the importance of understanding money has to change hands first. the context in which people Journalists want to be paid before operate. New tools and ways of they will write a story. Development

Media in Africa - 2011 | 111 Blogging is the most African thing to do online

that others have opinions that must be listened to, and that others have opinions which when we consider them may make us change our previously strongly-held opinions, lies at heart of the growth of citizen media in Africa. In 2002, for example, I wrote (in very respectful tones I assure you) to one of our TV broadcasters in Kenya to complain about their unofficial policy of refusing to give coverage to the then opposition presidential candidate, Mwai Kibaki. The message I received in response told me to “watch out as we now know your name”. By Daudi Were Few things scare the 21st century In response I started the Kenyan African man in his 20s. At the peak Blogs Webring, which now has close Daudi Khamadi Were is a technology of his physical power, energetic, to 1000 bloggers, all providing an and digital media strategist based in ambitious, aware and articulate, this alternative view on life in Kenya. Nairobi. He is passionate about Africa man believes he is the prime of his In the country’s 2007 general and is concerned about the state of life. Men in the prime of their lives, election, the same broadcaster, the relationship between the people in a truth universally acknowledged, demonstrating that consistency of Africa and their leaders. Daudi start searching for a wife, or more may not be the best measure of spends most of his time working specifically a woman whom they effectiveness or progress, was now on innovative ways technology can hope to convince to become their saturated with coverage of the be used to help solve problems in wife, and it is in this process that the now President, Mwai Kibaki, while society and communities across the real meaning of decision-making ignoring the opposition presidential world. He is regularly recognised as through discussion comes to life. candidates. one of the most influential African For if there is one thing that scares bloggers, and he writes at www. these normally unflustered young “The message I mentalacrobatics.com. men across the continent it is the fear of dowry negotiations. received in response Dowry negotiations provide a told me to ‘watch out modern reminder of how decisions were arrived at in traditional African as we now know your society. Delicate discussions on name’.” firmly-held positions, unspoken protocols, respect for different traditions and above all the need to During the chaos that followed listen carefully, consider alternative the election, they aired Mexican positions, and to offer concessions soap operas and European football. so as to arrive a mutually acceptable The fires that were burning on the agreement. streets, the effects the violence was This central maxim, that others have having on the large informal econ- opinions that are worth listening to, omy, the uprooting of communi-

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ties, as well as the stories of good and opinion makers themselves, just will, of villagers protecting their as bloggers have done. neighbours, of policemen refusing Whenever we ask journalists in Ken- to shoot protestors, of women go- ya to spare us the politicians, they ing door to door pleading for peace, quote statistics that say newspaper these stories were written by the sales fall when politicians are not bloggers and eventually mapped by featured on the cover. But we also the mappers as the Ushahidi plat- know from psychologists that it form was born. takes 6 – 8 weeks to develop a new Citizens want a seat at the dowry habit. A bold way for African media table, we need to be involved houses to celebrate the Windhoek in the debate on the future of Declaration would be to turn around our continent and we need the their reporting for 6 – 8 weeks and plurality of opinions represented in to dedicate their front pages to the our communities to be taken into alternative story. In this way, and account. This is why I call blogging learning from the Africans blogo- the most African thing you can do sphere, they could help play their online today. part in showcasing the plurality of opinions working in concert in our “...we need to be societies. involved in the debate of the future of our continent...”

The wonderful thing about the Windhoek Declaration is that Africa took the lead globally in recognising the importance of protecting the right to a plurality of information and equally important the protection of those that provide that information. Chimamanda Adichie reminds us that Africa has never been the continent of a single story. The mainstream media in Africa has worked out profitable ways to tell us what happened and is currently working hard to figure out how they can tell us what is happening NOW, as is seen with proliferation of SMS news alerts. What the media houses of Africa can do in the next 20 years in the spirit of the Windhoek Declaration is go beyond covering thought leaders and opinion makers. Instead, they can aggressively push to claim some space by becoming thought leaders

Media in Africa - 2011 | 113 To every village its own reporter

free to the farmer, Grameen also finds data-collection business activities that can be done by CKWs. These might include, for example, monitoring and evaluation data for other development projects operating in the areas where CKWs reside. The CKW phones come with mobile data-collection software for the CKWs to use when these opportunities come along — and they often do. Are any journalism bells going off yet? They did for me. Grameen is building a network of phone- and information-savvy rural interme- diaries — a network that eventu- By Lydia Namubiru In Africa, as in much of the devel- ally will grow to cover much more oping world, rural people are dis- of the country, both in depth and Lydia Namubiru is a Ugandan connected from the mainstream breadth, than any media house does. journalist taking a break from media, which neither reaches them Grameen currently has trained and active reporting to explore mobile nor reports much about them. In equipped 468 CKWs in eight dis- technology and how it can be applied early 2010, I started working with tricts— at least two in each region to improve journalism and other Grameen Foundation’s AppLab on a of the county. Its goal is to deploy information dissemination channels project in Uganda called the Com- 1,200 such individuals by the end of society. As described in this article, munity Knowledge Worker Initiative of 2013. With the help of mobile she currently is working on an and that way chanced upon an op- phones, these individuals will be experiment to use mobile technology portunity that could bridge the dis- collecting information from, and in citizen journalism to increase connect — in Uganda at least. disseminating it to, remote rural areas media coverage of rural Uganda. A Community Knowledge Worker where they live. What better infra- (CKW) is essentially an ICT-ena- structure or human resource could bled agricultural extension worker. the local media industry want to do Grameen Foundation goes into rural rural news gathering and dissemi- communities — typically parishes, nation? which consist of five to seven villages — and asks farmers to elect “From stories about individuals they feel would make child abuse to reports competent farming consultants. Once the foundation has recruited on destruction of such persons from as many as 50 crops by wild animals to 120 parishes within a district, it brings them together, lends each a escaping from a smart phone that is connected to a nearby park, much of central database, and trains them to find different bits of data — weather the news that came updates, market prices, agronomy was interesting and advice, suppliers’ contact information and more. important.” To sustain this service, which is

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The CKWs already in the field are But there is no way of knowing incentives were enough to get the doing journalism every day. In which seeds will germinate and stories coming in. It also got other October 2010, AppLab conducted a which ones won’t. To ensure that CKWs interested in joining the small pilot project to document the this new form of journalism works reporting corps. potential and study what needs to to improve coverage of rural areas, When our pilot activities ended, we be done to harness it. We picked one needs to integrate it more stopped both airtime and recognition 12 of the best performing CKWs in deeply into the mainstream media. incentives. As a result, we saw a one district, gave them some very As we move forward to a proof-of- nosedive in the number of stories basic journalism training, uploaded concept stage, we will work closely being submitted. We don’t know for a news-gathering template in the with the Uganda Radio Network, sure how much the two incentives form of a mobile survey on their which syndicates content to 56 contributed to CKWs’ reporting, but phones and asked them to go community radio stations in Uganda in the proof-of-concept phase, we learn and tell the world about their to disseminate the CKW stories, to will more scientifically test different communities. do just that. incentives to see what works best Did it work? Though it was being to motivate rural citizen reporters done on a small scale, the answer “In a nutshell, we without draining the media entities is yes. In four months of the pilot, that may wish to tap into them. CKWs submitted 74 stories. We saw some evidence In a nutshell, we saw some evidence published the best on a Facebook that these rural that these rural reporters, and the page that soon had 134 people customised mobile technology that following it. Another two CKWs reporters, and the enables them, have potential. Now voluntarily joined the corps of customised mobile we need to understand what busi- community reporters. ness model will work to motivate The grassroots reporters took their technology that CKWs and media houses to tap into jobs seriously. From stories about enables them, have this potential. Putting our heads and child abuse to reports on destruction hands together with a media en- of crops by wild animals escaping potential.” tity, we’ll test that for three months from a nearby park, much of the during 2011. After that, we plan to news that came was interesting and Another challenge will be to keep start to scale mobile-enabled rural important. In December 2010, a CKW the citizen reporters motivated reporting to the rest of the country reported on the genital mutilation to do their work. While social before the year is out. of 12 girls in his parish, noting that networking sites attract content It is a journey we know we’ll enjoy, it was done with the community’s almost organically among urbanites, and we all stand to learn a lot. support. rural people face many more In January, another reported that pressing and basic demands on local health workers had employed their time. So you have to give them their unqualified spouses to ad- reason to add your task to their to- minister vaccines in a government- do lists. In the pilot, we did not offer driven immunisation campaign. All any cash incentive for the CKWs these stories came from areas where to report about their communities no Ugandan media house was likely beyond the small remuneration to chance upon them. I believed Grameen Foundation provided for when I first heard of CKWs that they the agricultural extension work they had considerable potential for rural were doing. centric journalism. Now I know. Instead, we offered an airtime We learned quite a few lessons from reimbursement with a generous the experiment. First, it is not enough bonus for everyone who sent stories to get the stories in. You have to within a given month. In addition, market them to the people who can we offered a recognition award: The broadcast them. We courted media person whose report was judged the houses, and built a listserv to which ‘Story of the Month’ was recognised we sent the most promising leads. and given extra airtime. These

Media in Africa - 2011 | 115 African blogosphere promotes digital democracy

look at events of the past, and going beyond the official narrative when interpreting today’s events. As soon as I joined the African blogosphere, I became a believer in the use of digital media for purposes of political and social advocacy, and this was reflected in what I wrote on my blog. Today, I am motivated by my belief that Africa’s problems are not as intractable as they seem, and that Africa is in a perpetual state of take-off due to its largely untapped or mismanaged socio-economic and human potential. “...my blog By Dibussi Tande When I started blogging in 2006, I intended to have a blog that focused serving as an Dibussi Tande is a Chicago-based on a broad spectrum of issues that interactive platform blogger and digital activist who has interested me — sports, African and been instrumental in the growth of Cameroon politics, ICTs, etc. where I could provide the Cameroonian blogosphere. He However, I soon realized that the that alternative publishes the award-winning blog, most successful bloggers were those perspective on Scribbles from the Den [http://www. who created a niche for themselves, dibussi.com], which is the leading and became authorities on a specific Cameroonian events Cameroonian blog. subject. Cameroon became my main and issues” focus, with my blog serving as an interactive platform where I could provide that alternative perspective Digital technology with its unfettered on Cameroonian events and issues, freedom, flexibility and creativity and which would also serve as an offers an incredible opportunity to unfettered space for readers to bypass or even leapfrog over many freely comment on these issues of the socio-economic, structural without fear or favour. and political hurdles that obstruct For half a century, Cameroonians Africa’s development. This is why have been systematically deprived I am part of that growing army of of the appropriate repères his- African activists in the blogosphere toriques or historical reference who are determined to spread the points that would enable them to word about the transformative analyse political and other events in capabilities of the digital technology the country in an informed manner, or ICTs across Africa. and place these events in their ap- Today, my blog, Scribbles from the propriate historical and geo-politi- Den, has had a very successful run cal context. with over half a million hits and I tried to recreate those reference over 300,000 unique visits. My most points on my blog by taking a fresh successful blog post to date (in

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terms of the number of views and babwean Pundit once explained: the quality of links and citations) “African bloggers are re-telling the is the one I that wrote on March 8, African story from their authentic 2011 analysing the government of perspective with an avid passion Cameroon’s decision to ban MTN’s for their countries and continent SMS-based Twitter service for to boot. It is impossible to read the “reasons of state security.” posts on any of the blogs in the Af- That post had nearly 10,000 hits, rican blogosphere and come away and was cited by the international without a sense of the writer’s deep media, including Le Monde, Jeune connection to the country and con- Afrique, Radio France International, tinent.” Washington Post’s Foreign Policy Magazine, and Computer World. “African bloggers are I was also interviewed by the Committee to Protect Journalists. re-telling the African The blog played a played a pivotal story from their role in mobilising free speech activists worldwide who pressured authentic perspective the government to restore the with an avid passion service. Exactly 10 days later, the government caved in and the service for their countries was restored. and continent to This particular blog post confirmed, boot.” if need be, the increasing blurring of the supposed divide between blogging/citizen journalism and tradi- Today, the African blogosphere tional journalism, and it highlighted has become a virtual sphere for the often ignored ability of citizen democratic deliberation, interactive media to shape the tone and focus information sharing, the formation of the mainstream media’s coverage of public opinion, and collaboration. of a specific issue. In short, it is a space for social debate What African blogging offers today, and political mobilisation, and for in contrast to the mainstream me- promoting democracy and freedom dia’s contribution to communica- of expression on the continent. tions environment in Africa, is “digital democracy.” Today, thousands of hitherto marginalised Africans at home and in the diaspora have created vibrant cyber-communities that provide alternative analyses and fresh perspectives on events taking place in the continent — alternative voices not only to the mainstream media which is systematically hemmed in by a repressive state, but also to authoritarian regimes which tolerate little or no dissent. The African blogosphere also offers a credible alternative to Western stereotypical narratives about Af- rica. As Zimbabwean blogger Zim-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 117 MXit like Herman

Yet beyond serving as a mechanism for communication, the platform has developed into something far greater: an inclusive community of over 39 million registered users, with an active user base bigger than the size of Facebook’s in Africa. The journey from the Stellenbosch- based tech start-up to becoming the leading social network in Africa was not without setbacks. The initial project was dubbed Alaya, a mobile multiplayer game. It failed due to the high cost of SMSes, forcing Heunis and his team of developers back to the drawing board. They learned how to bend the initial By Andre Bothma “The term ‘black swan’ has come to gaming concept into what was mean an event or discovery whose probably the first free mobile- existence was not predictable… and specific instant messenger service Andre Bothma is Head of Content at whose effect yields surprising and in Africa. mobile chat platform MXit. He’s spent unexpected results.” the bulk of the last decade involved in This quote comes from US advertising, publishing, web market- investment analyst John Mauldlin “The idea for MXit ing and commercial writing. He has a on Nassim Taleb’s novel “The Black (pronounced Mix keen interest in most things business, Swan: The Impact of the Highly it) was born out entrepreneurship and technology re- Improbable”. lated. He lives in Cape Town where, he Throughout history, great move- of Namibian tech says, his frankness tends to polarise ments have started with an inno- entrepreneur opinions. vative idea. Such ideas frequently stem from an innate dissatisfaction Herman Heunis’ with the status quo. The idea for belief that text-based MXit (pronounced Mix It) was born out of Namibian tech entrepreneur communication could Herman Heunis’ belief that text- — and should — be based communication could — and should — be more affordable to the more affordable to masses. the masses.” The desire to set communication free, and create a community around it, was key to the creation In the days before tech venture of MXit. As a near-free alternative capital came knocking voluntarily, to SMS, the platform’s ascent was monetising the offering was the viral. Driven by word of mouth, next critical challenge. Beating tactical marketing and on-the- the clock by a few slim weeks, the ground activation campaigns, user company launched paid-for chat registrations reached 160,000 in the rooms, effectively solving a riddle first 12 months and 2.4 million by that had seen many would-be the end of 2006. competitors around the world fail

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to become commercially viable. with over 27 000 BlackBerry client Other obstacles along the downloads recorded on launch day way included technical and alone. Today, the mobile instant organisational scaling issues, as messenger and social networking well as a constant fight to keep the platform can be accessed by over rapidly expanding system’s core 3 000 handset types, including technology stable. Java, Android, Windows Mobile The platform’s meteoric rise also and iPhone handsets, effectively inevitably came with increased catering for millions of older, more public scrutiny. A spate of bad publicity implied indirectly that “...the platform MXit enabled access to pornography and served as a hunting ground now also offers for sex offenders. This saw the educational content, company fighting for its integrity and reputation during 2006 and free counseling, rich 2007. The result was that corporate mobile media...” responsibility and the protection of minors remains a top company priority to this day. basic handsets. According to Heunis, who is MXit’s Striving to empower users through CEO, the company’s strategy for a range of free communication and retaining its leading position is to educational tools, MXit in 2011 is expand its offering, rather than gearing up for rapid expansion in competing with emerging instant African markets. Utilising regional messaging applications such as partnerships and strategic equity WhatsApp and BlackBerry on a tit- investments, the company intends for-tat, and features-driven basis. to continue building on its stellar In addition to a suite of communi- trajectory. cation tools, the platform now also For more information on the com- offers educational content, free pany’s history visit www.mxit.com. counseling, rich mobile media, multi-player gaming, mobile classifieds listings, and an open Gaming API as well as targeted mobile advertising opportunities. News content forms an important aspect of the offering, with the likes of 24.com, Sowetan and KickOff disseminating both free news and paid-for premium articles via MXit portal sites. Further, MXit’s virtual on-platform currency, Moola, is presently being expanded into a multi-currency wallet, with its launch anticipated during mid- 2011. Today MXit is used in over 120 countries worldwide, with over 50 000 new registrations recorded per day. MXit “Version 6” was launched during the first quarter of 2011,

Media in Africa - 2011 | 119 Tabloid journalism and media pluralism

can refer to the format or physical size of a newspaper, or to a genre. As far as size is concerned, ‘tabloid’ refers to a smaller sized paper than a broadsheet (the term originates from a medicinal tablet in the 1800s). Format however does not always tell us much about content, as ‘serious’ newspapers can also be printed in tabloid format (e.g. the South African Mail & Guardian) or the ‘compact’ size of several UK newspaper titles (e.g. The Times). Because newspaper formats are not synonymous with their content, and because the process of ‘tabloidisation’ has spread to other platforms By Herman Wasserman If journalism were a fairy tale, tab- like television (think of the Jerry loids would be the ugly stepsisters. Springer Show), ‘tabloid’ usually Herman Wasserman is Professor These newspapers are usually looked refers to a particular journalistic and Deputy Head of the School of down upon as an inferior genre that approach or style — and the term Journalism and Media Studies at peddles gossip, untruths, salacious is most often used in a pejorative Rhodes University, South Africa. He titbits and sensational fare, rather way, to suggest a downward slide in is also editor of Ecquid Novi: African than the “real” journalism of facts standards and skills. Journalism Studies. and investigations. Despite recent concerns about This criticism is not completely invalid. Tabloids often do transgress “If journalism were the boundaries of mainstream a fairy tale, tabloids journalism, and in so doing brashly and uncompromisingly challenge would be the ugly the conventions of their broadsheet stepsisters.” or ‘quality’ counterparts. But this does not mean that they should not be taken seriously. tabloid-isation of news globally, When considering print journalism tabloids have a long history. Their in Africa, or thinking about media roots lie in the simple, direct style pluralism, we cannot ignore tabloids. and human-interest focus of the The genre boasts several prominent US ‘Penny Press’ in the 1830s, titles in African countries, such later evolving into the ‘Yellow as the (in)famous Red Pepper in Journalism’ movement with its Uganda and the Daily Sun in South campaigns against corruption and Africa (where tabloids have had scandal. This distinctive journalistic a profound impact on the post- tradition, perhaps best epitomized apartheid media landscape). by the ‘red tops’ in the UK (with The So what are these ‘tabloids’? The Sun a famous example), has its own term is used to refer to different conventions and characteristics (e.g. products and processes. ‘Tabloid’ melodramatic headlines, striking

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visuals and easy-to-read text). but it does not automatically render The fact that elements of this reporting unethical. Often tabloids genre have spread to mainstream also display the kind of knowledge of journalism could be seen as a result their readers’ everyday realities, and of globalisation of news and the draw on the type of investigative increased pressure on profit-making work that their mainstream in a relentlessly fast, 24/7 news cycle. counterparts all too regularly forego African tabloids, however, have not in favour of telephone- or desk- only appropriated the genre but based journalism. And tabloid emotion, spectacle and “It is true that scandal can help us understand the African context, the everyday lives tabloids often of readers and the social milieu engage in invasion within which journalism operates. of privacy and If media freedom and pluralism in the African context means the untruthful reporting. ability to incorporate a wider range But mainstream of perspectives into the continent’s journalism, then tabloid newspapers journalism is hardly should be appreciated. They inject without fault on voices from everyday life into mass mediated conversations that many of those counts are often far removed from the either. ” ordinary Africans. At the same time we should be vigilant when tabloids — and mainstream counterparts — also localised it for African contexts. act unethically. Or if their relentless The popularity of papers such as pursuit of profits means that they the Daily Sun in South Africa may lose sight of the broad public even be attributed to a loss of faith interest. in mainstream journalism — serving For a democratic mediated public as a reminder of how broadsheet sphere in Africa we need as many journalism often privileges the stories as possible. voices of the elite and the powerful, over those who feel excluded from mainstream media discourses. It is true that tabloids often engage in invasion of privacy and untruthful reporting. The social politics of papers like the Daily Sun and the Red Pepper is a cause for concern when it allows them to dabble in xeno- and homophobia. But mainstream journalism is hardly without fault on many of those counts either. When criticising tabloids — as we should — for unethical journalism, we should take care not to confuse ethics with matters of taste. Sensational, brash reporting might offend some journalistic tastebuds,

Media in Africa - 2011 | 121 122 | Media in Africa - 2011 INDEPENDENCEINDEPENDENCE Striving to become self sufficient

safety and protection of journalists, and education in ethical journalism amongst others. Despite the recommendations and the strategic nature of establishing non-state media in Africa, the establishment (and business development support) of such entities has been one of the most neglected areas of media development from a funding and financing point of view. As an example, consider when the existence of a tiny handful of surviving non-state newspapers in Zimba- bwe hung in the balance in 2008 during the worst hyperinflationary environment in the world — coupled By Jeanette Minnie In Africa, an essential strategy in to some of the most oppressive me- the promotion of free and inde- dia legislation in the world. Only a Jeanette Minnie is a former director of pendent media is the establish- tiny handful of donors were willing the Media Institute of Southern Africa ment of as many privately and to contribute modest funds to help and today operates the consultancy community-owned media (i.e. them continue publishing through Zambezi FoX: International Freedom non-state media) as is possible another violent and controversial of Expression. and practical. The simple logic is election during which open political that in circumstances where op- debate hardly existed. pression of freedom of speech and The argument cited was that donor expression continues unabated, aid could not be used in support the creation of many media out- of private enterprise. But those lets eventually outstrips the ca- of us who believe that freedom of pacity of the state to close them information is a fundamental human down. right also know that selling media is This approach is also consistent not the exactly same thing as selling with the historic 1991 Declaration shoe polish. Although some media of Windhoek on Promoting an may indeed fall into that category, Independent and Pluralistic African most media carries content that Press. At least four of the 10 plays a role in developing and “Initiatives and Projects” identified maintaining democracy. in an Annex to the Declaration In countries where circumstances directly refer to issues of financial are not so dire, a lack of financial sustainability of the press and resources and media business skills another three call for the creation means that media have too little of national and regional unions for reach to generate the necessary publishers, editors and journalists. critical mass of audience in order Naturally the Windhoek Decla- to hold governments to account for ration also refers to important their policies and actions. Research complementary strategies for the conducted for the African Media promotion of a free and independ- Initiative (AMI) in 2008 showed ent media including the removal a severe shortage of available of anti-media freedom laws, the loan or equity capital at levels

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below US$ 5-million. This was the minimum amount required to Networking editors is key grow small and medium enterprises into substantially larger media to media independence businesses. Fortunately a number of media organisations now exist to tackle the challenge of media development in Africa in its purest form — developing the business skills of the media. This is rather than only addressing the media law and policy and journalism training environments. The best known of these is the Southern African Media Develop- ment Fund (Samdef) in Botswana which focuses on non-state media in the SADC states. Efforts have been underway for some time to establish a West African Media Development Fund (Wamdef), but By Rosemary Okello-Orlale “As editors you occupy positions of progress has again been hampered great eminence. You have a voice by donors who are reluctant to Rosemary Okello-Orlale is the and are in control of means by which make development aid available for executive director of African to make that voice heard. What this purpose. Woman and Child Feature you say and do today is therefore On a pan-African level the African Service (AWC). She is also one of the determinants of what Media Initiative (AMI) was estab- secretary to the Kenya Editors’ South Africa will be tomorrow.” lished in 2008 to strengthen the Guild and treasurer of the This statement was made by Thabo continent’s private and independ- African Editors’ Forum. Mbeki during the inauguration of ent media sector from an owner the South African National Editors’ and operator perspective in order Forum on 19 October 1996. to promote democratic governance, The observation by Mbeki, Deputy social development and economic President of South Africa at that growth. time, captures the role of the The Association of Independent editors especially within the African Publishers of Southern Africa (AIP- context. Despite the huge challenges SA) is another highly innovative or- that media and journalists face ganisation in which small grassroots every day, editors determine how media share best practices, business the continent is perceived. As the training and advertising skills. gatekeepers in media houses, they To make media pluralism effective have the power to decide what the and sustainable, in the interests of public should read, when and how, press freedom, we need more of and to an extent they also decide these kinds of initiatives. what the public should not know. Their role in what voices people hear and what information people get is generally managed through editorial policies, the use of a code of ethics and efforts to ensure a high level of professionalism in media content. Due to the nature of their work, editors are always

Media in Africa - 2011 | 125 governed by deadlines, scoops and week when most editors would be was the free flow of information. new ideas in the quest to win the available. They therefore agreed to The main concern for the editors largest market share, which leaves meet on a Wednesday unless there then, and still, is that news from them little time to meet together as was an emergency which required a poor communities rarely makes people of the same profession. different day and time. headlines and when it does it is This became evident during the Over the 14 years since the first edi- nearly always bad news. formation of the Kenya Editors’ Guild tors’ guild meeting in Kenya, the as- Armed with the new dream and zeal, in 1997. The idea was to establish a sociation has faced numerous chal- Taef had an objective of defending professional organisation of editors lenges, like a high turnover of active and promoting media freedom and which could meet every month with editors, limited resources, political independence in order to enable key policy makers, including the interference, different ideologies, African media to tell and share president, and become part of the competing interests among media stories without hindrance. It formed discourse in Kenya. houses and government interfer- four regional bodies, viz. Southern At first the idea was treated with ence. But the Kenya Editors’ Guild region, West region, Central region apprehension and suspicion, while is now a formidable professional and East region. others questioned the practicability association with office bearers in Almost eight years later, despite the of bringing together the more than place. Its role especially during the challenges, Taef has made its pres- 50 editors ranging from editorial political transitions of 1997, 2002 ence felt by defending media free- directors, managing editors, deputy and 2008 was instrumental in shap- dom and independence. It has suc- managing editors, news editors, as- ing the political destiny of Kenya. cessfully engaged with presidents sociate editors and senior journal- such as Jacob Zuma and with the ists. “Despite the huge African Union Secretary General. It Having had the privilege of coordi- challenges that media has written numerous petitions to nating the activities of the Kenya countries where press freedom is Editors’ Guild as the Secretary, I have and journalists face being abused. been able to identify the numerous every day, editors One challenge which Taef faces is challenges which have faced the determine how the that regional chapters have become guild since its inception. moribund, partly because of a lack Because many people see the media continent is perceived.” of resources which has also affected as private and profitable organisa- national editors’ forums. For exam- tions, no donor was willing to sup- The challenges that Kenyan editors ple the Southern Africa Editors’ Fo- port the guild and many argued that face are similar to what The African rum which used to be very active is the media itself should put money Editors’ Forum (Taef) has been going no longer active. The Central African aside to strengthen professionalism through. Founding chair Mathatha Editors’ Forum took years to take in the same way the journalists who Tsedu, who initiated the forum in off due to resource limitations and belong to unions pay their monthly 2003, once said that when editors political interference. The East Afri- subscriptions. from all over the continent met can Editors’ Forum although strong The other challenge was to identify for the first time to look at their does not have sustained resources the right time and day to meet, ap- role and responsibility, they had a to realise its activities, and the same propriate to the majority of editors. dream to tell the African story – but applies to the West Africa Editors’ Since editors are the gatekeepers, the practical challenge was how to Forum. The North Africa Editors’ they are required to be in their me- strengthen national editors’ guilds. Forum has never been formed even dia houses early in the morning and Taef itself was to meet every two though individual editors from the they leave late in the night. In order years, based on regional offices from region attend Taef’s meetings and to get the majority, a 7.30am break- all five regions of Africa. subscribe to its objectives. fast meeting once a month was Two years after that, a meeting of Unless these and other challenges agreed on and this has worked well editors from all over the continent are addressed, the role of Taef in apart from a few occasions. discussed the fact that news from strengthening media freedom, in- The various categories of editors within Africa was being told by the dependence and access to information – daily editors, weekend editors Western media, and that the fun- in Africa could be jeopardised. and magazine editors – meant we damental ingredient that made de- needed to find a suitable day in the mocracy and development possible

126 | Media in Africa - 2011 Section 3: Independence

Challenges of organising journalists in Africa

their media chiefs. Africa’s journalists do not benefit from a pluralistic media environment which is competitively growing economically and earning good income but paying poorly the employees. In many cases, journalists also have less access to information then their media bosses who can more easily access this from governmental offices or political parties. Apart from these predicaments, journalists and their organisations have been under attack, and legal protection has been greatly undermined. The journalist unions By Omar Farouk Osman The Windhoek Declaration is the in Africa are undergoing very most important instrument that challenging times since declining Omar Farouk Osman is president of guides the African media. Freedom, membership has resulted in reduced the Federation of African Journalists pluralism, independence and access bargaining power and scope. (FAJ). He is also secretary general of to information are key issues that The challenge for existing unions the National Union of Somali Journal- will be continually cited, and indeed of journalists is retaining the ists (NUSOJ), and an executive mem- the continent’s media has gained in current membership. The underlying ber of the International Federation of many of these areas, in many African difficulties are the lack of service Journalists (IFJ). countries, since the declaration was provided to members, the legal adopted. and institutional framework laid But the lifeline of the media outfits down by the governments, poor are the working journalists who organisational structures, weak enjoy less freedom, independence internal democracy, and harassment and access to information in of union members. There is also comparison to their media houses. “commercialisation” of trade One of the main reasons is the unionism by some people who problem of organising journalists encourage splinter unions at some who are either unorganised in a media houses. Some owners fear trade union, or poorly organised strong trade unions and therefore when they are unionised. encourage splinter groups. The The result is that working journalists proliferation that follows leads to in Africa lack the freedom to associate problems of cooperation and unity. for their interests and rights. They The politics of creating splinter un- lack the independence from the ions, at the instigation of media State and media employers to play employers/owners and government a visible role in the union of their agents, has led to many smaller choice. They lack the independence unions setting up and this has con- to use their professional conscience siderably weakened the trade union without editorial interference from movement financially, politically

Media in Africa - 2011 | 127 and in relation to solidarity. conditions and, at the same time, The other challenge is organising increase their income-generating the unorganised journalists into possibilities. unions. Media bosses are adopting widespread union-avoidance and “The journalist union-busting strategies. These activities are designed to remove unions in Africa are union influence from newsrooms. undergoing very Some media employers have adopted sophisticated tactics challenging times such as employing direct contract since declining systems with employees, declaring journalists to be in management, membership has categorising journalists as essential resulted in a reduced workers or using individual pay agreements, and intimidating bargaining power and journalists who venture into union scope.” activities. The tactics also include dismissing and harassing union FAJ recognises that organising leaders and organisers, and a range freelance and young journalists of sophisticated human resources is critical if the journalist union management techniques to suppress movement is to have a wide the desire for unionisation. membership base and if it is to In addition, media employers in retain the capacity and the mandate some cases have also engaged in to protect all working journalists. counter-organising by setting up Regardless of the disheartening company unions, thus organising challenges, journalists unions and journalists the basis of their media associations affiliated with the FAJ houses. Some have encouraged and the IFJ are also making efforts more conservative unions to cover to deliver tangible benefits and their media houses to prevent a increased protection to journalists militant union gaining a foothold. by organising the unorganised journalists. The unions are currently “The Windhoek reviewing their own priorities, internal structures and resource Declaration is the allocation to determine how best to most important overcome the challenges. instrument that guides the African media.”

The Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) and its parental organisation, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) are making efforts to organise journalists. This is by equipping affiliated journalists unions with the basic union tools that could help them to defend their members’ rights and working

128 | Media in Africa - 2011 Section 3: Independence

The importance of editorial independence in Africa

with editorial. Prakash Desai, the MD of one of the major media houses in South Africa, Avusa, says he takes editorial independence so seriously that he has banned management from the editorial floor. On the other hand, Media24’s City Press has just amalgamated the spaces for its management and editorial, with the manager and editor-in-chief being separated by a wall, and the marketing staff sitting side by side with journalists. Across the continent, editorial independence sometimes becomes a mirage. In situations where an By Mathatha Tsedu Wikipedia defines editorial inde- institution such as the Kenya pendence as “the freedom of editors Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) Mathatha Tsedu is Project Director: to make decisions without interfer- leads each bulletin every evening Press Freedom Commission (SA) ence from the owners of a publica- with whatever the president may having served as Head of the Media24 tion”. It further states that “inde- have been doing that day, what Journalism Academy, Johannesburg, pendence is tested, for instance, if independence does the editor- South Africa. He is a former editor of a newspaper runs articles that may in-chief of KBC really have about City Press and is also a founder of The be unpopular with its advertising determining the line-up? African Editors’ Forum. customers.” However at Nation Media, it is clear Freedom to make decisions, as con- that editors have clear powers to templated in this definition would edit their publications and that they encompass an editor making incon- have published major exposes that testable decisions about not pub- affected political figures seen as lishing a story at all, or publish- aligned to the owners. ing part or whole of a story, when But even these two options are such publication happens, and what not the case everywhere. In many changes must be made for publica- countries, private publications and tion to happen. even radio stations, are owner-run So owners, whether state or private and edited. In situations where individuals, are barred in the envi- Diallo Souleymane as the owner ronment where editorial independ- Guinea Conakry’s biggest weekly ence exists from having any say. paper, Le Lynx, is also its editor- It is the “Chinese wall” that edito- in-chief, how do you even start rial people speak of, and it can vary speaking of independence from from total bans on management to owners? walk through the editorial work- Or with The Crocodile newspaper space, through to where they sit in Togo under Pedro Amuzun or side by side but with management the (now defunct) Chronicle in barred from interfering in any way Malawi under Rob Jamieson? These

Media in Africa - 2011 | 129 owners happen to be journalists In other instances, newspapers economic influences. And the editor and therefore enforce ethics as emerge during elections only to fold is the editorial person who bears editors, but they are owners too and thereafter, having been owned by a final responsibility for this kind of balancing these two portfolios is contesting individual who sought journalism and the stories that re- not easy. to use it and the journalists so em- sult from it. Editorial independence is com- ployed. The paper was an instru- The absence of editorial inde- promised in many ways through ment to not only promote himself, pendence or its subversion, negates advertiser interference. In South but also to attack whoever the op- the platform on which journalism is Africa, Sowetan ran a story about a ponent would be. This compro- based. Independence of thought is huge electronics warehouse where mises any semblance of editorial our holy grail, it is our Hippocratic Africans were only employed as independence and ethics. Oath, it is our oxygen. Without this labourers and people of Indian origin journalism withers and dies. Even if were employed in the skilled parts journalists may continue to publish of the business. The company, HiFi “The absence of and broadcast, the product is so Corporation, admitted this was so editorial inde- tainted it no longer carries weight. and justified this by saying “Indians” And nothing could be worse than had an aptitude for technology. pendence or its that. But they went further and threat- subversion, negates ened Sowetan with withdrawing advertising if the story ran. The pa- the platform on per published both the story and which journalism is the threat. The editor could do so based.” because the owners, Avusa, were prepared to back the publication.

But such patterns are not unique to “Editorial Africa. Italian prime minister Silvio independence Berlusconi, owns more than half the TV channels in that country and uses is compromised them unashamedly to campaign in many ways and to survive the numerous “bunga bunga” scandals. In Canada, five through advertiser years ago the editor-in-chief as well interference.” as associate editor of the Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ) were fired by the esteemed Canadian In a recent workshop for African Medical Association over editorial business editors and senior business independence. writers from a number of countries, a So how important is it in Africa? Nigerian journalist spoke of what he Journalism is based on a social called “taking care of the main inves- contract (sometimes legislated) be- tor’s interests”. It turned out that this tween society and journalists, in was a euphemism for not writing terms of which the press is given unsavoury stories about companies space to oversee the exercise of or individuals with whom the main power by elected and commercial investor or owner has either business leaders, in the interests of the poor dealings or were just plain friends. and powerless. Not that there would exist a register This broad covenant presupposes of these people about whom you that in carrying out that responsibil- were expected not to write bad ity, journalists would do so without stories about. “You just have to fear, favour or prejudice, and that know,” the journalist said. they would ignore both political and

130 | Media in Africa - 2011 Section 3: Independence

What it’s like in the hot seat

sending ripples in the market. The foundation for my work as Editor-in-Chief was laid in October 2006 when I was appointed Deputy Editor-in-Chief. This was one of the most difficult times in the history of the company. Distinguished and long-serving Chief Executive William Pike and Editor-in-chief David Sseppuuya were leaving amid talk of political victimisation. The in-coming management — CEO Robert Kabushenga, Editor-in-Chief Els De Temmerman and me — were all new in these posts. We had to keep New Vision successful amid scepticism. The three and half years By Barbara Kaija Every editor in a commercialised as Deputy Editor-in-Chief greatly media environment is judged by prepared me for the responsibility Barbara Kaija is the Editor-in- a profitable and yet professional that I shoulder now. Although I had Chief of New Vision Printing and editorial product that appeals to 18 years’ experience in journalism, Publishing Company Ltd, the largest both the audiences and advertisers. it was still scary when I got to the media house in Uganda and owner of The New Vision newspaper has a helm. five newspapers, five radio stations, unique ownership structure. The My task is to keep the products pro- two TV stations and a number of company started as a government magazines. The company employs 550 parastatal before it was later listed “...in a few incidents staff, half of whom are in the editorial on the stock exchange. Today, gov- department, and operates a large ernment owns 53% of New Vision, some advertisers network of freelance correspondents. while ordinary Ugandans own 47%. have withdrawn She joined The New Vision in 1992 When I was appointed Editor-in- and rose steadily through the ranks. Chief in April 2010, I was taking on advertising because the editorial operations of a very we published ‘a successful media business. I felt like the whole world was waiting to see negative’ story.” what would happen. By any account, 2010/2011, has been a successful year at Uganda’s biggest fessional and profitable. The edito- media house. The New Vision, which rial team has greatly adjusted, but is the flagship, has grown by 11% in a few incidents some advertisers maintaining its position as Uganda’s have withdrawn advertising because leading newspaper. All the four local we published “a negative” story. language regional newspapers have Sadly, multinational companies grown remarkably too; one of them that should support media freedom is now Uganda’s second leading have bent so low as to suppress it in daily. some of their operations in Africa. All our four radio stations are One such company withdrew ad- leading in their regional markets vertising for a year. Thankfully, we and the two sister TV stations are maintained professionalism despite

Media in Africa - 2011 | 131 the circumstances. On average I work a 13-hour day, six challenges we face and come up I became Editor-in-Chief a few days a week and sometimes I feel with solutions. All I do is to lead the months before the presidential and like part of the newsroom furniture. team, place members in positions parliamentary election campaigns However, the challenges have been they are best suited for and cheer kicked off in October 2010 and the equally satisfying and none of the them on, as they perform miracles. subsequent elections in February fears have been insurmountable. 2011. The media faces real chal- So have I faced any gender preju- lenges in covering an election in a dice? young democracy like Uganda. The Growing up in the 1970s and pressure comes from all the political 1980s in Uganda, the ratio of girls parties and from the audiences. to boys in our schools was always Traditionally, New Vision has not much smaller. At a young age I made sales growth during an learnt to compete on merit in election year, but 2011 was different. male-dominated classes. Today, I We made significant market gains. never get up thinking that I am a We changed our election coverage woman and I am going to work in a strategy. Besides covering the male-dominated field and I may be political campaigns, we took an discriminated against. issues-based approach by bringing in the people’s voices and faces on the problems that affected them “I got hate mail and most. threats from the We were still basking in the victory, when the most challenging time in opposition who were my career came. Dr. Kizza Besigye, angry that they could the leader of the main opposition party, the Forum for Democratic not use our media Change, launched the walk-to-work platforms to mobilise protests over the high cost of living. The New Vision in-house policy their supporters.” prohibits coverage of intentions to riot, but we cover the riots when Of course I am aware that gender they happen. prejudices exist and some people That is exactly what we did. We show visible surprise when they covered the riots in a fair and come to meet me and discover that balanced manner. We highlighted the Editor-in-Chief is “just a small the excessive use of force by the woman”, but I have learnt to live police in quelling the riots and also with that. I have discovered that the extreme provocation by the my ability to perform matters rather opposition leaders. However, our than my gender. position did not come off well with To fellow female journalists, I say, either side. don’t fear to take up challenges. I got hate mail and threats from the Look for opportunities to improve opposition who were angry that they yourself and give it your best. With a could not use our media platforms challenging career, you need strong to mobilise their supporters. On the family and professional support. other hand, the police expected One crucial lesson I have learnt is us to censor some nasty incidents that success comes from a great since New Vision is partially owned team. An empowered team can by government. crush even the hardest bone. At Overall, the year has been New Vision, the different teams challenging with lots of hard work. brainstorm over the different

132 | Media in Africa - 2011 Section 3: Independence

ZNBC: a culture conductive to control

They then write stories in close consultation with the editors. Later, these stories are again scrutinised for approval in the ZNBC main news line-up. As elsewhere, in Zambia the purpose of a public service broadcaster is to give balanced news coverage. But a close study and scrutiny of ZNBC editorial structure shows that a story can deviate from the principles of public service broadcasting at any stage in the process. Whereas most staff are fully aware of what is expected of them as journalists working for a public institution, they also feel there is By Clayson Hamasaka The Zambian National Broadcasting always an ‘invisible hand’ that limits Corporation is a prominent supplier their professionalism. Clayson Hamasaka is currently Acting of news to the country’s TV viewing Even when reporters go in to the Head of Media Studies Department public, and controversial for those field to get balanced stories, they at Evelyn Hone College, Lusaka, quarters who see it as pro-govern- are normally frustrated because Zambia. He has a Masters Degree in ment. the final story as it gets broadcast Journalism and Media Studies from To understand ZNBC’s output, often does not reflect a professional Rhodes University and conducted it is useful to see what happens balance in reporting — especially if his thesis research into ZNBC. He is from origination of story ideas to it involves government. As a result, also media consultant in Zambia on the final news bulletin. The main it very common to have certain various issues. editorial team for ZNBC falls under stories being dropped if they are the Director of Programmes who is unfavourable of the government the main gatekeeper for all ZNBC and the ruling party. On the other programmes and news. Below the hand, damaging stories involving Director of Programmes are several opposition leaders are allowed senior executives and a number of and aired on ZNBC news without reporters who run the news content hesitation. on a daily basis. Editorial staff feel that politicians The operational structure is such in the ruling party think that the that journalists meet every day major stakeholder of ZNBC is around 08:30 in the morning in government, and hence the belief what is commonly referred to as that the news staff should agree the “diary meeting”. This meeting is with everything coming from these normally chaired by the Assignment quarters. What is also frustrating Editor who discusses the story ideas to the newsroom are instances with reporters and approves them. where a governmental or ruling Once the diary has been drawn up party official gives an interview to for the day, the reporters set about a private media house — and when gathering the approved items as they feel they have been misquoted, well as unanticipated breaking order ZNBC to ‘correct’ the story news. although ZNBC staffers may not

Media in Africa - 2011 | 133 know the background. There are even before the opposition view on phrases that are too “strong” for even cases when government and the original issue is aired. the public institution and the ruling party statements are correctly Some staffers believe that their population, including derogatory reported and captured by a ZNBC peers are occasional victims of language against others. TV camera, but the news staff are fearing the unknown — people who forced to “correct” the story when practice exaggerated self-censorship “Ignore that story, I the speakers later feel they could be even when there may not be any in trouble with their employer. repercussions. Meanwhile, over the don’t want problems. In going along with these kinds of years, the newsroom people have I just want to go home editorial decisions, many reporters come to know the line to follow, cite issues of ‘bread and butter’ often saying things like: “Ignore and be in peace”. when it comes to the job market in that story, I don’t want problems. the journalism profession in Zambia. I just want to go home and be in Many feel that it is difficult to find a peace”. Zambia’s broadcast legislation ini- job if one is dismissed for not abiding Of course there are people in the tially led to expectations that ZNBC by directives. As result, many in the newsroom with the view that the would correspondingly adjust its in- ZNBC newsroom engage in personal ZNBC correctly has its own style house news policies and practices censorship when dealing with anti- that may not please everybody. to suit the legal requirements of government stories. For them, everyone who works becoming a public broadcaster. But anywhere should know what is not much has been achieved. “Even when reporters expected of them as per institutional It is unfortunate that successive go in to the field to requirements. governments have continued the They also argue that there is not same path of news interference, get balanced stories, bias when the editorial committee despite revising the media laws they are normally goes through all the stories and and policies at ZNBC. If this trend decides which should go on air. continues, anyone who may assume frustrated because Regarding editorial independence, senior government office in future is the final story as it some staffers feel that Zambians likely to do the same, despite having should understand that ZNBC lofty laws and editorial policies in gets broadcast often is a public institution owned by place. does not reflect a the government on their behalf, hence the “need” for all staffers to professional balance prioritise the promotion of national in reporting — unity. If the process of controlling content especially if it involves happens across the stages, and is government.” present wherever one works, those who are not ready to follow ‘institutional guidance’ from senior man- In the words of one staffer: “We agement or government officials would cover Sata’s (opposition are expected to resign. For those leader) rally, and you know Sata is giving the directives, this is justified always controversial. He would say in terms of everyone needing guid- things and … you don’t even know ance to protect the integrity of the what to write, because everything he institution. It is not the question of was saying was anti-government”. what a reporter believes is the fac- When opposition views are aired, tual case, but a question of follow- there are some unwritten rules that ing instructions. they be accompanied by a govern- For example, they may be given ment reaction or answer. Actually, ‘guidance’ on how to cover certain in most cases, the ZNBC story would opposing views that are always begin with a government reaction antagonistic and which use certain

134 | Media in Africa - 2011 Section 3: Independence

Post Windhoek, Malawi moves backwards

Protected Flag, Emblems and Names Act. This is a law that makes it an offence to utter words or publish in writing anything that insults, ridi- cules or disrespects the president. Several other archaic laws from the colonial era are still on the statute books. Other restrictions include a requirement by President Bingu wa Mutharika for Malawians to deposit amounts of up to US$33 500 with the authorities before going on public demonstrations; the arrests of several leaders of civil society for speaking out in the media against his government; and the barring of reporters from covering high-level By Alaudin Osman Twenty years after Windhoek, it’s public functions. still a struggle against political and Alaudin Osman, director of Capital economic challenges to set up and “...it’s still a struggle Radio in Malawi, was one of the run an independent radio station in nine signatories of the Windhoek Malawi. against political and Declaration and a founding member I’ve been managing Capital Radio, economic challenges of the Regional Governing Council one of Malawi’s first private radio of the Media Institute of Southern stations, since 2000. I’m now 66 to set up and run an Africa, MISA, which was established years old. It’s a job that’s becoming independent radio in 1992. more challenging as successive governments continue to introduce station in Malawi.” new laws and tighten regulations in their attempts to limit free speech. Malawi has a constitution that Malawi, like all SADC countries that clearly stipulates media freedom. have paid lip service to the Windhoek However, the government recently Declaration, has committed itself to amended Section 46 of the Penal an independent, pluralistic and free Code to empower a cabinet minister press that is essential to the develop- to ban publications deemed “not in ment of and maintenance of democ- the public interest”. racy for economic development. The While this new legislation applies recent developments show that it is to the print media, it is arguably a taking several steps backwards, post- blank cheque with the knock-on ef- Windhoek. fect to ban radio stations. Our hope The economic challenges of running is that no court in Malawi would an independent radio station are also uphold it. The matter is now before on par with that of political survival the courts. But so is a challenge in Malawi. With up to 23 broadcast- gathering dust that I put up a few ers now on air, the impression could years ago against a section of the easily be gained of a booming indus-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 135 try and a country progressing under off companies which provide adver- the ideals of the Windhoek Declara- tising and programme support. tion. But the broadcasters are com- The broadcasting regulator, Ma- peting for business in a fractured lawi Communications Regulatory market. They also receive no gov- Authority (Macra), has tried to do ernment advertising or programme censorship on behalf of the govern- sponsorship. Those go exclusively to ment by warning us against some of the state-controlled Malawi Broad- the stories, interviews and phone- casting Corporation’s MBC Radio ins that Capital Radio carries. Offi- One and Two and TV. cials at Macra have suggested Capi- tal Radio should cease phone-ins, but these are too important to let “Capital Radio go in a country where radio remains is committed to the most powerful medium of communication. promoting public We at Capital Radio are extremely participation and careful in how we proceed: without compromising our principles and civic engagement in without, at the same time, doing public affairs and something that could lead to the station being shut down. We can governance issues.” only pray we will continue to survive until we start operating Capital Radio’s strength depends under a much more enlightened on hourly news and talk shows administration that fully adheres with in-depth analysis on an adult to the principles of the Windhoek contemporary format of new hits Declaration. and oldies. The station’s test of its business model, like freedom of speech, lies in its live phone-in programmes. People want to hear their own voices, as well as their views being read out as they send them via texts on mobile phones and other new ICTs. Capital Radio is committed to promoting public participation and civic engagement in public affairs and governance issues. One effect is that the authorities know the people are frustrated about the state of affairs in the country. There is a lack of running water, electricity is erratic, fuel is in short supply, forex is scarce and some civil servants have gone for months without pay. Capital Radio maintains a fine balancing act by giving people the opportunity to vent their frustrations and at the same time remaining credible and ethical without scaring

136 | Media in Africa - 2011 Section 3: Independence

Brown envelopes and professional paradoxes in African journalism

practice because it jeopardises independent reporting. At least 17 African codes of ethics now include a warning against brown envelopes (Skjerdal, 2010), testifying to the es- calation of the practice. To illustrate the prevalence of brown envelopes in the African media environment, a mention of the Press Freedom Seminar in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on 3 May 2011 will suffice. All local media organisations of any significance were behind the seminar, including UNESCO, which served as sponsor and co- organiser. The event also marked the 20th anniversary of the Windhoek By Terje S. Skjerdal What is one of the hottest con- Declaration, which is after all a cepts among African journalists landmark of professional journalism Terje S. Skjerdal (terje.skjerdal@ today: Twittering, green reporting ideals on the African continent. mediehogskolen.no) is associate or peace journalism? In fact, none Then, at the end of the day, we professor at Gimlekollen School of of these. It is brown envelope. were all asked to queue up and sign Journalism and Communication, From Maseru to Marrakech, Dar es a sheet of paper in order to – yes Norway, and adjunct lecturer at Salaam to Dakar, the brown envelope – receive the brown envelope. The Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. is spreading like an Arab Spring in 100 birr bill inside of the envelope newsrooms across the continent. In (USD 6) is no small money for an Cameroon it is known as gombo, in Ethiopian journalist; it represents Ghana as soli, in Liberia as gatu, in up to 10% of the monthly salary of Nigeria as kola, in Ethiopia as buche, a regular reporter. in Tanzania as mshiko – and the list goes on and on. These terms are all “So what is a brown local flavours of the brown envelope envelope? It is theme. The concept is probably one of the first to be adopted by young essentially a discreet reporters as they join a media envelope with cash; organisation. So what is a brown envelope? It is though not just any essentially a discreet envelope with cash, but ‘cash for cash; though not just any cash, but ‘cash for coverage’ (Ristow, 2010). It coverage’.” constitutes a small monetary incentive provided by a source or an event It is a paradox that at a time when organiser for journalists, typically journalism training programmes are concealed as a contribution towards proliferating and media legislation transportation costs. Press organi- is being improved in a number of sations unanimously condemn the African countries, dubious practices

Media in Africa - 2011 | 137 are making their way into the time to remind ourselves that jour- newsroom. nalism has never been comfortable Who is to blame for this? with adopting to the mainstream. The usual suspect is poor salary lev- The power of journalism lies in ques- els of journalists. The rationale goes tioning popular conventions rather that in order to make ends meet, than endorsing the mainstream. Ex- media workers are forced to engage posing corruption and unethical at- in moonlighting (informal extra titudes in the public administration work) and grab whatever benefit is of little value if media workers comes their way. But researchers themselves cultivate the same type observe that individual journalists of activities. have different attitudes to envelope Importantly, professional standards journalism; some stand up for pro- in the African media are not in gen- fessional decency and reject enve- eral decay. The media are less and lopes despite meagre pay checks. less a mouthpiece for political parties, and self-regulation is progress- “The 100 birr bill ing. To this end, it is interesting to note that the place where the pro- inside of the envelope fessional community is by far the (USD 6) is no small strongest, South Africa, is also the only place where brown envelopes money for an are not a common problem. Ethiopian journalist; it While the route to professional standards in the media previously represents up to 10% went through regulatory bodies, the of the monthly salary route today goes through the media themselves. And the key is with the of a regular reporter.” individual journalists.

References: Journalism history too shows that the media industry elsewhere in Ristow, Bill. 2010. Cash for the world has offered very poor coverage: Bribery of journalists economic conditions for reporters around the world. Report, Center without brown envelopes becoming for International Media Assistance, common practice. It is therefore Washington DC. Available from: tempting to look to social or cultural http://cima.ned.org/publications/ dynamics in order to explain why research-reports/cash-coverage- shady manners are gaining ground. bribery-journalists-around-world Thus, for good reasons, societal Skjerdal, Terje. 2010. Research trends like petty corruption are used on brown envelope journalism to explain bribery in the media. in the African media. African The point of danger, nonetheless, Communication Research 3(3), occurs when the ethical explanation 367–406. turns into an ethical justification. “Because petty bribery is so common in rest of society, it may as well be accepted by the media.” Or, at the personal level: “When everyone else does it, why shouldn’t I take the envelope?” Twenty years after Windhoek it is

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Journalist, African or both? And what about nationality?

continental cause and condition – prioritising an African identity that aims to report in terms of Africa’s cultural values and with the aim of promoting development. But it is fair to say that, first and foremost, most journalists on the continent see primary value in the identity of detached neutral-objectivist professional model of journalism. Drawing from my 2007 PhD study, and from recent Nepad regional media dialogues with African journalists, it seems many journalists who report on continental issues do not see strong links between their sense of professional identity and By Dr. Andrew Kanyegirire Journalists in post-colonial Africa, other identities like their Africanity like all other social groups, con- and possible identification with the Dr. Andrew Kanyegirire is the officer sciously and unconsciously call African Union and the African Peer in charge for communications at into action their various identi- Review Mechanism as home-grown the NEPAD Agency in Midrand, ties: professional, national, gender, institutions deserving of support. South Africa. As a journalist, he continental. And they dynamically has practiced as a deputy Business preserve, defend or enhance diverse Editor at The New Vision in Uganda configurations of these identities in “If we as journalists in and his work has also appeared in their interactions with the stories Africa don’t publicise publications in East and Southern they cover. Africa and the UK. Studies on the identities of jour- Nepad, we can’t expect nalists on the continent show they European journalists tend to prioritise their journalistic role – with its characteristics and to do it for us.” norms – over and above their other identities, including other senses of belonging. It is also a particular Consider for instance a journal- kind of journalistic identity that is ist from The East African who was elevated. keen to point out (in my 2007 study) Accordingly, many African journal- that, when conflicted, she would ists largely perceive a role for them- “be as objective as possible”, setting selves to be journalists in Africa, be- aside her Africanist attachment and ing information disseminators and replacing it with journalistic “pro- to some extent as socially respon- fessionalism”. Similarly, a journalist sible reporters who conscientise the from Business Day (in South Africa) public as citizens. felt that while he always tried to Some journalists do see value perpetuate an “African conscious- in the pan-Africanist calls for ness”, this would not be at the cost journalists to be attached to the of “balance” in his Nepad stories.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 139 However, not all journalists echoed journalism” with African government http://www.nepad.org/nepad/ such sentiments. A business jour- attempts to avoid criticism and curb knowledge/doc/1833/vaal- nalist from the Accra Daily Mail media freedoms. Accepting the consensus-partnering-media- commented that “every African has attached and developmentist role africa%E2%80%99s-development a duty to promote Nepad”. He con- could, for adherents of this view, on 28/6/2011. tinued: “So it is right to say that it lead to government interference Nepad (2011). The Maseru Declara- is the role and responsibility of jour- and the loss of autonomy and tion: in support of the African me- nalists in Africa to promote a con- independence. dia for development. Retrieved from cept designed by African leaders. If the web: http://www.nepad.org/fr/ we as journalists in Africa don’t pub- nepad/news/2314/maseru-declara- licise Nepad, we can’t expect Euro- “Even when the tion on 28/6/2011. pean journalists to do it for us.” He outcomes are took the issue into a further realm by asserting that this was not about different, all African supporting Nepad simply because journalists perform one was an African and a journalist, but rather it was about “patriotism” these kinds of and “nationalism”. negotiations of That last example in particular is of identity so as to give a journalist negotiating a complex configuration out of the pull of dif- meaning to what they ferent options, in seeking to define do within a specific who he is in terms of the broader role he identifies with (Africanity) context.” and the reasons for this identification (nationality). It is his way of seeking to align himself within a But many journalists in Africa context with competing identities have adopted certain of the ideals linked to nationality, profession and from the neutral-objectivist mod- Africanity. Even when the outcomes el of Western journalism, often are different, all African journalists adapted to their domestic context. perform these kinds of negotiations In this way, they see professional of identity so as to give meaning to independence and the role of be- what they do within a specific con- ing neutral information dissemi- text. nators as amounting to the most Often, the negotiations seem to in- re-sponsible response to social and volve explicit efforts by the individu- political challenges at national and als concerned to separate themselves continent-wide levels. as neutral-oriented journalists from the challenges of development in the References: African societies to which they belong. This can be read as a strategic Kanyegirire A (2007). Journalists’ attempt to downplay any suggestion perceptions of their roles and that they lack commitment to the identities with regard to Nepad. dominant neutral-objectivist-watch- Rhodes University: School of dog professional model of journal- Journalism and Media Studies (Phd ism. Some of them come across as Thesis). Retrieved from the web: thinking they have to make a clear http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1566/1/ choice between neutral journalism, Kanyegirire-TR08-182.pdf on on the one hand, and a commitment 27/6/2011. to Africa, on the other. Nepad (2009). The Vaal Consensus. Many still associate “development Retrieved from the web:

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Resisting press repression while wrestling with donor-independence

The MFWA was established in 1997, some six years after the Windhoek Declaration. In effect, as with many examples of progress in media development across Africa, the organisation’s founding was also a product of the environment and impetus catalysed by the Windhoek Declaration. The Windhoek conference took place at a time of convulsive political developments that seemed to engulf the entire sub-Saharan region of Africa. On one hand, most of this region was thrown into a radical popular upsurge for democratic reforms. On another By Professor Kwame Karikari When the Media Foundation for level, by the time the MFWA got off West Africa (MFWA) started opera- the drawing board, violent political Professor Kwame Karikari is tion as a press freedom/freedom of conflicts, including full-blown civil Executive Director, Media Foundation expression advocacy organisation, wars and communal or other local for West Africa, Accra, Ghana. the first campaign it initiated was bloody crises, threatened the very to demand justice in the murder of existence of so many countries as Burkinabe editor Norbert Zongo in established entities called states. 1999. Five years later, in 2004, the Not more than three of the MFWA had to mount another cam- 16-member Economic Community paign for justice in the murder of of West African States (Ecowas) Gambian editor Deyda Hydara. were spared the divisive convulsion These campaigns, drawing in a host that had gripped the whole region. of local or national, regional and Yet at the same period, and as part international organisations, did not of the Africa-wide movement in bring about justice but they helped popular self-assertion, the demands to make the issues well-publicised for democratisation included, very international human rights cases. prominently, an upsurge for press Action on more recent cases of seri- freedom and an end to government ous journalists’ rights abuses in the monopoly of media. The streets of Gambia, however, produced legal the capitals and big cities of most judgments condemning the per- countries became awash with an petrator government by a regional avalanche of newly set-up news- court of justice. paper titles. Headlines, intoning the Meanwhile, on an ongoing basis, excitement of new-found free voic- MFWA has had to intervene to es, screamed out subjects previously secure safety and a safe haven for considered taboo: about govern- journalists threatened with death, ments and their dictatorial leaders. as well as work with media caught Nothing appeared sacred any more up in vicious civil wars and strife. to the newly born newspaper gen-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 141 eration that suddenly swept aside use the law to railroad journalists as irrelevant the stale, state-owned “The excitement of a into prison, to frighten others into newspaper monopolies which had new dawn of media self-censorship or submission or been part of the arsenal of repres- to even drive others into exile. In sion by the one-party or military freedom, autonomy addition, nearly everywhere, the tyrannies targeted by the move- and pluralism was regimes passed new and additional ment for democratisation. constricting legislation. Soon, following the newspaper re- now turning into a A new dimension in the attacks surgence, appeared the even more nightmare of fear, on the media was introduced in revolutionary entry onto the media the civil-war-stricken countries of landscape: the emergence of inde- torture and the threat Liberia, Sierra Leone and – to a lesser pendent radio (and slightly later TV) of death.” extent – Guinea and Guinea-Bissau. broadcasting. The liberalisation of Warlords and governments battling the airwaves, clearly imposed on the them resorted to some of the most governments by the mass demo- journalists and media was enough heinous violence against the media cratic movements and enthusiastic to suggest the imminent death of and journalists. Over the decade of and determined initiators and en- the new, emerging media pluralism civil war in Liberia and Sierra Leone, trepreneurs, put the last nail into in West Africa. The irate regimes about 16 journalists were murdered the coffin of state monopoly of the unleashed attacks through two in each country, and several radio media. fronts. The first and regular method stations and newspapers gutted by State monopoly and the silencing involved the raw, crude, knee-jerk arson. of dissenting and differing voices attacks by security operatives and The excitement of a new dawn of had generally produced, over the other functionaries – targeting every media freedom, autonomy and years, minimal day-to-day attacks expression unpalatable to govern- pluralism was now turning into a on and violations of press freedom ment and officials, and at any real or nightmare of fear, torture and the and journalists’ rights. There was perceived media infraction. The new threat of death. no freedom to attack. It is almost media establishments, dominated by Inserted into this confusion of the like the saying that there is no un-trained, inexperienced novices promise of and threats to freedom, repression in the cemetery. in the profession, provided plenty the MFWA’s first programme of in- But the rampant invasion of news- of ammunition for attack by way of tervention was to establish a mech- papers and radio stations onto the their numerous errors and ethical anism for monitoring and publicis- previously closed social and political blunders resulting from the sheer ing attacks on media freedom and landscape - suddenly releasing a ca- over-enthusiasm of the excited violations of journalists’ rights. cophony of long-silenced voices - in newcomers. The second line of at- turn provoked the innate repressive tack by governments was to crank he organisation set up a region- adrenalin of the governments. Most up the firmly controlled judicial ma- Twide network of correspondents governments in the region were ei- chinery to unleash on the media the from each of the 15 Ecowas member ther the same old unreformed dicta- repressive legislation still intact on countries, as well as from Mauritania torships, or old military or one-party the statute books. which had by now left the regional regimes forced by the popular move- The governments operated in inter-state organisation. The aim ments and the demands of donor environments without any, or with was to monitor violations on a governments to conduct hasty elec- negligible, traditions of independent daily basis. Thus the press freedom tions and put on new hardly fitting media operation, and a low culture ALERT of the MFWA was born, and garbs of liberal multi-party constitu- of tolerance for the expression continues to today. tionalism. In the 1990s to much of of contrasting viewpoints in the In certain circumstances, such as the first decade of the 21st century, public space. The new independent during the worst stages of the civil not more than three countries in voices of the young press and wars in Liberia or the violent crises West Africa could boast of genuinely radio stations came across to these in Guinea, the monitoring was democratic regimes elected into of- authoritarian or even tyrannical expanded to include violations of fice on their parties’ own credentials leaders as insolence, irritation, other human rights. In later years, of democratic merit. personal attacks and subversion. the theme was expanded also to The ensuing spate of attacks on Governments’ responses were to include monitoring of violations

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of other forms of free expression, dangerous situations earlier than countries and the region. They are such as speech and the rights of may have been the case. The alerts also a pointer to developments in musicians and composers. have been a basis or the catalyst for the legal and policy environments The 1990s were an era of the campaigns – big and small, local or of media and free expression. revolution in new technologies of international – in support of victims Within a year or two of the new information and communications. of repression of press freedom or organisation’s operation, it became Aided by the internet, the alert other forms of expression. necessary to initiate programmes service became an instant presence In 2008 Cameroonian musician of media law and policy reform and source of information on press Pierre Roger Lambo Sandjo (aka and of legal defence for journalists freedom violations to thousands Lapiro de Mbanga) was arrested and and media prosecuted under laws of people in the region, Africa and charged with incitement to violence. that make their work and output elsewhere. It was further expanded This was because of a song he criminal offences. globally by the MFWA’s membership composed and recorded, called “The in the global network of freedom of constitution is constipated”, which romoting media law and policy expression advocacy organisations, protested Cameroon President Paul Preform in an environment the Toronto-based International Biya’s manipulation of the country’s choked with archaic and repressive Freedom of Expression Exchange constitution to entrench himself legislation to protect authoritarian (IFEX), whose information clearing in power for life. The MFWA’s alert rule, has obviously been more house reaches tens of thousands on the arrest and detention was than an uphill task. Through direct around the world. picked up by the Copenhagen-based initiatives and in collaboration with Prior to the MFWA’s initiative, there Freemuse, which defends musicians’ others, the MFWA has contributed had been no such systematic, com- and composers’ rights. It led to an to the passage of a few national prehensive and regular monitoring international campaign in Europe, laws enhancing media freedoms: and publicity of rights abuses on North America and elsewhere. The in Sierra Leone, Benin and Ghana. musician was released after serving It has taken up projects to promote three years of a 20-year sentence decriminalisation of free expression “The aim was to imposed by a slavish judiciary. elsewhere. It has been among the monitor violations on Obviously the alerts and the cam- most active groups in continental paigns generated from them have coalitions to press for the passage a daily basis. Thus the neither freed all victims of repres- of right to information legislation. press freedom ALERT sion nor stopped violations of free Currently pending on the agenda expression rights in the region. for the consideration of the next of the MFWA was But they have contributed to some summit (2011 or 2012) of Ecowas born, and continues to measure of deterrent and to knowl- heads of state is a MFWA proposal today.” edge among officials in repres- for a regional act (protocol) that will sive governments that their rights bind all states to a common legal violations are being monitored and instrument on media freedom. The a regional scale in West Africa, or exposed to the world. They have proposal has passed the scrutiny of even in most parts of the continent. additionally become a source of the Council of Ministers which almost A significant aspect of the monitor- encouragement to journalists that endorsed the entire document – but ing exercise is that the alerts are also there is a place to expect support in expunged two provisions calling for a call to action to the thousands of times of trouble. It has made MFWA total decriminalisation – and has individuals and institutions on the a household name loathed by of- now recommended it for passage by organisation’s address list that re- ficials of repressive governments, the heads of state. When enacted, ceive the alerts. respected by media and civil society the act will serve as a standard for Thus, with the alerts, the MFWA rights advocates and encouraged West African states to reform their initiates protests, petitions and by intergovernmental and other in- legislation to expand and protect appeals to governments and other ternational rights and development the space for media freedom. violators of media and journalists’ promotion organisations. Governments have been generally rights. The general effect is that, due The alerts form a daily gauge of reluctant to reform inimical legi- to the alerts, some victims have been trends and scale of the health slation at home. Yet, they have been released from detention or other and status of media rights in the compelled by civil society pressures

Media in Africa - 2011 | 143 and the influence of certain global in 2009 in a case of the torture vocacy groups into a kind of stand- developments in the promotion of of Musa Saidhykan, editor of ing consultative forum for coopera- rights, to promulgate collectively, The Independent newspaper, by tion and strategic planning, called at the level of regional inter-state Gambian state security agents. the “Network of African Freedom bodies (such as the African Union, In both cases the court found of Expression Organisations”, did Ecowas and SADC), mechanisms and the Gambian government guilty not survive beyond three years. The instruments that offer opportunities and awarded compensation to experience, learned rather late, was for enhancing advocacy to promote the victims, though the regime that for various reasons such coop- rights. It is only by using them of President Yahya Jammeh has erative efforts are best pursued and effectively and regularly that citi- refused to comply with the rulings. sustained around specific issues and zens and their organisations can These cases and others taken up thematic projects. strengthen and make relevant these or supported in national courts in This logic had been proven right in instruments and mechanisms (or The Gambia, Burkina Faso, Niger, the continent-wide collaboration of institutions). Sierra Leone and Senegal, were all several groups to work with Article That is why the MFWA and other pursued by lawyers participating 19 and the ACHPR to develop and groups have taken up opportunities in the MFWA’s regional “Network get the AU to adopt the Declaration for observer status to work with of Lawyers for the Defence of of Principles on Freedom of the African Commission on Human Journalists and Media in West Expression in Africa, in 2002. It was and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) to Africa”, set up in 2000. The na- also the same basis for the success advance freedom of expression in tional cases ranged from seeking of the broad coalition called the Africa. It has been a platform to justice in the illegal closure of “Partnership for Media and Peace- lay complaints and expose rights radio stations and newspapers and building in West Africa” initiated violations by states, and to advance murder of journalists, to defence by the MFWA and the Copenhagen- continent-wide civil society colla- against charges based upon the based International Media Support boration to promote rights causes. criminalisation of media content. (IMS) to support media development Thus the MFWA also joined Article activities in the conflict-devastated 19, the Media Institute of Southern n a continent as vast and with countries in the region. Some of the Africa, Media Rights Agenda, and Osuch hugely critical needs of key initiatives under this programme several others to work with the rights promotion as Africa, no included media law reform activities ACHPR to get the African Union to individual organisation, however that have resulted, for instance, in adopt the Declaration of Principles resourced, can make much headway the recent passage of a right to on Freedom of Expression in Africa advancing rights issues alone on information law by the Liberian in 2002. a national and regional scale. The legislature. The MFWA’s landmark successful effective approach is advisedly The partnership was resurrected litigation at the Ecowas Community through partnerships, coalitions in January 2011 in response to the Court of Justice is an example of a and networks of any sort. But while recent post-election conflicts in Cote successful, immediately impactful that is also full of frustrations and d’Ivoire. Working with Ivorian media use of a regional mechanism to challenges – some of which tend leaders, the coalition is developing defend and protect individual to be discouraging – it can be said a programme of interventions to journalists’ rights against state that MTWA’s most important or support rebuilding of the media abuses. Under its programme of strongest strategic contribution to in the country, promote enhanced Legal Defence for Journalists and the freedom of expression advocacy media freedom conditions through Media, the MFWA took two cases movement in West Africa has been legislative reform and advance media to the Ecowas court against the to bring different groups together professionalism so as to minimise the government of The Gambia. One or join others in campaigns. These extreme sectarianism that fed into was to get the court in 2007 to have been to push for rights that country’s conflicts. demand that the Gambian state promotion, improve conditions for Collaboration with other organisa- produces Chief Ebrima Manneh, media freedom, and to support tions to intervene in conflict situa- who had been “disappeared” for post conflict media development tions has not been limited to West more than two years following his projects. Africa. Throughout the political cri- arrest by state security operatives. An attempt to bring together key ses in Zimbabwe, when free speech The second was to seek judgment African freedom of expression ad- and related rights were under bloody

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siege, the MFWA worked with the colonial-era legislation, the wielding seeming consensus among political IMS, Misa-Zimbabwe and other local of the big repressive stick by state forces against reforms of inimical rights groups to push for freedoms. controlled authoritarian regulatory media legislation? The organisation Similarly, in the early 2000s there agencies and a spate of media can, to a large extent, survive was collaboration with the IMS to bans and closures, represented the political situation for as long support Somali media groups to or- the new threats that the media as there is a country with some ganise themselves to survive a near- confronted. This trend emerged just favourable space to operate from. impossible situation of endless civil when the media were beginning to The real threat is the question of its war. consolidate their existence and it long-term sustenance. An organisa- Because the MFWA came into being signaled a new era of state policies tion totally dependent on the char- at a time of widespread conflict to close the space forced open by ity of philanthropic and donor insti- and political turmoil in the region, civil society in the late 1980s and tutions survives or dies according to there has been no alternative but early 1990s. the programmatic agenda of these to find ways to support media and For the majority of governments same organisations. Current trends, journalists caught up as victims in seeking ways to bridle the grow- according to documented research, the violence or as instruments of ing space of the media, they found indicate a systematic reallocation of whipping up the problems. One of self-serving justification from the funding support away from media the key activities prompted by the recklessness of many media, the rights and media development ad- wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia result of a widespread low stand- vocacy programmes. was establishing a safe haven for ard of professional practice among The MFWA has existed for approach- journalists fleeing the brutalities, the media. This state of affairs ren- ing 15 years, based on the generos- as well as for those fleeing the dered the media easy prey to the ity of philanthropic organisations. persecution of tyrants. control and influence of politicians It started with assistance from the One of the dramatic interventions in and political factions. The politi- Ford Foundation and quickly at- Liberia was to rescue, by airlifting, cal partisanship and sectarianism tracted the support of many organi- a journalist torture victim who had resulting from this situation, espe- sations including the institutions of gone blind and crippled from violent cially in relation to elections, made the Open Society Foundation, Da- physical and psychological abuse. many media complicit in fomenting nida and others. It keeps attracting Throbble Suah was in 2001-2002 and supporting conflicts when and the interest of some other organi- rehabilitated by a group of doctors where they occurred. In these cir- sations. However, there is no record in Ghana, regaining his sight and cumstances, and in an atmosphere of any rights advocacy organisation the use of his limbs. The safe-haven of growing intolerance, mobilising in Africa surviving for more than programme has hosted persecuted public opinion and sympathy to de- 20 years on the benevolence of any journalists from the DRC, Cameroon, fend and protect media freedoms funding agency. The signs of “fa- Sierra Leone, The Gambia, and has been made more demanding in tigue” are beginning to show. How Somalia. The MFWA has worked, in many countries in the region. a non-profit rights advocacy makes this instance, with the UNHCR and Meanwhile, elections and elections- “income” to sustain it and pursue its some foreign embassies, notably the related politics continue to be a ideals is the greatest challenge of US embassy in Accra, to seek refuge significant source of danger to the promoting and consolidating hu- in foreign countries. media’s independence and freedom man rights in Africa to day. All the In Africa today, a human rights in the coming years. The polarisa- organisations confront this impon- promoter’s work is never done. tion of the societies along political derable puzzle. When there appears a sign of partisan, ethnic and other sectar- progress on the horizon, it soon ian lines, seeps into the media very fades into a mirage of hopes. What much. It may get worse as politi- seemed to be the attainment of cians from country to country in- some progress in media freedom in vest in or buy into media ownership the late 1990s, began to be reversed and buy media influence, especially come the beginning of the 2000s. in relation to elections. The enactment of new laws, such as “publication of false news”, or ill the MFWA survive the the digging up and use of dormant Wgalloping intolerance and

Media in Africa - 2011 | 145 Conflicts compromise media’s autonomy, but some can rise above it

other during the first democratic presidential elections. When the newly elected Hutu president was assassinated four months after the polls by his Tutsi presidential guard, the people in Burundi and the international community witnessed the potentially murderous chemistry of political pluralism and ‘free’ press. A couple of months later, in Rwan- da, a private radio station, RTLM (Radio Television Libre des Mille Col- lines), using music and the vernacu- lar language Kinyarwanda, went even further in injecting hatred in the minds of the people. The radio By Marie Soleil Frere In 1991, journalists and editors actively collaborated in the practi- gathered in Windhoek and pro- cal implementation of the genocide, Marie Soleil Frere is a researcher claimed how the emerging press inflaming the local militias called at the Département des Sciences de freedom in many African countries the “Interahamwe” and broadcast- l’Information et de la Communication, could be a new chance for the con- ing orders as well as directions to Universite Libre de Bruxelles, and tinent. The Windhoek Declaration facilitate the killing of more than author of “The Media and Conflicts in insisted that all the barriers to a ful- a million Tutsi people and Hutu Central Africa”. Her new book “Votes ly free activity for the media should democrats, including more than 50 and Voices for Peace? The Media and be removed. The new private press journalists. Elections in Central Africa” is being was viewed as participating in “the In December 2003, nine years later, published by Zed Books in 2011. worldwide trend towards democra- the International Criminal Tribunal cy and freedom of information and for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Aru- expression”, which was said to be sha, Tanzania, sentenced four of the “a fundamental contribution to the staff members to long jail terms, as fulfilment of human aspirations”. well as financial backers and ideolo- This enthusiasm didn’t last long gists of this hate medium. For the everywhere, however, and two first time in the history of humanity, decades later the equation “free individuals were convicted for hav- press = consolidation of democracy” ing established and participated in has been widely challenged on “hate media”: a sad record for Af- the continent. This especially in a rica. number of countries which have In both Burundi and Rwanda, these faced an armed conflict or political new ‘free’ African media – whose aim instability, and where the media was to serve political propaganda have often been directly involved in more than to inform professionally spreading violence, nurturing wars – led to murderous consequences. and fuelling hatred and tensions. The lack of training of journalists In Burundi, as early as 1993, the who were newcomers in the job and words “hate press” were used to had no specialised background was describe a range of private news- not the main factor explaining the papers violently clashing with each hateful content.

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The path leading the new pluralist population and the international common destiny. African media towards independence community. Moreover, as far as multi-party “from governmental, political or Nevertheless, on the opposite ex- elections are concerned, the media economic control” also proved to treme, much African media has also of the continent have also demon- be more difficult than expected. demonstrated during the past two strated these past years that they Indeed, the challenge of financial decades that they can play a power- can bring a great contribution to sustainability, in an unfavourable ful and exemplary role to help con- guaranteeing the transparent and economic environment, turned flict resolution and peace-building. pluralist character of the polls. out to be quite an impossible In 2000 in Senegal, in 2001 in task in many places. The lack of “This especially in a Chad, in 2005 in the Central African finance threatened the media’s Republic and on numerous other independence, often as much as number of countries occasions, some media organised the restrictions and repression which have faced an themselves jointly to increase their emanating from the government. capacity to report on the polls This financial dependence of pri- armed conflict or in a context where the electoral vate and public media also pushed political instability, commission organising the voting them into political commitment was suspected to be biased. (and sometimes into violent propa- and where the media Media with distinct editorial trends ganda). Such a stand has become have often been overcame their differences and repeatedly visible during multiparty directly involved in pulled together their human and elections. The 2007 polls in Kenya financial resources to set up shared and the 2010 elections in Côte spreading violence, teams to cover a large number of d’Ivoire were highly symbolic of the nurturing wars and polling stations, ensuring the trans- new threats to stability and national parency and legality of polling op- unity that emerged from open po- fuelling hatred and erations. Sometimes, public media litical competition. tensions.” were even associated in those media Both elections were characterised synergies, partly escaping the con- by the involvement in the campaign tinuing control of the government. of politically committed media, and In Burundi, for instance, for about Solidarity among professionals has both ended up in high degrees of a decade private radio stations have also become more intense world- violence between civilians. In both shown, on a daily basis, how much wide and African journalists have cases of post-electoral violence, they can contribute to establishing benefited from the attention and some media were implicated in a dialogue between communities support of worldwide organisations dividing local communities along that had been torn apart. With Stu- defending press freedom, facilitated regional or ethnic lines, and in dio Ijambo, Radio Bonesha, Radio by the spread of communication fuelling resentment, frustration and Publique Africaine, Radio Isanganiro technologies such as the internet intolerance. They were agents in or Radio Renaissance, Burundi has and the mobile phone which have manipulating minds to push civilians become a laboratory for the imple- helped to better connect African to armed violence in support of one mentation of “peace journalism”, media to the world. Especially in of the contenders. “conflict-sensitive journalism” or post-conflict countries, many spe- So, instead of proving to be “essen- “conflict transformation”. cialised international NGO’s have tial to the development and main- In the Democratic Republic of also implemented support programs tenance of democracy in a nation, the Congo (DRC), Radio Okapi, for the media sector, hoping to con- and for economic development”, established jointly by the United solidate the circulation of profes- African media have sometimes been Nations Peace Mission (Monuc) and sional information but sometimes pinpointed as possible threats to the Swiss Foundation Hirondelle, generating another type of depend- democratic consolidation or at least has played a major part since ence – a dependence on foreign as symptoms of the challenges to 2002 in circulating complete and funding. which democracy was faced on the pluralistic information all over So, 20 years after Windhoek, the continent. For this reason, they have this huge territory, allowing the assessment is mixed. Especially in even started to generate distrust Congolese people to reconnect with countries where peace and stability and fear, both on the side of the each other and fully share their have been threatened, the ‘free’ me-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 147 dia have survived in a difficult environment, with repeated sustainabil- A co-opted media can ity problems and there-fore a lack of independence towards political provoke chaos rather and economic powers, or towards foreign aid. than freedom If media outlets themselves are fragile, professional journalism is constantly challenged. This might not sound different from what journalists all over the world are faced with – except that the consequences might be higher in Africa. In the past 20 years, in conflict- ridden African countries, hundreds of journalists have been killed, arrested, assaulted or jailed. The fact that these abuses were not always committed on journalists who respected professional ethics and resisted political pressure, but sometimes on highly politicised and corrupt professionals, indicates that the issue of press freedom remains complex and has to be handled with care. By Dr Ibrahim Saleh Freedom is about inclusion and ex- That is probably why the issue of clusion, about access to information regulation and self-regulation has Dr Ibrahim Saleh is a convener and about public deliberation. How- been constantly debated by the of political communication at ever, the situation in many African media sector stakeholders. What the University of Cape Town, countries remains about the privi- the media have learnt from those South Africa. A Fulbright scholar, leges that go with inclusion and the two decades is that they have to he also chairs the journalism penalties that accompany exclusion. keep fighting for press freedom but research and education section We cannot disregard the notion of also for a democratically ‘regulated’ in the International Association “identity crisis” to help understand press freedom and for independent for Media and Communication and identify what unresolved issues/ mechanisms to insure the media’s Research (IAMCR), and is a conflicts have led to the current responsibility. member of the World Journalism behaviour in many parts of North Education Council (WJEC). Africa and beyond. Ethnic, racial and religious identities provide clear lines to determine who will be included and who will be excluded. Since the lines appear unalterable, being in and being out may quickly come to look permanent. The streets in Africa seldom empower the expression of public opinion and collective sentiments. From Cape Town to Cairo, freedom is threatened as a result of brute force expressed in riots and mob violence. And regardless of the geopolitical

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position, authorities keep on trying legitimising coercion, the political most of civil society in Africa with to exert a pervasive power over PR-isation of the media and the weakness and vulnerability that in public spaces through police patrols use of social taboos to block turn has meant freedom is either and similar authorities. investigative reporting and the demolished completely or is at promotion of a bold journalism least suffering from exacerbating educational system. inequality. “We cannot disregard This perplexing situation has led to As stated by Claude Ake in 1987, the notion of vicious circles of liberalisation and those rights that have real signifi- de-liberalisation in Africa, and a cance for our lives are usually not ‘identity crisis’ to continuous split between laws and given by those in power but have to help understand regulations on one hand and their be exercised – without permission if implementation as a cornerstone necessary. and identify what for realising freedom on the other Priority should be given to re- unresolved issues/ hand. evaluating the media situation in conflicts have led to It is thus neither strange, nor both traditional and new media, and surprising, to find freedom in Africa to pushing for the legitimate right of the current behaviour at a crossroads, with an imposed participation in the decision-making in many parts of North version of democracy within the process. We need to stipulate the tripled-edged syndromes of illness, need for change without turmoil, Africa and beyond.” poverty and illiteracy. with a progressive understanding of In the last few decades, the chronic peace and human rights as a way of failure of rulers to meet popular reclaiming identity and pride. “Speak to us of freedom” is not just economic and political demands a line from Khalil Gibran’s book The has carved a public space where Prophet, but also a metaphor that citizens endure continuous brute portrays the situation in many parts force expressed in riots and mob of Africa. violence. Many African countries Journalism is in the front line of the have experienced an increasing rise battle to maintain democracy by in the intensity of public wrath, and ferreting out corruption, dishonesty an evolving role by the syndicates and graft wherever it may occur and and unions in directing the sense exposing the perpetrators. But the of public frustration into cycles of challenge is to do so without losing violence, crime and turmoil. a grip on journalism’s significant In many countries, media hegemony role in exchanging ideas and has prevailed and silenced the public advancing communication between – causing an acute case of self- the governed and those who govern. censorship which is the outcome Some pertinent questions remain of long years of oppression and the unanswered. Do we make an impact uncertainty of likely repercussions on our society? Are we able to from the government. transform the journalism practice It is thus understandable to sense into a more accountable one? that both journalists and civil actors These are certainly troubling when have a growing sense of alienation. we believe democracy is becoming The situation has displaced the dis- unstable or when liberal values are contented public into unregulated, continuously challenged. informal underground sectors and In order to understand freedom illegal activities like different kinds in Africa, one must consider the of extremism including religious, repercussions of the historical social and human trafficking. memory of colonisation and the This dim picture is the result of post-independence era, which is the absence of well-oriented state marked by a continuous process of and effective media. It has stained

Media in Africa - 2011 | 149 Hostage to gender prejudice: None but ourselves can free our minds

women constitute 41% of media employees (32% if South Africa is excluded), but less than a quarter of managers and only a handful of board members and top executives. • The 2010 Gender and Media Progress Study (GMPS), a follow-up to the baseline study in 2003, confirms the global findings that on average women now constitute a mere 19% of news sources in the Africa region. This study broke new ground by asking some pointed questions about basic media By Colleen Lowe Morna When Agnes Callamard, Executive practice — finding, for example, Director of ARTICLE 19 coined the that a startling 67% percent of Colleen Lowe Morna, CEO of Gender phrase “gender censorship” at the news stories are based on single Links, is editor of the three studies launch of the third Global Media sources. mentioned in this article, which can Monitoring Project in 2005, the What are the chances, in our society, be accessed on www.genderlinks.org. Fleet Street audience in London that if only one source is consulted, za, as well as several books, reports, stopped just short of pummelling that source will be a man? And how and media articles on gender and her with tomatoes. free are societies in which half the development in Southern Africa. Time has marched on, but not much population is effectively silenced, has changed. Since the first global without us even aware this is so? study in 1995, to the latest in 2010, Some more questions: the proportion of women sources • Do we think twice when a report in the media has risen from 17% on a South African TV station to 25% globally, and from 16% to tells us about an award for 19% in Africa. Yet censorship is still African soccer players at which viewed through the narrow lens of none of the players showed up, politically-barred content, rather when in fact the top African than the broader societal lens of woman soccer player did show exclusion. up? Three studies over the last two • Or an article in a Zambian years initiated by Gender Links with newspaper about elections various partners have provided titled “Peoples views on the stark data of the gender gaps in the elections” in which only men media. are quoted, and the final • The Gender in Media Education caption reads “the best man Audit shows that there are more for the job” (even though two women than men enrolled in women candidates stood in media studies, but many more that particular election). male than female lecturers. It is this gender blindness that • Glass Ceilings in Southern has prompted activists to demand African media shows that that a Windhoek+ declaration

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state explicitly that freedom of public, half of whom are women. expression must be understood Armed with the SADC Gender as equal voice for women and Protocol and evidence from the men — not just for “people”. This ground, GL is working with media perspective is reinforced by the education partners in the Gender Southern African Development and Media Diversity Centre, as Community (SADC) Protocol on well as 100 media houses across Gender and Development, which the region, on creating a number calls for equality in and through the of “Gender and Media Centres of media. The Protocol also promotes Excellence”. The collective target is gender mainstreaming in policies to ensure that women constitute at and training, as well as sensitive least 30% news sources by 2015: a coverage of gender violence, HIV target good for business, good for and AIDS. democracy, and good for media Many a cynical editor argues that freedom. gender biases in the media are just As Bob Marley might have said: who “the way of the world”, and that feels it knows it (so let them speak!) no band of NGO crusaders is going and none but ourselves (caught in to change this. The fourth Gender this silent censorship) can free our and Media Summit held under the minds. So let’s do a little reasoning. banner “Gender, Media, Diversity Ya mon! and Change” late last year made the case, through vivid examples, that change is possible. “Since the first global study in 1995, to the latest in 2010, the proportion of women sources in the media has risen from 17% to 25% globally, and from 16% to 19% in Africa.”

For example, in 2003 women constituted 14% of sources at the Mauritius Broadcasting Corporation, the first media house to work with GL in developing a gender policy. The GMPS shows that this figure has since doubled. What’s more, says Deputy Director General Rekha Sooborun, the gender policy has prompted the public broadcaster to think more broadly and critically about what it means to serve the

Media in Africa - 2011 | 151 Taking stock of gender in media education

lines in the media. Yet if the media are to continue to inform and stimulate public debate and dialogue, we need journalists who have the ability to provide diverse perspectives on a particular issue – and be gender-sensitive in so doing. So much is hidden when reportage is packed with collective nouns such as “the Southern African Region”, “the students”, “the workers” or even “staff in the newsroom”. Imagine how this could change when an engendered approach is adopted. However, according to the GIME By Emily M. Brown The Gender in Media Education Southern Africa (2010) – which cov- (GIME) audit that kicked off in ered 25 institutions in 13 countries Emily M. Brown is Head of the Namibia in 2010 raises pertinent – journalism / media studies stu- Department of Media Technology, issues with regard to the quality of dents receive very little theoretical Polytechnic of Namibia our journalism. Implemented at the grounding in gender. Implicit in this outset by UNESCO, Gender Links finding is that few institutions have and the Polytechnic of Namibia, the integrated gender into their course audit dealt with how gender was content. addressed in journalism training programmes and curricula. “SADC Protocol The goals were to identify: • whether gender was integrated on Gender and into media education and Development training, • whether gender-related texts prescribes that gender or materials were used in media parity ought to prevail education and training, and • gaps with regard to main- in media houses by streaming gender in journalism 2015.” curricula. In the Beijing Platform for Action, the media – as the 10th critical Another finding of the 2010 audit area of concern – have a major role is that even fewer institutions have to play regarding gender equality. stand-alone gender policies. Furthermore, the SADC Protocol on Many of the representatives of in- Gender and Development prescribes stitutions surveyed could only make that gender parity ought to prevail reference to broader affirmative ac- in media houses by 2015. tion policies and procedures, or to Meantime, however, it is not even their country’s national gender poli- common to have discourse that dis- cy, in regard to vehicles for providing aggregates information on gender institutional guidelines for integrat-

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ing gender. This might help explain Women students noted, too, that why media or journalism depart- dealing with gender issues in ments rarely mainstream gender into their courses served to increase their curricula. their confidence to enter male- Back in 2004, Gender Links commis- dominated newsrooms. sioned Professor Lizette Rabe, head What’s to be done to build on this of the Journalism Department at the basis? University of Stellenbosch, to under- It is because a curriculum stipulates take an audit on gender in journal- the objectives and learning outcomes ism education and training in seven of a particular course that this is the Southern African countries. One of point at which to get started with her key recommendations was that mainstreaming. Certainly, gender gender should be included as part of should be incorporated at the time the assessment criteria. when an existing curriculum has to be reviewed. “The 2010 GIME Among other initiatives ahead are found that only a few building the capacity of lecturers to undertake research on gender and institutions (13%) media issues, as well as providing have structures training-of-trainer programmes to enhance their ability to teach on in place to ensure gender. gender is incorporated Over the past few years many have sketched a gloomy picture of into the journalism the future of mainstream media, curriculum.” especially print media. Its demise is predicted without much being offered in terms of solutions to But the 2010 GIME found that turn around such an eventuality. only a few institutions (13%) have Ensuring that journalists are trained structures in place to ensure gender to do gender-sensitive journalism is incorporated into the journalism could turn out to be part of the curriculum. It goes without saying, solution. therefore, that if gender hasn’t been mainstreamed or integrated into such curricula, it is also not going to be part of student assessments. The findings of GIME, however, hold a measure of hope. For example, respondents indicated a willingness to integrate gender into teaching and learning. They also acknowledged a need to learn more themselves about how to do this. While both male and female students referred to the importance of gender in media education and journalism training, the men indicated that their misconceptions of gender had changed due to courses where gender had been incorporated.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 153 How the African Charter on Broadcasting helped end reliance on a single state provider

declaration focused primarily on the promotion of the print media and was silent on issues such as broadcasting liberalisation and the globalisation of the communications industry. These issues have far reaching social and economic implications for media freedom and threaten to jeopardise the production of media that reflects Africa’s rich diversity.” The ACB draws attention, in particular to: “the existence of serious barriers to free, independent and pluralistic broadcasting and to the right to communicate through broadcasting in Africa”, while noting: “that for the vast majority of the peoples of Africa, the broadcast By Steve Buckley To mark the tenth anniversary of media remain the main source of the Declaration of Windhoek in public communication and infor- Steve Buckley is a communication 2001, UNESCO marked World Press mation”. rights activist and media policy Freedom Day with a conference in The ACB set out a framework for expert. He is a former President Windhoek. The host organisation, broadcasting law and regulation of the World Association of the Media Institute of Southern Af- grounded in a rights-based ap- Community Radio Broadcasters rica, together with other civil society proach in which freedom of expres- and author of ‘Broadcasting, organisations including World Asso- sion includes “the right to com- Voice and Accountability: A public ciation of Community Radio Broad- municate and access to means of interest approach to policy, law and casters (AMARC), Article 19: Global communication”. regulation’. Campaign for Free Expression (A19), On this basis, the Charter elaborates Association for Progressive Commu- a three tier system for broadcasting nications (APC) and Southern Afri- — public service, commercial and can Communications for Develop- community. The standard-setting ment (SACOD), seized the occasion recommendations of the ACB are to develop a new standard-setting arranged in four distinct parts: document, which they called the general regulatory issues; public African Charter on Broadcasting. service broadcasting; community While acknowledging the con- broadcasting; and telecommunica- tinuing relevance of the Declaration tions and convergence. of Windhoek as an advocacy The Charter was officially launched tool, the African Charter on on the first anniversary of Windhoek Broadcasting (ACB) was designed +10, during the 31st Session of the to complement and expand on the African Commission on Human and original Declaration by focusing on Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), held in broadcasting. Pretoria. As its preamble states: “The [1991] At the same time the Commission

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itself was considering the develop- and from African and global the ACB gained the endorsement ment of a Declaration of Principles organisations, the private sector of African governments. It secured on Freedom of Expression (DPFEA). and civil society. further intergovernmental support According to MISA, the DPFEA, following the UNESCO World eventually adopted on 23 October Press Freedom Day conference of 2002 “was largely inspired by the “The [1991] 2005, held in Senegal. The Dakar groundbreaking Windhoek Declara- declaration focused Declaration on Media and Good tion on Promoting an Independent Governance “reaffirmed” the ACB, and Pluralistic African Press (1991) primarily on the noting that this document “extended and the African Charter on Broad- promotion of the the principles of the Declaration of casting (2001)”. Although the DP- Windhoek into calls for practical FEA does not make direct reference print media and action”. The Dakar Declaration was to the ACB, the core elements on was silent on issues endorsed by the Member States of broadcasting are very similar and in such as broadcasting UNESCO at its General Conference the sections on regulation of broad- on 20 October 2005 . casting and the role of the public liberalisation and In addition to these endorsements service broadcaster, significant parts the globalisation of by intergovernmental bodies, nu- of the text are identical. merous civil society fora have en- The World Summit on the In- the communications dorsed the ACB since its adoption formation Society (WSIS) provided industry.” in 2001. In March 2010 the AUC-EC a further important forum in Joint Informal Expert Meeting on which to lobby for the recognition Media and Development (GFMD, of the ACB. African civil society The Bamako Declaration , adopted 2010) cited the ACB as one of three organisations sought to assert it there requested African States, standard-setting African texts on as an African position in the WSIS to “adopt the ‘African Charter’ on media development. Such state- context. The WSIS Africa Regional radio broadcasting as a framework ments are indicative of the con- Conference, held in Bamako in 2002, for the development of policies and tinuing currency of the ACB in civil was attended by representatives legislations regarding information society advocacy, particularly at in- from 51 African countries as well technologies and broadcasting in ternational level. as delegates from other countries Africa.” Through this declaration,

How West Africa scores broadcast independence

By Steve Buckley

In 2010, Panos Institute West Africa achieved significant recognition at Awareness was highest in Nigeria commissioned a comparative study the African and international level, where the Charter has been endorsed of the impact of the African Charter and that its recommendations are by the National Broadcasting on Broadcasting (ACB) in five also broadly accepted as normative Commission as a definitional basis countries of West Africa — Ghana, standards for media freedom and for community broadcasting and Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal media development. But at the where it is frequently referenced in — with particular attention to the country level, the picture was advocacy briefings and declarations. emergence of a three tier model somewhat different. Impact was perceived as greatest of public, private and community Among the countries surveyed, in Mali, which offers the most broadcasting. awareness and perceived impact open environment for private The research found that the ACB has of the ACB was rather uneven. and community broadcasting. In

Media in Africa - 2011 | 155 contrast, the ACB was little known • increased attention by the “None have a and perceived to have had little broadcasting regulatory body impact in Senegal. Its impact was to the compliance of the regulatory body for also perceived as low in Ghana and public/state broadcaster with broadcasting that Niger. Despite these variations, it is broadcast content obligations. likely that media policies in all five Private broadcasting is present in is both independent countries have been influenced all of the countries. Community of government by the ACB, if not directly, then radio is present in all except indirectly. Nigeria, where it is recognised in and has decision- On general regulatory issues, the ACB the Nigeria Broadcasting Code but making powers asserts the primacy of constitutional not yet implemented. Ghana, Mali guarantees of freedom expression. and Nigeria have all introduced, for authorisation It proposes a three tier model of since 2001, formal recognition of and withdrawal of regulation — consisting of public community broadcasting as a sector service, commercial and community distinct from private commercial broadcast licenses.” broadcasting — and it promotes the broadcasting. This has been through establishment of an independent administrative guidelines in the At the same time, a wider body to regulate the sector. case of Ghana, law in the case of perspective on broadcasting All five of the West African coun- Mali, and the regulatory code in the development would have to address tries studied have constitutional case of Nigeria. Such recognition the challenges of digitalisation and guarantees of the right to freedom existed already in law in Niger and the impact of mobile and internet of expression, but none have a in regulatory terms of reference in platforms on the distribution of regulatory body for broadcasting Senegal. media content. With international that is both independent of All five countries have also commitments to digital television government and has decision- experienced significant growth in switchover by 2015 for many African making powers for authorisation private commercial and community governments, but few with realistic and withdrawal of broadcast broadcasting services, with the migration strategies in place, there licences. exception of Nigeria, which is yet is a pressing need for a public All five countries recognise to to implement the licensing of interest review of the challenges for some degree a three tier model for community broadcasting services. development of an African model broadcasting - public service, private The research found that awareness for digital broadcasting and for and community. The public service of the ACB was perceived as lowest utilisation of the digital spectrum broadcasting model, however, has among those social groups best placed dividend. not been strongly implemented and, to implement its recommendations except to a limited extent in Ghana, — parliamentarians and politicians. the state/publicly-owned national This suggests any strategy for broadcasters remain under the broadening the impact of the ACB control of the government in power. should target this group. Country In none of the five countries level surveys that incorporate has there been significant legal the ACB recommendations can or regulatory reform since 2001 assist, such as the African Media of the governance and funding Barometer, while others that do arrangements for the public/state not — including those of RSF, broadcaster. Where improvement Freedom House and IREX — could is observed, it is more likely to be a be encouraged to do so. At the result of: continental level, joint efforts to • increased competition for promote the ACB recommendations audience from the growing by media rights advocacy groups private broadcasting sector, could contribute to recognition • changes in senior management within the African Union, ACHPR of the broadcasting organi- and within the African regional sation, and/or economic bodies.

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New questions for African public service broadcasting

which draws out the best in a country’s cultural resources and expresses and promotes national identity. In reality, across Africa, there is a wide range of “public service broadcasters” each with a peculiar identity along the continuum from South Africa to Tanzania for instance. Of- ten these identities are, for better or for worse, home-grown and enshrined in law. Meanwhile, a number of scholars have argued that there is no future for public service broadcasting and that the model should be abandoned By Dr. Monica Chibita When a group of mostly print as it competes unfairly with the journalists (yes, there was once commercial broadcasters, does not Dr. Monica Chibita is Associate such a category) met in Windhoek provide much that is new or popular, Professor at the Department of in 1991 and passed a series of and does not offer people anything Journalism and Communication, resolutions about the condition and they cannot find somewhere else. Makerere University. She is Associate future of the media in Africa, their Editor of the Journal of African main concerns were the securing “Ten years later Media Studies (JAMS) and is a of a free, independent and pluralist member of the editorial boards of media. the African four academic journals dealing with There was little attention to the media landscape, communications issues. In 2012, she electronic media at the time however, had been will take up the post of head of the as most countries still had one Mass Communication Department at broadcast channel, owned and dramatically altered the Uganda Christian University. controlled by the state. Still, radio by a combination was even then, the main source of information for the majority of forces including of Africans. Ten years later the privatisation, African media landscape, however, had been dramatically altered by internationalisation, a combination of forces including media convergence privatisation, internationalisation, media convergence and digitisation. and digitisation.” These changes have particularly impacted upon state-owned broad- Nevertheless, what remains valid casting. Calls to change this into is the idea that state broadcasting public service broadcasting have is the opposite of public service long been based on the Reithian broadcasting. This recognition was ideal which emphasises quality pro- on the agenda ten years after the gramming that provides informa- 1991 conference. Windhoek+10 tion to enable active citizenship, accordingly produced the “African which educates and entertains, and Charter on Broadcasting” which

Media in Africa - 2011 | 157 proposed that “all state and and the identity of public service burgeon, what are the most appro- government controlled broadcasters broadcasting today, the following priate funding mechanisms? should be transformed into public questions can be posed: Is it time, given the changes in the service broadcasters.” The ACB • Should public service be seen broadcast environment to consider, further said that these broadcasters as a total institution, or should as South Africa has begun doing, should “be made accountable to all regulation promote the kind of whether direct tax revenue rather strata of the people as represented content that meets the criteria than advertising should ensure the by an independent board”, and for public service broadcasting, sustenance of the public service thaty they should serve the overall regardless of what media broadcaster? public interest. As such, they should organisation offers it? Lastly, with more and more Africans also avoid one-sided reporting and • Should we, in defining the having greater and faster access to programming in regard to religion, mandate of public service more information than they need political belief, culture, race and broadcasting, not take cog- or want, the issue today is also how gender. nisance of growing regional public service programming and blocs such as the East African presentation can re-invent itself to “Nevertheless, what Community, SADC etc? remain relevant to the multi-media remains valid is • What about local, ethnic and/or era. religious identities? the idea that state • What mechanisms should we broadcasting is the put in place to ensure that the bodies to which these opposite of public broadcasters report are truly service broadcasting.” independent in constitution and operation? To facilitate this transformation, “Should public the ACB called for independent regulators to protect the public service be seen as a service broadcasters against inter- total institution, or ference. In addition, it said there should also be a clearly defined should regulation mandate for public broadcasters, promote the kind of guaranteed editorial independence and adequate and secure funding content that meets that is not subject to manipulation. the criteria for public The Charter also called for free and equitable access of other service broadcasting, broadcasters to the transmission regardless of what infrastructure that most state broadcasters hitherto controlled. media organisation Finally, it urged that there should be offers it?” programming quotas to protect and promote local content industries. Another ten years later, in 2011, It can further be queried whether the ACB positions on public the state is still seen as the greatest broadcasting are worth revisiting, threat to independence, or whether so as to recognise, for example, the market should be regarded with the advent of mobile telephony equal caution. In a fiercely competi- in combination with computing tive, globalised and commercialised technology and its promise of environment, where the very notion innovations. In taking stock of the of spectrum scarcity is contested most pressing regulatory concerns and the number of stations is set to

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The globe gets it: Access to Information is advancing

Dark: Comprehensive national law enacted * White: No law or law not operative

By David Banisar

David Banisar is Senior Legal Counsel for the human rights group, Article 19: Global Campaign for Free Expression (www.article19.org). He has worked on information policy and human rights for nearly two decades, covering privacy, freedom of expression, whistle-blowing, cyber-crime and the right to information. He has served as an advisor and consultant to numerous organisations, and is author of numerous articles in the Dark: Comprehensive national law enacted * White: No law or law not operative area, including “Linking ICTs, the Right to Privacy, Freedom of Expression and Access to Information: Issues for African Nations” in the East African Journal of Peace & Human Rights, Vol. 16, No. 1, 2010. http://ssrn.com/abstract=1716969

Dark: Comprehensive national law enacted * Medium: National regulation enacted Light: Current initiative to enact law White: No law or law not operative * Not all national laws have been implemented or are effective. See http://www.article19.org

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Opening up information in Africa: a story of slow progress

of political will, human and financial resources and technical expertise. There is also limited awareness and demand for information from ordinary citizens. A total of only 16 African countries provide constitutional guarantees for freedom of expression. They include Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea, Ghana, Guinea- Bissau, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Senegal and Tanzania – all of which have yet to enact laws to enable an effective right to access information. By Gilbert Sendugwa The right to information is closely The history of information legis- linked with the right to freedom of lation in Africa shows mixed reali- Gilbert Sendugwa is the Coordina- expression. It is difficult for citizens ties. In Zimbabwe, pressure from the tor and Head of Secretariat of the to enjoy one in the absence of the Movement for Democratic Change Africa Freedom of Information Cen- other. Both rights are established (MDC) led to the Zanu-PF govern- tre (AFIC). Through AFIC, he has in international law and human ment initiating and passing the “Ac- campaigned for the adoption and ef- rights standards. People need cess to Information and Protection fective implementation of access to information to be able to adequately of Privacy Act”. This was without information legislation around the express themselves on matters civil society participation. In con- continent. He has worked in human of governance, holding leaders trast to the name of the law, it is and child rights, anti-corruption, accountable, influencing service mainly about preventing media re- good governance, health and envi- delivery and decision-making and porting and limiting access to infor- ronmental management. for promoting and protecting their mation. human rights. In Uganda, civil society groups From only 12 countries worldwide working with an opposition mem- having access to information legis- ber of parliament initiated the leg- lation in 1990, this has changed rap- islative process. Government came idly as 90 countries have such laws on board and facilitated the pass- today. However, African experience ing of the bill in 2005 – the same has seen only seven of 54 countries year when constitutional debate to adopting respective national access lift term limits for a president was to information laws over the same taking place. Many people think the period: South Africa, Angola, Zim- government’s support for the bill babwe, Uganda, Ethiopia and Libe- aimed to give citizens confidence ria. Nigeria recently joined the ranks that the proposed constitutional when it adopted its Freedom of In- amendment on term limits would formation law in June 2011. not affect democracy and human Even so, this handful of African rights. adopters is still challenged with Despite slow progress and threats, implementation due to an absence the future for freedom of expres-

Media in Africa - 2011 | 161 sion and access to information in the article. AFIC then filed a similar Africa promises to be bright. The information request to the prime Arab revolution has caused imme- minister of Uganda. diate discussion on guarantees for In March 2011, the New Vision both rights, in law and practice. In newspaper carried a story, “Nsibambi countries where the discussion was warns lazy ministers” in which long forgotten, like Ghana, Kenya, the prime minister was quoted Sierra Leone and Niger, a positive as directing ministers to comply wind of change is blowing. with reporting requirements. In a Another positive is the formation of letter to AFIC the following month, the Minister for Information and “The Arab revolution National Guidance said the lack of has caused immediate compliance to date had been due to a delay in gazetting the regulations. discussions on The letter promised that gazetting guarantees for both would be done within two months and thereafter ministers would rights, in law and comply with reporting requirements. practice.” Subsequently, on World Press Free- dom Day, the government’s Director for Information and National Guid- the Africa Freedom of Information ance announced that the regula- Centre (AFIC), a pan-African civil tions had been gazetted. society body with membership This is an important, but first, step drawn from human rights and towards full implementation. These media organisations from around kinds of advocacy initiatives need to the continent. The centre works with be intensified to take full advantage national civil society coalitions and of new opportunities in Africa to stakeholders to promote the right of foster a culture of transparency access to information by building a that is entrenched in the law and knowledge base through research, implemented in practice. technical assistance on draft bills and advocacy for legislation and implementation. In one case of AFIC action, the organisation made an information request to the Ugandan parliament in November 2010. This was to find out how different ministers were reporting in compliance with article 43 of the Access to Information Act. The background is that after being passed, the Ugandan law was not implemented for six years because government had not issued regulations. In February 2011, having received no response we sent an email reminder to the parliament, receiving only a telephonic response that there had been no compliance and parliament was now going to start enforcing

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How the right to information makes a difference instruments — the drafters underscored this significance of this right to South Africa’s constitutional order.3 The right to information (RTI) was finally given effect to through the adoption of the “Promotion of Ac- cess to Information Act” (PAIA) in 2000, making South Africa the first African country to adopt an RTI law. Contrary to the popularly-held belief that an RTI law is primarily a media tool, our experience in the usage of PAIA shows that the South African media has been an infrequent user. This is largely because some of the bureaucratic procedures for By Mukelani Dimba The dawn of democracy in South accessing information in terms of Africa was grounded on the interim PAIA are seen by the media to be Mukelani Dimba is the Deputy constitution of 1993 which was a lengthy and cumbersome. Executive Director of the Open direct product of negotiations for a For example, the law provides a 30- Democracy Advice Centre, www. new dispensation. day period within which institutions opendemocracy.org.za . One of the most important aspects have to process a request for of the interim constitution was the information. For a journalist seeking introduction of a Bill of Rights de- information for a story that s/he signed to ensure equal protection of needs to file within eight hours, a broad range of human, socioeco- this makes the law unattractive. So nomic and civil rights.1 Among the reporters tend to prefer to access rights upheld was that of access to information through sources that publicly held information.2 they’ve cultivated over a long time. By entrenching an independent There have been some important right of access to information — cases of papers like the Mail & rather than leaving it to be protect- Guardian obtaining documents that ed by the right to freedom of ex- would otherwise have been with- pression, as had generally been the held — like the government’s con- case in international human rights tract with FIFA over the services to

1 Section 8(2) of the interim constitution stated: ‘No person shall be unfairly discriminated against, directly or indirectly ... on one or more of the following grounds in particular: race, gender, sex, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture or language.’ The final constitution added pregnancy, marital status and birth to the list of grounds [section 9(3)]. 2 Sections of this article related to the legislative history of South Africa’s right-to-information law draw heavily from Calland, R and Dimba, M. Freedom of Information Law in South Africa: A Country Study, Open Democracy Advice Centre, 2002 found at www.opendemocracy.org.za and Calland, R. and Tilton, D. In Pursuit of an Open Democracy: A South African Case Stud.y. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 2001. 3 Jonathan Klaaren, Access to Information, in Constitutional Law of South Africa, ed. Matthew Chaskalson (Pretoria: Juta & Co. Ltd., 1996), 24-1.

Media in Africa - 2011 | 163 be supplied during the World Cup. Luckily some members of the com- dia which helped create sufficient However, in our experience, the munity were aware of their basic pressure to prompt the municipality most frequent users of PAIA are civil civil rights because they had had to do something about the issue. society groups who want to access some training. However, they did Almost a year after the initial RTI information in order to support their not know how to seek solutions to request was sent to the municipal- campaigns — such as for efficient the water issue without relying on ity, new water tanks, which are re- delivery of public services, socio- an unresponsive local government plenished a couple of times a week, economic development and public representative who had until then were installed in the village. Mobile participation in policy development. failed to deal with the issue. water tankers delivered water to the South African RTI advocates community while the municipality resolved very early in the life of the worked on a more permanent solu- PAIA that for it to keep the ideals “There have been tion of laying down pipes. of transparency and accountability some important cases The case shows how socio-economic alive, PAIA had to be meaningful rights were advanced through usage to ordinary citizens. Many cases of papers like the Mail of RTI and public pressure, and not emerging from South Africa on the & Guardian obtaining through litigation. The point is that usage of PAIA demonstrate that a documents that would public pressure to influence resource realisation of socio-economic rights allocation can only be effectively through this law is possible. otherwise have been applied if there is transparency on In this way, the RTI law in South withheld...” the process of resource allocation. Africa is helping promote better In countries plagued by socio- engagement between public insti- economic imbalances that were tutions and the communities, par- With the assistance of the Open inherited from the undemocratic ticularly on service delivery issues. Democracy Advice Centre in 2004, systems of government, it is crucial Where public services are done the villagers used PAIA to ask that the products of democratic through private contractors — such for the minutes of the council transition such as RTI laws should as for building schools and houses meetings where the municipality be used to address these problems. for the poor, or providing health and had decided on their programmes An RTI law is more than a mechanism welfare services — the RTI law has for the provision of water. They for safe-guarding the constitutional helped government and the public also asked for the municipality’s gains of nearly two decades of ensure accountability and honest Integrated Development Plan (IDP) democratic transition. It is also a and efficient delivery of public serv- and its budget. It took a frustrating means of defending and enhancing ices. six months before the information of socio-economic justice for the One case involves women in Entam- was released to the requestors, but poor because, after all, the right to banana in KwaZulu-Natal province. when the information was finally know is the right to live.4 These women live in one of South made available it showed that Africa’s most challenged provinces there were plans to provide water in terms of human development. to Emkhandlwini but no-one had The villagers in the district’s ham- thought of sharing these plans with let of Emkhandlwini noticed that the community. their neighbours in nearby villages With these plans in hand the wom- were receiving water from municipal en started asking difficult questions tankers from the Ntambanana Mu- of the authorities regarding the de- nicipality, but they were not. Their livery of water. The villagers’ usage source of water was a dirty stream of the RTI law and their struggle for that they shared with their livestock. water were also covered in the me-

1 See Calland R. & Tilley A., (eds) The Right to Know, the Right to Live: Access to Information & socioeconomic justice, The Open Democracy Advice Centre, Cape Town, October 2002.

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Winning freedom of information in Liberia Information (FOI) bill. International support was mobilised through Osiwa, International Media Support, Article 19, UNDP, UNESCO, Media Rights Agenda, Media Foundation for West Africa, and the IFJ among others. All rallied to lend a hand. A working group was put in place and it was agreed that CEMESP, the Center for Media Studies and Peace Building, would coordinate the activities. Ownership of the bills was to remain in the media community, as they were pushed through the Ministries of Information and Jus- tice, national legislature and civil By Malcolm W. Joseph To be frank, Liberia’s campaign for society. an access to information law got off Meetings were called and workshops Malcolm W. Joseph is Executive to a false start. and training sessions were held on Director, Center for Media Studies It began as a campaign to expand how to lobby. The laws were drafted and Peace Building (CEMESP), and the media space after the country’s and redrafted. Then they were Chairman of the Liberia Freedom of civil conflict. Journalists had suffered submitted to the national legislature Information Coalition. brutality: many had been threatened, – the House of Representatives and some badly beaten to the extent of Senate – simultaneously, following becoming bed-ridden, others impris- a parade of a cross-section of the oned on espionage charges, still oth- media, civil society, trade unions ers treated like enemy combatants and students. Pushing through three and several media houses burnt to bills at once, however, risked the the ground. failure to pass none. So efforts were After the conflict, the Liberian media marshalled for pushing through the was humbled to receive a visit from FOI one. a loose group of media organisations – the Partnership for Media and Con- “Pushing through flict Prevention in West Africa. The delegation met with the media com- three bills at once, munity, government officials and however, risked the civil society activists. The partnership was consulting to see how it would failure to pass none.” help reform Liberia’s draconian and moribund media laws to make them Still there was a problem: the compliant with international stand- law being seen as principally me- ards. dia-owned. The campaign became In the process that followed, three stalled both in the legislature and bills emerged: the Broadcast Regu- outside. Support dwindled within latory bill, the Public Service Broad- civil society. As more and more caster bill and then a Freedom of journalists trooped to the capital to

Media in Africa - 2011 | 165 witness sessions and attend pub- then called a public hearing to draw lic hearings on the bill, suspicion from experts and advise the House. grew even more that passing the After mopping up and a second FOI would give the already ‘reckless’ hearing, the House passed the bill media an even greater weapon to overwhelmingly on 22 July 2010. intrude into personal affairs. The bill became stuck indefinitely. Forces retreated to re-plan and strat- “The message was egise. The media withdrew somewhat simple: the Senate and a civil society presence was re- enforced. Government was brought could not afford to on board to take greater ownership. stand in the way of FOI was incorporated in the national development plan, the Poverty Re- history, of Liberia duction Strategy. becoming the first Overall, the battle field was re- country in West Africa shaped. With guaranteed political will, and FOI made a part of gov- to pass a Freedom of ernment deliverables, the message Information law.” was re-designed: FOI is essential for national development. It would help the government’s anti-corruption drive and guarantee greater trans- The ball then passed to the Senate. parency. Its passage would break The message was simple: the Sen- from Liberia’s long-standing closed ate could not afford to stand in the political system that bred corrup- way of history, of Liberia becoming tion and inequalities and eventually the first country in West Africa to ignited conflict. pass a Freedom of Information law. In fact, an FOI law would challenge After careful deliberations and pub- the media to report more profes- lic hearings, the upper house con- sionally: any community member curred with the Representatives on could get information distorted by 2 September 2010. the press and use it to point out the With both houses approving the media’s inadequacy. bill, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf International stakeholders including signed it into law two weeks later, Osiwa and the Carter Center worked on 16 September 2010. assiduously in supporting a national consortium of local civil society and the Ministry of Information and National Archives. This body then targeted chairpersons of the legislative committees on information and broadcasting, judiciary, the women’s legislative caucus, leadership of both chambers and influential lawmakers. They stressed the shared interest in the passage of the law. These interactions moved the plenary of the House of Representatives which ordered the committee on information and judiciary to look at the bill once again. This body

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Elections coverage: online news is spreading the message

• media monitoring takes place, with an early warning system about problems. The project recognises that online elections coverage can exploit the dissemination of mobile phones and it can enable mashups which integrate blogs, interactive maps and social media. The changing face of elections reporting in Africa includes citizen media as an additional component to news gathering. Thanks to this, there are new opportunities for the mainstream media in news development, especially when professional journalists can’t By Jeremiah Sam Traditional radio, newspapers and respond quickly or comprehensively television remain the dominant to news as it happens. Jeremiah Sam works with news delivery channels in elections The earliest of these tools is the Penplusbytes as a Projects Director. coverage, but online news is catch- Ushahidi mashup that was utilised He is a senior journalist and a lead ing up. in the Kenyan post-election crisis in researcher with the African Elections This is shown by the African 2009. It drew from emails and SMS Project. He has facilitated a number Elections Project that has operated messages to give realtime news, of New Media training courses and in 10 African elections to date, with which was then fused onto a map is a Fellow at www.audiencescapes. the aim of using new media for to illustrate where violence was org/ more timely and relevant election occurring. information and knowledge. Mobile phones have had an impact Since 2008, the project has been run on how election reporting is being by the International Institute for ICT practised. The SMS broadcasting Journalism (Penplusbytes) and it feature of the phones allows jour- has worked in Ghana, Mauritania, nalists to send messages to multi- Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, ple mobile phones at the same time, Botswana, Togo, Guinea, Niger thereby contributing to the dissemi- and Cote d’Ivoire. There are five nation of news snippets. This feature components to what happens in was used in Namibia to provide up- each country’s election: to-the-minute information through • training is given to senior real-time, online upload and distri- editors, journalists and repor- bution of information. Cell phones ters, were also used for verification of • an election guide for the media voter registration. In Ghana’s 2008 is compiled, presidential elections they were im- • content is gathered with SMS portant in parallel vote tabulation. and Twitter, In the newsrooms, in the countries • a website portal is set up about covered, journalists were provided the particular poll, with mobile phones that enabled

Media in Africa - 2011 | 167 them to send regular elections com/photos/togoelections. The coverage is not yet as influential as updates, especially during vot- micro-blogging feature was radio, TV and print, it is assuming ing day. Incoming messages were also used to point to published greater importance – not only for processed and used for news arti- media monitoring reports. local audiences but for citizens cles after they had been received at • Alerts: As a key feature in living abroad. the newsroom through a content- election monitoring, Twitter was gathering system. Messages were used to inform voters, as well also posted on Twitter and follow- as the African diaspora, about ups were undertaken to generate information that needed to be full-blown stories that were subse- sent out with some immediacy. quently publicised via SMS alerts to Usually, the alerts announced subscribers. new content as soon as it was Twitter was used in all ten countries published on the website. In the case of Ivory Coast, alerts were “Thanks to this, also used to report on incidents of violence against journalists there are new who were targeted during the opportunities for the conflict. • Content dissemination: Twitter mainstream media in was used for news production news development, and for content dissemination of elections results from polling especially when stations, as the results were professional released. The project encountered a number journalists can’t of challenges in the ten countries. respond quickly or Journalists have low access to the comprehensively to internet and appropriate bandwidth, and they lack access to real-time news as it happens.” information. It is a norm to see journalists using public cyber cafes to file stories, since some of the as a news gathering and reporting newsrooms do not have computers tool. Journalists working with the and a stable internet connection. African Elections Project used it in The low level of user content gener- four distinct ways: ation was another challenge for me- • Connecting stakeholders as part dia outlets undertaking online news of the news gathering process: operations. However, the growth of Reaching out and connecting cheap and widely available internet with stakeholders such as poli- access could, in the near future, im- ticians, political parties, elec- prove the access to and uptake of tions observers, electoral man- web-based news services and these agement bodies, citizens and could become as relevant as tradi- civil society. tional print and electronic media. • Distribution: Publishing SMSs Notwithstanding the current hurdles, from the citizens and the ICTs still remain the main avenue for project’s journalists to a wider journalists to overcome government audience. This included using restrictions – as was witnessed in the Twitpic feature to publish Ivory Coast when newspapers were pictures from the field. An shut down but their respective web- example from the Togo poll sites continued functioning. can be found at http://twitpic. Although online and social media

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How digital TV could drive information access

in HD, and transmitted in HD, it is only HD-enabled TV screens that can display this quality of video. Most African TV viewers are still many years away from getting such costly new TV sets. • Despite much government rhetoric, DTT is not a magic method to overcome the digital divide and provide internet services, around this. Digital broadcasting could play a part in regard to a promised land of broadband for all, but in most cases it probably won’t. More on this below. By Guy Berger Africa is famous for the migrations So here’s what the transition of wildlife across the Serengeti; now actually is: Guy Berger is Director-designate for the continent faces a migration off • It’s a more efficient way to Freedom of Expression and Media the ground. transmit broadcast signals. Development (FEM) at UNESCO. In the next five years, African TV Consider that a single radio- He served as head of the School of broadcasting will have to leave spectrum frequency used to Journalism and Media Studies at analogue signals behind in favour be taken up completely by a Rhodes University from 1994 -2010. of digital distribution, and in so sole analogue TV service. One He is co-editor with Elizabeth Barratt doing also shift from one part of the signal, one channel. But digital, of “50 years of African Journalism” airwaves to another. especially with DVB-T2 data which is available at www. This “digital migration” trajectory compression, will be able carry highwayafrica.com. His research is is not to be confused with satellite up to 24 video channels (in online at http://guyberger.ru.ac.za TV, which already comes down from Standard Definition) on just one the skies in largely digital form. It “multiplexed” signal. is about land-based signals, and is • The full migration is very ex- known as “Digital Terrestrial TV” pensive because it requires (DTT). Radio will remain analogue digitisation all along the value- FM and MW for a long time yet. chain: at the point of broadcast Here’s what the migration to DTT is production (filming, editing, not: archives); the point of distribu- • It is not an automatic change tion (signal towers); and at the to High Definition television. point of consumption (viewers Over the medium-term, digital will need to buy a “set top box” transmission of signals will still to convert the digital signal to mainly be in Standard Definition show on their existing analogue in most African countries TV sets). • Even High Definition trans- • The spread of the process will missions will not necessarily take years to reach the point show on your TV set. The point where analogue TV signals is that even if content is filmed can be switched off on the

Media in Africa - 2011 | 169 assumption that the bulk of more Africans will be able to get • Governments have to set viewers have bought the set top hold of TV sets – analogue ones – to the standards and dates for boxes so as to keep watching watch whatever content is put on transition, and use their powers their screens. the digital-stream, even if there’s to cover maximum possibilities Here’s why it’s happening. African no extra offerings to what’s been around set top boxes. These countries have fallen in line with transmitted by analogue signal use. concern box specifications a decision by the International In this regard, I’ve heard a Ghanaian (open or closed systems); wai- Telecommunications Union (ITU) government official complain that ving import levies or promoting although this was taken mainly in the transition in Europe is resulting domestic assembly of the boxes; the interests of developed countries. in cheap obsolete analogue TV sets and deciding whether there will The advantages in the developed flooding his country. be a consumer subsidy to speed world are that DTT frees-up airwaves He sounded very offended by this up adoption. that can be re-allocated to new development, but set top boxes are • Regulators need to figure out broadcasters or others, and that Africa’s answer to his misperceived how to use the digital airwaves there’s a big market for the makers problem with the imports. The point – who will get the new digital TV of new digital-ready TV sets. But, is that the boxes will increasingly licenses; how many outlets can and in contrast, African countries become widespread on the con- be sustainable and viable (and have too few TV channels to fill even tinent, converting digital signals through what business model the available analogue broadcast back to analogue for viewing on and what kinds of content); space; nor are cellphone companies the millions of existing analogue TV and what to do with freed-up short of frequencies to offer 3G sets. So Africans currently without a frequencies (eg. auctioning internet. And low incomes in Africa set can make good use of hand-me- them off to cellphone operators mean there’s only a tiny market for downs sets from elsewhere. and internet service providers). new digital-ready TV sets. A second benefit that could emerge By inter-connecting broadcast is that the set top boxes can in fact policy with broadband policy, “Broadcasters be more than dumb decoders – they the authorities in general could could be turned into “smart” devices, encourage a hybrid system to could expand from with an operating system that runs leapfrog Africa into the Information programme delivery software programmes, and with Society. A 3G modem in the set USB ports so that users can plug in top box could provide uplinks to to ‘data’ delivery, for a keyboard, hard-drive storage and the Internet, with the download example sending out even a 3G modem. of bandwidth-hungry content (like In this way, many African households video) delivered via spare capacity copies of Wikipedia on could, in effect, get home computers in the digital broadcast stream. So their digital signals.” for the first time – with the TV set broadcasters and internet service serving as the monitor and a remote providers could be legally required control working akin to a cellphone to work together more closely as Nevertheless, African governments keyboard. DTT gets closer. have agreed to end analogue TV Broadcasters could expand from This is a pretty complex transition, signals by the ITU’s deadlines which programme delivery to “data” deliv- and a lot of decisions are still fluid. are 2015 for half of African nations, ery, for example sending out copies Mauritius has made the most and 2019 for the remainder. The of Wikipedia on their digital signals. progress out of all African countries, migration is going ahead, albeit This could then be saved on the set but with lots of mistaken choices. slowly. top box to be called upon later as What this means that media The question is whether there are a readily-available knowledge re- coverage and media activism around particular opportunities that might source for children to use when the migration can make a huge in some way compensate for the tackling their homework. difference to the kind of services huge costs of the disruption. Don’t Policy and regulation requirements that unfold over the next five years, expect a flood of new channels just are key to making the most out of and what information opportunities because this becomes more techni- digital TV in terms of extending are availed to Africans within the cally possible. information availability and internet DTT loop. But one benefit is, ironically, that access. For this to happen:

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Talking in African tongues

use in their media, thus neutralis- ing the predominance of European languages. In sub-Saharan Africa, Ethiopia presents a case where foreign languages do not have much space in the media. Among the 125 newspapers in Ethiopia, 108 are in Amharic, two in Oromo and one in Tigrean. The situation in Ethiopia is because the country was never a colony. Colonialism brought many diverse ethnic groups together in Africa, fused them into one country, and, for purpose of administrative expediency, imposed the language of the colonial masters. More than anything, the colonial language By Professor Abiodun Salawu Language has been defined by RA serves as a connecting mode for the Hill as “the institution whereby hu- disparate peoples fused together Professor Abiodun Salawu is the mans communicate and interact by the colonialists. As a result, the Head, Department of Communication with each other by means of ha- colonial language has become the at the University of Fort Hare. A bitually used oral-auditory arbitrary language of power, of governance, major area of his research has been symbols”. The media as vehicles of of commerce, of education, and of the indigenous language media in communication make use of lan- mainstream media. Africa. guage for the purpose of dissemi- By and large, the print media seem nating their messages. In essence, more culpable, as the electronic there is a symbiotic relationship media (particularly radio) do better between language, communication in the use of native languages. This and media. is probably accounted for by virtue The mass media in Africa is pre- of radio being principally an oral/ dominated by foreign and colonial aural medium, and the point that its languages. In Anglophone Africa, production is not too cumbersome. the English language media are the Being oral, the indigenous language mainstream media. In the Franco- phone world of Africa, French is the language. The Lusophone Africa “I am always has Portuguese as the language of enthralled when I see dominance. Writing about the situation in Kenya, Ngugi wa Thiong’o my isiXhosa-speaking noted: “English became more than friends posting and a language: it was the language and commenting on all the other had to bow before it in deference.” The extent of the pre- Facebook in their dominance of European languages language.” in African media may differ from one place to the other. In North Africa, Arabic is still very much in

Media in Africa - 2011 | 171 does not cost extra to broadcast in attention to communication in References: it. Also, it does not cost the listener, African languages on any platform – who may not be able to read the the mass media, the Internet, and in Hall, R. A. (1968). An Essay on language. That explains why we the face-to-face private and public Language. New York. Chilton Books. have a good number of particularly communication. The traditional Ngugi, W. T. (1986). Decolonising radio programmes in local languages folk media are also included in the the Mind: The Politics of Language across the continent. ensemble. in African Literature. London: James There are, however, some anomalies Currey. with community radio: its outlets are supposed to broadcast in the “In essence, there is a languages of the communities they symbiotic relationship serve. Unfortunately, some community radio broadcasts in foreign between language, and colonial languages. Meanwhile, communication and some community newspapers are media.” community-oriented in content, but remain European in language. Interestingly, however, African languages are finding their way into There are some isolated success cyberspace. There is Google in a stories in the African language print number of African languages in- media (Isolezwe and Alaroye, for cluding Swahili, Hausa, Yoruba, isi- example), but there is a role to play Zulu, Igbo, isiXhosa and Sesotho. by the wider society, governments and regulatory bodies, and training itizen journalism is also being institutions in ensuring the survival Cdone in some African languag- and vibrancy of this segment of our es. There are blogs in Swahili, and media. speakers of other African languages The onslaught of globalisation on could derive some inspiration from very many languages of the world, this. I am always enthralled when including many national languages I see my isiXhosa-speaking friends in Europe, is real. That is why Africa posting and commenting on Face- cannot fold its arms. book in their language. This should It is the case that some people high- be a challenge and a model for light the ‘Babelian motif’ against lo- some of us to express ourselves in cal language media. This argument our languages. refers to the biblical Tower of Babel It is heart-warming that certain Af- story which highlighted how social rican languages are present in some unity broke down with the collapse international media. For instance, of the tower, leaving people unable there is Hausa service on the BBC. to understand one another. The The quintessence of African media counter argument to this is that should be that it speaks African local/minority language media do languages, represents and reacts to enable democratic participation in African reality, and is in line with democracy and development. This African philosophies. For commu- avoids a ‘mass society’ vision which nication to be effective and partici- is over-organised, over-centralised patory or interactive in Africa, the and fails to offer realistic opportu- languages of Africa must be used. nity for individual and majority ex- Authentic African communication pression. is one that is done in African languages, and with African motifs. There is a need to direction our

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When the result is darkness

• bludgeons of legal restrictions and regulations that would enable a great deal of official information to be classified secret, • the promise of encounters with brutality because of very stiff jail sentences, and • political machinations being employed to get the law through parliament against wide-ranging public opposition. If translated into law, journalists, researchers and the public generally will feel the effects. The bill fails to capture the constitutional principle that state information should be ac- By Raymond Louw cessible, open and transparent un- In the 19th century, Africa was less its non-disclosure is reasonable Raymond Louw, former Editor of the dubbed the “Dark Continent’’ be- and justifiable. Rand Daily Mail (1966-77) and until cause few outsiders had knowledge In the past two years, there has recently Editor and Publisher of the of the large expanse of sub-Saharan been additional proposed legislation weekly current affairs newsletter Africa beyond the shoreline. But which envisaged greater govern- Southern Africa Report, is Deputy even with Africa now comprehen- mental controls, chilling the work Chairperson of the SA Chapter of the sively mapped, it remains “dark’’ – of journalists and information be- Media Institute of Southern Africa including to insiders – because of ing withheld from the South Afri- and a Fellow of the International governments keeping a tight rein on can public. These have included the Press Institute. information. Protection from Harassment Bill, the Today’s view of the continent is Protection of Personal Information characterised by Freedom House as Bill, the Public Service Broadcast- rating only five of its 53 countries as ing Bill and a new Bill amending the “free” with a high degree of trans- regulator (the Independent Commu- parency, while the rest are “partly nications Authority of SA). free” or “not free”. Then there are laws already enacted: South Africa, often seen as one of the Films and Publications Act, Africa’s democratic hopes, has be- the Prevention of Discrimination come “partly free”, having lost its and Promotion of Equality Act, “free” status last year after becom- the National Key Points Act, the ing adept at the use of questionable Regulation of the Interception of legal devices, wily political manoeu- Information Act (Rica) and the 2004 vres and even brute force to hide Anti-Terrorism law. These already information. permit the authorities to restrict The country has been pre-occupied information about the police, the since 2010 by the parliamentary National Defence Force, prisons and machinations around a Protection mental institutions and they can of Information Bill which has shades compel journalists to reveal sources of all three elements: of information. All of these inhibit

Media in Africa - 2011 | 173 the flow of information and serve to practices include a ban on pros- publishers and journalists being in- promote secrecy. ecutors giving information to the timidated, with the public being left The resort by both governmental and media, threats of the withdrawal in darkness. non-state actors to court interdicts of official advertising from critical to prevent publication – mainly of papers and political interference at corruption scandals – has increased the SABC which has included the in recent years. The identification banning of certain voices and proof people in divorce actions has grammes. also been stopped because it would Waiting in the wings is a plan by the identify their children. ruling African National Congress to set up a statutory Media Appeals “Journalists say a Tribunal, and where powers to fine, or imprison, journalists and impose climate of secrecy heavy fines on newspapers have has enveloped South been hinted at. This would result in the collapse of the voluntary Africa, and that self-regulatory Press Council and conditions are far ombudsman system whose penalties extend to publication of corrections removed from the and apologies. heady days after democracy in 1994...” “Today’s view of the continent is Parliamentary committees sometimes hold secret hearings while the characterised by police have, fortunately infrequently, Freedom House as improperly excluded the media rating only five of its from certain court cases. President Jacob Zuma has launched more 53 countries as ‘free’ than a dozen defamation actions with a high degree of against the media for damages of R75-million – later reduced to R15- transparency, while million – which, some say, was done the rest are ‘partly to intimidate the media into self- censorship. free’ or ‘not free’.” Journalists say a climate of secrecy has enveloped South Africa, and that Other countries in Africa have aug- conditions are far removed from mented and frequently bru-talised the heady days after democracy in these kinds of silencing practices 1994 when government officials with jail sentences for publishing were eager to answer questions “false news”, invoking “insult laws”, and supply information. Now detentions and arrests, assaults and reporters have difficulty in getting assassinations of journalists, ban- information from most government ning of newspapers and radio sta- departments, including the police. tions, censorship at state-owned This approach has extended to jour- media, brutal attacks on media of- nalists and photographers being ar- fices by the authorities resulting rested at crime scenes, the removal in the smashing of equipment and of images from cameras and some- campaigns of vilification against times even a night spent in deten- journalists and publications. tion in a police cell. Other restrictive The outcome in many instances is

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A new generation of media in Africa

from media organisations to individuals, and from professional content producers and journalists to selective audiences and to citizen content creators. More than half of all Africans now have access to mobile phones and it is projected that penetration will reach 100% by 2014. Today’s media buzz words include that of Zeitgeist — which shows real audience interests in terms of trending news, topics and articles. One example applied by the UK Guardian is designed as a way for new audiences to plug into what existing consumers are engaging By Vivien Marles Over the past two decades, with. broadcasters in Africa and around There’s also ‘proliferation’, ‘audience Vivien Marles was appointed the world have faced the challenge fragmentation’ ‘convergence’, ‘citi- Managing Director of InterMedia, of evolving into full multimedia zen empowerment’, and ‘i-media’. Africa in 2011, with her office in organisations. They have had to These are not yet a reality for many Nairobi. InterMedia is a specialist migrate from shortwave radio millions of Africans, in part reflecting media and communication research to local medium-wave and FM how the pace of media growth and and consultancy firm, based in frequencies and rebroadcast part- liberalisation varies tremendously Washington. She previously spent nerships, and to television and the from country to country. almost five years with Synovate internet in order to continue to Pan-Africa (formerly The Steadman reach their target audiences. “Across Africa, access Group) as Research and Strategy and While each of these platform to digital media - Training Director. shifts have necessarily involved adjusting content and production mobile telephony to the expectations, standards and and the Internet behaviour of new and existing audiences, the rules of engagement - is changing the for radio and television were largely relationship between similar. These rules were: provide relevant content in appealing media owners and formats and at accessible timeslots media consumers.” to gain receptive listeners and viewers. The digital world is very different Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda have terrain. Across Africa, access to liberalised their airwaves consider- digital media — mobile telephony ably in the past decade. In Kenya, and the Internet — is changing the the number of radio stations has relationship between media owners grown from four to 120 in just over and media consumers. a decade, and Uganda has seen an The balance of power is shifting explosion of media outlets – over

Media in Africa - 2011 | 175 200 radio stations, 23 TV channels, and close the digital divide. Already the surface. We will be able increas- five daily newspapers, 33 weekly there is survey-based evidence that ingly to watch what people are say- newspapers and 42 magazines. people are listening to the radio, ing and doing as never before. Al- Contrast that with the neighbouring watching television, accessing the ready, people outside the media are countries of Rwanda and Burundi Internet and interacting with social building their own audiences. A ma- where government control remains media sites through their mobile jor shift in trust is underway from strong, state media outlets dominate phones. big institutions to each individual’s the media scene and private media own network, and information con- are discouraged. sumption is increasingly in the form In West Africa, the media scenes “Broadband will of interactive conversation. Media in Nigeria and Ghana are vibrant. change our world as organisations will need to become Nigeria now boasts 140 television active participants in people’s per- channels, but the Sahel countries citizens increasingly sonal networks. to the north are still living in very become content Media content providers will need media dark times with extremely to get ever closer to their users low levels of access to media and creators and start to and understand how to engage and technology. act like media – which involve with them. Many advertisers This enormous disparity of access will inevitably blur the are ahead of media owners in and diversity of choice is reflected their understanding of how best in Africa’s media consumption pat- existing distinction to do this. The traditional media terns. Generally, however, tradition- between information measurement metrics of reach and al media (radio, TV and print) still share will no longer be relevant in a dominate the media landscape. Ra- producers and world where dialogue, engagement dio remains the universal medium consumers.” and the involvement of users will be and the medium of choice for most of paramount importance. people, television is still a more urban and more up-market medium, Looking into the future, two while newspapers in their many technological developments will forms (national, local, daily, weekly, change media across the continent. one page leaflet types) are still read Broadband will change our world as by the more educated people who citizens increasingly become con- tend to live in urban areas. tent creators and start to act like Television continues to grow in pop- media — which will inevitably blur ularity largely due to infrastructure the existing distinction between in- developments and the relatively re- formation producers and consum- cent investment in local program- ers. Media production is likely to ming and local movies, which can become more democratic as costs attract very large audiences. Nol- continue to reduce. lywood is possibly the third larg- Everyone will become a media node, est film producer in the world and and there will be co-ownership of perhaps the world’s largest video content and media brands. Access producer. Its films attract wide au- to the Internet will make it easier diences throughout the continent. to find and form communities. The Technology will inevitably drive process of creating and sharing media use and access in the information will lead to a greater future. People will consume and sense of engagement that will create media content on multiple lead to less dependence on media platforms and in many forms and organisations who will need to find formats. It is highly likely that their way into online networks and mobile telephony will become the communities. dominant media platform across Social networking has brought sub- Africa enabling people to ‘leap frog’ surface activities in people’s lives to

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Time to get beyond stale stereotypes

If this was all we knew, then surely the USA would qualify as the ‘dark continent’? But of course this is not all we see and hear because the news that is reported from there is far more nuanced and comprehensive. Yet Africa in 2011 is still covered by a series of stale stereotypes. Some years ago Binyavanga Wainaina wrote a brilliant satire in Granta about the stream of clichés inspired by writing on Africa. “In your text, treat Africa as if it were one country. It is hot and dusty with rolling grasslands and huge herds of animals and tall, thin people who are starving. Or it is hot and steamy with very short people who eat By Suzanne Franks If the international media reported primates. Don’t get bogged down American news the same way as with precise descriptions.” Alas, the Suzanne Franks was formerly a they do Africa’s, this is what we caricature continues to ring true. journalist with BBC Television on would we would know about the So, for example, when sporadic programmes such as Panorama and USA in the opening years of the 21st fighting broke out in Kenya over Newsnight. In 2008 she moved to century: the disputed election results in work at the University of Kent. She • In 2000 there were dodgy 2007/8, many in the press dusted has written several books and many elections which were contested off their tired old “tribes fighting articles. Her research interest is on and in which the presidency was each other” line to report what was the coverage of foreign news and eventually seized by a candidate mainly a politically-based conflict. the relationship between media and who had gained fewer votes The word ‘tribe’, evocative of those humanitarian aid. than his rival. spear-carrying ‘natives’ from the old • A year later the centre of Tarzan movies, has become racially a major American city was loaded shorthand. It says, basically: reduced to rubble by a massive they’re savages, they’re irrational terrorist attack. and they’ll fight over anything. So • Then in 2005 another important there is little need to explain the city was flooded, with its homes details, or the often complex history, destroyed and a thousand of a particular issue. dead, and in the aftermath the dominant tribe left the minority “The word ‘tribe’, tribe to rot. evocative of those • More recently a candidate from the minority tribe finally got to spear-carrying become president – but many ‘natives’ from the members of the majority tribe continue to be angry about old Tarzan movies, this and vociferously doubt has become racially his authenticity as a US-born citizen. loaded shorthand.”

Media in Africa - 2011 | 177 This was how stories such as the or natural disasters. REFERENCES: Rwandan tragedy were reported Even when they are suffering the on and understood in the foreign picture is more complete. Think Myers, Garth, Thomas Klak and media. Compare the coverage of back to the coverage of flooding in Timothy Koehl (1996) ‘The Inscription similar conflicts in Europe, such as Australia in 2011: these were real of Difference: News Coverage of the in Northern Ireland or the Balkans, people with identities and stories, Conflicts in Rwanda and Bosnia’, which could equally be described very different from natural disaster Political Geography, Vol. 15, No. 1. as tribal warfare but never are. victims in the developing world. As Dowden, Richard (2008) Africa Europeans don’t walk around Wainaina points out, Africans are Altered States, Ordinary Miracles carrying shields and wearing grass portrayed as a series of cardboard (London: Portobello Books) skirts – but neither do Kenyans. figures. Richard Dowden calls it the Wainaina, Binyavanga, (2005) ‘How “New Orleans syndrome”. We know to Write about Africa’ Granta 92 The so much more about New Orleans View from Africa. “We know so much than the location of a hurricane, Wall, Melissa A (1997) ‘A “Pernicious more about New whereas the word ‘Ethiopia’ is still New Strain of the Old Nazi Virus” irrevocably associated with little and an “Orgy of Tribal Slaughter”: A Orleans than other than famine. Comparison of US News Magazine the location of a There is of course the strain of ‘good Coverage of the Crises in Bosnia and hurricane, whereas news’ in reaction to Afro-pessimism. Rwanda’, Gazette, Vol. 59, No. 6. Yet the prospect of endless upbeat the word ‘Ethiopia’ news about successful African is still irrevocably businesses or the like would also do journalism no favours. Replacing associated with little the starving child with the mobile other than famine.” phone billionaire is not the whole story. George Orwell demonstrated that bad news does not exist in Gareth Myers and Melissa Wall have authoritarian states – but what produced some interesting work democracies need is accurate and about reporting on the Bosnian nuanced coverage which tells the slaughter compared with the Rwan- good, the bad and the ugly news dan genocide. The former was an about Africa, portraying its citizens understandable religious and politi- as fully rounded individuals and cal war in comparison with the an- explaining its politics properly. Is cient tribal barbarians fighting each that asking too much? other in Africa. The issue is not only the nature of “George Orwell the coverage, but what it leaves out. Foreign reporting has to be more demonstrated that than just about disasters or wars. bad news does not We hear of white people – be they in Australia, South Africa, Europe or, exist in authoritarian of course, the USA – not only when states...” they are witnesses of horror but also when they have riding accidents, when the sprinklers on their golf courses run dry or when they have embarrassing reality TV encounters. All of these stories bring us closer to the citizens of those countries. We see them in their full humanity; as more than just victims of atrocities

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Covering Africa for African audiences ...via non-African news flows

the major sources of news about themselves. The local media were encouraged to accord increased positive attention to issues of fellow emerging nations. But a study in 1992 of the reporting of international news in the Nigerian press over a period of 10 years found that despite the huge influence of the country’s Afro- centric foreign policy, the local press still concentrated their foreign news coverage on the issues of conflicts and politics and the direction was dominantly negative. Although the general focus was overwhelmingly African, it was also mostly on countries By Professor Umaru A. Pate The global debate in the ’70s which shared historical and lin- and ’80s about a New World guistic ties with Nigeria. Franco- Umaru A. Pate is a Professor of Information and Communication phone neighbouring countries re- Media and Society and the Chair, Order (Nwico) can be declared ceived very little coverage despite Department of Mass Communication, dead, but it needs to be revived. their physical and psychological University of Maiduguri, Borno State The Nwico debate was principally proximity. in North East, Nigeria. provoked by reporting on Africa, and other developing countries, with regard to the quantity and “Francophone quality of coverage by interna- neighbouring tional news media. Critical concerns were raised by the develop- countries received ing countries about negative and very little coverage insufficient media coverage, and the resulting poor images on the despite their physical international scene, as well as the and psychological bombardment of a one-way flow proximity.” of information from the Western world. There was minimal opportunity for the continent to con- The Nigerian media relied heavily structively cover its own stories on the big news agencies for news and define unique personalities. on the neighbouring countries Back then, developing countries as they could not afford to were encouraged to strengthen despatch correspondents there. media relationships among them- More importantly they could not selves. The idea was that instead transcend the variation between of relying on Western media and French and English languages news agencies, they could be and the linkages between the

Media in Africa - 2011 | 179 individual countries and former relevance of the structural chal- colonial powers (Pate, 1992). lenges that led to the call for the The pattern has not changed sub- new communication order. One stantially in 2011; reportage of outcome is that even local news international news has still not in the Nigerian press does not shifted from the traditional ar- substantially differ from that on eas of conflicts, politics and an the foreign pages: conflicts, issues emphasis on the negative and of politics and an emphasis on the dramatic (Musa, 2011). This is de- negative and sensational receive spite the expansion and increased substantial attention (Oso, 2011). sophistication in the Nigerian me- There should be a re-concept- dia industry, and it is mainly due ualisation of Nwico in view of to the continued dependence on the ongoing intensification of the same sources of international globalisation. Media professionals news plus incorporation in the such as in Nigeria need some re- global media market. orientation to reclaim the spirit Thus even though the press in Ni- of the call for the new order. At geria may wish to report in line the foundation, they need to be with Nwico, reliance on the inter- encouraged to treat information national news carriers means re- and communication as a social portage depends on the definition good and an entitlement for every and selection of these big agen- citizen and nation, based on what cies. This situation is compounded is good and clearly reflected in the by globalisation, characterised by content of the press. market liberalisation, the dominance of the ICTs by the West, and REFERENCES: glaring technical and financial weaknesses of the media in Africa Musa, Muhammed (2011) – thus perpetuating the hege- “Pan-Africanism or globalizing monic control of the West (Pate, capitalist modernity? The dilemma 2007). of African media in the 21st century”, African Communication Research. Vol 4, “...reportage of No 1. international Oso, Lai, and others (2011) “Socio-Historical context of the news has still not Development of the Nigerian shifted from the Media”. In Oso, Lai and Pate, U.A. Mass Media and Society in traditional areas Nigeria. Lagos: Malthouse Press. of conflicts, politics Pate, Umaru A (1992) “Reporting and an emphasis African Countries in the Nigeria Press: Perspectives in International on the negative and News”, Africa Media Review. Vol. dramatic.” 6, No.1. Pate, Umaru A (2007) “Rethinking the New World Communication It is evident that the earlier hope and Information Order in the invested in the Nigerian media era of Globalization”. In Dada, and indeed those of other de- JP and Armstrong, M.A. Issues in veloping nations is increasingly History and International Studies. waning, despite the continued Makurdi: Aboki Publishers.

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Free African Media: from concept to reality

and access to information isn’t South Africa’s alone. In the past, our country’s media has had a parochial attitude, neglecting to cover the struggles the media face on the rest of the continent. Now, we no longer have the luxury of ignorance. Now, it is time to wake up, take notice of what’s happening around us, and learn from our neighbours’ experiences. The creation of Free African Media is the Daily Maverick’s response to this challenge. Since Free African Media’s inception, we’ve published more than 100 articles and columns, focusing By Theresa Mallinson FreeAfricanMedia.com is a website on more than 20 countries, writ- launched in February 2011. Dreamt ten by more than 40 journalists; Theresa Mallinson is the managing up by Daily Maverick editor Branko and had more than 20,000 visi- editor of Free African Media (www. Brkic, the thinking and design tors to the website. (And, by the freeafricanmedia.com). She’s always behind the website draws heavily time you read this, those numbers hungry for copy, so please feed her. on the philosophy and experience will be even more impressive.) Our You can reach Theresa via Twitter on gained by his team over the years. articles have focused on media @tcmallinson. Our aim is simple: to provide a law and regulation in South Af- space where every media person rica, Nigeria and Botswana; the from the 55 countries in Africa online media space in Ghana and (including South Sudan) can have Zimbabwe; analysis of the media’s access to thinkers and reporters role in revolutions and protests in from the rest of the continent. Egypt and Swaziland; journalists Free African Media is a platform in danger in Libya and Ethiopia, for the exchange of ideas and a and many more besides. place to plan new efforts. A place To expose the work of our where journalists can feel at committed journalists to an even home; a place they want to come wider audience, Free African Media back to every day; a place where also publishes the majority of our none of us feels alone. written content under a Creative In South Africa, we’ve taken me- Commons Licence. This means dia freedom and freedom of ex- that anyone from anywhere in pression for granted during the Africa, or indeed, anywhere in the last 15 years. That is, until the whole world, can republish our proposed Protection of Informa- articles — online, in print, or even tion bill and the proposed Media by reading them out on radio. Appeals Tribunal reared their re- Just as Free African Media seeks to pressive heads. Now we’re fight- understand the challenges facing ing these developments with eve- media in Africa, and attempt to rything we’ve got. come up with creative solutions, But the struggle for media freedom so too must we acknowledge

Media in Africa - 2011 | 181 the obstacles our own project faces. The fundamental problem in Climate change: a social facilitating a pan-African discussion is translation. At the moment, Free justice informational African Media is available in English only. Our first aim is to consolidate challenge for the media in and improve our English coverage, but translation, initially in French, is a concrete medium-term goal. Africa Financing is also a concern. For its first few months of existence, Free African Media has relied on technical and editorial support from the Daily Maverick, with our freelance contributors writing out of their generosity of spirit and devotion to furthering the cause of media freedom in Africa. We realise that this is not a sustainable model and are currently finalising funding that should be official by the time this book is published. It’s early days yet, but we believe we’re on the right track. Most heartening have been the cases where African journalists have By Alan Finlay It is widely anticipated that climate been able to publish their report- change will magnify socio-economic ing, analysis, and opinion on Free Alan Finlay is a writer, researcher challenges in developing countries. African Media after having been and editor based in Johannesburg. Changes in weather patterns already rejected by mainstream and even He currently edits the annual being felt in Africa will increase food so-called independent publica- publication Global Information and water scarcity, cause migrations tions in their own countries. This Society Watch (www.giswatch. to urban areas, spread diseases, alone justifies our existence, and org), and works part-time as and mitigate against poverty relief proves the need for a project like the ICTs and Environmental efforts generally. Free African Media to assume a Sustainability co-ordinator for The most vulnerable will be the central role in the continent-wide the Association for Progressive most effected. And those who are effort to defend and improve free Communications (APC). He is likely to have the least access to media organisations. also a research associate at the diverse media sources – whether TV, Free African Media provides a Wits Journalism Programme, radio or the internet — are likely to platform for advocacy around where he supervises Masters need the media the most. The most issues of media freedom on the and Honours students in media disconnected will need the kinds of continent. But our website serves research. information a wired world provides. another role as well — the stories In many ways reporting on climate we publish are an example of change is likely to face similar what free, independent, quality challenges to HIV/AIDs coverage, media in Africa can look like. We given its scientific and technical look forward to publishing many content, policy implications, and more of them as Free African impact on people on the ground. Media continues to develop. And, as we have seen, climate change denialism — like HIV/AIDS denialism — is also a pervasive feature, detracting from real

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scientific debate of cause and tiers of broadcasting envisaged by informed way. COP 17 presents an outcome. Issues of blame and the African Charter on Broadcasting opportunity to improve regional responsibility — easily attributed to — public, private, community — will coverage of climate change. Equally a North/South divide — are similarly be necessary. Ideally, funds should important will be what happens part of the political mix. be released for training journalists, after the summit. Using COP 17 as This would suggest that we can, to particularly but not only at the local a springboard, how can we make some extent, predict the necessary level. good coverage sustainable? interventions in the newsroom to Media and internet activists such Neither the Windhoek Declaration secure capable and informed climate as the Association for Progressive nor the African Charter on Broad- change reporting. A default to Communications, the World casting deal with environmental is- sensationalism and political conflict, Association of Community Radio sues – which are now much more a foreshortening of public debate, Broadcasters (AMARC) and Panos central to public discourse, the link ethical challenges in reporting, so- London have emphasised that a between a sustainable environment called green journalism and poor holistic view of communications and the well-being and rights of knowledge of the basic medical is necessary when working at the the poorest more explicit. However, facts of HIV/AIDs, have all been grassroots. Accordingly, channels as the important rights of journal- key aspects of coverage of the of communication that include ists and a free media sector are pandemic. theatre, video, song, photographs, enshrined in the declaration and Reports on how well Africa’s media dance, body language, “even the charter, the rights of the people are are dealing with the climate change postal service” are all principal parts implied. phenomenon are mixed. On the one of the communications environment Climate change is likely to provoke hand there appear to be several pro- (Kalas & Finlay, 2009). salient questions of media responsi- active initiatives, including a pledge In this context, climate change bility in responding to the rights of to increase coverage and voice in needs to be framed positively, and be the most vulnerable in developing 2009 by hundreds of broadcasters in recognised as an opportunity to put contexts. How media owners, editors Paris – called the Paris Declaration issues such as gender rights back on and journalists chose to respond to on Broadcast Media and Climate the global agenda. And because the this will surely test their commit- Change. Yet at a climate change most vulnerable communities are ment to the spirit of the Windhoek summit held in South Africa in most often excluded from the policy- Declaration. the same year the low turn-out of making process, communications journalists at the event was noted. and climate change is a social References: Reporting on climate change needs justice issue. to be vital in several respects. As the Different media can respond to Harber, A. Palitza, K. Ridgard, N. Climate Change Media Partnership these and other needs in different Struthers, H. (eds) (2010) What is states in a recent policy brief: ways — whether broadcast, internet Left Unsaid: Reporting the South “Journalists can warn of extreme or print; whether servicing urban or African HIV Epidemic. Jacana, climatic events, explain complex rural markets; whether mainstream Johannesburg. policies, highlight coping strategies or community. Coverage is also not Kalas, P., Finlay, A. (eds.) (2009) that work on the ground, act as a case of one-size fits all: what is of Planting the Knowledge Seed: watchdogs that protect the public primary concern to those in devel- Adapting to climate change using interest, and promote the necessary oped countries is not necessarily of ICTs. Concepts, current knowledge actions from consumers, businesses key concern in countries in Africa. and innovate examples. Building and governments to build green Reporting needs to unpack the par- Communications Opportunities economies.” (Shanahan, 2011. p1) ticular consequences for particular (BCO) Alliance To do at least half of this effectively, contexts. Shanahan, M. (2011) Why the media partnerships between media, the The United Nations Climate matters in a warming world: A state and private enterprises (e.g. Change Conference (COP 17) is to guide for policymakers in the global mobile service providers) will be be hosted by South Africa in late South. Policy Brief 2011. Climate necessary; and leadership needs to 2011 — placing the spotlight on Change Media Partnership. www. emerge in the information sector regional climate change challenges, climatemediapartnership.org to forge these new partnerships. and the media’s ability to write Collaborations between the three- about these challenges in an

Media in Africa - 2011 | 183 Journalism to give Africans health information: here’s how

long-term life-expectancy and overall current health. Or they are made to feel inadequate and guilty about their lack of willpower, although the reality is much complicated than that. Journalists working on these areas need great skill to bring social, scientific and individual dimensions into their stories. In many countries in Africa, the big health stories have long been diseases of poverty, malaria and AIDS. All too often journalism covering these issues, especially in By Harry Dugmore Health is one of those areas of life terms of the transmission of HIV, where individuals can take a lot of places a great emphasis individual Harry Dugmore is currently responsibility for their own choices, agency. While this is important — associate Professor and Director but it is also one where social people do of course have choices of the Discovery Centre for Health circumstances powerfully shape — too many stories overtly or Journalism at Rhodes University’s these choices. unconsciously blame those who School of Journalism and Media A stark example, all around the become HIV positive and, more Studies (JMS). In 2009 and 2010, world, is that average national generally, disempower people from he was the MTN Chair of Media and waistline of populations is expand- making better sexual health choices. Mobile Communication at the JMS. ing. Many people are getting fat- Conservative moralities play out in ter. This is not only about individual media all too often when people choice, but also about the rise of are crying out for straight talk and environments where multination- information they can use. al food corporations increasingly shape our food choices. “Journalists working From Japan to Brazil to Kenya, on these areas need indigenous eating patterns that have been refined over generations great skill to bring are fast shifting towards fast-food social, scientific and and fad-foods. Combined with satellite TV, a surge in mobile phone individual dimensions social media use, and urbanisation into their stories.” more generally, these factors are producing profound shifts in both consumption and the creation of In coverage of HIV, while there more sedentary lifestyles. has been a shift from the overt Good health journalism needs to moralising that appeared in the empower people by acknowledging 1980s, more recent coverage has these contexts. Millions of people (as a very broad generalisation), still are either unaware of just how not provided enough understanding dangerous weight gain is to their of the forces that help propel HIV

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and AIDS in any given society — multinationals, or local ‘healers’. such as unequal power relationships These challenges are core to the edu- between men and women. cational task that faces African me- Bringing these issues to the sur- dia and African journalism schools. face is challenging: newsrooms are Health journalists are not only themselves rarely bastions of gen- about being translators of complex der equality. But progress is being science, and educators about health. made in all these areas and, partly They are also in the business of as a result of intensive interventions explaining public policy and health and media training, HIV reporting systems. has made great quality strides in recent years. Health journalists in Africa also “Health journalists need to navigate difficult ethical in Africa also and professional issues, particularly in terms of the rise of the ‘evidence- need to navigate based medicine’ movement. difficult ethical and How should journalists engage with professional issues, this global movement, that is based on assumptions that ‘good science’ particularly in can be trusted to provide the best terms of the rise of evidence of how diseases work, and what treatments are effective? The the ‘evidence-based idea that medical science is unbi- medicine’ movement.” ased is long discredited, but sifting through the hundreds of thousands of journal articles produced each Getting all this right is very difficult. year, and working out what the Initiatives such as specialised trai- ‘best’ new evidence is, takes pa- ning courses offered by media and tience and training and tenacity. health promotion NGOs have made These insights have to be juggled some impact. And the new honours with indigenous knowledge, and degree in Health Journalism at often with audiences’ reliance on South Africa’s Rhodes University is health practioners who don’t operate part of the greater specialisation in evidence-based paradigms, such that health journalism in many as homeopaths (more Germans African countries needs a lot more go to homeopaths than to GPs for of. routine health problems, just as in many Africa countries, traditional healers are often front-line choices for ailments). Journalist don’t want to be in- sensitive to cultural contexts, but all the evidence indicates, for example, that homeopathic and other non- scientific medicine has no impact on AIDS and most serious ailments. Not being straight about this truth is irresponsible. Too many people get ill and die because they rely on treatments that are unscientific, whether these are hawked by big

Media in Africa - 2011 | 185 How African media, and journalism schools, can deal with cultural diversity

tion plays an important role. Journalists, and journalism educators, can do a lot to promote cultural diversity and at the same time enabling citizens to see the commonalities that bind human beings together, regardless of their geographical, racial, sexual, and other differences. Underpinning this challenge is the question of how the African media represent peoples and cultures. In this regard, these outlets become a social institution through which a society learns about itself and builds a sense of community. By Dr Fackson Banda According to the UNESCO World In this way, Africa’s media contrib- Report on Investing in Cultural utes to the way in which “we” and Dr Fackson Banda is Programme Diversity and Intercultural Dia- the “other” see the world. The term Specialist, Division for Freedom of logue, intercultural dialogue is “other” connotes a way of defining Expression & Media Development largely dependent on intercultural one’s own identity through the stig- (FEM), UNESCO. He was previously competencies, defined as the matisation of “an-other”. Therefore, UNESCO-SAB Chair of Media complex of abilities needed to “we” and the “other” often becomes and Democracy at the School of interact appropriately with those a dichotomy in societies where in- Journalism and Media Studies, who are different from oneself. tolerance breeds, and where power Rhodes University. In terms of promoting intercultural relations are polarised between dialogue in Africa, an important those who identify themselves as element to consider is reflected in “us” and the “other”. the UNESCO World Report when it argues that: “It requires the “Dialogue should be seen not as in- empowerment of all volving a loss of self but as dependent upon knowing oneself and be- participants through ing able to shift between different capacity building and frames of reference. It requires the empowerment of all participants projects that permit through capacity building and interaction without projects that permit interaction without a loss of per-sonal or col- a loss of personal or lective identity. (My emphasis). collective identity.” Clearly, intercultural dialogue seems to revolve around communication and capacity-building. Put differ- The role of the media should become ently: in order to promote intercul- one of building bridges between the tural dialogue, there is need to build “we” and the “other”, but not in a the communicative capacity of me- way that obliterates or frowns upon dia actors. Here, journalism educa- difference. Indeed, it is a reasonable

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requirement that the African media, is thus to contribute towards centres, helping to forge bilateral in order to fulfill its democratic sustainable journalism schools, educational cooperation between potential, should reflect the diversity able to respond to the changing the centres and between them of society. Social diversity has many social, political, economic and and other training and education facets: gender, age, race, ethnicity, technological context in which they institutions. As a result, several caste, language, religious belief, operate. UNESCO’s role is one of journalism training institutions have physical ability, sexual orientation, facilitating institutional growth and established twinning arrangements income and social class, and so on. development, including mobilising on a North-South as well as South- What is needed, then, is a pluralist international partnerships for the South basis. It is about promoting media system that contributes institutions concerned. access to information that can help This support can promote with encouraging and supporting “It is about intercultural dialogue by: efforts at cultural diversity and 1. Capacitating journalism trainers intercultural dialogue. promoting access to and educators to become In these ways, the fruits of Windhoek information that can more publicly engaged in their 1991 can continue to be distributed societies, assuming the role of to the citizens and peoples of Africa. help with encouraging ‘public intellectuals’ who can The continent deserves nothing less. and supporting efforts help solve some of the problems at cultural diversity that militate against peace and justice. This is the civic role of and intercultural media trainers and educators. dialogue.” 2. Elevating the demand-side of journalism education by encouraging a focus on user- towards cultural diversity. Such a generated content (UGC). This media system requires freedom of focus should embrace media expression, editorial independence, and information literacy as an the safety of journalists and self- ability to critically interrogate regulation as important elements how media — and other forms in fostering diversity and managing of information production — plurality. can be more effectively and A key element in all this involves meaningfully appropriated in emphasising journalism education, the daily lives of citizens. In and relevant here is UNESCO’s other words, UNESCO recognises “Potential Centres of Excellence and the power that citizens have — Reference in Journalism Education or should have — over media in Africa” initiative. and other information brokers Africa represents a priority focus in society, particularly news for UNESCO, particularly building media. It is important for on the acclaimed UNESCO Model citizens to critically evaluate Curricula for Journalism Education their information sources in publication. Linked to this is our order to promote transparency support for improving the quality and accountability on the part of African journalism education, in of media and other information terms of which potential centres brokers. of excellence and reference should Entrenching a spirit of intercultural fulfill a number of criteria that were collaboration and learning through consultatively developed. networks of journalism educators, To achieve excellence in these and in terms of which UNESCO has criteria can be onerous for poorly facilitated strategic and multiple resourced institutions. The long- international partnerships. These term objective of the initiative respond to the felt-needs of the

Media in Africa - 2011 | 187 windhoekWindhoekwindhoekdeclara Declaration decla

Declarations on Promoting Independent and Expressing our gratitude to the Government and peo- Pluralistic Media - 3 May 1991 ple of the Republic of Namibia for their kind hospitality Endorsed by the General Conference at its twenty- which facilitated the success of the Seminar, sixth session - 1991 Declare that: We the participants in the United Nations/ United 1. Consistent with article 19 of the Universal Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Declaration of Human Rights, the establishment, Organization Seminar on Promoting an Independent maintenance and fostering of an independent, and Pluralistic African Press, held in Windhoek, pluralistic and free press is essential to the Namibia, from 29 April to 3 May 1991, development and maintenance of democracy in a nation, and for economic development. Recalling the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 2. By an independent press, we mean a press Recalling General Assembly resolution 59(I) of 14 independent from governmental, political or December 1946 stating that freedom of information economic control or from control of materials is a fundamental human right, and General Assembly and infrastructure essential for the production resolution 45/76 A of 11 December 1990 on and dissemination of newspapers, magazines and information in the service of humanity, periodicals.

Recalling resolution 25C/104 of the General 3. By a pluralistic press, we mean the end of Conference of UNESCO of 1989 in which the main monopolies of any kind and the existence of focus is the promotion of “the free flow of ideas by the greatest possible number of newspapers, word and image at international as well as national magazines and periodicals reflecting the widest levels”, possible range of opinion within the community.

Noting with appreciation the statements made by the 4. The welcome changes that an increasing number United Nations Under-SecretaryGeneral for Public of African States are now undergoing towards Information and the Assistant Director-General for multiparty democracies provide the climate in Communication, Information and Informatics of which an independent and pluralistic press can UNESCO at the opening of the Seminar, emerge.

Expressing our sincere appreciation to the United 5. The worldwide trend towards democracy and Nations and UNESCO for organizing the Seminar, freedom of information and expression is a fundamental contribution to the fulfilment of Expressing also our sincere appreciation to all the human aspirations. intergovernmental, governmental and nongovernmental bodies and organizations, in particular the 6. In Africa today, despite the positive developments United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), in some countries, in many countries journalists, which contributed to the United Nations/UNESCO ef- editors and publishers are victims of repression- fort to organize the Seminar, they are murdered, arrested, detained and censored, and are restricted by economic and political

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pressures such as restrictions on newsprint, authorities guarantee a constitutional and licensing systems which restrict the opportunity effective freedom of information and expression to publish, visa restrictions which prevent the and the independence of the press. free movement of journalists, restrictions on the exchange of news and information, and 12. To assist in the preservation of the freedoms limitations on the circulation of newspapers enumerated above, the establishment of truly within countries and across national borders. independent, representative associations, In some countries, oneparty States control the syndicates or trade unions of journalists, and totality of information. associations of editors and publishers, is a matter of priority in all the countries of Africa where 7. Today, at least 17 journalists, editors or publishers such bodies do not now exist. are in African prisons, and 48 African journalists were killed in the exercise of their profession 13. The national media and labour relations laws between 1969 and 1990. of African countries should be drafted in such a way as to ensure that such representative 8. The General Assembly of the United Nations associations can exist and fulfil their important should include in the agenda of its next session tasks in defence of press freedom. an item on the declaration of censorship as a grave violation of human rights falling within the 14. As a sign of good faith, African Governments purview of the Commission on Human Rights. that have jailed journalists for their professional activities should free them immediately. 9. African States should be encouraged to provide Journalists who have had to leave their countries constitutional guarantees of freedom of the should be free to return to resume their press and freedom of association. professional activities.

10. To encourage and consolidate the positive 15. Cooperation between publishers within Africa, changes taking place in Africa, and to counter and between publishers of the North and South the negative ones, the international community- (for example through the principle of twinning), specifically, international organizations should be encouraged and supported. (governmental as well as nongovernmental), development agencies and professional 16. As a matter of urgency, the United Nations associations-should as a matter of priority direct and UNESCO, and particularly the International funding support towards the development and Programme for the Development of establishment of nongovernmental newspapers, Communication (IPDC), should initiate detailed magazines and periodicals that reflect the research, in cooperation with governmental society as a whole and the different points of (especially UNDP) and nongovernmental view within the communities they serve. donor agencies, relevant nongovernmental organizations and professional associations, into 11. All funding should aim to encourage pluralism the following specific areas: as well as independence. As a consequence, the public media should be funded only where a. identification of economic barriers to the

Media in Africa - 2011 | 189 establishment of news media outlets, including restrictive import duties, tariffs and quotas for such things as newsprint, printing equipment, and typesetting and word processing machinery, and taxes on the sale of newspapers, as a prelude to their removal; b. training of journalists and managers and the availability of professional training institutions and courses; c. legal barriers to the recognition and effective operation of trade unions or associations of journalists, editors and publishers; d. a register of available funding from development and other agencies, the conditions attaching to the release of such funds, and the methods of applying for them; e. the state of press freedom, country by country, in Africa.

17. In view of the importance of radio and television in the field of news and information, the United Nations and UNESCO are invited to recommend to the General Assembly and the General Conference the convening of a similar seminar of journalists and managers of radio and television services in Africa, to explore the possibility of applying similar concepts of independence and pluralism to those media.

18. The international community should contribute to the achievement and implementation of the initiatives and projects set out in the annex to this Declaration.

19. This Declaration should be presented by the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations to the United Nations General Assembly, and by the DirectorGeneral of UNESCO to the General Conference of UNESCO.

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What has been the state-of-play for African media in the 20 years since the historic Windhoek Declaration of 1991 which gave rise to World Press Freedom Day every Edited by Guy Berger Guy by Edited 3 May? And what can be expected over the next decade? More than 70 commentators illuminate the trajectory in a range of contributions in this book - covering the issues of media freedom, pluralism, independence and access to information. Journalists’ safety, gender- sensitive reporting, and the role of the Internet are amongst the topics covered.

In a nutshell, progress has been made since 1991, but much remains to be achieved. There’s a grave danger that the momentum of media freedom is slowing and even reversing in many countries. Meanwhile, the rise of new communications technologies puts pressure on African journalists to live up to their ideals more than ever. on press freedom - freedom on press Declaration the Windhoek after years Media in Africa: Twenty

OSISA Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa