VOLUME II STATEMENTS MADE BI THE SECRETARY-GENERAL 1 July 1962 - 31 December 1962

54» Statement upon arrival at London airport 4 July 1962 SG/1246 55« Speech to the U.N. Association of the United Kingdom, London 5 July 1962 SG/1239 V 56. Speech at Lord Mayor's Luncheon, Mansion House, London 6 July 1962 SG/1240 "' 57 • Press Conference - London 7 July 1962 Note No. 2616 58. Informal statement at a private meeting of 9 July 1962 Editors Roundtable, Geneva,. 59» Statement to ECOSOC, Geneva, opening debate on the U.K. Development Decade 9 July 1962 SG/1263 60. Statement at a dinner given by the Norwegian Government in Oslo 10 July 1962 SG/1272 61. Press Conference - Oslo 11 July 1962 Note No. 2624 62. Introductory statement to ECOSOC, Geneva, in its review of the Economic, Social and Human Rights Programs of the U.K. and the Specialized Agencies as a whole. 13 July 1962 SG/1271 63. Interview at the Studios of TelefLs Eireann, Dublin 14 July 1962

64. Statement on arrival at Oriy airport, Paris 16 July 1962 SG/1265 65. Speech at Government Bancjaet in Helsinki 18 July 1962 SG/1270

66. Press Conference - Helsinki 20 July 1962 Note No. 262? 67. Statement to the Advisory Committee on the Congo 24 July 1962 68. Press Conference - New York 2 August 1962 Note Wo. 2635 69. Appeal to all Member States for continued assistance to peace efforts in the Congo 31 July 1962 SG/1279 70. Press Conference - Rio de Janeiro 7 August 1962 Note No. 2639 71. Excerpts from Press Conference in Rio 7 August 1962 SG/128.5 72., Address at University of Sao Paulo 8 August 1962 SG/1282 73. Statement - Agreement between Indonesia and Netherlands (West Irian) 15 August 1962 SG/L291 - 2 - (SG Statements - Volume II)

74. Statement recorded by SG for Arab States television 24 August 1962 Note 2647 75. Introduction to SG annual report on work of Organiz. 28 August 1962 SG/1303 76. Press reception in Moscow 30 August 1962 SG/1305 77. SG Statement for Radio Moscow 30 August 1962 SG/L307 76. SG Address at Warsaw University 31 August 1962 SG/1299 79. Highlights of SG's visit in Warsaw 1 Sept. 1962 SG/1310 80. SG concludes visit to Prague 3 Sept. 1962 SGA312 81. Statement in Vienna in reply to Federal President 3 Sept. 1962 82. SG visits Prague Vienna, Holds Press Conf. in Vienna 4 Sept. 1962 SG/L313 83. Statement World Food Program Pledging Conference 5 Sept. 1962 SG/1314 84. SG Statement on Congo proposals 5 Sept. 1962 SG/L315 85. SG statement, unveiling memorial plaque D.H. 17 Sept. 1962 SG/L319 86. SG Press Conference - UN Hqs 17 Sept. 1962 Note 2662 87. SG Statement - Raising of flags of Burundi, Jamaica, Rwanda, and Trinidad and Tobago 21 Sept. 1962 SG/1325 88. SG Statement on GA adoption of Indonesia-Netherlands agreement 21 Sept. 1962 SG/1326 89. SG Message on transfer of authority to UN in West New Guinea 28 Sept. 1962 SG/1330 90. SG Statement on Radio Netherlands 1 Oct. 1962 Note 2673

91. SG Statement on budget estimates for 1963 4 Oct. 1962 SG/L335 92. SG Message to PM Obote of Uganda on independence 8 Oct. 1962 SGA338 93. SG Statement at raising of Algerian flag 9 Oct. 1962 SG/1341 SG Statement on Awarding of Cancer research prizes 10 Oct. 1962 SG/1342 SG Statement in Advisory Cttee on the Congo 1_2 Oct. 196. -2 SG Statement to the UN Pledging Conference, 16 Oct. 16 Oct. 1962 SG/1345 96. SG Message for UN Day, 24 October 1962 20 Oct. 1962 SG/677 97. SG Address to participants in the Training program for Foreign Service Officers from newly-indep.countries 23 Ccb. 1962 SG/1350 98. SG Address at UND concer&~in GA Hall on 24 Oct. 24 Oct. 1962 SG/L352 99. SG Statement before SECCO, 24 Oct. 24 Oct. 1962 SG/1353 100. SG Address at Uganda flag-raising on 25 Oct. 25 Oct. 1962 SG/1354 101. SG Message to Khruschev and his reply 26 Oct. 1962 SG/1357 102. SG Message to Kennedy and his reply 26 Oct. 1962 SGA358 -3 - (SG Statements - Volume II)

103. SG Message to Castro and his reply 26 Oct. 1962 SG/1359 104. SG Letter to Castro, 28 Oct. 28 Oct. 1962 SGA360 105. SG Message to Khrushchev, 28 Oct. 1962 29 Oct. 1962 SG/L363 106. SG Statement on arrival at Idle-wild airport 31 Oct. 1962 SG/1368 107. SG Statement at 71st mtg Congo Adv. Cttee 6 Nov. 1962 108. SG Statement to 18-Nations Disarmament Committee 26 Nov. 1962 SG/1382 109. Acceptance..speech by SG U Thant in GA— 30 Nov. 1962 SG/0386 110. Speech made by SG at Johns Hopkins University 2 Dec. 1962 SGA387 111. SG statement in 5th Comm. (ICJ opinion) 3 Dec. 1962 SG/1388 112. SG message for Human Rights Day (10 Dec. 62) 5 Dec. 1962 SGA389 113. SG Christmas message for children - 1962 11 Dec. 1962 SG/1392 114. SG remarks at Congo Advisory Committee 13 Dec. 1962 SG/1393 115. SG's New Year message" 26 Dec. 1962 SGA398 116. SG message to Gardiner and Genl. Kebbede 30 Dec. 1962 CO/273 117. SG message to international press in Congo 31 Dec. 1962 SG/1401 CO/276 118. SG statement re recent events in E'ville area 31 Dec. 1962 SG/L402 CO/277

UNITED NATIONS Prers Pei-vices Office of P.^l-'.c Information United Katione, N.Y. (For use of information media — not an official record)

C A U T I 0 H Press Release SG/1530 Not for release before WNG/2? 6 p.m. EDT Sunday, 50 September 28 September 1962

MESSAGE FROM ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT ON TRANSFER OF AUTHORITY TO THE UNITED NATIONS IN WEST NEW GUINEA (WEST IRIAN)

The following is the text of the message from Acting Secretary-General U Thant on the transfer of authority to the United Nations in West New Guinea (West Irian):

On the assumption by the United Nations of its responsibility for the temporary administration of the territory of West New Guinea (West Irian), I should like to offer my sincere good visiles for the future of the territory. It is my hope that during its presence in the territory, the United Nations will receive the whole- hearted cooperation of all. The United Nations Temporary Executive Authority will, to the best of its ability, endeavor to ensure the welfare of the inhabitants as provided in the Agreement and solemnly under-written by the Governments of the Netherlands and Indonesia. The Administrator appointed by the United Nations will have the main responsibi- lity of carrying out the tasks entrusted to the Secretary-General under the Agreement. In the performance of his duties, he will be assisted by a group of international civil servants to carry on with the civil administration. There will be present small detachments of security forces under the United Nations command, including the contingent from Pakistan, whose function will essentially be to help the Administrator in the maintenance of law and order in the territory. I hope all of you will extend to the Administrator and to his colleagues every help that they will need in carrying out the terms of the Agreement. With the goodwill of all parties concerned I am sure the United Nations will be able to fulfill its role in carrying out the Agreement in line with the Charter. I am confident that the spirit of understanding and accommodation shown during the period of the negotiation will continue to prevail and that the territory will make rapid progress in the years to come, and enjoy its full measure of prosperity.

•* #** #

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information : United Nations, N^Y. (For use'of information media'-- 'not an official record) Press Release SG/1J26 •-•••- ': ••••• • mo/21 -.. ..'• ;• ••. •..-'• 21 September 1962

"»STATBMM• ••• "-•• •" •'•-•• T•• •B• —Y ••ACTIN ..•.•.»• G'•. -SECRETARY-GEHEEALUTHM »— .-. ••..— —•^...^..•.. — i ...... •..••.. r ' ' •T '^" OH ASSEMBLY ADOPTION OF I1TOOHBSIA-HETEEBLA1DS AGREEMENT

The following is the text of the statement to tlie General Assembly today by Acting Secretary-General U Thant following the adoption of the draft resolution sponsored by Indonesia and the Netherlands regarding the Agreement on Wast New Guinea'(West Irian): •

• By adopting the draft resolution sponsored by Indonesia and the Netherlands, the General Assembly has brought ..into force-the Agreement between these two states concerning West Hew Guinea (West Irian). At the same time the Assembly has placed on the Secretary-General a very heavy responsibility indeed. I accept this responsibility and shall endeavor, to the best of my ability, to carry out the tasks entrusted to me under the Agreement. I feel that this Agreement sets an epoch-making precedent. Under it, for the first time in. its history, the United Nations will have temporary executive authority (established by and under the jurisdiction of the Secretary-General) over a vast territory. The Agreement is unique in another respect: although the United Nations has a ' vital role to play in implementing the Agreement, the general membership of the organization will not be required to meet additional financial burdens, as the entire cost of the United Nations operation will be borne by Indonesia and the Netherlands in equal proportions. This novel settlement may well be a step in the gradual evolution of the United Nations as an increasingly effective instrument for carrying out policies agreed upon between member governments for the peaceful resolution of their differences, in line with the Charter. On this basis, and at the request of the two governments, I have had to authorize certain steps in connection with the implementation of tin Agreement, in anticipation of its approval by the Assembly.

(more) - 2 - Press Release SG/1326 WBG/21 21 September 1962

The Agreement itself was made possible because of the spirit of accommodation between the two governments and their willingness to settle this long standing dispute which had poisoned the relations between the two governments. I am glad that, with the settlement of this dispute, diplomatic relations are to be resumed and I hope that the future relations between the two governments will be marked by the same spirit of friendship, understanding and cordiality that made the Agreement itself possible. Kind words have been said about my role in bringing about this Agreement. I am grateful for these expressions of appreciation. I would, however, like to point out that a major burden of responsibility was borne, ably and willingly, by Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, who acted on my behalf during the preliminary negotiations. I have already paid public tribute to his patience, integrity and diplomatic skill which contributed so significantly to the the successful conclusion of this Agreement. The distinguished representative of the Netherlands has drawn special attention to the articles of the Agreement which provide the people of the territory with the opportunity to exercise freedom of choice. I em confident that the Government of Indonesia will carry out these undertakings, not only in the letter and spirit of the Agreement itself, but also in the spirit of the Charter. I have already referred to the heavy responsibility which is now placed on the shoulders of the Secretary-General. I know I can count on the cooperation of my devoted colleagues in the Secretariat who have shown in the past that they can always rise to the occasion. We will all count upon the full cooperation of both Governments without which our task cannot be satisfactorily and successfully carried out. I would like to inform the Assembly that I am arranging for copies of all instruments and documents in connection with this Agreement and the Resolution of the General Assembly thereon to be transmitted to the Security Council for its information.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N,Y0 (For use cf information media — not an official record) Press Release SG/1325 21 September 1962

STATEMENT BY ACTING SECRE^JtY.

AND TRINIDAD AND

On the opening day of the Saventeenth ssssion, the General Assembly admitted four new States to membership of the United Nations: The Republic of Rwanda, the Kingdom of Burundi, Jamaica and the state of Trinidad and Tobago. Today we symbolize the admission of these four new members of the United Nations by raising their flags among the flags of the other members of the Organization. This is an occasion which fills all of us with pride and strengthens our hope for the future of the United Nations. For it illustrates once more the fact that nations can achieve their independence and sovereignty by peaceful means} in close and harmonious cooperation with those states which formerly had the responsibility for their government. Jo the leaders and the peoples of the four new members we extend our warm congratulations and our good wishes. In congratulating the new members we also extend our congratulations to the Government of Belgium and of the United Kingdom for the part they have played in this peaceful evolution. All the governments and peoples concerned deserve our gratitude for the wisdom. and the mutual respect and forebearance which they displayed during the process of their independence. Through the representatives at this ceremony of the four new members I should like to extend to -their governments and peoples our sincere good wishes for their future prosperity and happiness. May they continue to develop as they have begun, in peace with their fellow neighbours and their fellow members of the United Nations*

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Note No. 2662 17 September

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL AT UN HEADQUARTERS ON MONDAY, 17 SEPTEMBER 1962 - 2 -

Note Ho. 2662 17 September 1962

Mr. BUSS (President, United Nations Correspondents Association); Mr. Secretary-General, permit me to -welcome you tack, "before "ere start, from your continental journey to capitals and suburbs and Black Sea resorts. I Hsije y°ur strenuous trip has been a reward in itself. I may, at the same time, express the wish, in the name of the United Nations correspondents, that when we meet after the Assembly we shall also have cause to celebrate the success, from your standpoint, of this Assembly session,

The Acting ^ECMlTARY-GEHERfiL; Thank you very much, Mr. Huss. I shall make a very brief introductory statement before giving the floor to the correspondents present here. I thank you for your very kind words. Since we last met early in August, I. visited a few Member States at the invitation of the respective Governments. The countries that I visited were Brazil, the Soviet Union, the Ukrainian SSR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria and, of course, the United States of America* In fact, my last week's visit to Washington was my first official visit to the capital of the United States in my present capacity.

(more) - 3 - Note Ho. 2662 1? September 1962 I exchanged views with the Government leaders on some of the major problems facing the world today, and particularly problems before the United Nations. I came back with one indelible impression, that all Governments which I met want the United Nations to perform as its founders wished it to perform. There is a consensus among them that the United Nations should develop into a really effective instrument for the promotion of peace and the prevention of war. They differ only in the organizational and procedural aspects of the functioning of this Organization. These aspects, of course, will be the subject of further attention of the Member States. Since we last met, many important things have taken place involving in some way the United Nations. The Netherlands and Indonesia have come to an agreement after a prolonged dispute regarding the modalities of the transfer of administration of West New Guinea to Indonesia and the implementation of the right of self-determination of the people of West New Guinea. In the Congo, the constitutional experts, sent under the auspices of the United Nations, are actively involved in the drafting of a new constitution, at the request of the Central Government of the Congo, designed to meet the aspirations of all sections of opinion in that country. As you all are no doubt aware, I have presented my proposals to the Central Government of the Congo and Mr. Tshombe, with a view to implementing, without further delay, the relevant Security Council, resolutions. The results of these proposals are still awaited. I shall not take more of your time with further observations; the floor is now open to questions.

QUESTION: The last time we met, you spelled out some of the conditions which you had in mind before deciding to accept candidacy for the post of Secretary-General. Since then you have travelled to these capitals, and I wonder whether you are now prepared to tell us if you have made a decision, and what it is.

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Actually, I have nothing much to add to the statements I made on one or two previous occasions. I have not decided one way or the other regarding my availability for the next term. Of course, as I have indicated earlier, my decision will be governed primarily by a few considerations, including the prospects of an early settlement of the Congo problem, the prospects

(more) 4-5 Note Ho. 2662 17 September 1962 of the stability of this world Organization as a potent force for peace, and the prospects of my playing a humble part in bringing about a more favourable atmosphere for the easing of tensions,and, if I may say so,the prospects of my ability to bridge somewhat the gulf between the two giants.

(more) J Mote No. 2662 17 September 1962

(The Acting Secretary-General)

My decision, of course, will depend on these factors, among others. And, as I have indicated earlier, I must announce my decision — to be fair to this •world Organization, to the service of which I an very much devoted -- in the course of this session of the General Assembly. I believe that the picture •will be clearer some time in the next month or so, and only then will I be in a position to decide one way or the other. Of course, I want to odd this: Before I come to any decision — whatever I decide — I want to be satisfied that iny decision will not impair or minimize the effectiveness of this Organization in its operations.

QUESTION; In Warsaw, you spoke on the question of the atomic peril, atomic testing and the nuclear race, and, at the conclusion of your speech at the University, you stated that time is already running short and that every day of delay entails untold risks. In that same speech, you .also referred to what you have just stated: that much depends on the two giants. I was wondering whether you feel it would "be worthwhile and useful for the two giants, upon whom hangs the fate of. mankind, to meet at a very early date and take up these very perilous problems.

The Acting SECBETARY-GMEBAL; As you all know, I am a confirmed believer in the importance of the human factor, in the importance of personal relationships in diplomacy, in international relations. I believe that it would be helpful if the leaders of Governments, particularly the leaders of important countries, were to meet from time to time to exchange views. Of course, in my speech at Warsaw University, and elsewhere, I made this point very clear, and I feel that, in the shadow of the hydrogen bomb, we — and, when I say "we", I mean particularly the people from small countries — must bend all our energies to bringing about conditions for the easing of tension, for the elimination of the fear and suspicion which has been in existence for so long. I think that I reflect the conscience of the whole world when I say that. The people are

(more) 7-10 Note Ho. 2662 17 September

(The Acting Secretary-General)

"becoming more and more impatient with the slowness of the progress in disarmament negotiations, and particularly on the question of a test "ban, which, as you all know, did not make any headway in Geneva and is coining up again as an item before the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. I am inscribing the disarmament item on the agenda of the seventeenth session under rule 15 of the rules of procedure.

(more) - 11 - Note. No, 2662 17 September 1962

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary-General, I would like to ask a question about Cuba. The Government of Cuba says it is in danger of invasion by the United States and reports armed attacks from vessels coining from United States ports. The United States Government says that the Soviet presence in Cuba threatens its security and that it will intensify its surveillance. The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics says it is aiding Cuba with arms and indicates it will fight if Cuba is invaded* Insasmuch as all three of these concerned countries speak of a break of the peace, do you in this situation have any suggestions to make to them or do you visualize any initiatives which the General Assembly, the Security Council or yourself can take to safeguard the peace of the world in this area?

The Acting SECRETARY--GENERAL; This is of course very delicate ground to tread on, but my own belief is that the United States will not attack Cuba and that Cuba will net attack the United States. I am convinced of it. But in this connexion I want to make a very brief observation. Most Americans have been restless for some time in the past two years at the presence of what they regard as hostile elements just ninety miles from their coast. To go back a little to the history of the post-war period, you will recall that at every session of the Communist Party Congress in Eastern European countries, some sort of a European Monroe Doctrine was adopted and reiterated. You will no doubt recall that most of the Russians also have been telling the world that elements they regard as hostile have been just across their frontier for seventeen years. Of course it is far from my intention to equate these two positions. I am just stating the facts as I see them. As I indicated earlier, I do not think for a moment that the United States intends to invade the Soviet Union or for that matter that the Soviet Union intends to invade the countries where the United States forces are based.

(more) 12-15 Note No. 2662 17 September 1962 I do not believe for a moment that it is the intention of the big powers to launch aggression. I think the matter is more psychological than military, and in this respect I think much can be done by wielders of mass media like you -- journalists, editors, and those who wield very great influence through television and radio -- not only in this country but in tae Soviet Union and elsewhere, to present the true facts objectively and fairly. I do not think personally that the developments which you are refen-ing to will generate a very big crisis.

(more) 16 Note No. 2662 17 September 1962

QUESTION: Mr, Secretary-General, in talking with Soviet Chairman Khrushchev and President Kennedy, could you say whether you got the impression that either or "both would be willing to sit down and try to talk out a peaceful solution of the Berlin question before the end of the year?

The ActingILSECRETARY-GE1^AL: Of course, the question of Berlin came up in the course of my discussions with the leaders of these big powers, but there was no indication on the part of these leaders that they would want to discuss this question in the immediate future in the United Nations. I do not, of course, exclude the possibility of their meeting at a later stage. It is difficult for me to envisage the exact timing: whether it will be before the end of the year or after the end of the year.

QUESTION^ You said that you had presented the Central Government of the Congo and Moise Tshombe with a plan and asked for its implementation without further delay towards the unification of the Congo. You are still awaiting the results. How much longer will you wait?

The Acting; SECRETARY-GENERAL; I have indicated both to the Prime Minister of the Congolese Government and to Mr» Tshombe that I expect their replies in the course of the next four or five weeks,, That was in the middle of last month. Of course, no definite target has been set for the receipt of their replies. As you all know, Prime Minister Adoula has replied to me in the affirmative that he and his Government accept the terms of this plan. Mr, Tshombe, as you all know, has also reacted, if I may say so, in his traditional manner which, of course, is not very clear to me. I am still expecting a reaction from him. and I hope to be able to hear from him in the course of the next couple of weeks.

(more) 17-20 Note No. 2662 17 September 1962

QUESTION; Recently,, Thailand and Cambodia have issued statements that the United Nations might be asked to watch their frontier and look into their differences. Have you been approached on this matter? And do you feel that the United Nations can help reduce the present tension in that area?

The Acting SECRETARY-GEIERAL: On this question I have been in contact with both Governments. I am still in the process of negotiations. I hope to be able to contribute to the success of these deliberations. The success of these negotiations and discussions depends on several factors, including the availability of the right person to represent me in that area, as desired by the two Governments.

(more) Note No. 2662 21 17 September 1962

QUESTION: According to the English press, you accepted an invitation to visit the Arab States immediately after this session of the General Assembly. Is that .so?

The Acting SECRETARY'•GENERAL: I accept the invitations of all Member States. That has been my practice. I accept all these invitations in principle, but, regarding my projected visit to the Arab States, I have not made up my mind regarding the exact time and date.

QUESTION: You said a short while ago that in a month or so you may be able to see more clearly the conditions •which will be contingent on your decision regarding your availability. What events do you expect to take place within a month or so that may determine your course of action?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: As I have just stated, among the factors which are going to govern my decision will be the prospects of an early settlement of the Congo problem, the prospects of a really effective development of the United Nations as a force for jheace, and the prospects of the financial stability of this Organization, as well as the prospects of my being able to play some sort of a humble role as a conciliator of difficulties.

QUESTION: Concerning the financial stability of the Organization, I wonder if you could say whether you had any positive results in conversations concerning the decision of the International Court of Justice, which I presume may have come up during your trips to the capitals of countries which have thus far refused to pay the assessments which were the subject of the Court's advisory opinion.

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: Naturally, I brought up this item in the course of my discussionswith the leaders of the Governments I contacted, and my feeling is that the positions of these Governments are more or less unchanged. The matter, of course, will be taken up at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly. The advisory opinion of the International Court of

(more) Note Ho. 2662 22-25 17 September 1962

Justice is before the General Assembly for discussion,, and the matter, I believe, will be taken up first in the Fifth Committee, where the matter originated, and it will go to the plenary meetings of the General Assembly. At this distance, of course, I have no means of conjecturing what the decision of the General Assembly will be.

QUESTION: Yesterday, there were reports from President Kennedy's headquarters in Newport that he is more or less expecting a visit later this year from Mr. Khrushchev, and this more or less followed a visit from you. Did you carry out any liaison work between the two chiefs of Government on this?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; As you know, I am in favour of these "summits", and, beyond this, I do not think that I should reveal what transpired between me and the heads of Governments.

QUESTION: In your appraisals of the world situation, you have frequently used the expression "the two giants". I wonder whether, in your line of thought, recent developments in Europe, especially regarding Europe's unity, would have brought some changes in that way of conceding the world situation in your mind.

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: After the experience of my visits to some European countries, I still cling to my old theory and I still think in terms of the two giants, because these two countries are really giants. In this context, I think some of you are already aware of my line of thinking. I believe very strongly in the Hegelian concept of thesis, anti-thesis and synthesis, and I also believe that unmistakable forces are at work towards a synthesis. I am convinced that this world is heading for a synthesis. If we may recall a little of history, I am sure you will agree with me that religious tolerance 200 °^ s° years ago -was regarded as a sin, and not only as a sin, but as a colossal crime. But it is no longer regarded as such in the twentieth century.

(more) Note No. 2662 2.6 17 September 1962 (The Acting Secretary-General)

Wow, of course, political tolerance or tolerance of political ideologies or beliefs is still regarded, if not as a sin, as some sort of crime. I believe strongly that this attitude is also a passing phase. I believe in the march of humanity towards a synthesis. In saying this I also want to make one thing clear. I am a firm believer in parliamentary democracy; I believe very strongly that parliamentary democracy is the only type of society which is congenial to the growth of human freedom, human happiness and human genius. I believe in human dignity, I believe in fundamental freedoms like freedom of expression, freedom of thought, freedom of belief, freedom of conscience, freedom of association and the freedom to choose your own lawmakers. I believe in these freedoms, but this belief, this conviction, does not shut me off from the knowledge that there are hundreds of millions of people who believe otherwise. I am absolutely aware of this fact. To give a religious analogy, I am a Buddhist; I believe that Buddhism as a religion is superior to other religions, but this conviction does not blind me to the fact that there are hundreds of millions of people who believe otherwise. I understand this, and because of this understanding I believe in peaceful co-existence. Whether we like it or not, I believe communism is going to stay; I believe capitalism is going to stay; I believe parliamentary democracy is going to stay. As Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism and all other religions are existing peacefully in amity, I believe a day will come when these different societies, communist societies, capitalist societies, socialist societies or any other type of societies are going to exist peacefully. I believe in these things.

Q.UESTION; What is the position with regard to the implementation of the agreement regarding West New Guinea and what can you add to what is already stated in point 10 of the supplementary agenda items? When will this matter come up in the General Assembly?

The Acting SECRETARY-GEHERAL; The arrangement is that the two Governments, the Government of the Netherlands and the Government of Indonesia, will sponsor a joint draft resolution in the early stages of the General Assembly, most probably on 20 September.

(more) Note Ho. 2662 27-30 IT September 1962

QUESTION: In view of your remarks on the Cuban situation, as it is known in the United States, do you envisage any role for the United Nations or for you personally in reducing the tension?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; On such matters I think the best thing will be for one of the parties directly involved to indicate an intention or desire to get the United Nations involved, one way or the other, at this stage.

(more ) Note Wo. 2662 31 1? September 1962

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, after your lecture on the philosophy of peace, it seems almost sacrilegious to ask these specific questions. But I would like to ask you, with regard to the election of the permanent Secretary- General, I know there are no personal issues involved here, "because I know that for a fact --do you sense that there may "be questions of principle involved here in regard to the structure of the Secretariat in one way or another? In other words, there is no personal issue here as an issue on the concept of the structure of the Secretariat. Have you any intimations or any thoughts on that subject?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; No, I have not given sufficient thought to this aspect of the problem. In the course of my visits to many countries,this aspect of the problem was not raised,

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, could you tell us, if you decide to become Secretary-General, would you accept a term less than five years? Also, could you give us the background on how Colonel Julian, who was arrested as a mercenary in the Congo, was released and brought back to the United States without trial?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Regarding the first question, I have not decided on this hypothetical situation With respect to the second question, Colonel Julian was released, as you all know, because the Central Government of the >'Qongo wanted him to be released.

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, the Soviet Union has said that the command of the United Nations Force in the Congo virtually operates to please the colonialists. Do you have any comment -to make on that?

The Acting SECRETARY-gENBRAL; I think that on these questions any Member State has a legitimate right to express any views it deems fit. I have no comment.

(more) Note Ho, 2662 32 17 September 1962

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, in your trips to the various parts of the world, did you find the same degree of support for the principle of coexistence in all the capitals?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; It is really difficult to define the degree of support, because it is something intangible. But my feeling is that every Government of every Member State of the United Nations expressed its desire to see the United Nations develop into a really effective instrument for peace. The difference, as I have indicated, is on the organizational and procedural aspects of the functions of this Organization.

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, you mentioned that your condition for election is whether there are prospects for the stability of the world Organization as a potent force for peace, and you have just mentioned this again. Could you possibly spell out in more practical concrete terms what you would consider as development toward a stable world Organization as a potent force for peace? What do you mean by this?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; As you know, there are two schools of thought regarding the functions of the United Nations. The first school maintains that the United Nations should be just a forum for debate and discussion.. The second school maintains that the United Nations should develop into an organic thing; the United Nations should get stronger and stronger so that ultimately it will assume the attributes of a sovereign State. As I made it very clear in my speech at Uppsala University, Sweden, I belong to the second school.

QUESTION: Sir, there has been some reference repeatedly to your conditions for running on a permanent term. I wonder, just reviewing what you have said, suppose the prospects are not nearly as good as you might wish them to be on many things, such as the financial stability, but suppose that in this event a large group is still in favour of your tenure. Might you not then still consider it? In other words, are you making a very hard and fast statement when you refer to prospects? Are you thinking of prospects or are you thinking of prospects as a matter of degree? (more) Note No. 2662 53 17 September 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; I feel that the picture will be clearer after the heads of delegations have made their statements in the general debate. As I indicated earlier, I believe the picture will be clearer by October. Of course, at. this moment I do not want to go into this hypothetical situation at any length.

Mr. HUSS (President, United Nations Correspondents Association): Mr. Secretary-General, in the name of the correspondents, I thank you and welcome you back home.

The press conference ended at g.V? pam.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services '. Office of Public Information k United Nations, H.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release

17 September 1962

STATEMENT BY ACTING SECRETARY-GEMERAL U THAHT AT THE CEREMCIY OF TEE UNVfllLIKG- OF A PLAQUE II\f MEMORY OF MG EAMMARSKJOLD AND THOSE WHO DIED WITH HIM United Nations Headquarters, 17 September ig6£

We are gathered here this morning in a ceremony whose purpose it is to pay solemn tribute to cherished colleagues lost just one year ago in the train of duty. But this occasion serves also to enrich the present for each of'us by recalling the strength, courage, wisdom, and devotion to the international ideal of those who were so abruptly taken from us. The great require no eulogy. It is thus with Dag Hammarskjold, whose inspired works in more than eight years of dedicated service to this Organization live after him and recall his imposing stature more eloquently than any words I might pronounce. The other day I received a letter informing me that a year ago, at the time of the crash;, some African students wrote some moving laments ^about the death of Mr. Eammarskjold. These were students from various parts of Africa who were attending the Africa Literacy and Writing School in Kitwe, Northern Rhodesia, which is about 4o miles west of the scene of the tragedy at Hdola. Since these expressions came straight from the hearts of young Africans, I take the liberty of reading one of them to you, which was written by David Rockson of Ghana:

The world leader is dead, yet he speaks; He speaks to the world in accents soft and clear. What is he saying to Africa? Yes, what is he saying to the world? The message is: "peace on earth". The message is: "unity among the nations". Citizen, if thou art constrained to mourn Dag Hammarskjold, Pray God to make you a peacemaker, too.

(more) - 2 - Press Release gCJ/1319 17 September 1962

It is particularly appropriate, I think, that we meet on this occasion in the outer area of the United Nations Meditation Room, For that room was of deep and very special concern to Dag Hammarskjold. He devoted very much of time and thought and planning to its conception and to its arrangement. He wished it to be universal in its invitation — to appeal to all who come into this house to find in that room an atmosphere uniquely conducive to quiet reflection, to introspection, to an inward look away from the tumult and cynicism of the world around us. He wished that room to have a '.symbolism all its own, expressed in the massive soli- dity and strength of the center stone of Swedish ore and the reach toward eternity of Bo Beskow's impressive al fresco. You are invited to visit and make use of this room. Dag Hammarskjold, with his profound knowledge and perception of man — of man's history and ways -- would "be the first to recognize that it is the way of fate to make the commonplace suddenly and dramatically momentous. It was in such a vagary of fate that my late predecessor and his companions lost their lives a year ago. For Dag Hammarskjold, Secretary-General of the United Nations, the trip of a year ago to the Congo and the incidental mission to Ndola were natural and unexceptional acts undertaken purely and without question in the line of duty. The September journey was not his first to the shattered Congo, where he had gone with the same spirit as previously to other troubled areas. As was well known to his close collaborators on the thirty-eighth floor of this building, Mr, Harmarskjold accepted the invitation of the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo last September to visit that country on the eve of the opening of the Six- teenth Session of the General Assembly primarily because he saw in it an opportunity to reduce if not remove the Congo as a critical and bitter issue before that Assembly. The main, though unpublicized objective sought was to induce Mr. Tshombe to go to Leopoldville, or elsewhere in the Congo, for talks with Prime Minister Adoula toward the ending of the Katanga secession through reconciliation of the differences between the Central Government and that Province. I have no doubt that, had Mr« Hammarekjold lived, he would have achieved that objective, which was, indeed, later twice achieved, although with disappointing results to date. The United Nations effort in the Congo persists, however, and will, in time, I am confident, fully succeed. As to the fateful flight to Ndola, we know, from one of Mr. Hammarskjold^ last messages, that it was only when he reached Accra, en route to Leopoldville, (more) Press Release SG/1J19 M/ IT September 1962 that he learned, from a "tendentious" press report, as he put it, that the latest United Nations effort to eliminate mercenaries in Katanga had encountered stubborn resistance and that serious fighting had broken out in Elisabethville between United Nations troops and mercenary-led elements of the Katangese gendarmerie. This unexpected news must certainly have come to him as a severe shock. In the light of these circumstances, it was then both natural and necessary for him, as Secretary-General, to do all that he could do to bring the fighting to an end and to stop any further blood-letting* This, clearly, was why Mr. Eammarskjold and his companions took the ill-fated trip to Ndola,, When they embarked upon it, they had sound reason to anticipate that it would be successful in inducing Mr, Tshombe to enter into reconciliation talks, no less than achieving the cease-fire, I am confident that Dag Hammerskjold saw no extraordinary risk in his journey to Ndola, which was, in fact, attended by much more than normal precautions. One may be even more positive that he would not have hesitated a moment had any . . such risk been apparent^ There are, to be sure, certain unavoidable risks in any United Nations field operation: the hazards of chartered flights to unfamiliar airfields, of vehicular accidents, of health in harsh climates, of sniperrs bullets. United Nations personnel are often subject to such hazards in missions far and wide. If, however, the United Nations is to project its peace-keeping actions into the areas of active conflict, as it must if its peace-making function is to be really worthwhile, such risks to its personnel cannot be entirely voided. It is fitting here, I believe, to commend highly those many -- indeed, many thousands — of men and women, civilian and military, from within and without the United Nations Secretariat, who have served and now serve the Organization in its peace-keeping operations in various parts of the world, from the Congo to New Guinea, not infrequently at considerable personal sacrifice, under conditions of genuine hardship and at times of danger4 The casualties suffered by United Nations personnel in the field have been substantial enough to establish that peace-making can be costly also in lives» In the United Nations peace operations such as Palestine, Kashmir, Suez, and the Congo, there have been those who are, indeed, entitled to the accolade "hero of peace". Dag Hammarskjold was definitely one. By odd coincidence, another was his fellow country-man, Count Folke Eernadotte, who on this very date in gave his life in Jerusalem while serving the United Nations in the quest for (more) - k - Press Release SG/1J19 M/i^u 17 September 1962 peace in a war-ridden Palestine. We honour also today Count Bernadotte's memory and Ms sacrifice, and the memory of all those others who have given their lives in the peace actions of this great Organization. The Meditation Room, on whose outer wall the plague rests, was poetically •" ' . • described by Dag Hammarskjold in these prophetic words: "This is a room devoted to peace and those who are giving their lives for peace. It is a room of quiet where only thoughts should speak," The pleque about to be uncovered from now on will serve as a reminder for all those who pass by it, for all the generations of the future, of the deep grati- tude, the sense of tragic loss, and the profound sorrow over colleagues prematurely gone, which we who live today carry in our hearts for those sixteen who are no longer with us» Will you please join me in standing as the plaque is unveiled. The inscription on the plaque, which is done in bronze, reads as follows: "In memory of Dag Hammarskjold, Secretary-General of the United Nations 1953 to 1961, and those who with him lost their lives at Mdola in September 196! in quest of peace in the Congo*"

May they rest in peace„ May we secure ita The Ceremony is concluded. Thank you.

*

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y- (For use of information media — not an official record)

Press Release SG/1315 5 September 1962

STATEMENT BY ACTING .SECRETARY-GENERAL OH CONGO PROPOSALS^

I find encouraging the favorable responses which Prime Minister Adoula and Provincial President Tshombe have given to the proposals which I had submitted to them as reported in document S/5053/Add.ll, and which subsequently have come to be known as "the Plan." Since both parties have now accepted the Plan, I am asking the Officer-in- Charge of the United Nations Operation in the Congo, Mr. Robert K.A. Gardiner, to communicate to both parties my gratification over their actions and my request that steps be taken immediately to implement all of the provisions of the Plan. The acceptances are a necessary and important step forward, but they are no more than that. Their true significance will be revealed only as the specific pro- visions of the Plan are put into effect. The immediate implications of the acceptances, if they are earnestly meant, are clearly the following: 1. The Central Government and the Katangese authorities have now formally agreed to reconcile their differences peacefully, on the basis of the Plan, and there should therefore be no further resort to force by anyone in Katanga. Indeed, there would seem to be on this basis no further need for troop movements in Katanga on either side. 2. All pretensions to the secession of Katanga from the Republic of the Congo must be regarded as abandoned. 3- The parties will undertake, without delay, the implementation of the provisions of the Plan. The United Nations, of course, will afford all possible assistance towards this end. km The implementation measures should be guided scrupulously by the provisions of the Plan itself and fairly applied, I have presented this Plan to the parties because of my conviction that it would provide a reasonable basis for ending conflict and insecurity in the Congo. The parties, therefore, may be assured that I will afford them all possible assistance and extend every effort to ensure its implementation. In this regard, I note with satisfaction the expressions of support for the Plan by a number of countries, and I assume that this backing may be counted upon until the Plan is fully executed. # *## *

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, H.Y. (For use of information media — not an official record)

CAUTIOSr --ADVANCE TEXT Press Release SG/151U For Release "on Delivery WFP/5 Check Against Delivery 5 September 1962

STATEMENT BY ACTING SECRETARY-GENERALU THANT BEFORE PLEDING CONFERENCE FOR WORLD FOOD PROGRAM, AT UN HEADQUARTERS, 5 ^SEPTEMBER 1962

The World Food Program represents a milestone in the development of the United nations economic and social work. It dramatizes in a striking manner the principle of bringing the abundance of some to bear upon the needs of others and it introduces a new element into the whole concept of multilateral economic aid. When establishing the Program,, the General Assembly and the Conference of the Food and Agriculture" Organization recognized that the ultimate solution to the prob- lem of food deficiency in less developed countries lies in self-sustaining economic growth of their economies. It was recognized at the same time that the effective utilization of available surplus foodstuffs could provide an important transitional means of relieving hunger and malnutrition and — without making other forms of assistance, particularly capital goods, any less necessary — of assisting less developed countries in their economic development. The fact that the UN system is striking out along such new paths is evidence of its continued vitality and its capacity to deal with changing situations. The fact that this program is a joint program by the UN and the FAO, in cooperation with other agencies, shows the possibilities of combined and concerted action within the UN family. The fact that this is a three-year experimental program shows how the UN family proceeds carefully and pragmatically and bases itself on experience as it goes along. Thus, in several ways the program demonstrates the ways and value of the United Nations. It is truly a "seed" program — small in relation to the needs, small indeed in relation to the bilateral programs of a similar nature — yet full of hope and potentialities far beyond the actual sums involved. (more) - 2 - Press Release SG/lJlU WFP/5 ., . ' 5 September 1962

At the opening of this' Pledging Conference, I wish to assure you' that the Secretariat of the UK, no less than that oC the FAO, is well aware of the responsi- bility which rests upon us to administer the supplies, the services and the funds your governments may pledge for their intended purposes as efficiently and as economically as possible. This is ouv reciprocal pledge'.to you. In opening this conference, may I express the earnest hope that the target of $100 million laid down by the General Assembly will be reached and thp.t many countries will wish to participate. Their participation will stro^then the United Nations and. help to lay the foundations of a better world for us all.

* #** #

UNITED NATIONS Press Services .Office of Public Information .. •. . United Nations, ir.Y. (For use of information media — not an official record) Press .Release SG/1J13 4 September 1962 ACTING SECSRETAEY-GEKIERAL U THAM VISITS PRAGUE, VIENNA Holds Press Conference in Austrian Capital

(The following was received from Vienna from the UN Information Officer accompanying the Secretary-General.)

Acting Secretary-General U Thant, fin completion of hi's visit to Moscow, Warsaw, Prague and Vienna/ was due to leave Vienna at 10,15 p.m., local time, for Zurich. He is due- to arrive back in New York at 4.25 P«nu EDT today. On the completion1 of his visit to Prague on 2 September, the Secretary-General arrived in Vienna by car at 8.30 p.m. (local time), and was met at the Czech-Austrian border by Dr, Bruno Kreisky, 'Minister for Foreign Affairs, and high officials from the Foreign Office, and a crowd of Austrians who greeted him with applause. On 3 September, the Secretary-General called on Dr. Adolf Schaerf, Federal President of Austria, followed by a call on Dr. Alfons Gorbach, Federal Chancellor, •He had a two-hour working session with Dr. Bruno Kreisky, at which they dis- cussed some major international problems, including issues before the General Assembly. Later, the Secretary-General was the guest of honor at a luncheon given by the Federal'President. After a brief visit to the State Treasury, at Hofburg, he paid a visit to the International'Atomic Energy Agency. In the evening, he attended the opera "Angelina" by Rossini, at the Vienna Opera House, which started its season yesterday. This was followed by a reception in his honor at the Palais Auersperg, given by the Federal Chancellor. At a press conference in Vienna yesterday afternoon, which was attended by more than 100 Austrian and foreign correspondents, the Secretary-General was asked if he -was more -hopeful regarding East-West'relations after the talks in the USSR. In reply, U Thant said: "My concept of the problems creating tension between the East and the West did not materially change.' We discussed Berlin,and the Soviet leaders expressed their desire to sign a peace treaty. It is my impression that they are very much obsessed by this problem." Asked why should he not visit Berlin now he said: "I am not sure that a brief visit -to Berlin would give me a full knowledge of the situation there. Besides, Berlin- is not a problem before the United Nations now and I do no't see how the Secretary-General could be involved at this stage." (more) - 2 - Press Release SG/1313 k September 1962 Asked whether he discussed the possibility of raising the Berlin question "before the General Assembly, he said that seme thought was being given to the desirability of bringing the question before the seventeenth session, "but I see no useful purpose if it were brought up at the present time." Elaborating further, he added that Berlin is primarily the concern of the four big powers who should bend all efforts toward achieving a solution. "it is too early now for the General Assembly, with its one hundred plus members, to discuss it, because any premature discussion would not be helpful. It is my hope that, with imagination, patience and understanding, the four powers will reach a solution," he stated. Asked about the UN financial situation and his visit to Hungary, the Secretary- General said, regarding the first question, that the regular UN budget is solvent. What was not solvent was financing peace-keeping operations in the Congo and the Middle East. The advisory opinion of the International Court would be presented to the General Assembly and would be discussed at the next session, he said. __.. Regarding..the_.Sfiaon.d...point,..he said.:. ."I have, been invited...to-visit. Hungary, I have accepted the invitation in principle, but I could not set a date because of my workload." Asked about an alleged deal involving non-inscription of the Hungarian item in exchange of Eastern European votes for his re-election and a statement he made on the Hungarian question in 1958* he said: "The item has already been put on the provisional agenda. The Secretary-General has no power to prevent any item from inscription. Regarding the alleged deal, I must say it is very absurd and no Eastern European leader has ever made such a proposal. Regarding a speech I made in 1958> I would like to remind you that I was then the representative of Burma presenting the views of that government. As Acting Secretary-General, it is my duty to implement resolutions of the principal organs of the United Nations, and these are two different positions." Asked why the United Nations did not impose sanctions against the USSR re- garding the Hungarian situation, the Secretary-General replied: "The United Nations is not a big power with armed forces. Neither is it a mere moral force. It is somewhere in between. The United Nations is the result of massive public opinion, which cannot be ignored. On major issues no decision could be arrived at without agreement of the United States and the USSR." - Asked about -conflicting reports on a statement he recorded -for the Me.scow Radio on 30 August and whether it was broadcast or not, the Secretary-General said: "I recorded that message at the request of Radio Moscow before I left the Soviet (more) I - 3 - Press Release SG/1315 h September 1962 capital. I have no means of knowing whether it was broadcast in full or not. I saw some conflicting reports in English-language newspapers. I will find out when I get back to New York." Asked about United Nations action against Katanga, the Secretary-General deplored the amount of ignorance regarding the Ul Operation in the Congo, and added that during 80 years of Belgian rule Katanga had been part of the Congo, paying revenue to Leopoldville and governed from Leopoldville. It was only after inde- pendence that Mr. Tshorabe declared the £oee3sion of the province. The U5T Force was sent to the Congo by a decision of the Security Council and a.t the request of the Central Government to maintain territorial integrity for the country and to help in keeping law and order. "We a.re no4", there to initiate military action or to impose political decisions," he sajd, sad "the United Nations is trying to restore the status quo which existed befo~_2 independence."

* -3HHC- *

AST Of. TIIS PEOE?Ut P^;-XucNT

See? tester Sr« 1962

say liew grate -'ml 1 aa to t! Of the Republic of Austria for tfeo Isasour of tlia invitation

^Kfssi©il to me t© visit ¥iesii3a Although It jU lay fi*&t visit t© tfels Ssistorie aacf fesamtifsl soset^j'^ I sis soisasliut faslllar witls fls« claeracsfsr ©f Atastrir^iS .for^ ign rv,lntioBB, ^^irl.icul^rl its. altltad© towssrcfe 000s© of th© ssajcr pro

Mr* Pr©FjjLd®uta 3^^ !^v© ir^rf g^propr lately brought oa ade at th© 'Oi\lt«s Satioas Ges^ral .iisaasfei after Austria* B acfieisaioja to the world ©rsaaiaatl IE? e^rtslul.>* tmique in that it la the Giilv is. t!i« w©rlil ©iiss© policy of aeutralitv !&as

esavietiffia fiiot for a aaall ecyatrj,} saws&vrship &£ Waited Mat .tests is of speelal Igjpwta&e^,* siirp©ii@ of tlte llsiteg KatKJass is tv pr&mQt@ ilia His VBti ssaj

Buts war elsHcls are still toov&rlsj; over isa» A worlS yearning ,""or peac®9 dr^aaiiii^ up a visioa of ilia

Mai ions as a jsans.eea for all tbe Ariel's ills9 Is iispatiest of the slow strides &® far aade by tho United Matiosa?-; tOsvards tHe establlslimeat ©f an esj

«*/.»» sis cmc© vigaim thaxsk jon, Mr, Fr.< si deist,,, for wards of '"tleoEM? to ra© im& f^r vaur bsst for lias; UiiiieS fetioBS» I e$& siare all of trioaas prsacjsat fesra will m-ish t© j in, r glasses to tfe-a licalth of the Presiae

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information. United Nations, K.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/1512 3 September 1962

ACTING SECRETARY-GRTMRAL U THANT CONCLUDES VISIT TO PRAGUE

Visits Charles University and Gives Television Interview

(The following was received from Prague from the TW Information Officer eccompanying the Secretary-General.) Actrag Secretary-General U Thant visited Antonin Novotny, President of Czechoslovakia on 1 September at the Prague Castle. Talks lasted for about two hours, followed by conversations with Vaclav David, Minister of Foreign Affairs at the Csyerr.in Palace. Subjects discussed included some major international issues, as well as problems facing the United Nations with particular reference to the forthcoming General Assembly session. After a luncheon given by Mr. Martinic, President of the Society for Inter- national Relations, the Secretary-General visited Charles University. He attended a most impressive ceremony at which rectors of various branches of this old university participated in their traditional and colorful robes. The Rector of the University of Seventeenth November, which is a new institute established by Charles University for foreign students, made a speech welcoming the Secretary-General and explaining his country's program of technical assistance to developing countries as well as participation in United Nations technical assistance activities. In conclusion, the Rector said; "Fulfillment of all these tasks requires maintenance of peace and security where the United Nations should play a more effective role than so far." In his reply, the Secretary-General spoke about the role of education in furthering international understanding, laying foundations for a lasting peace and dispelling fear and suspicion, which have hampered the work of the United Nations during the last 17 years. After the ceremony at the University, Rector Jaroslav Prochazka presented to the Secretary-General a medal of Charles University, commemorating the 600th anniversay of its foundation. In accepting the medal, the Secretary-General said; "This is a greater honor coming from a university than any honor that could be conferred on me by any government," (more) ; • -?2 - ; : t l >. Press Release SG/1312 . .,. . 3 September 1962

The Secretary-General's program on 2 September included sightseeing of Prague, followed by a visit to the Lord Mayor of the..City.of Prague at the Old Town Hall. He departed as scheduled at £»30 p.m. (local time). In an interview on the Cssech television on 2 September, ths Secretary-General was er^ed what the United Nations could contribute toward the preservation of peace and v;hst did he consider to be his msln tasVin this respect. He replied that the "primary purpose of the United IJatlou.s :;.s to jr..3,in~ain peace and prevent war. The political machinery of the United Natl:xi3 -.'.3 still weak and inadequate, because of lack of agreement between the two big powers which has resulted ir; tbe cold war, asd because fear and suspicion are prevailing on both sides, The United Nations has been successful in its nonpolitical activities. As I see it, the function of the Ge£•.,••:• tj.ry-Genc.ral is to create conditions to do away with fear and suspicion and to t:-.i<...5S the gulf between the two giants." To a question on his opinion, regarding the diearmesient issue and how it should be finally settled, the Secretary-General said: "It is a most important question fp.c:tug the United Kations today. Its solution has been delayed because of the cold war^" I believe that small uncommitted nations can play a significant part and put pressure on the two giants to reach a compromise." In answer • to a question on the General Assembly Declaration on colonialism, U Thant said; "The General Assembly resolution on colonialism was one of the most important decisions by the United Nations. I believe colonialism is dying. We must remember, however, that there are two aspects of this problem: one is, in some areas, such as West Irian, the inhabitants are net ready to form a sovereign nation; the second is .that, in other areas, independence has been delayed too long, which gives rise to extreme forces and an increase of tension. The Committee of 17 has been dealing with these subjects and will report to the seventeenth session of the General Assembly."

1> \* ML . A A A

U N I T 3 D N A T I 0 K 3 Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.T.

(For use of information media — not an official record)

Press Release SG/1310 1 September 1962

ACTING SECRETAR Y-GEHERflL U THAMT'S VISIT IN WARSAW

(The following was received from Prague from the UN Information Officer accom- panying the Secretary-General*)

On 31 August, Acting Secretary-General U Thant had a two-hour talk in Warsaw with Adam Rapacki, Minister of Foreign Affairs, followed by discussions with Wladyslaw Gomulka, First Secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party, and Prime Minister Jozef Cyrankiewicz, The Minister of Foreign Affairs was also present. The discussions lasted a little over two -hours and a wide range of international problems, including questions facing the United Nations, were raised, A press conference was held at 6:45 p«m« attended by approximately 100 repre- sentatives of the Polish media of information and foreign correspondents* The entire press conference was televised by the Polish Television, Answering a question on nuclear testing, the Acting Secretary-General said that the -memorandum of the eight neutrals at Geneva was a contribution in the right direction. He referred to disarmament as the most important item to be discussed by the seventeenth session of the General Assembly and added: "I hope the big powers will cooperate and that we will have a positive trend this time0" Replying to another question on the same subject, he said that agreement between the big powers on disarmament will contribute materially to assisting the developing countries in overcoming their economic and financial difficulties, Questioned about his views regarding moving the United Nations Headquarters from New York, he said;"Shat is a decision which is up to the member states ^ they can decide to move it — but I have no views on this matter." Responding to a question, the Acting Secretary-General said his talks in the USSR were fruitful and were conducted in an atmosphere of frankness and friendship* He added: "I left the USSR with a greater understanding of their views on the urgent problems facing the world today." Asked to comment on the idea of declaring certain areas to be free of atomic weapons, he said: "Speaking personally, without reflecting the views of the General Assembly, I am in favor of this idea because I consider it as some kind of terri- torial disarmament," (more) - 2 - Press Release SG/1310 1 oepteuber

On the question of colonialism, 'he said that the Committee of Seventeen has been functioning and will submit its report to the forthcoming Assembly session, Replying to a question on the Berlin problem in connection with the UN, the Secretary-General said: "Inscription of this item depends, of course, on the member states of the United Nations. In my recent talks, no leader has indicated a desire for immediate inscription of the Berlin problem on the General Assembly agenda." Asked about his views of having the two Chinas as members of the UN, he said: "This matter has not been discussed by the United Nations.11 Asked whether the Polish leaders were in favor of a, meeting between Premier x Khrushchev and President Kennedy, he said: "They have expressed no views regarding an immediate necessity of such a meeting," Finally, he was asked whether he was a pessimist or an optimist after all his talks with so many world leaders. The Secretary-General said: "In all my talks I have reached one conclusion: that all leaders have one desire in common — to achieve an enduring peace throughout the world. The only hindrance is fear and suspicion. To eradicate this, the small, unaligned nations can play an important role. By temperament and experience I am an optimist," The Secretary-General left Warsaw on the private plane of the Polish Prime-

Minister at 9: 00 p.ma Incal time. He was seen off by the Polish Foreign Minister and several high officials, In a brief statement at the airport, the Secretary-General expressed his sincere gratitude to the people and Government of Poland for their very warm reception and hospitality and wished them peace and prosperity,

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Infornation United Nations, H.Y.

(For use of information media — not an official record)

Press Release SG/1299 51 August 1962

ADDRESS BY ACTIKG SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT, OH SUBJECT OF 'PROGRESS TOWARDS PEACE,' GIVEN AT UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW, 51 AUGUST

Mr. Rector, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am grateful to you, Mr. Rector, for this opportunity to say a fey words this evening at the University of Warsaw, on the subject of "Progress towards Faace," I know that the University has played a significant role in influencing your country's thinking, in promoting its literary, scholarly and scientific achievements and, to some extent, even in shaping your political development. I also think it is fair to say that the vicissitudes of your University are a fair reflection of the diversity of your country's history itself. I understand that when the University was re-opened most recently in 19^5> i"t had to begin almost from scratch as so many of its staff members had been killed, and so much of its equipment and facilities destroyed, in tha course of World War II. Today I see here a flourishing establishment representing all the basic faculties of a modern University, and the facilities are being expanded. I understand that there are some 10,000 students at the University, and that there are also a number of Asian and African students receiving scholarships while studying here. In view of the limited accommodation available in the University for students from your own country, I commend your readiness to admit so many students from Africa and Asia. I have given this address of mine the title "Progress towards Peace" because I am one of those who are convinced that peace can be obtained only through progress; and by that I mean, not only economic and social progress, but also political progress and progress in mutual understanding. The Charter has recognized the important role of economic and social progress in maintaining world peace and stresses in the preamble itself the need "to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples." I have repeatedly stated that I am gravely concerned with the growing gap between the living standards of the wealthy countries with their affluent (more) -2- Press Release SG/1299 31 August 1962 societies, and the conditions in the poorer countries with societies for whom existence is a continual struggle. It is a phenomenon of the postwar period that so many of the underdeveloped countries of the world have been able to free themselves from colonial rule. In some respects the position of Asia and Africa is similar to Europe's immediately after World War II. In Europe, after the great war, ^productive capacity had been destroyed and halted. In Asia and Africa, where colonialism held sway for hundreds of years, productive capacity outside of agriculture had hardly existed and .had to be established for the first time. Unlike Europe, however, Asia and Africa have no sufficiency of skilled manpower nor of managerial, administrative and organisational capacity, and last but not lea5>t •-- they also lack capital. In Europe the Marshall Plan took three and a half years and cost approximately $13 billiou. A similar program for underdeveloped Asia and Africa will no doubt take a longer time and probably will cost more. • ' Nationalism and the urge to be free hsd spurred the peoples of Asia and Africa to struggle for independence. To millions -of peoples in these two vast continents, independence was regarded as being synonymous'with progress. ,It must have seemed to their leaders on the threshold of freedom that, once they were masters in their own homes, it would be possible for them to accelerate their economic and social progress. This unhappily has not been so. Most of these countries have coma face to'face with the problems of economic development for the first -time and they have discovered that the road to economic progress is uphill all the way. They have made some progress, but much of it has not been reflected in improved living standards because of the concurrent growth of population. At the same time their .rates of economic growth has been lower than that of the advanced industrialized societies, 'and as a re'sult the gap between their respective living standards has widened* If this continues, a new element of tension will be introduced in the relations between these countries, just at a time when, the grievances of the underdeveloped countries against their old masters under the colonial rule are gradually being forgotten. • • • The advanced countries have themselves realized the inherent danger and explosive nature of the situation'and. have therefore initiated large-scale programs of bilateral assistance. In fact, one of the by-products of the bold war has been a kind of competition between the two great world powers in giving assistance to the less developed countries. • • . -• . (more) / -3- Press Release SGA299 31 August 1962

While this assistance may be politically motivated, it has beyond all doubt benefited the developing countries, and especially those which have set up the necessary administrative and planning machinery to use this assistance to the best national advantage. At the same time, multilateral program's have also gathered momentum, and the resources available to -!;he United Nations e;.d the specialised agencies for rendering economic aid and teclinical assistance to the lass developed countries have been gradually increased during resent years. Even so, the assistance available to the less developed countries is proving Inadequate, particularly when account is taken of the continued weakness in the prices of raw materials on which so many of tLese countries depend. In all the circumstances, I feel that, in the long run, it may well be to the advantage of the developing countries to undertake greater efforts toward international economic development. The United Nations solemnly decided at its sixteenth session to designate this decade of the sixties as the Decade of Development. I hope that during this decade most of the developing countries will be able to register significant increases in their gross national product as well as in their per capita incomes and living standards. I feel that progress in this regard would be an important contribution toward peace. The idea behind this program is to achieve substantial results in the sphere of public welfare and living standards in underdeveloped areas. The means to do it exist. The knowledge exists. The technique exists. All that is required is a decision on the part of the developed countries to dedicate their energies to this most constructive and exciting venture of our times. It lies within our power, within the coming decade, to stamp out diseases which unnecessarily kill millions of humans each year and debilitate many more millions. It lies within our power to open up the avenues of knowledge to hundreds of millions of people by making illiteracy a thing of the past. It lies within our power to harness our rivers, to improve our agriculture, to develop our industries, to house our peoples decently, and to raise the physical and social well-being of the almost sub-human two-thirds of the hurnan race. Such a cooperative effort through the machinery of the United Nations could capture the imagination of the whole world. It could provide an outlet for the ful- fillment of man's longing to engage in creative works of peace and progress. And perhaps it is not too much to hops that in cooperative, constructive work above the clamor of political conflict, beyond the reach of clashing ideologies, the tensions

(nore) -it- Press Release SG/1299 31 August 1962 which plague us today might recede anr1 be forgotten in the joyous task of working together for the good of humanity. In the long run it is arguable, of course, that the underdeveloped countries should be able to get their foreign e^uiange requirements by trade rather than by aid. Speaking as one coming from an underdeveloped country myself, I can say without fetr of contradiction that nc country likes to be a beggar. It is, however, a significant economic fact that over the ;;.-ars the terms of tr^de have been favoring the advanced and not the developing countrJ.es, This again is an. indication of the economic veakness of the less developed countries and their relative lack of staying power and bargaining strength. As for private foreign capital, al"1 the studies made on this subject go to show that external capital flows more freely from one advanced economy to another, rather than from an advanced economy to a developing economy <> Therefore, deliberate transfers of capital have to take place on a governmental or institutional basis, and this fact is now-commonly acknowledged even by the countries which are the main exporters of private capital. I said earlier that it may well be to the long-term advantage of the advanced countries th^r.selves to assist the economic development of the developing countries. This statement may or may not be accepted by economists, if considered in purely economic terms. Whatever differences of opinion there may be amongst them, there is, however, no doubt in my cwn mind -chat such assistance would make a contribution towards world peace. It seems to me. ironic that, when something like $120 billion'a year is spent by the great powers on armaments, it is so difficult for the advanced 'countries to decide to set apart one per cent of tlieir national income for the economic advance- ment of the less developed countries. If the great military powers should decide, even" pending disarmament, to set aside five per cent of the national expenditure on armaments for such a purpose, the capital requirements of the less developed countries could be largely met, while the relative strength of the major military powers would not change very much. In fact, I would go further and say that most of the capital requirements of the less developed countries could be met even without any progress in disarmament, in view of the embarrassing abundance of consumption goods in the advanced countries and the ease with which some of. it could be switched over for production of capital goods which the underdeveloped countries need. (more) -5- Press Release SG/1299 31 August 1962

What a happy world we will be in, if only the present competition for arms supremacy gives way to another kind o~ competition, to raise the living standards of the caramon people and to encourage peace and harmony in this turbulent worldl So far, I have traced the connection 'between the economic and social progress of the less developed countries, and pi-ogress toward peace. I would now like to turn to political progress. I referred earlier to the great natioual movements in the postwar era on the part of many countries under colonial rule to obtain their freedom, not only their political freedom, but their freedom of action in the economic field, This has been tlie most significant political development of the postwar period which began with Asia and which is culminating now in Africa, much more rapidly than seemed possible five years ago. This development has produced a considerable addition to the membership of the United Nations and I personally believe that, as a result, the Organization is more truly representative of world opinion today than it was at any time before. I also believe that the newly independent countries will soon forget their grievances arising from their colonial past and concentrate on the tasks ahead. I am convinced that they can play a significant role in bridging the gulf between East and West. Their influence has already been evident in the work of the eighteen-nation disarmament committee in Geneva. In this complex world of today which is dominated by the two giants, there is a useful middle role to be played by these smaller countries, many of whom may have neither the resources nor the technology to sustain great armies or armaments but who, for that very reason, can approach with objectivity such major issues as war and peace, I hope that this progress toward universality of the United Hations will continue until all countries of the world are members and are able to make their contribution to the peace of the world. The issue of disarmament and nuclear weapons has necessarily been one of the major preoccupations of the smaller countries. They know that if nuclear war should break out, it will not be the major powers that will be the only sufferers. Even if nuclear war could be avoided, as we all hope, they realize that nuclear testing presents an equally grave danger since fallout is no respecter of frontiers. I feel that here, too, progress has to come by stages. I do not believe that it is possible to reach general and complete disarmament overnight, because the arms race is merely an external manifestation of a deep-rooted feeling of mistrust and lack of confidence. This mistrust has built up over the years and will not die a sudden death. (more) -6- Press Release SG/1299 31 August 1962

Progress toward its removal is one of the major tasks, not only of statesmen but also of men and women of good will all over the world. In this task of making progress toward better understanding of each other, I feel again that the nonaligned countries can play a valuable rol^.'' . • : In particular I feel that one of the first steps in making progress in this direction is the cessation of nuclear testing. Equally important is the prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons * It is a sjid commentary on the situation of the world today that the means for the extermination of the human species is now in the hands of the t\xree or four great powers. In due course, it will pass into the hands of many governments, large and small. • There was a time when only the United States had nuclear weapons. This was followsd by a time when only the United Stctes and the Soviet Union had such weapons. Later the United States, the Soviet U:-ion and Britain possessed thea. And now Prance has joined the nuclear club, It seems likely that one or two other countries may shortly manufacture these terrible weapons. It is"'also obvious that during tLe next few years the manufacture of engines of mass destruction will become cheaper and easier. There is no end to this process until many states will be in a position to inflict incalculable destruction on the rest of mankind. As I have stated on a previous occasion, if all sovereign states were governed by rulers possessed of even the rudiments of sanity, they would be restrained from committing such colossal crimes. But experience has shown that, from time to time, power in one country or another falls into the hands of rulers vrhose sanity is clouded< by the pursuit of individual or national glorification. There is still another hazard to mankind that stems from the sheer number of people who handle these weapons of mass destruction. I have no doubt that the designers and manufacturers of nuclear weapons have attempted to install in them certain mechanical safeguards against accidental firing or explosion. There are, however, no final or foolproof safeguards against the possibility of human or mechanical failure* The danger of war by accident is therefore ever present. This is one aspect of the problem on which there can be no two opinions. Ro one in his senses can maintain that testing of nuclear weapons can contribute to human happiness. We must bend all our energies to put a stop to these tests. Time is already running short, and every day's delay entails untold risks. The greatest risk lies in doing nothing, in wasting time in hair-splitting and meanwhile in piling up nuclear and thermonuclear weapons. The hydrogen bomb is a greater evil than any evil it is intended to meet. -7- Press Release SG/1299 31 August 1962

One fact clearly emerges out of the negotiations and discussions both inside and outside the United Nations. This fact is that action can be taken on major issues only if the United States and the Soviet Union are in agreement. Disarmament, the cessation of nuclear weapons tests, and the prevention of spread of nuclear weapons are problems which call for an immediate solution. Only a spirit of trust and understanding by both sides can lead to a satisfactory solution of these pressing protl^s and thereby meet the greatest challenge of our time.

* ##* *

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/1J307 30 August 1962

STATEMENT BY ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT RECORDED FOR BROADCAST BY RADIO MOSCOW TODAY

(The following was received here from a United Nations Information Officer accompanying the Acting Secretary-General.)

A statement recorded by Acting Secretary-General U Thant for broadcast by Radio Moscow at 1700 hours local time today (10 a.m. EDT) follows:

Today I am concluding my five-day visit to the Soviet Union, and my heart is filled with thankfulness for the people and the government of this great country under Chairman Khrushchev for having made this visit possible. I am no stranger to this country, since I had visited it in 1955> though in a different capacity. In Moscow, in Yalta and in Kiev I saw very striking changes. Inruorerable new buildings have arisen in seven years; streets are cleaner and the people look happier. There was even a festive air in some of the places I visited. As uTual, warmth and friendliness were in evidence all around. The leaders of the Soviet Union with whom I had the opportunity to exchange views on some of the major problems facing the world today,impress me with their desire for peace and their keenness to do away with the vestiges of the last war. But fear and suspicion which for so long have characterized international relations are still in evidence here as in the West. Let me be candid. When the Soviet foreign policy did concern itself with what was happening in the rest of the world -- for instance in the Congo -- it did so out of fear and suspicion: fear of losing potential friends and suspicion of what it regarded as "imperialist." And I beg to be excused for saying that the Russian people do not fully under- stand the true character of the Congo problen. This lack of -understanding is probably due to the absence of presentation of the other side of the coin, and I am sure that if only they have the means of knowing all the facets of the problem they will certainly revise their opinion of the nature of the United Nations' involvement in the Congo and decide to shoulder their share of the heavy responsibilities now being undertaken by the world organization in seeking a peaceful solution of the Congo problem. (more) - 2 - Press Release SG/130? 30 August 1962

I am saying all this with a hea .-y heart, because diplomacy demands honeyed words. I am not a believer in hor.eyec \.ords, since they will not help the great and courageous people of the Soviet Union TO arrive at a balanced appraisal of the situation. I em particularly grateful to the President of the Presidium of the Supreme 3oviai of the USSR, Mr. Leonid Ilyich I'.-ezhnev, for having graciously granted me an audience; to Chairman Khrushchev, who receiver! v.ie as a'member of his family and who gave me an illuminating exposition of the Soviet approach to najor problems; to Mr. Kosygin, First Deputy Premier; to Mr. Gromyko, Foreign Minif-tei, and to other Soviet leaders for the opportunity provided to me for a most friendly and useful exchange of views, I shall certainly cherish the happiest memories of my present visit to this great country for years to come, and I very sincerely wish the people of the Soviet Union peace and prosperity, and friendship with all peoples which they desire. I also want to take this opportunity of offering my grateful thanks to the people end Government of the Ukrainian SS3 for the very warm hospitality accorded to me during my brief stay in Kiev.

#** *

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record) Press Release SG/1305 30 August 1962

ACTING SBCRETATY-GEMERAL U THMT HOLDS PRESS RECEPTION IH MOSCOW Answers Questions on Discussions with Chairman Khrushchev; Meets Prime Minister of Ukraine on Visit to Kiev

(The following is based on information received here from a UN Information Officer accompanying the Secretary-General, in Moscow.)

Acting Secretary-General U Thant, on the final day of his visit in the Soviet Union, today held a reception in Moscow for Soviet editors and foreign correspondents, attended by about 100 newspapermen and representatives of other information media. At the reception, U Thant answered questions relating, among other things, to discussions he had held with Nikita S. Khrushchev, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, in Yalta on 28 August. The Secretary-General was asked whether Chairman Khrushchev had informed him that he was coming to the next General Assembly session. In reply,, the Secretary- General said, "Premier Khrushchev has no plans to come to the General Assembly for the present time." Asked whether the subject of his reelection was discussed, the Secretary- General replied, "This matter did not come up at all." Replying to a question on Germany and Berlin, the Secretary-General said, "They were discussed at the meeting with the Premier. The Premier wants to eliminate all vestiges of the Second World War there." In response to questions, the Secretary-General said the subject of Gizenga and matters relating to the reorganization of the United Nations were not discussed. Asked whether Chairman Khrushchev had indicated that he would support UN policy on the Congo, U Thant said the Congo problem was discussed. Again in response to questions on the USSR position regarding financing of the Congo and Gaza operations, the Secretary-General said, "The Premier reiterated his position on this subject."

(more) - 2 - Press Release SG/1305 30 August 1962 On another question, the Secretory-General said a rumor that he had seen Walter Ulbricht, Chairman of the Cour " .1 of State in East Germany, was incorrect, "I did not even know he was in Moscow," U Thant stated. The Secretary- General characterized his meeting with Chairman Khrushchev as friendly, useful and educational,

Visits U Thant returned to Moscow last ev_.:ing (29 August) from Kiev, which he had visited following his discussions with Chairman Khrushchev in Yalta. He arrived in Kiev from Yalta Tuesday evening, 28 August, and was met at the airport by the Foreign Minister of the Ukraine, Luka F. Falamarchuk, and other dignitaries. He had a private dinner that evening at the official residence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where the Secretary-General and his party stayed. On the morning of 29 August, the Secretary-General made a brief tour of Kiev, visiting the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and some of the other points of interest. Later the Chairman of the Council of L" misters of the Ukraine, Vladimir V. Shcherbitsky, gave a luncheon in the becretary-Genral's honor. There were toasts to the health of the United Nations a.*d U Thant, on the one hand, and to the Ukraine's happiness and prosperity in peace, on the other. In the afternoon the Secretary-General visited the permanent exhibit of agricultural and industrial achievements of the Ukraine. In the evening (29 August), the Secretary-General left Kiev for Moscow ^

,V-,V-V(ft A A,

(Hote: A report of the Secretary-General's departure from Moscow for Poland today (50 August) will appear as a separate releasea)

UNITED NATIONS Press ^o-.-vi Office of Prone Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media — not an official record) C A U T_I _0_N Hot for "rislease before Press Release SG/1J03 6 p.nu (EDT) (2200 GMT) . 28 August 1962 Monday, 3 September 1962

INTRODUCTION* TO THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECTETfiR Y-GEI1ERAL PIT THE WQRL OF TBE ORGANIZATION 16 June 196?. - 15 .June 1962

The year covered by the present report has been a critical period in the life of the Organization. Amidst its efforts to resolve the continuing and urgent problem of the Congo, the United Nations suffered the tragic loss of Dag Hammarskjold, its dedicated Secretary-Geroral, and other members of his staff who accompanied him on his last journey to this troubled land. I huv~ elsewhere paid tribute to his great personal qualities, to his unique contribution to the development of the United Nations in its formative years, and to his vision of the United Nations as a dynamic force for peace. In my view, too, the responsibilities of the Organization in these changing times call for a dynamic rather then a static approach. Since the late Secretary-General signed, on 17 August 1961, the Introduction to his last report on the work of the Organization, the Congo crisis has continued to weigh heavily on the United Nations. The rounding up of mercenaries in Katanga and the serious incidents which followed in September 1961 culminated in the tragic death of the Secretary-General. The cease-fire signed in October was not long or ever fully honored by the Katang^se, and. the Security Council spelled out in November its authorization to the Secretary-General to use force in order to complete the removal of the mercenaries. At the end of that month, Katangese outrages against United Nations personnel, civilian and military, and an overt attempt by roadblocks to immobilize the ONUC force in Elisabethville, brought about a situation there so explosive that even the uneasy peace that had prevailed since September could no longer be preserved. (more) *Doc. A/5201/Add.1 ' : -2- Press Release SG/IJOJ 28 August 1962

Hostilities broke out in December 1961 through failure of the Katangese to fulfill

a promise to remove a strong roadblockv . Later that month, after hostilities had come to an end by mutual agreement, ••a meeting was arranged between Prime Minister Adoula and Mr. Tshombe at Kitona, in an effort to reconcile their differences• Agreement was, in fact, reached but Mr. Tshoi.:be held it to be, so far as ho was concerned, conditional on acceptance by the KJatangese legislature and it wj 3 honored cnly in its less important aspects. During the first months of 1962 -!'.13 United Nations continued its effort to bring about a peaceful and mutually acceptable end to the Katangese secestion. Prime Minister Adoula and Mr, Tshombe were brought together ag?.in for talks, this time in Leopoldville, and although large area:: of agreement seemed to be reached, the talks collapsed in June of this year, It has become increasingly clear that the Katangese provincial authorities and the forces supporting them have felt that time is on their side, and must accordingly be gained at all costs; they make gestures of reconciliation leading to no practical results, whenever the pressure builds up, while at the same time seeking bo further the aims of secession. The core of the Congo problem is that of the secession of Katanga; the problem of the Katanga secession is primarily a problem of finance; the problem of finance, in turn, is the problem of the major mining companies. This is not an oversimplifica- tion of the facts. The end of the secession of Katanga would not mean a solution to all the problems of the young Congolese Republic. Far from that. But as long as this secession is not ended, neither can the Con.30 move forward on the way to recovery, nor can the United Nations effectively full'11 its mandate of effective and massive technical assistance to the republic,

The present situation in the Con0o, which is particularly crucial — as I stated in the appeal sent to all member states on 51 July 19^2 — in view of the lives, effort and money already expended and currently being expended by the United Nations and the financial crisis into which this unprecedented drain on its resources has brought the Organization, must improve before long. Even as this is being written, a new effort toward reconciliation is being made with, it appears, new promise. Progress in the Congo is as essential for the good name of the Organisation as for the Organization's continued usefulness in similar circumstances that may arise in the future.

(more) ; : ' -3- Press Release SG/1J03 ••>-••• 28 August 1962

•• • • -...-..• ... ii,..-.: :,-.-. -, . • Throughout the past year, the financial difficulties confronting the Organiza- tion "becans increasingly serious as a result of the continuing -need to incur large expenditures for ONUC and UNEF while a number of member states failed to pay their assessments i'or the saiutenance of these peace-keeping forces. In an effort to ease the cash problem, and maintain the Organization's solvency pending a long-term solution for its financial requirements, the General Assembly at its sixteenth session adopted two exceptional measures. The first of these was the request to the Internatioral Court of Justice for an ad-rijory opinion on the question c . whetaer the expenditures for maintaining ONUC ar^1. UICCF constitute "expenses of the'Organization" within" the meaning of Article 17, paragraph 2, of the United Rations Charter and therefore represent binding, legal obligations on member states to pay their assessments for these operations, ••*-- -•-T-.e 'saeond mee-Gare-vas-the authorisation granted to the. Secretary-.General to issue during 19^2 and 1963 up to $200 million of United Nations bonds bearing interest ct two per cent per annum, with the principal repayable over a twenty-five year period. Or. 20 July 1962 the International Court of Justice by a nine to five majority gave an affirmative answer to the question posed to it by the General Assembly. As of 1 August .1962, forty-six govern...,ervts, including four - nonmeraber states, had announced their intention to purchase Uaitjd Nations bonds having a total value of more than $72 million. Actual bond sales had been made at that date to eighteen governments in the amount of $27,308,257. If, as a result of the Court's opinion, members in arrears in the payment of their ONUC and UKEF assessments make payments of the amounts due, and substantial pledges and purchases of United Nations bonds are forthcoming from other members who have not yet been able to announce their intention to purchase United Nations bonds, the long-range financial prospects fc~ the Organization would be more encouraging than ha^ "oeen the case since the beginning of the large peace-keeping operations several years ago. For the immediate future, however, the financial difficulties confronting the Organization must be expected to continue, since no provision has been made for ~assessing members :for -the costs of OL'JC and UKEF beyond 30 June 1962-' and.-'" some delay must be realistically anticipated before the members in arrears pay their full assessments. •; (more-) • .''•••''•'..'.• • •.... -4- Press Release SG/1305 28 August 1962

Nonetheless, I sincerely hope and "believe that member governments, who are all agreed on the indispensable role of the Organization in the world of today, will take appropriate action to solve its financial problemsj which may otherwise severely limit its usefulness for the future.

Ill

In the course of tha year, positive action was taken toward international cooperation in the peaceful exploration and use of outer space. Earlier difficulties were overcome, and in March 1962 the enlarged Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space met under encouraging signs, and later on, in May and June, the Scientific and Technical and the Legal Subcommittees held their first session in Geneva. The wil?_ingness of the two leading powers to cooperate in outer space exploration was expressed in a heartening exchange of messages between the President of the United States and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, holding out prospects of a cooperative approach to the immense task of probing cosmic space and using the knowledge so gained for the benefit of all mankind. The Scientific and Technical Subcommittee agreed upon a series of recommendations concerning the exchange of information, the encouragement of international programs and the organization of international equatorial sounding rocket facilities which offer a basis for practical and useful action.

In the Legal Subcommittee, no agreement was reached on the proposals submitted. However, the discussions were regarded by delegations as a useful exchange of views on a number of important legal questions. It is my firm hope that a coopera- tive approach between the leading powers may be evolved without delay in this field, so as to ensure that the exploration of outer space will not be a source of discord and danger, but an area of understanding and increased confidence. To provide a focal point for international cooperation in this field, a public registry of information furnished by states on orbital launchings has been established within the Secretariat, as well as an Outer Space Affairs Section, including scientific advisers, to assist the Committee in receiving and disseminating voluntary information supplied by member states. Within the United Nations family, the World Meteorological Organization, the International Telecommunication Union and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization are engaged in far-ranging studies on specific space problems, and the first reports prepared by the specialized agencies will be laid before the Assembly at its seventeenth session, (more) -5- Press Release SG/1J03 28 August 1962

IV

While the progress in outer space has thus been somewhat encouraging, the same * cannot be said in regard to the important problem of disarmament. The eighteen-nation Disarmament Committee had the advantage that, for the first time, eight nonaligned states were participating in it. I feel that their participation is a significant event. For one thing, it is a recognition of the fact that disarmament is a subject in which all nations, big and small, are concerned, and not just the great military powers. Further, the nonaligned states have been an important element, exercising a moderating and catalytic influence in helping to bridge the gap between extreme positions of either side. It is regrettable that one of the members of the Committee, a great power, did not take part in its work. In spite of their meeting for three months between March and June of this year, and again from the middle of July, and in spite of orderly and business-like discus- sions in depth of the complex problem of disarmament, which helped to clarify the approaches of the parties, little progress has been made. At the same time, it is encouraging that both sides have, for the first time, submitted detailed draft treaty plans and that, in spite of the lack of progress, the parties are determined to continue their negotiation. I feel that, in this field as elsewhere, certain steps have to be taken first. It is my conviction that, to facilitate progress in the field of general disarmament, the first step has to be a cessation of nuclear testing. This question, therefore, deserves priority and I hope that the suggestions of the nonaligned countries, such as that contained in their joint memorandum, and in other ideas they have put forward, will provide a practical basis for a solution of this problem. I also sincerely hope that the nuclear powers will realize that the whole world is hoping and praying that an agreed first step may be taken soon.

V On 15 August 1962, an agreement was signed between the representatives of the governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands in regard to West New Guinea (West Irian), This agreement represented the culmination of nearly..five months of negotia- tions, which'were initially held under the auspices of Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, who acted as my representative, and were transferred to United Nations Headquarters when most of the points under negotiation had been discussed and preliminary agreement had been reached on them. (more/ \; -6- Press Release SG/1305 28 August 1962

The agreement remains to be rat:" "led by both governments and also needs to be approved by the General Assembly as a priority item in its seventeenth session. • I believe that there will be no' difficulty in this regard. I also feel that implementation of the agreement will not only lead to an easing of tension in the area, but also to a greater sense of trust and confidence between the two countries, which are to resume diplomatic relation". One of the unique features of this agreement is that, for the first time, the United Nations will have temporary executive authority (established by and under the jurisdiction of the Secretary-General) over a vast territory. At a later stage, the United Nations will assist and participate in arrangements by Indonesia for the act of self-deterniaation by the people of the territory. It is also noteworthy that the entire expenses that may be incurred under the terms of the agreement are to be shared by the two governments and will not impose a financial burden on the United Nations. VI TLe Charter recalls the determination of the United Nations "to promote social progress and"better"standards of life in1 larger freedom." This-should serve as a timely reminder to all of us to redec.icate ourselves to the task of making the Charter c-f the United Nations a living hope for all humanity; to eradicate poverty as a prime cause of conflict1; and t'o strive energetically and purposefully toward the general welfare of mankind, as a basis for a just and enduring peace. Never before in history have there been greater opportunities to meet this challenge. Never before has 'man- held-within his grasp the means with which to eliminate progressively want and disease and to build a lasting foundation for a world free from privation and fear.. , • . The technological and scientific achievements of the past decade stagger the imagination and stand out as a tribute to man's creative genius. No doubt we are on the threshold of even' greater achievements. Yet, much of the creative.power.of-man unfortunately continues to be applied in large measure to the deplorable purpose of increasing his destructive potential, thus accentuating existing .differences and conflicts. The dangers inherent in the continuation of the armaments race and nuclear tests are only too apparent. If this Organisation, is to make the principles enshrined in the Preamble of the Charter a living reality, there must be no. pause in the determined, sincere and continuing campaign to reduce world tension and hostility. The people of the world who continue to live in such a -tense-and surcharged atmosphere replete with the ever present threat of total destruction r.re entitled to look forward to the dawn of a new era in which every man, woman and child in every country can be expected to live above want and in dignity, at peace with themselves and with the rest of mankind. (more) -7- Press Release SG/1303 28 August 1962 The emergence in recent years of scores of territories from colonial rule to independence and the clear prospect that the remaining colonial areas will shortly take their rightful places among the family cf nations lend urgency to demands upon the international community to provide them with material and technical assistance, if these new nations are to achieve the monumental tasks of making their newly von independence meaningful through as rapid development of their economic and social potential as possible. While much has been accomplished in the past two decades to mobilise resources' on an international as well as on a bilateral basis to assist in lifting the living standards of two-thirds of the human race living in poverty and want,, it is abundantly clear that the rate of development has fallen far short of meeting the needs and hopes of emerging'peoples, and the risk cannot be ignored that their disappointment may well overflow to the extent of endangering an orderly pace of development. I have said _ajad would like to repeat that ttte .presec.t. division of the world 'into rich"and~~poor countries is, in ny opinion, much more real and much more serious, and ultimately much more explosive, than the division of the world on ideological grounds. In a timely decision, the General Assembly designated the present decade as the United Nations Development Decade, a global effort to mobilize, in cooperation with the specialized agencies, the accumulated experiences and resources of mankind in a full-scale and sustained attack on poverty, disease, hunger and illiteracy. These evils are not only affronts to human dignity; each intensifying the other, they menace the stability of governments, aggravate tensions, threaten international peace. In launching the United Nations Development Decade, the General Assembly has dramatized the importance and urgency of the work to be accomplished for revers- ing the trend toward wider differences in levels of living between rich and poor countries. Whether or not the latter will be able to achieve self-sustained growth over the next few years primarily depends on their own efforts and on an increase in international cooperation and assistance, for which the Organization is at present neither the only instrument nor the most important channel. Member states have made it clear, however, that they wish the Organization to play a central role and to be a focal point for the formulation and evaluation of "measure's 'and "policies which"may affect cr influence the pace and direction of the development process in national or regional contexts. In addition to making recommendations to governments, the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council have taken steps to ensure increased action (more) - 8 - Press Release SG/1303 2Q August 1962 through United Nations organs. Less conspicuous than the thrashing out of the political issues with which the United Nations is seised, but hardly less far- > reaching in the long term, are the intensification of the work on industrial development and the emphasis laid on projections, planning and programing for ' balanced economic and social development. The resolve of the Economic and Social Council to convene a United Nations Conference on Trade and Development is a -'ajor move toward stimulating thought and practical action of worldwide scope in a crucial area. The progress already made in the preparations for the United Nations Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas is a further harbinger of the growing capacity of the United Nations system to inspire, and help in bringing about, the -achievement of the objectives of the Development Decade. With the bolder approach of the Council and of its Commission on International Commodity Trade to the preoccupying questions of commodity prices and trade ex- .pansion, the decision of the Council to establish a Committee on Bousing, Building and Planning, the setting up in the Secretariat of an Economic Planning and Pro- jections Center and of a Center for Industrial Development evidence the determina- tion of our governing bodies to assert, the over-all responsibilities of the Organization and to improve its ability to contribute effectively to progress toward the objectives of the Development Decade. With the increased contribution that the regional commissions and their secretariats are making to the global effort by assuming spearhead functions on the strength of their knowledge and experience of local conditions, with the growing interplay of operational work and research activity, and with the closer cooperation among agencies of the United Nations family exemplified by such projects as the joint UW/FAO World Food Program, the Organization should be able to play, in the worldwide strategy for fostering economic and social development, a role not less important than that devolving upon it for peace-keeping operations. As in the case of peace-keeping operations, its response to the challenge is conditioned by the ability to mobilize the services of experienced and dedicated personnel, and by the sustained availability of adequate financial resources, including provision for a controlled expansion of the staff resources necessary for carrying out the tasks laid on the Secretariat in a growing body of unaninously . adopted resolutions. In this mobilization for speedier progress in economic and social development, the major effort has to be made-by the countries themselves. In addition, two facts merit special attention, (more) - 9 - Press Release SG/1303 28 August 1962 The first Is that the United Nations and its related agencies can go forward * in their greater responsibilities from positions of considerable strength. Not -. only do they command a wealth of knowledge and experience, as also the services of a number of dedicated and talented people£ they also have the full confidence of the developing countries they wish to serve. In this connection, the increased resources of the Expanded Program of Tech- nical Assistance and its re-orientation toward higher priority objectives and improved procedures are worthy of note. The Special Fund, for its part, is demon- strating dramatically the fundamental soundness of its approach and the rich potentialities of its assistance to large-scale, high-impact pre-investment projects. At the same time, the modest but steady growth of the Operational and Executive Personnel program has revealed the suitability of this type of assistance for an increasing number of situations. The United Nations family of organizations is thus both eager and technically an! organizationally qualified to assume the larger responsibilities placed upon it uy the United Nations and requested of it by the developing nations. This is the first fact to be recognized in facing the challenge of the United Nations Development Decade. The second fact, highly relevant to the first, is at this moment not quite so encouraging. It arises from the reality that bringing about the indispensable rate of advance in the low-income countries is going to cost much money. Many, if not most, of the low-income countries are making serious, in some cases even heroic, efforts to extract from their own very limited available resources the substantial amounts they must invest in their development. At the same time, a greater measure of assistance is required of the wealthier countries. The sum total of their contributions must be increased progressively during the United Nations Development Decade, and a growing proportion of that assistance could with undoubted advantage to each and to all be channeled through the United Nations. Will the required resources be forthcoming -~ for a coherent, constructive program that can lift the developing countries to the place of self-sustaining growth as partners in a dynamic world economy? The task is one for all people of all nations, and it is sufficient to unite the world. It will not be accomplished without vigorous leadership and without the enthusiastic participation of the thousands of millions of ordinary men and women in the advanced and the low-income countries, alike and together. In this task, the United Nations can, given the means, play a unique and indispensable role. (more) - 10 -. Press Release SG/130J 28 August 1962

... .VII -. In recent years, the membership'of the Organization has increased by more than k- double its original number and has made considerable progress toward true universality. ' ' > • ' A cursory examination of the growing number of items inscribed in the agenda of recent sessions provides convincing evidence of the wide scope of the subjects, from urgent items affecting the? welfare cf the iribsm^.t-jonel community to minute details of "housekeeping." In these circumstances, it is not surprising that the conduct of business in the'General Assembly and of its -.nsin corrmitteen; has in recent years become increasingly complicated and, :n some instances, excessively prolonged. In his letter of 26 April 19&2, -;he President of the General Assembly during its sixteenth session transmitted to. me for circulation to all delegations of member states a memorandum containing certain suggestions concerning changes which might be made in the work of the General Assembly in the interest of greater speed and efficiency. In commending the President's timely suggestions to the consideration of the General Assembly, I wish to enlarge upon a few of the points dealing with the broader aspects of the work of the General Assembly, namely, the problems arising from resumed sessions and the creation'of subsidiary organs having overlapping terms of reference. " ' • The General Assembly of the United Nations was conceived as a body which, among other things, would provide leading statesmen of the member states with an opportunity to come into close contact with each other and to lend not only greater authority to the Assembly's work but, what is even more important, to help shape the decisions of individual member governments on major issues. All too frequently, this purpose has been defeated in the general debate, for reasons set forth by the President. As regards his remarks concerning the grouping of items dealing with different aspects of the same problem, it is useful ID bear in mind that it is not only the substance of the debate to which consideration must be given by each delegation, but also to the conclusions and recommend--felons which may have to be formulated. Were similar questions to be considered collectively, as suggested, it might avoid in turn the duplication of discursion, as also the proliferation of special and other committees with overlapping responsibilities. This is true of the political as well as the economic field. To mention just one example,, in the field of non-self-governing territories, some four cornnittees and special committees are dealing with matters that might usefully be combined, thus relieving the concerned delegations of otherwise added burdens and at the same time reducing costs and btaff requirements. It may perhaps (more) - 11 - Press Release SG/1303 28 August 1962 be possible to concentrate all the work in this field under the special committee ^which was set up pursuant to resolution 165^ (X\Tl). I wish particularly to commend the proposal thet the date for the beginning of the regular session of the General Assembly be advanced to the first Tuesday in September, thug adding two weeks to the duration of the Assembly's session. Such an extension might contribute materially to avoiding resumed or special sessions by- giving added time for the conclusion of the Assembly's business during the regular session. If I have touched upon an aspect of the work of the General Assembly., which is master of its own procedures, I have done so for two reasons. One of them is the personal reason that I have some e^rperience of the floor. Secondly, I feel that the General Assembly should indeed be the Parliament of mankind, in these days of rapid change, with the ever present threat of nuclear global war. The present procedures might have suited an Assembly with fewer members and con- fronted by less momentous issues. They do not suit the present, when the membership is already approaching 110, and the agenda items, too, may exceed a hundred. ^A stream- lining of procedures has thus become progressively more urgent and necessary, so that the voice of the Assembly may be heard with respect, and in time, all over the world.

VIII I have so far dealt with specific problems and issues which have been engaging my personal attention. Before closing, I would like to deal with a more general problem -- that of the so-called "crisis of confidence" in the United Nations. The same historic process which has liberated so many countries and regions in the world from colonialism and which has enabled the Organization to make steady progress toward universality of membership has also upset the original balance of forces within the United Nations. As a result, there are suggestions that the principle of one vote per member will perhaps have to be reconsidered. • I would like to state unequivocally my position on this proposal. On this, as on any other proposal, I am bound by the Charter provisions as they stand. In the Preamble itself the United Nations expresses its determination "to reaffirm faith,..in the equal rights...of nations large and small." Article 2jParagraph 1, states more explicitly: "The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members." At the same time, and as a natural corollary, there is a reciprocal responsibility on the part of all sovereign states to recognize and respect the sovereign rights of other states.

(more) - 12 - Press Release SG/130J 28 August 1962 I believe that,if the United Nations is to-survive as a dynamic force for peace and security, these provisions ha^o to be honored in the letter and the spirit of the Charter. I have heard it said that,if the_Charter provision on this subject is not | revised, then there will be an increasing tendency to settle major issues outside the United Nations. This prospect does not discourage me for a variety of reasons. In the first place,.I do not believe that it was ever the intention that all problems should be solved within the United Nations, nor was the United Nations conceived as the sole means of conducting international diplomacy. Clearly, it is a relatively novel method of diplomacy, continuously available in the service of peace in addition to the normal bilateral & i multilateral channels. To the extent that problems which pose a potential threat to the peace and security of the world may be solved by discussions among the powers mainly concerned, whether within or outside the United Nations., the peace of the world is made more secure and I welcome it. Oftentimes it may happen that,when such a settlement has been negotiated outside of the United Nations, the terms of the agreement may be brought forward for formal ratification by a principal organ, of the United Nations in order to give it added authority and solemnity. Lastly, I have observed that many problems which are, hopefully, taken out of the United Nations' context finally come back to-the United Nations for debate, negotiation, compromise and ultimate settlement. This is particularly true of global issues in which the small powers are as much interested as the major powers, ! For these reasons, I believe that the "crisis of confidence," if indeed there is such a crisis, is a passing phase. I have faith that the United Nations will survive this "crisis" and emerge stronger than before as a force for peace. In restating ray faith in the United Nations, I am moved by one more consideration, and that is the increasing tendency to involve the United Nations in the. process of combating want and poverty and disease and in helping the advancement of the developing countries. Earlier in this Introduction, I have dealt at length vith the United Nations Development Decade. Here I would like to say only this: that the constructive work of the United Nations "for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples" is the solid basis on which the political effectiveness of the United Nations must rest. The steady and unobtrusive work of the United Nations and its family of agencies to further economic and social progress may not make headlines, but it is more lasting in its contribution to the prosperity, and the peace, of the world.

* -X-K* #

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media — not an official record) Note No. 2647 24 August 1962

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

Following is the text of a statement recorded by Acting Secretary-General U Tnant for television stations of the Arab states*, during a reception given on 2]5 August at UN Headquarters by the delegations of the Arab states on the occasion of Algerian independence:

On this auspicious day I am very happy indeed to be able to attend the ceremony celebrating the independence of Algeria. For this I am very grateful to the Arab states accredited to the United Nations for having made this celebration possible. My joy is all the greater because of the fact that I personally was very closely connected with the problem of Algeria for four years. The members of the Asian-African group had very kindly made me the Chairman of the Standing Committee on Algeria and I am very gratified that the Algerian problem has come to a very successful conclusion.## I want to take this opportunity of paying a tribute to the people and leaders of both France and Algeria for having brought about this happy solution and I wish the people of Algeria peace and prosperity for the years to come.

* *## *

#The statement was recorded by UN correspondent Levon Keshishian of Al Ahram, Cairo, for Morocco Television, to be made available to television stations of other Arab states. **This paragraph of the statement refers to the time when U Thant was permanent Representative of Burma to the UN.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of P'-"-lic Information United fotions, N.Y. (For use of information 'aedia -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/1291 15 August 1962

STATEMENT BY ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT AT CEREMONY FOR Sl'-I IEC- 0? AGREEMENT BETWEEN REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA AI-ID KINGDOM OF NETHERLANDS

On this eventful occasion, when the Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands in regard to the future of West New Guinea (West Irian) is about to be signed., I would like first of all to congratulate the two governments on their willingness to settle this question by peaceful negotiation, and also on their spirit of "give and take"which has made possible the conclusion of this Agreement. I am sure I "am rig'lit' in 'saying"that," as a 'result,' there will be not only an easing of tension in the area, but also an increased feeling of mutual trust and confidence between the two governments. It is a good augury that, with the signing of this Agreement, diplomatic relations are to be resumed between the two countries, and I am sure that their future relations will be marked by the friendliness, understanding and cordiality that have prevailed during these negotiations. I would also like to take this opportunity to place on record, publicly, my gratitude to Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker who has acted on my behalf during the preliminary negotiations between the two governments and whose patience, integrity and diplomatic skill have contributed so greatly to the successful conclusion of this Agreement. There are several unique features about this Agreement. One is that, if the General Assembly endorses it, the United Nations would have temporary executive authority (established by and under the jurisdiction of the Secretary-General) over a vast territory for the first time in its history. Another is that the entire expenses to be incurred under the terms of this Agreement are to be shared by the two governments and will not impose a burden on any of the other member governments. Considerable executive responsibilities are placed on the Secretory-General and Secretariat of.the United Nations, some of which have necessarily to be undertaken,

(more) - 2 - Press Release SG/1291 ''••--•• ' :'"•' 15 August 1962 .. i in the interests of peace and security, in anticipation of the approval of the General Assembly. It will be my endeavor and that of my colleagues to fulfil these tasks to the best of-.our capacity. If these responsibilities are to be discharged to the satisfaction of all concerned, I shall need the willing cooperation of both governments, especially during the period of transition. I hope that my task will be facilitated by the scrupulous adherence on the part of both governments to the letter and spirit of this Agreement. Without it my task would become immensely difficult, and I earnestly appeal to both governments to make their cooperation available to me in the fullest measure. Before closing, I would like to congratulate once again the representatives of the two governments on the imminent signature of this historic agreement which, in line with the principles of the Charter, has settled peacefully a long-stsnding problem, with benefit to all concerned.

*.,*** *

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

CAUTION: ADVAKCE RELEASE Press Release SG/1282 Not to "be used before k August 1962 9 p.m., EDT, Wednesday, 8 August 1962

ADDRESS BY ACTING SSCREOMY-GENERAL U THAMT AT UNIVERSITY OF SAO PAULO, BRAZIL, ON 8 AUGUST 1962

I consider it a privilege to have been asked to give an address at this University and I am fully aware that the halls of this School of Law, the oldest institution of higher learning in Brazil, carry the traditions and the memories not only of cany of this country's most distinguished lawyers and masters of juris- prudence but also of so many of its statesmen and humanists. I also realize that ./ by ly-ing asked to give this address to the University of Sao Paulo I am in a way addressing myself not only to every University in this country but also in every country of Latin America. For between Brazil and the other nineteen sister republics there has long existed a comradeship of ideals and a sharing of human values that is in the best tradition of international cooperation. In the last two days I have been in Rio de Janeiro and in Brasilia. It is not much for a country as vast and as varied as yours where even in the age of jet, weeks and months rather than days are needed to visit all of its distinctive regions and cities. Yet these two cities have given me a deep insight into one aspect of the Brazilian character — its preoccupation with aesthetic values. The graceful and enveloping beauty of Rio, the young impetuous handsomeness of Brasilia have also their functional and practical side; for they show us that man need not live in cities weighed dovn by the ugliness which many think is inseparable from urban concentrations. Now I come to Sao Paulo, which, I am told, epitomizes another facet of Brazil's personality -- the urge toward orderly progress, the determination to bring the country abreast with the second half of the Twentieth Century, I know that in the thousands of factories of this metropolis are to be found the most modern examples of today's technology and that Sao Paulo is not only the fastest growing city in the world today, but also the heart of one of the world's greatest concentra- tions of industrial power. And yet I have been asked to speak at the University of this city. It shows that in the urge for industrialization you have not forgotten those enduring cultural values without which no nation can aspire to make a valid contribution for the progress of mankind. (more) - 2 - Press Release SG/1282 v „ k Angust 1962

I am aware that here In the University's Law School have been laid long ago the juridical foundations for Brazil's outstanding contributions to international harmony. I may mention, for instance, the Juridical concept of arbitration with which you solved your frontier disputes with neighboring countries and which continues to be one of the central doctrines of Brazil's foreign policy. I know, of course, that not all of Brazilrs realities of today are to be found in the striking beauty of Rio de Janeiro, the daring architecture of Brasilia or the rugged power of Sao Paulo. I know that, there are areas of backwardness, indeed of destitution, and that much of your national and governmental effort today turns toward the solving of basic economic and soc5.al problems in such areas as the North- east. I know that you are faced not only there, but sometimes in the very backyard of your most modern and handsome cities, with poverty, disease and illiteracy -- all problems with which we are vitally concerned in the United Nations. Indeed, it could, perhaps, be said that in Brazil is; to be found a synthesis of the whole range of problems of development with which the United Nations and its family of specialized agencies are concerned. Therefore, this nation and this city are a proper setting for my discussing with you the United Nations Development Decade. The rapid evolution of dependent areas toward independence, particularly in the last two decades, has added a sense of urgency to the task of bridging the gap between the fulfillment of political freedom and the attainment of higher standards of living. Much in the same way as the countries of the American Continent gallantly fought for their independence at the end of the Eighteenth and the beginning of the Nineteenth Centuries, we have witnessed in recent years the emergence of Asian and African countries from colonial rule, While the underlying force in both cases, the aspiration of the people to freedom and liberty, was the same, the time and the circumstances were different. In the latter case, it is not possible to overlook the role played in our times by the international community as represented by' the United Nations, and the support which emerging nations have found in the world organization for their legitimate political and economic aspirations. (more) - 3 - Press Release SG/1282 4 August 1962 In 19^-5> when the United Nations was founded, it had 51 members; "by 1955 the membership had increased to ^6, and by 1961 to 1(A. By the end of this year some six more countries may join. This is a remarkable increase which is nothing more than a reflection of the changes which have occurred in the world. While everyone has rejoiced at seeing the newly independent countries take their rightful place among the sovereign nations of the world and participate as equals in their deliberations, some quarters have expressed misgivings at the emergence in the United Nations of an unexpected majority of nations often too new, too poor, too small or too inadequately prepared to have the required stability, experience and qualified personnel to play the role they are called upon to play in the United Nations under the present Charter provisions. To look at the historical phenomenon of the sudden emergence of new nations in Asia and Africa through a narrow political perspective, as was done by many when the countries of the American Continent gained their independence, can provide only a distorted understanding of what is happening in the world today. It is equally misleading to consider it from the point of view of the impact which the membership of these nations may have in the mechanical functioning of the United Nations organs. The fundamental and deep causes of the chain of events leading to the emer- gence to nationhood of areas which were dependent for centuries, remain to be adequately investigated. This will no doubt exercise the minds of historians, political scientists, sociologists, economists and philosophers for some time to come. But what is more important from the point of view of governments and those involved in shaping the present and planning for the future, is to realize the full extent of the impact which the emergence of the new countries, all of them joining the ranks of developing nations, will have in the world — not in terms of voting in the United Nations, but in terms of the liberation of forces which hitherto had little effect on world affairs. It is going to affect the cultural and philosophical outlook of mankind. It is going to alter considerably the economic picture of the world, in terms of production, trade, economic growth and patterns of develop- ment. It will pose -- in fact, it is already posing -- tremendous challenges while at the same time offering exciting possibilities.

(more) - k - Press Release SG/1282 k August 1962 The sudden emergence of a great number of new sovereign entities, conscious of the inequalities of distribution of wealth and power throughout the world, anxious to improve their lot internally, and eager to-play an active role internationally,hos already cade itself felt. It has initiated a period of adjustment, which may involve possibly many difficulties but which may result, in the long run, in a better world equilibrium. J • • •• How long, difficult or even violent is the adjustment going to be? The United Nations will have, I believe, something to offer in this connection. Whereas in the past new national entities have had great difficulties in establishing con- tacts with the rest of the world, in making their voice heard, or in airing their grievances or solving their difficulties, the United Nations and other international organizations now provide unique opportunities for multilateral contacts that may help to guide . the newly released energies into peaceful and constructive channels of political development, as well as social and economic improvement and planning. It is also useful to recall that, at a time when the world is growing accus- tomed to almost daily feats of new achievements in science, when man's technological capacity to subjugate and transform his natural environment is growing at an ever faster pace, the evidence of two opposing developments stands out as a strange paradox. On the one hand, modern means of transportation and communication and the complex requirements of man's present-day economic organization have created close ties of interdependence among all peoples; on' the other hand, the difference between rich and poor nations, between those enjoying the ever-increasing fruits of affluence brought about by technological advances and those Whose state of want has become by contrast more acute, tends to ••widen. In the light of these divergent movements toward closer international rela- ' tionships and contrasting standards of well-being, the principles embodied in the United Nations Charter appear particularly relevant to the conditions of our times. For 'the Charter is not only a first step in the direction of an organized interna- tional community> it also represents an explicit commitment on the part of the Organization's members to promote higher standards of living and conditions of economic and social progress. Most significantly, member states have pledged themselves to take joint as well as separate action for the achievement of these purposes. There has thus been, f rou the outset, a clear understanding that the attempt to establish an international machinery for the solution of political con- flicts required parallel efforts to eliminate gross economic inequalities among nations. (more) - 5 - Press Release SG/1282 4 August 1962

Efforts to assist in lifting the living standards of two-thirds of the human race living in poverty and want begaap in a limited fashiorj almost as soon as the United Nations and its related agencies started to function following World War II. These largely uncoordinated activities gained new momentum in 19^9 when the United Nations Expanded Program of Technical Assistance was launched, and nine years later -• in 1959 --a vital gap was filled "by the introduction of the pre-investment develop- ment projects of the UN Special Fund. Much has been accomplished.as a result of these programs and -- involving far greater sums of money -- by programs carried out on a bilateral basis. However, it is abundantly clear that the pace of development falls far short of meeting present needs together with the new hopes of emerging peoples, and their disappointment may well determine the political and social complexion of the future. The present division of the world into rich and poor countries is, in my opinion, much more real and much more serious, and ultimately much more explosive, than the division of the world on ideological grounds. To meet the challenge, the United Nations, in cooperation with its specialized agencies, has designated the present decade as the United Nations Development Decade, a global effort to mobilize the accumulated experiences and resources of mankind in a sustained attack on the age-old problems of poverty, disease, hunger and illiteracy. The methods to be employed are not newj they are rather an intensification and redirection of efforts already being made --a coordinated program to which all member governments have wholeheartedly subscribed and for which each individual United Nations agency has pledged its enthusiastic support. The main economic goal of the Decade is to create conditions in which the national income of the developing countries will be increasing by 5 per cent by 1970, and will continue to expand at this annual rate thereafter. At the present rate of population increase of 2 to 2-1/2 per cent yearly, the attainment of this objective should double personal living standards within 25 to 30 years.

(more ) - 6 - Press Release SG/1282 4 August 1962 This increase in the national wealth of the poorer countries does not perhaps seem very great in itself. It is/ however, twice the present estimated growth rate, and can mean the difference "between an economy which is moving forward and one which is standing still or losing ground. It can mean the difference between order and chaos, 'between hope and despair, for the millions of people whose annual earnings, for the most part, fall short of $100 a; year. But regardless of the scope and quantity of outside assistance, the key to economic and social advancement rests upon the initiative of the people themselves. Each country must determine its own specific objectives, conditions and develop- ment potential, embodied preferably in a comprehensive development plan. Assistance cannot be doled out to a passive recipient. "While grants and loans and's.dvisory services may be made available to developing countries, inventiveness and enterprise and the willingness to work hard cannot be borrowed. This is why the Development Decade is laying so much stress on the mobiliza- tion of human resources as a precondition to the achievement of our goals. The unutilized talents of the people constitute the present major waste and the chief future hope of the developing countries. High priority must therefore be given to education and training in the developing countries so as to create not merely new techniques and skills but a receptive state of mind and a capacity among the people concerned to absorb'and assimilate new processes. The UN, in its twofold role of providing both a forum and an operating agency in the economic field, will assume even'larger responsibilities than heretofore in helping governments to ensure the soundness of their national development plans -- the core of a program on a'worldwide scale. There is growing awareness of the need for worldwide action to halt the adverse trend in primary commodity markets. In the field of international trade, Latin America,like 'Europe^ Is moving ever closer to the establishment of a fre'e trade area, showing an awareness of the need for bold and imaginative measures to increase the interchange of industrial products and gradually develop a market abroad for Latin American goods. Emphasis on the mobilization of human resources must also include better utilization of the labor force through higher levels of productive employment; improving the quality of the labor force by vocational training and education; and enlisting popular support for the tasks of national development and the participation of broad social groups in them.

(more) - 7 - Press Release SG/1282 k August 1962

A major task of the Development Decade will be to meet the expanding food requirements, estimated at about 4 per cent annually of an expanding population and, at the same time, to provide for better and more balanced nutrition. FAO is focusing attention on this problem through its "Freedom-from-Hunger" campaign. There is an unmet demand for intensifying the discovery and exploitation of natural resources.; manufacturing output in developing countries must increase by no less than 130 per cent if the goal of a rate of growth of 5 per cent a year in aggregate income is to be met. In Latin America, Asia and Africa, from 19 to 2k million dwellings should be constructed annually during the Decade to eliminate existing housing shortages, to house the increase in population and to meet current obsolescence; and world health author 5.-;ies have recommended the adoption of ten-year public health programs to raise health standards, educate professionals and strengthen health services. One of the features of our present-day world is the technological explosion which will ultimately affect us all. Man is conquering space, harnessing the atom, achieving instant intercontinental televised communication and traveling at the speed of sound. An attempt to transfer some of this knowledge and thus accelerate the pace of scientific and technological development in the less-privileged countries will be made next year, with the convening of a UN Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas, of which one of your distinguished compatriots, Professor Carlos Chagas, is the Secretary-General. The important role of industrialization in creating new employment opportunities and raising the levels of income and standards of consumption in developing countries has received increased recognition. In'debates at the United Nations, Brazil has been one of the countries that has constantly and consistently pointed to the need for de- voting increased attention to industrialization. Recent actions taken by the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council have dealt with the need to increase the efforts of the Organization in the field of industrial development by devoting a larger part of the UN's resources toward this purpose. The appointment of a dis- tinguished Latin American as the Commissioner for Industrial Development, and the set- ting up at the UN of a Center for Industrial Development, are designed to integrate the work carried out by various UN bodies in this field and to strengthen the promo- tion of industrial development? through a vigorous program of assistance to developing countries. If it is true that we are in process of going through a great technological revolution, must we not raise our sights, in the area of economic development, to a level commensurate with these scientific advances? For the first time in history,

(more) - 8 - Press Release SG/1282 h August 1962 resources are available to match our most imaginative schemes. The truth about the developed economies today is that they can have, in terms of kind and scale of resources; what they decide to have. Defense spending may consume $120 billion annually, but at the same time the developed economies have never had higher living standards, and they are confidently improving upon these standards by 2 to 3 per cent annually. And even after all that wealth is poured into armaments, there is still spare labor, idle capacity, a surplus of food and vast stockpiles of metals. I cite these figures to emphasize the fact that the degree of sheer abundance -- and not narrow scarcity — is the hallmark cf the advanced economies of today. The means are therefore no longer a limiting factor; the will to use our many and varied instruments of change and growth is the only limitation. It is well witliin the power of modern man to eradicate the vast areas of poverty in a world of plenty. The investment capital exists, and if applied and applied wisely, it will multiply; scientific advances and new techniques exist waiting only to be redirected to the neglected problems. The natural resources and human potential are there, waiting only to be discovered and put to work. The United Nations is playing and will continue to play a large part in what might be termed the preliminaries to investment, a phase not yet too expensive in terms of capital. The goal set by the General Assembly for all UW technical assis- tance activities is $150 million a year, and it is my hope that this may be increased by at least $25 million annually so as to reach a figure of $300 million by 1970. In determining the programs it will assist, the United Nations has the advan- tage of pursuing no political, military or commercial interests. Recipient coun- tries are well aware of this, and know also that any suggestion we may make on the administration of a given program is made solely from the standpoint of having the program succeed. An additional advantage is that both rich and poor nations are included in United Nations membership, and are generally in agreement that all should work together toward the common goal of a rapidly expanding world economy. Let me now turn briefly to your area of the world, to Latin America. The countries of Latin America, with a long and well established tradition of international cooperation, have participated in the creation of new forms of inter- national cooperation in more than one way. I wish on this occasion to limit my comments to the efforts carried out jointly by the Latin America nations through their participation in the work of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America. The work of CEPAL,* as it is known on this Continent, provides a good illustration of the kind of pioneering.activities which led to the formulation (more) *Spanish initials for ECLA. -9- Press Release SG/1282 k- August 1962 of a set of consistent principles and practical means of action for promoting the economic development of the region's countries and the improvement of the standard of living of its people. I do not want to give the impression here that the task has been accomplished. Far from it; after years of seeding ideas, developing techniques and measuring the tasks to be accomplished both at the national and international level, we are perhaps only at the threshold of a full-scale attack on the problem of development. But I do wish to underscore the important efforts made at the international level and the achievements to which this effort led in the years preceding the current Development Decade. Working in a region endowed with rich resources but where the accidents of history have retarded economic development, CEPAL has repeatedly underlined Latin America's need to speed up vigorously its internal economic growth process which was fast becoming an urgent social need as a result of the regionTs high rate of demographic growth. 'While at the beginning of the century the population of Latin America was about 60 million, it has now reached approximately 200 million people, outnumbering the combined population of Canada and the United States. According to demographic projections it will probably surpass both Africa and the USSR within about fifteen years and Europe towards the end of the present century. The problems generated by this steep rise in population were further aggravated by a continuous deterioration of the areaTs terms of trade with the industrial centers of the world. Thus, while the prices of an increasing number of key manufactured goods -- such as machines and other equipment -- that Latin America must import have risen, both the prices and the demand for some of its main traditional exports have declined in international markets. The resulting losses in export earnings led to a chronic deficiency in the so-called import capacity of the region, a crucial element for economic stability and development. This again accentuated the need to substitute certain types of imports by initiating or expanding domestic production. It has always been stressed in deliberations of United Nations bodies that there is no one "magic formula" that can quickly, simultaneously and completely solve all the different yet interwoven economic and social problems of developing areas such as Latin America. In particular, it is ssid that the nere inflow of foreign capital, even if forthcoming to the extent necessary, could not by itself solve some of the very deep-rooted structural deficiencies that will prevail and are hampering and retarding economic progress. But, at the same tine, there is a growing awareness that the fundamental economic problems of the region can find a truly adequate (more) - 10 - Press Release SG/1282 4 August 1962

solution, only If all Latin American countries face them together through well conceived, clearly articulated and properly executed economic development policies and program^ which would serve to mobilize their resources and effectively apply their vital forces. In addition to its efforts to stimulate and assist economic planning, CEPAL, as an instrument of the Latin American Governments within the community of nations, has been the spearhead for regional action in the establishment of new multinational mechanisms to cope with a whole array of development problems -- mainly those con- nected with trade and broader market requirements of modern industry -- which escape the possibilities of solution through action by individual countries alone. Some weeks ago the Latin American Economic Development Institute came into being. Last month, after almost a decade of concerted effort on the part of the governments con- cerned, signature of the Central American Economic Integration Treaty was completed with the formal adherence of Costa Rica. Thus, all the countries of the Central American region will now be working together in attaining fuller utilization of their resources,} through a program aimed at achieving a common market within a specified number of years, integrated industrial development in the area and coordi- nation of the agricultural and other basic sectors of their economies. With the creation of the Latin America Free Trade Association, the first step has been taken toward the possible establishment of a common market within the region. This multilateral trade grouping,'to which nine countries have adhered, includes already most of Latin America's territory and population. Such an important step is also a further expression of the new awareness that economic development poses a number of common problems, the solution of which requires a concerted approach. ; It is abundantly clear that a process of regional cooperation has been set in motion,-the forces of which are just beginning to develop. Their future shape will hopefully open new opportunities for more effective cooperation in eeono/filc and social development,, Th3.-j can ba expejted not only, frcn a regicrjal standpoint—which could be as unsatisfactory for the solution of larger problems projecting beyond the bounds of specific regions, as the national approach is ineffective for regional problems—but from the viewpoint of a true and balanced economic system for the world as a whole. Within the United Nations every member country can exert its influence in promoting a more determined and substantial international attack on the vexing problem of persisting underdevelopraent. Collective thinking directed to the problems of tomorrow may do a great service to national governments, which are all too often (more) -11- Press Release SG/1282 It August 1962 overwhelmed by the transaction of day-to-day business. The United Nations, with its regional ramifications, seems to me well designed to provide centers for reflection where habits of cooperation and a new international discipline based on free consent can take shape. As things stand at the moment, it seems likely that the great revolution of our time -- the transformation of the poorer two-thirds of the world — may eventually be carried out largely through the help of United Nations agencies. Fortunately, for years the United Nations has been prepared to administer aid effectively; the Economic and Social Council and the General Assembly can debate the subject as deliberative bodies, and the execution is in expert hands working strictly on business lines without any intrusion of politics or "strings." Since the dawn of history, the economic and social conditions of human life have been changing at an ever accelerating pace. The acceleration has now become so rapid that there is more change within a single lifetime than in a long span of the past embracing centuries. We are running a race with time. This race cannot be won by governmental actions alone. It can be won only with the active participa- tion of millions of private individuals who can read the signs of our times. There is a huge task here for education — and education may not be equal to the task unless we ore prepared to break with some of the ancient habits and traditions which are out of time with the needs of the second half of the Twentieth Century.

*** *

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record) Press Release SG/1285 8 August 1962

EXCERPTS FROM PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE ACTING SECRETARY- GENERAL IN RIO DE JANEIRO (The following was received from the UN Information Center in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.)

Following is a suranary of the press conference given by Acting Secretary-- General D Thant at the headquarters of the Brazilian Press Association in Rio de Janeiro on Tuesday, J August 1962: After listening to the words of greeting "by Herbert Moises, President of the Brazilian Press Association, the Acting Secretary-General made some preliminary remarks . He said that his visit was a tribute to the government and people of Brasil for their country's significant part in United Nations activities, as exemplified in the Geneva Disarmament Conference where the contribution of eight unaligned countries, including Brazil, may make possible an understanding among the major powers regarding nuclear tests. He expressed his gratitude to the endeavors of the Brazilian govern- ment for its contribution to successful deliberations in the world organization. U Thant stated that he would touch on two questions before giving the floor to the journalists. First was the problem of the widening gap between the rich and the poor countries, with the rich getting ever richer and the poor, poorer. This trend, he said, was developing dangerously, and the division of the world into rich and poor was more real, more serious and ultimately more explosive than the division of the world on ideological grounds. That was why, he said, the sixteenth session of the General Assembly had launched the United Nations Development Decade. The second problem, he observed, was the Congo question on which there had been a lot of misunderstanding in many countries. The United Nations, he said, was in the Congo at the request of the Central Government and under Security Council decisions which authorized the United Nations forces to take certain measures in the Congo: firstly, to avail themselves of means of self defense; secondly to arrest (more ) - 2 - Press Release SG/1285 • '• 8 August 1962 foreign mercenaries, if necessary with recourse to force; thirdly, to prevent civil war. These -were the only three circumstances under which United Nations forces were authorised to use force. It was neither the intention of the VrJ.ted Nations nor of the Secretary-General, he continued, to take any military initiative in the Congo. So far, the efforts to achieve agreement a-nong the leaders of the Congo by conciliation and mediation, he declared, had had no positive results and therefore he had asked certain powers 'directly involved'in ths Congo problem to consider certain economic steps. He expressed the hope that a formula would be found by these powers within the next few days. . Asked whether there was any possibilitjr for the abolition or modification of the veto system in the United Nations, the Secretary-General replied that in 19^5 the big powers had decided that peace should be enduring, and that therefore, for the adoption of important resolutions in the Security Council, all the five major powers should agree. He saw no immediate prospect for doing away with this device. Asked whether the UN Development Decade was intended to replace bilateral aid schemes such as the Alliance for Progress, U Thant replied in the negative. He said that the bilateral aid system had been going on for centuries and vill continue to go on. , He explained-that the idea of'the Development Decade was for the United Nations to be more involved than before .in raising living standards in the under- developed countries. , . . • Asked where the funds for the UK Development Decade would come from, the Secretary-General explained that resources would come from those countries which have enough financial resources, adding that most United Nations aid programs are based ou voluntary contributions. He said that the UN idea was to improve and augment these resources. • , , • , • : - - Asked whether the- United Nations envisaged the use of communications satellites to further understanding among the peoples of the world, he replied that the matter was receiving the attention of the countries which have been experimenting with this medium. , ...... On the question of UN projects in Cuba and the prospects of Soviet contributions to UN technical assistance programs, U. Thant replied that United Nations assistance programs were in operation in almost every member state, including Cuba. He added that the Soviet Union was also contributing to the operations of the UN technical assistance programs. (more) - p - Press Release SG/1285 8 August 1962

Asked about the prospects of moving the United Nations away from Hew York, the Secretary-General replied that the last two General Assembly sessions had given thought to the possibility and desirability of shifting the United Nations Head- quarters to some place outside the United States. He added that there was no way of knowing at present whether the question had died down or would come up again. It was up to the member states to give thought to it. Asked whether he thought the present foreign policy of Brazil could contribute to United Nations efforts on behalf of peace and human welfare,, U Thant repeated that Brazil had made significant contributions toward the successful solution of several issues before the General Assembly. He added that he did not think it would be appropriate for him to discuss the foreign policy of any member country in public. Judging from Brazil's performance in the current disarmament discussions in Geneva, however, he could say that Brazil's contribution to the problem of disarmament would materially contribute to the settlement of this question. In reply to a question whether, during his visit, he envisaged discussions with the Brazilian authorities on the question of their approval of United Nations multi- lateral aid programs, U Thant explained the history of the UN Development Decade so far. He stated that his visit to Brazil would include several discussions with the Government. The topics discussed would include the UN Development Decade. Asked whether he thought an accidental war was possible, he replied that it was possible and the risks of such a war were increasing daily. He was then asked whether the underdeveloped countries should adopt independent foreign policies or whether they should join the neutralist blocs. U That replied that the formulation of foreign policy by any country, developed or underdeveloped, should be the primary concern of that particular country.

*

•"*- ^ UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of P -.tlic Information United Na^ .ons, N,Y. (For use of information medic. -- not an official record)

Note Ho. 2639 13 August 1962

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL AT THE BRAZILIAN PRESS ASSOCIATION

IN RIO DE JANEIRO ON TUESDAY, 7 AUGUST 1962 - 1 - Note Ho. 2639 13 August 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Mr. President and friends. I am very happy indeed to visit Brazil and I certainly deem it a privilege to meet with you as I have been meeting with the members of the press in every capital city I have visited in the course of the last few months. Of course, my visit to this country is in a way a tribute to the government and people of Brazil for the very significant part which Brazil has played in the activities of the United Nations. Brazil's voice in the various forums of the United Nations is receiving increasing attention, because of the very important role that is being played by this country. To give you one instance -- the current discussions on disarmament, which are going on in Geneva -- Brazil's participation and contribution is, if I may say so, oustanding. Brazil, in combination with seven other unaligned countries, is contributing materially toward the progress of the disarmament negotiations and there are indications that the big powers will come to an agreement on the question of the nuclear test ban, because of the part played by eight unaligned countries, including Brazil. I want to take this opportunity for offering my best wishes to the Government of Brazil for its endeavors to contribute to the success of the deliberations at the World Organization today. I am not familiar with the procedures adopted in this country regarding press conferences, but the usual practice followed in other parts of the world has been that I make a short introductory statement. I will touch on two or three items before I give the floor to you. One of the most important issues facing the world today is the problem of the widening gap between the rich countries and the poor countries. Since the end of World War II, the rich countries are getting richer and the poor countries are getting poorer. This trend is developing in a very dangerous manner, and it seems to me that the division of the world into the rich and the poor is much more real and much more serious, and ultimately much more explosive than the division of the world on ideological grounds. With these considerations in mind, the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, which took place last year, adopted a resolution launching a program known as the Development Decade. The details of this program have been presented by me to the Economic and Social Council, and the forthcoming session of the General Assembly will take up this matter when it- convenes in September of this year. (more) - 2 - Mote Mo. 2659 13 August 1963 ''":'.*"- The primary'purpose of this program of the Development Decade is to raise the living standards of the peoples, particularly of the underdeveloped countries, in the next ten'years. ' ' •- ' '-"' - • - . * .•>....-. ._, .\ .... • . i So far, of course, aid from the developed countries to' the underdeveloped countries has been mainly bilateral. Only'one-tenth of the aid has been multilateral, i.e., through the channels of the United Nations agencies. • There is a general feeling in the United Nations "that multilateral' aid through the channels of the United Nations is, of course,'more desirable'than bilateral aid,"which has been in force for so many years. ' ' • In the first instance, the United'Nations is properly organised to deliberate and discuss the kind of aid to be given to the underdeveloped countries. Second, the United ?Jations has trained and experienced experts to administer such aid. And, third,'of course, the United Nations has no political considerations in implementing any aid programs. We have the means at our disposal to give effect to this program of the Development Decadej what is required is the will to implement it. *,.-,. The, .second and last .question I .want to take up in .the course of this introduc- tory remark is the question of the Congo. There has been a lot of misunderstanding in many countries regarding the United Nations operations in the Congo. The United Nations has been operating in the Congo at the request of its Government, and as has been decided by the Security Council, which is one of the principal organ's of the- United Nations. ' ' ' ..... The "United Nations forces in the Congo have been authorized by the 'Security Council to'take certain measures. First, the United Nations forces in the Congo have been authorized to retaliate if attacked as a means of self-defense; and second, the United Nations forces in the Congo have been authorized to arrest foreign mercenaries with recourse to force, if-necessary; and third, the United Nations forces in the Congo have been instructed to prevent civil war. These are the only three situations in which the United Nations forces have been authorized to use force. : : ' • ' It is not the intention of the United Nations nor of the Secretary-General to take any military initiative. So'what we have been doing for the last few months is to try to achieve agreement among the leaders of the Congo by methods of conciliation and mediation. So far, there are no signs of a positive result, after two prolonged negotiation, and"! have proposed to certain powers directly ^involved in the problem of the Congo to give consideration to certain economic steps which I have outlined to them. -•-•••:••••"-• •••• ;

(more) - 5 - Note No. 2659 13 August 1962

These proposals are now receiving the attention of the powers concerned and I hope they will come up with a formula in the next few days. I do not think I should take up more of your time and now I will give the floor to you and will be very glad to answer your questions.

QUESTIONER; Referred to the veto as a handicap in the United Nations and asked whether, within the structure of the United Nations, there is a possibility that the present system of the veto be abolished or modified in the World Organization.

The SECFvETARY-GEiflERAL; When the United Nations was founded in 19^5, immediately after the end of World War II, the big powers were unanimous oa one thing, i.e. for the maintenance of peace and the prevention of war, steps must be taken only with the unanimous approval of the big powers. The psychological climate prevailing 17 years ago was such that the peace of the world was in sight, and the big powers made up their minds that this peace should be an enduring one. Therefore, they decided that, for the adoption of important resolutions and significant decisions, all the big five should agree. This was the idea behind this device of the veto, and I see no immediate prospect of doing away with this device.

QUESTIONER: Said that he would like to know whether the idea of the United Nations, with the Development Decade, was to replace by it, in totum, the programs of aid from government to government, even those of such type as the "Alliance for Progress."

The SECRETARY-GENERAL; No, it is not the intention, in launching the Development Decade, to substitute bilateral aid with multilateral aid. The system of bilateral aid has been going on for centuries and I think it'll go on for many more years. The Development Decade idea is just for the United Nations to be more involved than before in raising the living standards of the underdeveloped countries.

(more) - k - Note Ho. 2659 13 August 1962

QpESTIOMER: Complementing his previous question, inquired whether these resources for such aid would come from the United Nations themselves or from countries belonging to the United Nations, such-as the United States.

The SEGgETARY-G-ETgRAL: These resources will come from the countries which have economic and financial resources, nncL most of the United Nations aid programs, like the technical assistance programs and the Special Fund, are bu3.it on volimtary contributions. There is no mandatory contribution. Countries which can pay, like the United States, the United Kingdom, France and the Scandinavian countries, contribute funds voluntarily* The present idea is to improve these resources and augment the contributions.

Q,U5STIOJSER: Referred to the recent anti-Semitic attempts on people in- several South American countries and inquired whether the United Nations intended to do anything about that or to find out, by the constitution of a "fact-finding" committee, where Nazi criminals - now aro. • • '

Thg B.SCRETARY-GBHgRAL; 'According to the- Chartermand ru3.es of procedure, the United Nations con'consider an.item which is inscribed in *ne agenda of its sessions by a member of the United Nations. The matter under 'discussion is not on the agenda, since the item has not been brought to the attention of the General Assembly nor of any of the organs of the United Nations. Therefore, the United Nations is not in a position to consider this question......

QUESTIONER; Referred to the use of communication satellites inquiring what the United Nations was envisaging to do in order to use this new system of mass communication for furthering the understanding among peoples.

': ' • ""-;1- The SECRETARY-GENERAL: First of all, it will technically be possible for the • communication satellites to televise programs all over the world in the next few years. But regarding the objective of achieving peace, the means of satellite- television is another question, of course. I think the matter has been receiving the attention of the countries which have been experimenting with this program.

(more ) - 5 - Note No. 2639 13 August 1962

QUESTIONER: Inquired about what are the United nations programs in Cuba and also whether there is any prospect that the USSR may contribute to the technical assistance programs of the United Nations,

The SECPJETARY-GENERAL: United Nations aid programs are in operation in almost any Member State of the world organization, including Cuba. Regarding your second question, the Soviet Union is also contributing to the operation of the technical assistance programs of the UN.

QUESTIONER: Referring to the fact that some time ago there was mention of the United Nations moving from New York to another city, in the United States or in another country. What is the situation.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL; Last year and the year before, during the sessions of the General Assembly, thought was given to the possibility and desirability of shifting the United Nations to some other place outside the United States. Of course, at the present moment there is no means of knowing whether the question has died down or will come up again. It is up to the member states of the United Natirns to give thought to it.

QUESTIONER: Asked -- How do you think the present foreign policy of Brazil can contribute to the efforts of the United Nations on behalf of peace and of human welfare.

The SECRETARY-GENERAL; As I have stated earlier, Brazil has contributed very significantly toward the successful solution of several issues before the United Nations Assembly. But regarding my specific opinion about Brazilian foreign policy, I don't think it would be proper for me to discuss publicly the foreign policy of any member country. But judging from Brazil's performance at the current disarmament discussions in Geneva, I would say that Brazil's contribution to the problem of disarmament will contribute materially to the settlement of this question.

(more) - 6 - Note Wo. 2639 13 August 1962

QUESTIONER: Said that the Secretary-General seemed to ha.ve great hope in respect of the multilateral aid programs. The seventeenth General Assembly is now jn the doorstep. In the interval, the Secretary-General has probably made articulations to the member countries aimed at obtaining approval of his plans it the forthcoming session. Inquired whether, in this, the Secretary-General has 'ound any kind of resistance, which kity. of resistance, on the part of whom, adding she comment that maybe tbls is also one of the purposes of the visit of U Taant to Brazil to discuss this with the Brazilian authorities.

Tj^ SECRETARY-GSNEgAL: , . The position is as follows... The sixteenth General Assembly adopted a resolution authorizing me to launch the' Development Decade, rith certain objectives to be achieved in the next ten years. After consultation tfith my colleagues who are responsible for these matters, I submitted my recommendations to the Economic and Social Council, which met in Geneva some time ago. The Economic and Social Council has examined my proposals and it, in turn, will submit its recommendation to the next session of the General Assembly, which will take plac-3 in,September. ... Thus, the forthcoming session of the General Assembly will consider and examine these proposals and, if they come to a decision, we shall see how to implement them. But so far my proposals have not been accepted by the General Assembly, because it has not met yet. Regarding your second question, of course my visit to Brazil will comprise several discussions with the Government leaders and among the items to be discussed will naturally be the subject of the Development Decade.

QUESTIONER; Do you think a war by accident is possible or are the fears of President Kennedy's military adviser in this respect just a fantasy?

The SECRETARY-GEHERAL; Yes, I think a war by accident is possible, because of. the increasing development of the mechanization of war weapons and the increasing prospects of so many fingers on the triggers.

(more) - 7 - Note Ho. 2639 13 August 1962

QUESTIONER; Do you think underdeveloped countries should adopt an independent foreign policy or should they belong to neutralist blocs?

The SECRBTARY-GEI'iERAL: I think the formulation of the foreign policy of any country, developed or underdeveloped, should be the primary concern of that country only.

* * *

The interview with the Brazilian newspapermen concluded with a short statement of thanks to the Acting Secretary-General by Dr. Herbert Moses, President of the Brazilian Press Association.

##* #

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/1279 1 August 1962

ACTING SSXSSESKSX^GESSStKL AH%AI£ TO ALL MEMBER STATES FOR CONTINUED ASSISTANCE TO PEACE EFFORTS IK TEE CONGO

Following is the text of an appeal, dated 51 July 1962, by Acting Secretary-General U Thant, sent to all member states of the United Nations:

The situation in the Congo has been, and is now perhaps more than ever, a very serious problem for the United Nations. It is true, of course, that much construc- tive work has been done in the Congo since the disastrous state in which that country found itself in July 1960. Nevertheless, after more than two years of intensive effort to assist the Government of the Congo, the stability and territorial integrity of the country remain far from established, and the purpose of the United Nations in it, therefore, far from realized. This situation is particularly crucial in view of the lives, effort and money already expended and currently being expended by the United Nations and the financial crisis into which this unprecedented drain on its resources has brought the Organization. Although there are many contributory causes to this state of affairs, there can be no doubt that the main cause is the continuing attempt at secession by the province of Katanga. Until a satisfactory and constructive solution to this issue is found, it will be very difficult for the Congolese Government to face successfully its responsibilities and problems, or for the United Nations to assist it very effec- tively. I assure you that no one can be more desirous than I am to see this solution brought about by peaceful means through processes of conciliation and consultation, and the United Nations continues to employ its very best endeavors to this end. Unfortunately, these endeavors so far have not produced fruitful results, and the situation becomes more and more distressing. I therefore feel impelled to appeal to all member states to use all the influ- ence and exert all the effort which they can bring to bear to achieve a reasonable and peaceful settlement in the Congo. I do not claim that the blame for the abortive talks in the Congo is altogether on one side. But I do assert that secession of any province is no solution for the Congo's ills, that it would serve no interests other than, possibly, those of the mining companies and certain neighbors, and has neither (more) - -2 - . ... ;Press Release SG/1279 1 August 1962 historical nor ethnic justification. I strongly "believe that only a unifi ed Congo can give hope for peace and prosperity in Central Africa. In this connection I note with satisfaction the latest proposals of Mr. Adoula for the drafting of a federal- type constitution with the assistance of international experts. The situation in the Congo has "been aggravated and confused by an intensive and skillfully waged-propaganda campaign oh behalf of Katanga which has never failed to portray the. situation in a false light.- This campaign,. having both money and ability behind it, makes it all the more important to see and portray the Congo- Katanga problem in its true perspective. • The United Nations is very much concerned with the cultivation of useful economic activity everywhere. Indeed, much of its effort in the Congo has been devoted to the protection of the personnel and property of the enterprises which are vital to the Congo's economy. But the situation becomes immensely complicated when one of these great enterprises 'is found involved, whether intentionally or uninten- tionally, in disruptive political activities which can be carried on only because of the very large sums of money available. This -is a highly undesirable activity, both for the. good of the Congo and of the enterprises themselves'. Moreover, the over- riding importance, both for Africa and for the world community, of the stability of the Congo and the conciliation of. the conflicting parties in that country cannot be compared with the short-term and short-sighted interests -and ambitions, both economic and political, of a relatively very small group of people. Moreover I have no doubt that, in the long run, the be,st safeguard for the interests of all concerned, including those I have Just mentioned, is the successful- establishment of stability and peace in a united Congo...... , I appeal, therefore, to all member governments to use their influence to per- suade the principal parties concerned, in the Congo that a peaceful solution is in their own long-term interest, as well as, in the interest of the Congolese people. If such persuasion should finally prove ineffective, I would as-k them to consider seriously what further measures may be. taken. In this context, I have in mind economic pressure upon the Katangese authorities .of a kind that will bring home to them the realities of their situation and the fact that Katanga is not a sovereign state and is not recognized by any government in-the world as such. In the last resort, and if all other efforts fail,, this could justifiably go. to the extent of barring all trade and financial relations. I also appeal to all governments to do

(more) - 3 - Press Release SG/1279 1 August 1962 everything in their power to ensure that bad advice, false encouragement, and every form of military and non-military assistance be withheld from the authorities of the province of Katanga. Such efforts should include all possible attempts to control the entry into Katanga of adventurers who sell their services to the Katangese provincial authorities and whose reckless and irresponsible activities have contributed much to the worsening of the situation. In making this appeal I wish to make it clear that the United Nations in the Congo, as in the rest of the world, is particularly anxious to preserve and strengthen the economic life of the country. This applies as much to Katanga as to the rest of the Congo. I need hardly add that this appeal is in strict conformity with the resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N*Y. (For use of information media — not an official record)

Note No. 2635 2 August 1962

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL AT UN HEADQUARTERS

ON THURSDAY, 2 AUGUST 1962 ~1~ Note Ho. 2635 2 August 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GEIflERAL;- Mr. Huss,* ladies and gentlemen, it is nearly two months since we last met and I am really very glad to meet with you again today. In the course of the last month I have travelled to several countries in Europe and I took the opportunity to establish contact with the members of the press, particularly in the capital cities of the countries I visited and of course, besides meeting the members of the press,! took the opportunity of meeting with the leaders of the Governments of the countries I visited and exchanged views on some of the major problems facing the United Nations today. I may say that those discussions were very useful and I believe they contributed materially to a better understanding on the part of many European leaders of some of the major issues of the day. I am sure you have a lot of questions to put this morning and I shall be very glad to answer them, but first of all I give the floor to Mr. Huss.

Mr. HUSS: On behalf of the UN Correspondents, I welcome you back to Headquarters and wish you all success in your future and forthcoming"suitcase" projects. If I may ask a question on your forthcoming visit to the Soviet Union, do you plan to raise with Mr, Khrushchev the question of Soviet non-compliance with United Nations resolutions? I am referring particularly to the non-payment of assessments for the Congo and the continued presence of Soviet forces in Hungary,

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; On the invitation of the Soviet Government, I propose to leave for Moscow on the 2kth of this month. As in the case of previous visits, I shall take the opportunity of exchanging views with Mr. Khrushchev and other leaders of the Soviet Union on several issues facing the UN today. I have no particular item in mind for the moment, and of course I do not think it would be in the public interest for me to reveal now the specific items I propose to raise with the Soviet leaders. (more)

* Pierre Huss, President of the UN Correspondents' Association ' -2- Note Wo. 2635 2 August 1962

QUESTION: Concerning this tentative new agreement between the Netherlands and Indonesia,, do you have in mind any safeguards to ensure that the people of Hew Guinea will "be more fortunate in expressing their vievs and exerci3ing their right of self-determination than the people of Kashmir have been?

The Acting SECBETABY-GEMEBAI;: Regarding the question of West Hew Guinea, the basic principle is tliat, whatever the two governments agree,will be agreeable to me* That is the basic principle, the basic purpose of my negotiations with the two governments. Of course, as you know, informal preliminary agreements were reached between the two governments' representatives last week under the auspices of Mr»Ellsvorth Bunker who deputized for me in thece informal negotiations. Of course Mr, Bunker was in constant contact with rae throughout these negotiations* The two parties have come to a preliminary agreement on the modalities in the transfer of authority, over West New Guinea and the implementation of the right of the Papuan people to self-determination,, The present arrangement is th*vt these preliminary agreements have to be confirmed by the two governments,and then formal and official negotiations will take place- under my auspices some time in the middle of August. As I stated a couple of days ago, I am. optimistic about the final outcome of these negotiations and I also feel that it will be very desirable for the General Assembly to endorse such an agreement and also to authorize me to implement the provisions of that agreement, without any financial involvement to this Organization* The present arrangement is that the, Netherlands and Indonesia will table a joint resolution during the-first couple of days of the seventeenth session of the General Assembly, and it has also been agreed that I should appoint a special representative for the territory immediately after the adoption of that resolution, ..-•-•

QUESTION; Is there any move;on your part, considering the growing UN budget, to. ask the Economic and Social Council and especially the General Assembly to ;establish Checks as regards,the expenditures and the priorities to be given to '.the implementation of many resolutions of the General Assembly? .

(•more) Hote No. 2635 -5- 2 August 1962

I am referring to the memorandum submitted to you by the President of the General Assembly, Ambassador Mongi Slim, containing certain suggestions concerning changes which might be made in the methods of working of the General Assembly,in the interest not only of speed and efficiency but also of saving money,, Has the Secretary-General any comments on Ambassador Slim's recommendations? Also, there is a. suggestion that the General Assembly of 1964 should be held outside Headquarters here,so that construction can proceed here to enlarge the Assembly hall and other meeting halls to meet the demands of a membership of nearly 110 in the United Nations by 196^. Has this suggestion come to you, sir?

The Acting SECRETARy-GEIffiRAL: Regarding your first question, that is a matter for the General Assembly to decide,and of course it will be taken up in the early stages of the seventeeth session. As far as my personal views are concerned I feel that there are many points in President Mongi SlimTs suggestions which merit very close attention0 For instance, the advancement of the opening day of the General Assembly session from the third Tuesday in September to the first Tuesday in September seems to me to be very desirable* Regarding your second question about the rumours circulating about the possibility of having the 196J+ session of the General Assembly outside New York, I have not received any official communication to that effecta

gUESTIOKf: In your appeal to the nations on the Congo, you mentioned that you had in mind economic pressure on the Katangese authorities0 I wonder if you would be able at this time to spell that out in any more detail.

The Acting SECRETARY-GESflERAL: I have spelled out these ideas to a few member states who are directly involved in the problem of the Congo, and I have been informed that these member states have been in consultation during the last five days. Yesterday I received a report that the discussions were proceeding satisfactorily and they hope to come up with a positive formula in the course of the next day or two«

(more) Note Wo. 2635 -V 2 August 1962

The, next Assembly., as we all know, faces a deadline- in regard to the gueutfion of the Arab refugees inasmuch as the UHRWA mandate expires ija June 19.63° Have you given any consideration to any proposals that you might make to the Assembly to help ease, or perhaps solve, that particular problem, «nd especially have you, giver, consideration towards possibly reviving the plan for the integration of the Middle Ba,st economy which hs-cl been drawn up by. your predecessor? . '

Ibe Act-ing SECTETARY^GEIilgRAIi; The matter has been receiving my very close attention for some time and I am in close consultations with certain key delegations on this matter ancl also with Mr « Johnson,* who has been

responsible for UN activities in that area bft"my behalf0 She matter will of course come up in the seventeenth session of the General Assembly,

QtfjijSTTOtf? In Helsinki you said that before deciding to offer yourself for a full t-fcra you wanted to be sure that the necessary means ws.re at your disposal for carrying out. the duties entrusted 'to you, I would like to ask what these means are that you are .talking about, and secondly do you have this assurance and if not when will you be able to ' decide that you will offer yourself for a full term?

The Acting SEC^TARY^GE^P^Lt I am sorry, I have nothing -new to add to whai? I said in Helsinki on the 20,th of. this month. As you all know, my present term expires on 10 April 1963, and in fairness to the world organization I must make up my mind one way or the other a few months before the expiration of this time. Of course, daring the seventeenth session of the General Assembly* As I have indicated earlier, before I make up my mind I want to be pretty sure whether I shall have •jbhe necessary means at my disposal to discharge the obligations and responsibilities entrusted to me by the various organs of the United Nations* ', "• ' -*

QUESTION; Does that mean financial means?

(more }

* Dr. Joseph E. Johnson, Special Representative of the UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine Note No, 2635 -5- 2 August 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; All means, including financial. Of course I want to "be pretty sure that the large majority of the member States of the UN really want to contribute towards the development of the United Nations as a really effective instrument for international conciliation and a really potent force for peace. I want to "be sure of this^ and I also want to be sure whether I shall be able to play my little part in trying to bridge the gulf between the two giants. One of my primary objectives in accepting this present post was to try to create conditions whereby the big power blocs could come to a greater understanding regarding each other's points of view because I have a feeling, a very strong feeling, that in the second half of the Twentieth Century,the primary responsibility of leaders of thought and leaders of men all over the world should be directed towards the achievement of two objectives. Number one is to narrow the widening gulf between the rich and the poor countries, and 'number two is to create better understanding between the different ideological groups* I attach very great significance to these two objectives, because as you all know, since the end of World War II the rich countries are getting richer and the poor countries are getting poorer, and this trend has been going on uninterruptedly, I think this division of the world into the rich and the poor is much more real and much more serious, and ultimately much more explosive, than the division of the world on ideological grounds. Secondly, of course, I think it is the function of the leaders of men today to try to create better understanding between the East and the West. If I may be more candid, let me say this: to many Americans communism is an evil as absolute as nazism or murder, and anyone who questions this dogma Is regarded as being afflicted with this contagion. In the same way, many Russians believe that capitalism is an absolute evil, like a hideous crime. My own belief is that both these extreme concepts are wrong. It is the duty of leaders of thought all over the world today, in the shadow of the nuclear bomb, to bridge this widening gulf and bring about conditions for a better understanding between these two giants.

(more) Note No. 2635 6-10 2 August 1962

QUESTION: Do you "think that the newly proposed constitution.for the Congo will result 'in the reunification- of the Congo, and how long do ..you think United Nations members should wait for this development "before they apply sanctions to Katanga? Bo you think'you could call upon .them.for suoh sanctions yourself, or would the Security Council have to do it and,ar« there votes in the Security Council to do tnat? How many permanent members, for example, would vote against a measure like that? ..•••••-

(more) 11 Note Wo. 2635 2 August 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GEEIERAL; About the drafting of the new Constitution for the Congo, as you all know, a Parliamentary Committee of the Congo has "been working on a draft resolution for some time. This Committee comprises all shades of political opinion Jh the Congo, including a member of the Conakat Party of Mr. Tshombe. The Prime Minister's office has also drafted a constitution based on the draft of that Parliamentary Committee. Prime Minister Adoula has asked me to make available to him three or four constitutional experts to examine the draft, to go over it, to give finishing touches to it, so that he may be in a position to present the revised Draft Constitution to Parliament when it convenes in September. One of the conditions of his request is that the constitutional experts, which the United Nations has to provide to him in the form of technical assistance, should be familiar with the workings of a federal type of constitution.• He also indicated that he would be glad to have among these experts one from Africa. So I have suggested to him three countries from which these experts should be drawn. They are Nigeria, Switzerland and Canada. I asked for his comments on my views. Yesterday morning he came back with the suggestion that a fourth expert, preferably from India, should be included. So I am in contact with the governments of these four countries with a view to getting the services of competent constitutional lawyers for the Congo. The present arrangement is that they will be in Leopoldville about the middle of August, I feel that they will be able to discharge their responsibilities in the course of three or four weeks,, so that the final draft recommended by them will be placed before Parliament when it convenes in September. Of course, I want to make this very clear: that whatever advice they offer to the government and to the Parliament will not necessarily reflect the views of the Secretary-General or the United Nations, as in the case of other technicians offered to that country or, for that matter, to any other country.

(more) 12 Note No. 2635 2 August 1962

I also want to bring to your attention the procedures to be followed in revising the Constitution of the'Congo. Of course, in the United States, also, if you want to revise the Constitution, or modify or amend the Constitution, you have to go through certain processesi The same processes apply to'the case of tbs Congo. '' ' - ' ' ' • First of all, Parliament must accept the amendment to the Constitution. That is the first stage. Then this amended Constitution, ratified by Parliament, must be endorsed by every provincial Parliament in the Congo. This amended constitution must be ratified by all the six Provincial Parliaments In the Congo. If one Provincial Parliament rejects it, the revised Constitution is rejected. That is the situation.

QUESTION; I had'a few mor~e Questions. The second was: How long should United Nations Members wait for conciliation and negotiation to settle the secession problem before they bar trade and financial relations with Katanga? Could you call on them to'do that, or would the'Security Council have to.-do it? Are there votes in the Security Council to do that?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: This is a matter for the relevant organ of the United Rations. Of course, the consensus of opinion1 in the Congo Advisory Committee/ which has met twice in the course of the last ten days, was that no Security Council meeting should be called at this moment to consider the question of'the Congo, Opinion has been expressed that the matter should be brought up at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly* So indications are that the matter will be discussed in the forthcoming 'session of the General Assembly, and I think it is a matter for the General Assembly to decide.

QUESTION: Early this summer you released a note to delegations in which you reminded them of a pending item based on a resolution in the Commission on Human Rights and the Economic and Social Council, which originated in the Sub- Commission Against Discrimination, regarding the reports on racial intolerance and anti-Semitism in various countries in the world. I was wondering whether in the last few months you have received any communications from any countries. I have (more) 13 Kote No. 2635 2 August 1962

particularly in mind Argentina and Uruguay, where there have been reports of some racial intolerance.

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Yes, I received a few communications on this subject from some member states. But I do not particularly remember whether the two countries you mentioned have responded to this appeal.

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, when you were in Helsinki you mentioned the transfer of power agreement between Belgium and the Congo in reference to payment of revenues* Would you say that under that agreement the onus of responsibility was placed upon such companies as the Union Miniere and Tanganyika Concessions to continue to pay their revenues directly to the Leopoldville Government? If so, has not the whole method of payment of revenue been in violation of this agreement?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Yes. I think this is the whole crux of the problem. As I have made clear on more than one occasion, the problem of the Congo is not as complicated as it has been made out to be in certain parts of the world. I think it is plain if we try to get at the root of the matter. The problem is this: Very big mining companies have been in operation in the Congo, particularly in Katanga, for nearly fifty years. There has been a system of distribution of revenues followed by these mining companies. A major part of the revenues went to the Central Government, and of course some part of the revenues went to the provincial government. This practice had been in operation ince the inception of these mining companies in Katanga. Nobody denies this.

Then?two years ago, when the transfer of power took place, Belgium and the Central Government of the Congo agreed that the same practice should be carried on uninterrupted. That means, in effect, the mining companies operating

(more) Note No. 2635 2 August 1962

in Katanga are required to follow the same practice as they had "been following for the last fifty years before independence. That is simple enough. But now what is the situation? In the last two years these mining companies did not pay a single cent to the Central Government, and they have been paying all their revenues to the provincial -government in contravention of the agreement arrived at between Belgium and the Central Government of the Congo at the time of the transfer of power in July 1960. Therefore, the position is this: The Central Government of the Congo requested th« United Nations to do certain things. Of course, you know what things are authorised by the Security Coxuicil and the General Assembly. But in plain language,the Central Government of the Congo requested the United Nations to restore the conditions which were prevailing at the time of the transfer of power, to return to the status quo. It is'as simple as'that. To cite a concrete analogy — of course, without 'any intention of offending anybody -- supposing in Alaska there are" fantastic gold mines «fea operation for fifty years — fabulous gold mines which have been exploited in Alaska — and these gold mining companies in Alaska have been paying their revenues to Washington for fifty years. Then suddenly two years ago the Governor of Alaska declared, "All revenues must come to ne, not to Washington," Then he enlisted the assistance of ' certain foreign mercenaries from nearby countries. Perhaps he paid them as much as $1,000 per head per month. Then he threatened Washington, "Don't interfere in my internal affairs. Alaska is independent. I am President. Mr. 'B1 is the Foreign Minister." So the Government in Washington, the Federal Government, requests the United Nations to cone to its assistance and asks the United Nations to restore the conditions which have been prevailing for fifty years. And the United Nations comes to the assistance of Washington.- It is as plain as that analogy, however farfetched it may seem. But there is a section of opinion, of course, in this country, as well as in a few other countries, that: The Governor of Alaska has certain political views which are identical to their own. The people of Alaska are more disciplined than the people of Massachusetts or Ohio. The armed forces in Alaska are better

(more) 15 Note No. 2635 2 August 1962

trained — they have more stability -- while the Government in Washington is non-aligned, neutral. Such views are dangerous. The thinking of such people is not based on the facts, on justice, on fair play, on equity. It is based on certain considerations which are not at all relevant to the issues at stake. This is the position.

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, it is said that some Union Miniere officials fear that, if they should now decide to pay revenues to the Central Government, Mr. Tshombe and his mercenaries would retaliate against the mining properties in Katanga. Is the United Nations prepared to guarantee any security to protect these mining interests?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Yes. I have been in contact with the important governments directly concerned with the mining corporations operating in Katanga, and I have given them certain assurances. Of course, as I have indicated earlier, these governments have been in daily consultatior for the last five days. They have assured me that they will come up with their ow"?. formula in the course of the next one or two days.

G.UT.iTTON: Mr. Secretary-General, in his letter addressed to you on 28 July^Mr. Bcnboko says that the draft for the new Congo Constitution provides for the creation of autonomous states. How will this Constitution help solve the problem which you just made so very clear to us regarding Katanga and the Central Government? Also, if the Constitution is finalized and Katanga becomes an autonomous state, what is the position of the United Nations regarding mercenaries in the Katangese army, which is supposed to be one of the best in Africa?

(more) 16 ' Note Wo, 2655 2 August 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: If the question of'secession is solved, if there is unity and territorial integrity in the Congo, then I do not think the United Nations should worry too much about mercenaries or anything else. I think, so long as they have coae to an agreement on the status of the Constitution, on the nature of the relationship between the Central Government and the provincial governments, then that is the end of all problems.

• QUESTION* Does an autonomous -state not have the right to have its own army and hire its own mercenaries if it so wishes?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: No. It all depends upon the Constitution, of course. We have to see what the Constitution will be.

Mr._ BUSS; We thank you, Mr. Secretary-General, and wish you luck on your next trip.

•. • • •

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Thank'you very much.

The Press Conference rose at 11.Uo a.m. I \

CONFIDENTIAL Meeting No. 68 2k July ENGLISH

UNITED NATIONS ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON THE CONGO Meeting at United Nations Headquarters, New York, on Tuesday, 2k July 1962, at 3 p.m.

In the Chairi U THAMT The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL Members: Canada Mr* BARTON Ceylon Mr. MALALASEKERA Ethiopia Mr. GEBRE-EGZY Federation of Malaya Mr. HAMID Ghana Mr. QUAISON-SACKEY Guinea Mr. DIALLO India Mr. BHADKRMKftR Indonesia Mr. SUMARJO-SOSROWARDOJO Ireland, Mr. 0'SULLIVAN Liberia Mr. BARNES Mall Mr. TRAORE Morocco Mr. BENHIMA /Nigeria Mr. ASIODU Pakistan Mr. HAMDANI Senegal Mr. CISS Sudan Mr, ADEEL Sweden Mrs. ROSSEL Tunisia' Mr. Taieb SLIM United Arab Republic Mr'. RIAD- SecGen Statement to Advisory Committee on the Congo, 24 July 1962 MP/jpm 2

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Members of the Committee, I call upon you once more for advice — this time in a most difficult and challenging phase of the United Nations operations in the Congo. The Adoula-Tshombe talks in Leopoldville have "broken off without any fruitful result. Mr. Tshombe, at the last minute, refused to agree with and sign the final communique*; and since this was an agreed condition for getting the conanissions to work, Mr.. Adoula refuses to do anything in that direction until the communique* is signed, . , • . Following his return t& Elisabethville, Mr, Tshombe has given more than enough evidence that his negotiations in Leopoldville towards ending Katanga's secession were -lacking in sincerity. Very prominently in the background is the issue of a new constitution for the Congo. Tshombe, of course, wants to see in advance a constitution which xjould give him all that, he wishes on "behalf of Katanga before he makes any real concession on secession. It is most unlikely, in my view, that Adbula will take any step to ••"."'' !' . • i ,'.*.' satisfy Tshombe in this regard. Therefore, there would seem to be no real promise of progress towards reconciliation in the near future. The preyailing attitude of Tshombe and his colleagues towards OMJC is anything but friendly. What could have been a most serious clash between OMJC troops and the gendarmerie was only narrowly averted on 11 July when the Katangese insisted,over our opposition, on celebrating their so-called independence, at which time also the Katangese officials gave new evidence that their word is worthless. Furthermore, a most serious incident occurred on 17 July in Elisabethville when a planned and viciously conceived assault by thousands of Katangese women and children was made on Indian troops at a road-block. Those troops, incidentally, displayed remarkable restraint and discipline under extreme provocation, and never fired on the mob. Tshombe has now gone as far as to indicate to Mr« Gardiner his intention to employ civilian demonstrations instead of troops, as a new tactic against the United Nations forces, in cynical contempt for the safety and well-being of his own people.; for he knows well that the United Nations troops will have to protect themselves.. This poses new problems for the Force,and puts a very great strain on the troops. MP/jpra 3-5 (The Acting Secretary-General)

Having just returned from a rather extensive trip which took me to several European capitals, during which I had the benefit of a number of exchanges of views on various aspects of the Congo question, I propose now to inform you about these discussions. Since Mr. Gardiner has come to Headquarters at my request for only a day or two of intensive consultations, I shall subsequently also call upon him to report to this Committee on the latest facts about the Congo and on his impressions of the situation and the road ahead for OMUC. (At this point the Acting Secretary-General made some off-the-record remarks.) AW/kb 6

(The Actlug.Secretary-General)

As you can readily surmise from what you already know about the Congo, some vital decisions about OKUC are going to have to be made without much delay. I vary much wish to have your thinking about them. First of all, naturally, 'is the question of whether it will be timely and advisable now or in the near future to go.to,the Security Council in search of a new mandate for our operation in the Congo or for clarification and strengthening of the existing mandate set forth in the Security Council resolutions. Divided counsels are given on this question. I understand also that the big Powers have differing views about the advisability and utility of a Security Council meeting on the Congo at this time. I an myself not unaware that there may be considerable risk in going to the Council now, for if the meeting should be held and oo conalusive result achieved, the United Nations effort in the Congo would be worse off and I, in its direction, would be more handicapped than now. Only Tshombe could gain from such a result. I know that there are some who take the position that no new mandate or even a clarification and strengthening of existing mandates is needed from the Security Council, on the grounds that the resolutions of the Council already afford me enough authority to have the United Nations Force do whatever needs to be done. I for one -- and I believe that there are a number of others — seriously question this view. It is clear, certainly, that there is no mandate entitling me to employ force to achieve the political objective of ending secession. It could lead only to harmful results to try to do this deviously. I entertain your views on the question of the need and advisability of an early Security Council meeting on the Congo. Of even greater importance, from a practical standpoint, will be what I can learn here about the positions of those Governments — especially those that provide contingents for OHUC --on the question of the need for a new or redefined mandate. It is more vital still to learn what the positions of those Governments really are with regard to the kinds of situations involving possible fighting in the use of force in which their contingents can be used without those Governments calling a halt and saying that their troops cannot be used for this purpose or even withdrawing their contingents. AW/kb 7-10

(The Acting Secretary-General)

Let me be more specific in this regard. If, let us say, I interpret the original Security Council resolution of 1J July 1960 so broadly, under the guise of assisting the Government of the Congo in the maintenance of law and order, as to assign detachments of the OKUC Force at the request of the Central Government to protect representatives of that Government in their efforts to operate a customs regime in Katanga, or to control exports and imports, or to protect the installations of the Union Miniere and other companies in Jadotville, Kolwezi and Kipushi, would all of the Governments providing contingents to the Force accept this interpretation and permit their troops to be used in its application? In such situations there probably would be fighting, even heavy fighting. AP/bmt 11 (Acting Secretary"General)

You will readily agree with me, I am sure, that whatever interpretation may be made of the existing resolutions, or whatever the mandate defined by any new resolution,effective execution of the .mandate will depend on whether there is in fact a United Nations force in existence on the spot to back up the mandate, should this be necessary as a result of overt hostility and attack by the Katangese. I must know, obviously, exactly where we stand with regard to the use that can be made of each contingent of the Force. I would hope to get from you in this meeting adequate clarification on this point. The question of OWUC's relation to the AWC is still a difficult one. There is still no indication of a willingness on the part of Adoula's Government to implement their agreement of last December to provide a Congolese contingent to ONUC. On our part, there is still strong objection to engaging in any military operation jointly with the ANC. There has been, no doubt, some improvement in the Congolese Army, but the United Nations cannot afford to commit itself to a joint military operation in which it would have no effective control over the selection of military objectives, over tactics or over the conduct of the AWC troops, although the United nations would be held fully responsible for everything that happened. There is, indeed, even a division of opinion on how far we can or should go in seeking to apply economic pressures to Tshombe and Katanga in order to bring an end to the nonsense about secession. I mean mainly by economic pressures, bear down on the Union MinJere in order to ensure that the Central Government will receive its proper share of the revenue from the exploitation by that powerful company of Katangese resources. I find some ambiguity, if not irreconcilability, between certain passages in the resolution of 20 and 21 February 1961 on the one hand and that of 24 November 1^6l on the other. With specific reference to numbered paragraph A-l of the February resolution, no definition is given of what is to be regarded as "civil war", while paragraph 1 of the November resolution strongly deprecates secessionist activity. I know that at the time of the adoption of the February resolution there was no constitutional government with which the United Nations could deal. Wow there is a constitutional government with which the United Nations AP/bmt 12 (Acting Secretary-General) should and does deal, and this apparently with the agreement of everyone but Tshombe and. company. Surely it would not be realistic to say that the United Nations, in order to "prevent the occurrence of civil war in the Congo", should attempt, even by "the use of force, if necessary, in the last resort" to stop any Central Government efforts, even military, to end secession in Katanga. Granted this, the question remains as to how far the United Nations can go and how much it can do in assisting the Central Government to establish its authority over Katanga, which today, for all practical purposes, means Southern Katanga, not to mention what it is entitled to do when the Katangese undertake military actions against the MC in Northern Katanga. I must say also that the Security Council mandate regarding the elimination of mercenaries, which in the November resolution went so far as to authorize the use of force if necessary to eliminate that evil, is no longer very pertinent in any helpful sense. I do not mean to imply that there are no longer any mercenaries in Katanga. !Ehere may still be a few hundred. But they are no longer overt find active and out in the open as they once were; they have merged with the civilian European population, have nominal jobs and cannot any longer be readily apprehended as in the case of the substantial number who were captured by us last August, Thus the mercenary provisions of the resolutions no longer afford OMIC a good basis for effective action, as they formerly did. Well, here are some issues to consider. There are others, of course, but the ones I have mentioned are, I think, the basic ones. I invite your most serious views on them. With regard to the question of a Security Council meeting, it is my intention also to consult individually and informally the members of the Security Council. I now call upon Mr. Gardiner,/-

Mr. GARDINER; As already described at the end of the last Adoula-Tshombe talks, the Katangese delegation very carefully avoided the signature of a final communique. The last meeting continued from five i'n the afternoon until five in the morning and no agreed text could be produced. Immediately after the departure of the delegation, Katanga announced a grant or a gift or a contribution — that was not made clear —- of one hundred million francs to be paid to the Central Government, and, a few days afterwards, also the nomination of the Katangese members AP/bmt 13-15 (Mr. Gardiner)

for the four commissions* But in nominating these members, Katanga described the commissions as preparatory, advisory, and in no way executive. The original intention in recommending the idea of commissions was Jo.set up bodies which would take practical measures for the integration of Kiatanga with the rest of the Congo, In the absence of a final communigu^ and in view of the very vague terms in which the purposes of the commissions were described, Prime Minister Adoula hesitated — in fact insisted on purposes being clearly defined before the commencement of work by the commissions. At this stage we, that is, ONUC, got in touch with President Tshombe and suggested that perhaps it might be a good idea to accept and declare that the work of the commissions is an essential part of the process of integration. When I last met President Tshombe'he pointed out. that this formula had appeared acceptable to him, but the events or the'incidents of 12 July and 17 July had made it impossible for him to act. He was not a free agent, he said, and the presence of ONUC forces and roadblocks in Elisabethville constituted undesirable duress. In other words, there is no longer any serious interest in continuing the discussions, in following up the work of the commissions, under present circumstances.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Note Wo. 2627 26 July 1962

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL HELD IN HELSINKI, FINLAND,

ON FRIDAY, 20 JULY ig62 - 1 - Note No. 2627 26 July 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: Ladies and Gentlemen, I am very happy to meet with you once again on the last day of ray stay in this "beautiful city. Of course, as you all know, I came here as the guest of the Finnish Government, and I want to take this opportunity of expressing my heartfelt thanks to the people and Government of Finland for the very warm -welcome accorded to me during my brief stay here . As I explained to you at the airport on my arrival, my visit to Finland is, in a way, a tribute to Finland for its dedication to the principles of the United Nations Charter and for its cooperation with the activities of the United Nations, as v/ell as for the very significant contribution which Finland has made toward the successful operation of United Nations activities. During my visit to Helsinki, I have taken the opportunity to exchange views with leaders of your Government, particularly His Excellency the President, the Honorable Prime Minister and the Honorable Foreign Minister. Of course, the United Nations hes no problem vrith Finland as it has with some -other member states, and I wish to pay a tribute to the people of Finland also for their industry and couruge in building a new society. And now I leave the floor open for questions.

QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, will you stand as a candidate next year for the office of Secretary-General?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; So far, I have not made up my mind to offer myself for the next full term. Of course, 1 have to decide one way or the other during the forthcoming session of the General Assembly. As you all know, my present term expires on 10 April 1963 and, in fairness to the world organization, I must make my position clear a few months before the expiry of my term. My decision will depend on a few factors, if I may say so. For instance, I want to be pretty sure that I shall have the necessary means at my disposal to carry out the duties entrusted to me by the various organs of the United Rations if I am to carry on with my present task.

QUESTICK; The question of assistance to the underdeveloped countries is one of the most important at the moment, and we know that this subject is very dear to you. What do you think should be done in this matter within the framework of the United Nations? (more) - 2 - Note No. 2627 26 July 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; As I have indicated on several occasions, one ~ k of the most important and significant phenomena of our times is the fact that since the end of World War II, rich countries are getting richer and pocr countries are getting poorer, and the gulf is widening, I feel -- and, of course, most members of the United Nations feel -- that some attempt must "be made to arrest this widening gulf because the division of the -world into the rich and poor is much more real and much more-serious, arid ultimately much, more explosive, than the division of the world on ideological grounds. So, this is the problem of today. With this in mind, the General Assembly, at its fifteenth session, adopted a resolution requesting the rich countries to contribute at least 1 per cent of their over-all national product toward the amelioration of conditions in the underdeveloped countries. And at its sixteenth session, last year, the Assembly adopted another resolution launching the Decade of Development. Of course, the primary purpose of that resolution was to create conditions -whereby the gross national income of the developing countries must increase by 5 Per cent a year in the next ten years. I have been authorized by the General Assembly to submit proposals to the next session, after getting the views of the Economic and Social Council.

• • QUESTION: Have there been any substantial changes since Mr. Gardiner's visit to Elisabethville in the process of getting Katanga back into the Congo? Is the United Nations contemplating any new measures toward this end? I have heard that sanctions are being considered in Washington. My third question is, is there any possibility of Mr. Back's being relieved of his post in Elisabethville? I understand that he does not get along too well with Mr. Tshombe.

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Regarding your first question about Mr. Gardiner's visit-to Elisabethville -- and I have been in contact with New York almost every day as you-know -- I am still not in a position to tell you the results of his deliberations in Elisabethville. As to the United Nations "presence" in Katanga, I think that I should dwell on this at some length in order to give you the background in the context of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations organs.

(more) - 3 - Note Bo. 2627 26 July 1962

The United Nations is in the Congo to do certain specified things. First of all_, the United Nations has been asked to maintain'law and order. Then the United Nations has been asked to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo, "nose are the specific instructions of the Security Council. Then, the United "fations forces in the Congo have been authorized to arrest, detain and deport foreign mercenaries, with a requisite measure of force if necessary. That is the actual mandate of the Security Council. The United Nations has never been authorized bo take any military initiative. The United Nations does not intend to launch military operations in any part of the Congo to achieve the objectives outlined in :he various Security Council resolutions. Of course, the United Nations troops, as I have stated earlier, have been authorized to arrest and deport foreign mercenaries, ;vith a requisite measure of force if necessary. To give you a little of the background, at the risk of over-simplification, I nay say that the problem of the Congo is now the problem of Katanga, and the problem of Katanga is the problem of finances; and the problem of finances is, in turn, the proclemof Union Miniere. Belgium has been the administrative authority of the Congo since 1885, and for many, many years mining corporations, particularly Union Miniere and Tanganyika Concessions, have been operating in the Congo -- of course, in the province of Katanga. All these years the practice has been for Union Miniere and Tanganyika Concessions to pay their revenues to the Central Government. When Belgium transferred power to the Congo two years ago -- in July I960 -- there was an agreement between the Government of Belgium'and the Central Government of the Congo that the same practice should be continued as far as the distribution of revenues was concerned. That means, in effect, the'practice which had been in existence for many years under Belgian administration would be continued after independence. And that means, further, that Union Miniere and Tanganyika Concessions must continue the same practice of payment of revenues which they had been following for many years. That was the agreement between Belgium and the Central Government of the Congo. But what was the situation after independence? The Central Government in Leopoldville did not get a Single penny from these mining companies.' All the revenues went to Elisabethville, the capital of Katanga. In 196l, for instance, Mr. Tshombe, in Elisabethville, received 65 million American dollars in revenue -- that was last year alone — out of which $39 million came from Union Miniere. The Central Government in Leopoldville did not get one single penny. ' 4 • ' • • . : (more) aw*. ^e

/ - U - Note Wo. 2627 2-5 July 1962

All that the United Nations has "been trying to do in the Congo vas to honor the agreement arrived at between the Belgian Government and the Central Congolese Government at the time of the transfer of power. If this practice can "be resumed, then it will be the end of most of the problems which we are facing in the Congo, That is all I have been trying to do. That is the objective of the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions which have been adopted concerning the problem of the Congo. But the United Nations action in the Congo has been very much misunder- stood in many parts of the world, particularly in westero Europe. So, as I have explained, the United Nations is in the Congo not to initiate any military activity, not to impose any political solution on any part of the Congo, not tc interfere in the internal affairs of the Congo by imposing any kind of constitution or trying to dictate any form of constitutional adjustment. That is not the function of the United Nations.. The function of the United Nations is only to maintain law and order, to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo, and to arrest, detain and deport foreign mercenaries, with a requisite measure of force if necessary. Of course, I have authorized the UN forces in the Congo to retaliate if attacked, in exercise of the ri^ht of self-defense. The problem is complicated by a factor which you all know: that is the type of people with whom we have to deal in Katanga. Mr. Tshombe, as you are aware, has claimed that he is the head of the state of Katanga and he has even been celebrating the anniversary of the so-called independence of Katanga, On the llth of this month he celebrated the second anniversary of Katanga's independence. But not a single member state of the United Nations has recognized the independent status of Katanga. Even Belgium has announced publicly that it does not recognize the independent status of Katanga. Almost all the member states of the United Nations recognize only the Central Government of the Congo with head- quarters in Leopoldville . But regardless of this situation, Mr. Tshombe and his colleagues have been celebrating the anniversary of the so-called independence of Katanga, with parades and bands and hoisting of flags. While on this subject I want to reiterate what I said on a previous occasion, namely, that Mr, Tshombe is a very unstable man; he is a very unpredictable man. You may recall that one day he would praise the United Nations to the skies, and the next day he would attack the United Nations. The same can be said of two of his colleagues, Mr. Munongo, Minister of the Interior in the so-called Katangese Government, and Mr. Kimba, who describes himself as the Foreign Minister of Katanga. I think that the situation is rather ridiculous. (more ) - 5 - Note No, 2627 26 July 1962

To cite a parallel — of course, without any intention of offending the susceptibilities of the Finnish people -- Mr. A in Lapland proclaims that he is the President of the Independent state of Lapland, and Mr. B proclaims that he is the Minister of the Interior. Mr. G proclaims that he is the Foreign Miaister'. of Lapland. Then they start to collect revenues from the sale of reindeer, or something like that. All the revenues from Lapland do not come to Helsinki "because it is claimed that Lapland is an independent state. So the government of Helsinki asks asks the United Nations for assistance to restore the normal conditiors which have prevailed for so many years, and the United Nations, both in the Assembly and in the Security Council, considersthe request of the Finnish Government and decides to take certain steps , The United Nations even sends armed forces to help the Government of Finland to solve the problem of Lapland. Mr. A and Mr. B and Mr. C in Lapland had also asked for certain mercenaries from Ruritania or some other country to come to their 'assistance. Because Mr. A is getting wealthier and wealthier every year, he knows that time is on his side, so he can engage mercenaries from Ruritania, tv each of whom he pays as much as a thousand United States dollars a month. Thus the problem has been increasing in dimensions. Reaction in some Western European states is that Mr, A has certain political views which are very similar to their own. Mr. B and Mr. C also have certain political convictions which they fully endorse. So they feel that Mr. A and Mr. B and Mr. C must be supported. That is the attitude of certain countries, unfortunately. The sojrui can be scld with regard to our friends in Katanga. Mr. Tshombe, Mr. Munongo ani. Mr. !IL.uba have baen talking about the independent state of Katanga and, at the same tirrie, trying to give the impression that they want to come to terms with the Central Government, Since last January, I have been trying my best to settle the dispute by peace- ful means, I have been trying my best to get the two leaders to enter into negotiations. But so far, my efforts have not been successful. And^ in the light of what I have just explained, I really do not..know whether I can do serious business with such a bunch of clovms in Katanga, That is my assessment of the situation in the Congo.

QUESTION: In a speech which you made about a couple of years ago, you expressed your view that ideological ties were something which could be passed over. Has your belief grown weaker or stronger during the time that has since passed?

(more) - 6 - Note Ho. 2627 26 July 1962 The Acting SECRETABY-GEMJRM,: That is one .of the lessons of history which I have always cherished. That lesson,, as I have, stated on a,previous occasion, is that no country has permanent friends or permanent enemies, but only permanent Interests. What one regards as one's friend today may be one's enemy tomorrow, and, Ln the same way, what one may regard as one's enemy, today may well turn out to be a friend.- If one reads the history of mankind thoroughly and closely and deeply, one comes to the conclusion that no country in the world had permanent friends or permanent enemies, but only permanent interests. I feel rather .strongly that the tensions in the world today, tensions born out of political ideologies, tensions born out of deep convictions in certain political ideologies, are not a permanent feature of human society'.' •• I may recall, for instance, the wars of the Crusades fought in Europe hundreds of years ago. In those times the Christians thought and believed that the Muslims were heretics, and that all Muslims must be killed. In the same manner, the Muslims also believed very strongly that the Christians were heretics and that all Christians must be' put to the sword. Therefore, out of this* psychological climate, built up for many years, the wars of the Crusades were fought, resulting in the deaths of thousands and thousands', of both Christians and Muslims. When tempers calmed down, it was realized that Christians and Muslims can live peacefully side by side, without coming into conflict with one another, and now, Christians and Muslims and, for that matter, Buddhists and Jews and Hindus are living peacefully, side by side, without conflict, I believe very strongly that these intense ideological conflicts, these conflicts born out of very strong convictions, are not a permanent feature of our society.

QUESTION; How do you visualize the role of the United Nations in the future? Will it be a world government or an arbiter of international disputes?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Regarding the concept of the role of the United Nations in the world today, there are two schools of thought. One school maintains that the United Nations should be merely a debating forum or a conference machinery, that the United Nations should debate and discuss the problems which come up before the forum, and do nothing more. On the other hand, there is another school of thought which maintains that the'United Nations must develop into a really effective instrument for international conciliation, a really effective instrument to maintain peace and to prevent war. So, there are at present two schools of thought. (more) - 7 - Note Ho. 2627 26 July 1962

My personal feeling is that the vast majority qf the member states of the United 'Nations belong to the' second school. They favor the concept of a growing United Nations; they favor the concept of a United Nations performing the functions of a real conciliator of international disputes, a real preventer jf wars. I feel that only a very small minority of member states subscribe to the view that the United Nations must be concerned only with debates and discussions, end nothing more. Of course, I agree that debates are a very civilized form of international conflict. They are necessary, but I alco believe the.t the United Nations must be concerned with more aetivitiss than mere discussions and debates. That is my personal concept of the future of the United Nations, and I understand that the Government of Finland also iubscrlbes to this view*

QvJPSCPIOK: What is your comment on the Finnish colloquium?

I^e^^^^;5Q5S^lI-^^3/i: ¥hat is the Finnish colloquium?

QUI^3TTg3: (Most of this question was inaudible) .«., a United Nations officer, will take part in the coming youth festival at Helsinki as an observer. I would like to ask you if this means that the United Nations has changed its attitude toward the festival, and now supports it? Secondly, I would like to ask you if you and your colleagues at the United Nations are aware of the fact that the majority of the Finnish students and youth organizations oppose the arranging of a festival in Finland.

The Acting SECRETARY -GENERAL; When the United Nations Headquarters received the invitation from the sponsors of this festival or colloquium, Mr. Hugh Williams was instructed to attend that function as an observer. Of course, as the term "observer" connotes, his function will be simply to observe and not to participate in any manner in the colloquium. The idea is that United Nations, as an international organization, had unending interests -- interests in peace, interests in international cooperation, interests in international understanding, and interests in political, economic and social development of men. Therefore, whenever an international organization ~or a regional organization of some significance invites the United Nations to send an observer, I feel that no harm can be done by just establishing some sort of link with that international or regional organization and hearing the views of that forum. (more) - 8 - Note No. 2627 26 July 1962

In the light of these discussions, the United Nations may be able to benefit in some way, that is, without regard to political considerations. For instance, if I received an invitation from the sponsors of the European Coirmun Market to observe their meeting, I would respond to that request because I feel that the United Nations, as the only international organization, must know what is happening anywhere, particularly in the forums organised by international bodies or regional bodies. Therefore, my feeling is that, without any political considerations, if any international or regional organization wishes the United Nations to send an observer just to observe -- let me repeat just to observe and to report to me, and not to participate in any way in the deliberations -- I will respond to any request of that type.

QUEST!OF: You have mentioned the financial difficulties of the United Nations. Do you see any way of solving them at the next General Assembly, or before the next Secretary-General of the United Nations is appointed?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: On the basis of a resolution passed at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, I requested the member states to purchase United Nations bonds. Of course, Finland was one of two countries which bought these bonds first, and so far, over 48 member states have pledged approximately $71 million toward these United Nations bonds, and the United States, I think, will announce its decision in the next few days. Of course, the International Court of Justice at The Hague, to which I have referred the matter, is coming out with its recommendation, I understand,this afternoon. Therefore, the financial position of the United Nations depends more or less on the response by member states toward the bond issue and, to some extent, I believe, on the recommendations of the International Court of Justice. When we speak of the United Nations financial position, I think we should bear in mind that there are three categories of expenditure. First of all, the United Nations has normal expenses, such as paying the staff, the provision of facilities for the conferences, and so on. This relates to the normal budget of the United Nations. Then, for the last six years, there has been an additional budget which had to be opened, relating to the Middle East. The United Nations had to bear additional expenses for peace-keeping in that area. Then, two years ago, the United Nations was again involved in a major peace-making operation in the Congo, so we had to open another account. Therefore, actually there are three accounts relating to the United Nations expenses. (more) - 9 - Note No. 2627 26 July 1962

As far as the normal expenses are concerned, tlie United Nations is solvent. For instance, for the assessments for 1961, the United Nations h.^s collected about 95 per cent of the dues. Then, regarding the expenses for the Middle ''test for last year, the United Nations has collected 73 per cent of the dues, that is, of che special assessments. Then, regarding the United Nations peace-keeping operation in the Congo, for last year the United H&ticns had coll^ctod 65 per cent of the dues. Therefore, when we think of the United Nations f iraaoial situation, we have to think of these three categories. So far as the norzk&l expenses are concerned, the United Nations is solvent. The United Nations is in financial difficulties only in respect of its peace-keeping operations, particularly in the Congo and, to seme extent, in the Middle Bast.

pW: Mr. Harushchiv, in a recent interview with American newspapermen visiting Moscow, said that tlie United Nations was a branch of the United States State Department. He snid that the United Nations was led by specific groups of Western countries led by the United States, but he said that this era was coming to an end ard would be ended very shortly. Would you like to comment on that?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL ; Unfortunately, I am not awere of these observations; where did the;/ appear?

QUESTION: They appeared in practically all the larger American and European newspapers after the interview he gave to the American journalists.

Tha Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; I have teen reading The New York Times and the New York Herald-Tribune and almost all of the London newspapers, but I have not seen that statement.

QUESTION: I have the quotations here from his statement.

The Acting SECRETARY -GENERAL; Before I comment, I would have to study the text.

QUESTION: Sometime ago, Mr. Khrushchev proposed the reorganization of the Secretary-General's office; he was in favor of what is called the "troika" principle. Would you comment on that? (more) - 10 - Note Ho. 2627 26 July 1962

The Acting SECREIARY-CBHERAL; Yes, I am aware of this attitude of the Soviet Union at one time, but I am. not aware of its recurrence for some time.

QUESTION: Getting back to the Congo, I understand there is some dissatis- faction among Swedes of various levels concerning their troops in the Congo. Would you comment on that, and could you also say whether, during your stay in Finland, you discussed the possibility of Finnish troops going out to the Congo?

Th^Aeting SECRET^Y-GEMBEAL: In the first place, I am not aware of any Swedish discontent or disr-afcisfaction with any part of the United Nations Operation in the Cougo,. I am completely ignorant of it, if there is any. During ny stay in this ccantry, I did not have any occasion to discuss any question of a prospective Finnish military contriouticn to the Congo.

QUESTION; Are yoxi optimistic about the West Irian talks between the Dutch and Indonesia in the United States?

The Acting; SECRETARY-GENERAL; I am optimistic. Negotiations have been resumed, and the progress, according to reports, has been satisfactory.

QUESTION: Will there "be a meeting of the Security Council to clarify your mandate in the Congo?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: It is my intention to have a meeting of the Security Council, after I have got the benefit of the advice of my Congo Advisory Committee. Perhaps the Security Council may be able to clarify the previous mandates or issue fresh mandates, if necessary. In any case, I feel that I should report to the Security Council on the latest situation in the Congo.

UNITED NATIONS Press Ser Office of Public Information United Nations, M.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press I^le^.se SG-/12TO 18 July 1962

SPEECH BY ACTING SSCRETARY-G-ENEBAL U THANT AT GOVERNMENT 3ftNQUET ™> FINIAUI), OH 18 JULY

I want to take advantage of this occasion to say how much I have locked forward to the opportunity of visiting Finland and how much I have enjoyed my visit here. Your country is, in many respects, so nuch like mizie. Both countries practise the policy of r..unalignment, not only as a natter of self-interest because w£ have 'powerful neighbors,, "but because the policy suits the genius of our people. Incidentally, it has enabled both Finland and Burma to make a significant contribu- tion toward world peace in the United Nations and elsewhere. The foreign policy of Finland was so well described by your President when he visited the United Nations last October and addressed the General Assembly. He said: "We in Finland are, to a large extent, a nation of cooperators. !l He then went on to say: "... and we know that true cooperation is best advanced by strengthening independent individuality. We believe in the possibility of harmonization through conciliation of dissimilar interests for the benefit cf all." I believe that the reference to harmonization through conciliation, of ^^ dissimilar interests is really the key to the role that the United Nations can and should play. The Charter states that one of the purposes of the United Nations is "to be a center for hcrmonizing the actions of nations." In this country, which produced the great composer Sibelius, I may perhaps indulge in a musical simile. Surely we would not need a harmonizing influence if there were no dissimilar instruments. You may play a quartet without a conductor, but not a symphony. I cannot help thinking that in the United Nations we have all classes of musical instruments. We have the economically advanced countries, whose aid is always suspected to come with strings. We have the great military powers who represent the brass, and occasionally we have forceful speakers who beat the big drums. Then we have the wind instruments which are capable of playing high and low and also of blowing hot and cold at the same time. Thus we have en. orchestra made up of dissimilar instruments, with the responsibility for harmonization falling on the United Nations. Surely this is the rightful role of the United Nations,

(more) - 2 - Press Release SG/1270 18 July 1962 and surely it is unreasonable and unrealistic to expect the United Nations to be the instrument of the national policy of any one country, however enlightened that policy may be and hovever much it may be conceived in the global interest! Before closing, I would like to express my sincere thanks to Finland for the consistent support it has given to the world organization. To quote your President again, he said these simple words, "Finland believes in this Organization." That belief has been turned into action by the constructive role that Finland has played in major issues, and by the fact that on so many occasions the United nations has recognized the complete disinterestedness and objectivity of Finland. In this role, your Ambassador, Mr. Enckell,*has played a great part and I feel that I should take this opportunity to pay public tribute to him. Finland was one of the earliest to pledge a contribution, along with the other Scandinavian countries, to the United Nations bond issue, and the second United Nations bond was issued to Finland on 8 March, the first day of sale. These acts speak louder than words, and for them, I am truly grateful.

* ### *

*Ralph Enckell, Permanent Representative of Finland to the United Nations. '• 164 UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, H.Y. (For use of information media — not an official record) Press Release SG/1265 16 July 1962 ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL ARRIVES IN PARIS; SAYS EI^SjgAjWYjiC MEET _FRBSIgJ_gT DE GAULLE Acting UN Secretary-General U Thant arrived in Paris today, in the continuation of his European tour, and declared at Orly airport: "I am very happy indeed to be in Paris. It is my first visit to France in my capacity as Acting Secretary-General. I am very happy to meet General de Gaulle, President of the French Republic, M. Pompidou, the Prime Minister,and M. Couve de Murville, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. It is very agreeable for me to find myself in this beautiful city full of history and culture. I greet most warmly the government and people of France." The Acting Secretary-General is on an official two-day visit to France at the invitation of the government. He and his party were welcomed at the airport by Pierre Siraud, Chief of Protocol of the Ministry of Foreign Affairsj Armand Berard, former Perinanent Delegate of France to the United Nations; other French officials and Sao Bon Wat, the Ambassador of Burma to France. U Thant went immediately from the airport to a luncheon in his honor at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was attended by Ambassadors, former French delegates to the United Nations and the Ambassador of Burma. Also attending were various members of the Commission of Foreign Affairs at the National Assembly, Directors of the principal offices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Directors of the United Nations services and specialized agencies stationed in Paris. Arrangements have been made for meetings between the Acting Secretary-General and President Charles de Gaulle, Prime Minister Georges Pompidou and Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville.

* ##* SSSESHSIS,!, INTERVIEW WITH THE ACTING SSCI^E^BY-CIS^AL IT JUHLIH, IRELAND, QS.lU JULY 1962

AT THE STUDIOS OF TELEFIS EIREANH, DUBLIN

Part It Interviewer; Mr» Denis Meehan

QUESTION; U Thant, from Burma, at present Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations, certainly the greatest prestige post in the world today, and equally certainly the post of greatest responsibility, I should like to say to you, first of all, ce*ad mfle fa"ilte go dtJ an tlr seo, you are very welcome to this country. It is U Thant the man, the person, that I am more interested in now; and I should like to start with U Thant, a little boy growing up in Burma years ago. What kind of place did you grow up in, sir? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; I was born in a town called Pantanaw. It is in Lower Burma, in the delta of the Yellow River, It had a population of about ten thousand people in my time -- that was over fifty years ago. It is surrounded mostly by flat lands, with rice fields, plenty of rtice fields. Actually, my father owned some rice fields. Itfy grandfather had a rice mill, where my father was manager. So I grew up in that small town. It is about eighty miles from Rangoon. QUESTION; To what kind Ofi school did you go? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: First of all I was sent to a Burmese school. At that time it was called a vernacular school. Then, after that, I was sent to an anglo-vernacular school where both Burmese and English were taught. Then I went to a national high school; and from there I went to the University of Rangoon. QUESTION; That gives us a picture of the educational system in Burma in your time. I would like to pass, first, from the vernacular school to the school where you used both Burmese and English. You were educated through the medium of both languages? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; My first three years in school were ^ust purely through Burmese. QUESTION; Has the educational system changed from that time? It had changed with independence? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Oh, yes, yes, it has changed a lot. Of course, in my time there were three systems of schools, One is purely Burmese; the second category is the anglo-Burmese, what they called the anglo-vernacular; and the third type of school is the English school. I was educated first in the Burmese school; then, in the secondary stage, in the anglo-Burmese school; then, in the University, I had to study both English and Burmese, and other things, too — mostly through the medium of the English language. (more) - 2 -

What is your predominant memory of childhood? The Acting SBCRETftRY-GENERAL: Well, it was a visit to the paddy fields, where we used to go. Our paddy fields were about three miles from our town. We spent week-ends there. Sometimes we would have a sort of picnic and coaie back home in the evenings. I have delightful memories of the visits to the farms. QUESTION: Were you a happy little "boy? The Acting SECRETARY- GENERAL; Oh, I was. . . ..QUESTIONS Good. And- what -did you want to be, then? What did you want to be when you grew up? Tac Acting SEC.R^^Y--GJSNERAL ; When I was very young I had no ambition, to say. so; -but when I was in the high school stage I thought I would become a journalist., That wsa my ambition. QUESTION; rfcis ambition was fulfilled, wasn't it, as a matter of fact? The Actjng 3L:IR5TABy-GEI']EEAL: In a way, yes. After I left college, of course. I joined the same school where I had graduated a few years previously. I joined the staff of the high school; and after three years I became headmaster of that school. QOiSTIONg . You were headmaster there when Burma obtained independence, weren't you r- or were you? "•' •.-.-.•-.••» The Acting SECiRETASY-GEMERAL; No. Before Burma obtained independence, I was headmaster. I was actually twenty-three years old. My career was interrupted When the Japanese came. : • "' • T--: *' -;' ••- ' "'" *'•—• -'••'"•• • ..... ' . QUESTION; -Yes? • .' ' ' •••• -' -.•"•- -- - —" ' ' ' ' ' The Acting SBC_pgAlY-GEIilERAL: I served for some time as Secretary cf the Education Re -organization Committee in -Burma, formed by the Burmese Government .under the. Japanese regime. Then I went back t© my own school. That was in 19^2. T're- opeaed my old school. ' QUESTION; When were you Director or 'Broadcast ing in: Burma? The AeMng SSglpTABY^aBHEBAL ; That was in- 19^8 — that is, after independence. QUESTION; . Yes? • , . • • ' • : The Acting SBC|ffi!3^y-GE|fERftL; We had our independence in January 19**8. QUESTION? What is your idea of the function of broadcasting in the life of the matiism? The Acting .gECRETARY-GEMgBft^; • It all depends on the state of development of the particular country in'- wihich '.you 'operate'.; In Burma, .'my experience shows that the function of a broadcasting- service -- and, for that matter, I believe, a television service, too — should be primarily educational, that is, to raise the educational standard of the people. I think the educational aspect ©f broadcasting is not generally recognised in many countries at the moment. I feel rather strongly that (more) - 3 -

(The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL .coat.,) the primary function of mass media -~ broadcasting, television, newspapers -- should be educational. QUESTION; You possibly feel this even more strongly since you became Secretary- General of the United Nations. There is an aspect of that which 1" would like to touch on, before we part, sir. In this organization of the United Nations, where you have no Prime Minister and nothing corresponding to a Cabinet, it has been suggested for that reason that its development, the way it is going to go, would depend to a very considerable extent on the che.rb.cte:.- ?vid personality of the person occupying the post of Secretary-General. Do you agree with me? The Acting asCRF^BY^OMERAL: I think it is true of any institution or any organisation. The succesd — the progress or the 3.ack of progress of any institu- tion 01- any international organization—rests to a very large extent on the driving force and initiative and ability of the man who actually operates it. T am sure it applies equally tc th

QUES?IOH; First of'all,-sir> may I wish you; cead mfle fgCilte, welcome to Teleffs Eireanu. Could I ask you'how you like the change from living in the flat lands of Burma to living in the'skyscraper in Mew York?1' The Acting SECRETARY- GEMEftAl.;;s- Actually:. 1 do "-not feel much difference, because my concept of life, my concept of society, is perhaps a little different from your concepts. I do not think there is any material change whether you live in a flat land .or on the Thirty-eighth Floor. QUESTION; You carry your philosophy with' you?'' . The Acting SECRETARY-GEiyrSRAL; -Yes,'' -as best as' I can. QUESTION; Do you find much difficult in the quite different world of the United States or the West? . •. t • The Acting SECKETARY^GpTERAL; The"term "difficult" is a relative term. Some- times you may feel strange, you may feel not so congenial, as in other situations; but, generally speaking, I do not find any difficulty in adjusting myself to different environments. .QUESTION: What sort of hours do you work, sir? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Normally I am in my office about nine-thirty in the morning, and I leave the office around eight-thirty or nine-thirty in the evening. Of course, I have my lunch in my office. :- (more) ' QUESTION: I believe you don't read Who-dun-its or thrillers] what do you do for relaxation in the normal way? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; I read mostly serious stuff,, particularly works on Political Science, International Relations, Modern History> ?,nd sometimes Biographies. QUESTION; You were always interested in politics, Mr, Secretary-General, but you were in fact a schoolmaster, isn't that right? How did you come to change from this to being one of the most praised men in the world in high diplomacy? The Acting SECRETARY-GEKI^AL: Really I do not s:-.e any divorce between the teaching profession anJ ar: interest in politics. I think to my knowledge there are many teachers, these connected with the teaching profession, who F.VS very much interested in politics. In ny time, as you know, most of the Burmese were very much interested in political problems, because the Burmese leaders were concerned with the struggle for freedom, for independence. I played a small part, in my own way. When I vss headmaster of the high school in ray home town, I used to contribute several articles to tba. local press, particularly on political subjects — and particularly an explanation of the political trends in many areas of the globe. So I never found myself in. a difficulty in not divorcing my teaching profession from my interest in politics. QUESTION; You are the first Secretary-General with a non-European background. How do you find that this affects your concept of the United Nations and interna- tional politics? The Acting SECTARY-GENERAL; Really there is no special effect. I was more or less interested in the growth of the United Nations. I wrote a book on the League of Nations when I was twenty-two. So I had been more or less in contact, though not physically, with the developments of this world organization, from a distance. I did not find much difficulty in understanding the operations of the world organiza- tion when I came face to face with it. QUESTION: You said that more attention should be paid to moral and spiritual development in the world today. What sort of contribution do you think the East — as you said, with those qualities, in particular -- can make in the very rough-and- tumble, sometimes cynical, world of international politics? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Yes, the root of the problem, as you have just pointed out, is the rough-and., tumble situation of the world today. I feel that the " world is in a rough-and-tumble situation because of the lack of those moral and spiritual qualities of human societies; in which we are living. I think that the fact of the matter is that the West generally is much more interested in the develop- ment of the intellect. The aim of education here, generally speaking, is for the (more) (The Acting SECI^QaRy-GMERAL coat.?) intellectual progress ©f man. The objective is to become doctors and engineers end scientists, and to explore the moon and the planets and the atars. At the same time, I feel that not sufficient attention has been given t© the moral and spiritual development ^': man. I feel rather strongly that pure intellectual development, unaccompanied by a corresponding moral and spiritual development, will lead us frora one crisis to another. Of course, in the East traditionally the stress Jj-i education in the human societies Is on the moral e.nd spiritual develop-ient of man, vithov.:. siving sufficient attention to the intellectual aspsst of life. Go there is no be.lance, of course, in both regions, I feel that :lt will be in the interest .of humanity, it will be in the interest of the integrated 'ievelopmei?t, of man, if I may say so, if these two concepts can be reccueileu and if attention caa be paid equally to all aspects — intellectual, moral and spirit .-lal. For ir.&'"anoe, if I may .illustrate my point, now the scientists of the West are \_.'.ve or less ^uggl^ng with very delicate scientific instruments, fhey ar.--; sending iv.t Intricate laboratories into the skies and into outer space; while r.t the same tiaie,- morally and spiritually speaking-, I feel that they are not compete-.-.t to utilize tr,,e resists of their discoveries In the scientific field, which is more c.- less oonnejtdd with the, .intellectual development. . ' QUESTION; I think, sir, that a good many people in Ireland would possibly sympathize with this view of ..yours/ on .international politics and the need for greater stress or. laorsl and. ..sp.ir^ual values... Shat -brings*' me to the question of where you see Ireland's role in. the United Efatiojas, as a peacemaker, in particular? The Acting SECBEfABY^QEtifERAL; Well, Ireland has been playing a very significant part in the activities of the United nations for a marnber of years; and Ireland has contributed on© of the most distinguished Presidents to the General Assembly, in the person of Ambassador Boland, Ireland has contributed very materially toward the successful operation of the "UK /efforts in the Congo. So, as far as your country is . concerned, I think Ireland's contribution has been remarkable. But when we speak of moral and spiritual qualities, in ow approach to political problems, I am confident that' Ireland, with a long hi&%Q??y of.. rel&gjLon and morality, is in a very strong position to exert a very desirable pressure on the forces which are moae or less stressing the merits of intellectual development. I feel that Ireland is a symbol of not only intellectual progress but a fully Integrated progress in both fields. 1 (more) - 7 -

QUESTION; You mentioned the Congo, Mr. Secretary-General. In the Congo,, and in other situations as well, the UN has been criticized from two quite different sides -- on the one band, for doing too much and usurping the functions of the particular country; and, on the other hand, for not doing enou;.;'.i Do you see the United Nations threatened by this criticism of two different kinds and from two sides? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; It is understandable that all issues involving political, emotional, psychological and other factor,-., -ire bound to create dissen- ting opinions -- not only on the Ccago but on many otl.^r issues, partinulp.r.'.y political issues, before tLe United Nations. World opinion has always been divided, so I am not surprised at •ujns,.

As far as tha Congo is concerned, a lot of criticism -•• I would s^yt ninety- five per cent of the criticism --is generated by ignorance of the full facts. For instance, even a v?ry reputable newspaper, published in one of the western European countries, came oirc, rv.x-prisin.gly with a theory that the UN is trying to make Katanga a trust territory. Another equally reputable newspaper, from a wc-stern European country, came cat only two mouths ago, saying that IncLt-n troops are meant to control Katanga because India tu,s e.i ?ye on colonising Katanga because it is adjacent to Angola. This sort of writing perhaps is not out of malice; but my feeling is that this sort of writing and thinking emanates from pure ignorance. QUESTION; now do you foresee some of the efforts of the Katangese, their con- tinuing efforts, for their separation from the Congolese Government — how do you see this end? The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; On this question I have been in contact with several delegations, particularly the big powers. This is one of the primary pur- poses of my visit to some of the western European countries. I have exchanged views on this problem with the heads of governments of some countries. It is my intention to bring this matter before the Security Council meeting, when I go back to New York, because I feel that it is time that the Security Council should review the whole situation in the Congo, and come to definitive decisions in the light of the present developments. QUESTION; Could I ask you a question, Mr. Secretary-General, about the present financial crisis in the United Nations, the shortage of money -- particular for probably its most useful activities, its peace-keeping activities. Do you think the United Nations is likely to be damaged particularly by this. You also said that it is short of men of sufficient caliber. How do you think both of these problems can be solved — the scarcity of men and of money in this case?

(more) -'8 -

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; When we talk of the United Nations * financial position, it is- important to draw a distinction between the normal operations of the United Nations and the peace-keeping operations of the Organization. As far as the normal activities of the UN are concerned, the UN is solvent; "u.= -.ause the member states -- most of them, almost all of them --'are very regular in their payments toward the regular assessment, for the normal expenses of the UK. If I remember aright, for the year 1961 the UK has collected ninety-five per cent of the normal assessments. On the other head, we have also the pee.oe-keeping operations, par- ticularly in the Congo and the Middle East. . For the Middle Eastern operations, last year, ve have collected Efor/at seventh-three per cent of the assessments. For the Congo we have collected a'..<.v'jt sixty-five per cent of the assessments. Therefore, that difficulty of the UN lies only in regard to the peace-keeping opt rations. QUESTION; Yes? The Acting •?.^nREEA?.Y-QapglAL? Of course, in a way, I feel that the decision of the International -Jf.-.'-'.'rfc of Justice -.- which, I have been informed, will be made public some time nex-1; ',»3ek -- might exert some influence over certain member states of .the. Halted Nations. • . QUJKr^ONs; with regard to .yp.ur ^wn position, sir, as Acting Secretary-General, do you see any possibility of. a solution to the-problem that Mr. Eammarskjold had, of being an international civil servant with a Conflicting interest. A civil ser- vant in an ordinary government .of<•'$. .country has usually a government behind him which is pretty well united in its-policy.. You have got to be a servant of con- flicting Interests. What is the solution for this problem; or do you find it particularly difficult? . •.:•--„.. • The Acting SEORmRY-GENERAL; Well, whoever occupies the position of the Secretary-General will from time to time face these problems, because they are human problems, although they are essentially political problems and psychological prob- lems and problems connected with the cold war. Essentially they are human problems. So long as it is recognized in many quarters that whoever occupies the post of Secretary-General is objective in his approach, is impartial in his approach, then I think the problem, will be more than half solved. Of course, he will from time to time run into difficulties, but the most important tiling is for all parties concerned to recognize that a particular person who occupies'the Thirty-eighth Floor has integrity, is free from bias, is objective, and impartial.

(more) - 9

QUESTION: Do you think, sir, that if they do appreciate this, that the Secre- tary-General will be able to be a person capable of, and permitted, by various governments, to take executive action, as I am sure he must do :"..i some crises, when he has not time to look around and see what everybody feels about it? The Ac^n^^ECRgmRY-GESIERAL; Yes,, of course. QUESTION; You think there will be no objection to his taking executive action, once they see that he is fair-minded and objective? The Acting SECTJ^T:~GZW.PAL; Yes, I think so, QTTFi^J.ONt Finally, s-;r, may I ask briefly, do you see the world government which people hope for, evolving from the United Nations; onri what do you think is the biggest development toward it? Would it be the creation of an effecti"-3 force, effectively financed, a coercive force? The Acting S^'HETAF.Y-G^i'iB^AL; In the context of present developments, I think it is cr-ly wise and sensible for every one of us to aspire to have some sort of a world government or vic.--ld parliament, some sort of a world authority which can wield some influence over th-i actions of the component parts. But it will take some time. My own personal feeling, is that there must be some sort of an international organiza- tion like t-he United Nations which should develop frcn strergth to strength. One of the means to achieve this objective, of course, is that there must be soras sort of resources, if I ra.-ay say so, maybe financial resources, manpower resources, which is military resources, at its beck and call. But in the context of the present atti- tudes of many important member states, it will be difficult to materialize this. But I think it should be our aspiration. It is only a matter of time. QUESTION; Mr. Secretary-General, thank you very much indeed. The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Thank you very much for this opportunity.

'V : UNITED NATIONS • Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/1271 ECOSOC/194J 19 July 1962

INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT BY ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT TO THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL._ GENEVA, ON 13 JULY, IN ITS REVIEW OF THE ECONOMIC, SOCIAL /7D HUKAN RIGHTS PROGRAMS OF THE UN AND TEE SPECIALIZED AGENCIES AS A WHOLE

(The following was received here from the Information Service of the UN European Office, Ger'fLva, and is reissued here for reference purposes.)

I welcome the opportunity of making a brief statement by way of introduction to this ite.n -- the general review of the development and coordination of the work of the United Nations faiuily -- which forms a necessary complement to the one we have just debated. We have been concentrating on the international activities that should be extended and intensified in the United Nations Decade of Development in order to reach the goals set by the General Assembly; it behooves u-s now to examine what we have to build upon, and such housekeeping matters as the machinery at our disposal, the appropriateness of our procedures, and how our decentralized system of institu- tions has been organising itself fcr its new and greatly enlarged tasks. 3? shall first make a few remarks regarding the development of the activities of the United Nations family. On this subject, I can be very brief indeed, since the executive heads of many of the agencies will be addressing you shortly. Then I shall discuss, with the Development Decade very much in view, some aspects of coor- dination — in regard to which there are a number of positive results to report; and finally, I shall have something to say about a matter which concerns the United Nations itself, rather than its sister agencies, namely the question of the prac- tices and procedures in regard to programing and budgeting for our economic and social activities. A careful review of this question seems to me to be essential if the United Nations is to be in a position to provide the services its members are asking of it. The reports before the Council* -- I refer particularly to those of the specialized agencies, of the Administrative Committee on Coordination, as well as of (more) *Background on reports before the Council under this item, including annual reports of UN agencies and of the Administrative Committee on Coordination, appears in Press Release ECOSOC/1929, the annotated agenda for the Council session. - 2 - Press Release SG/1271 ECOSOC/19l(-5 19 July 1962 the ad hoc working party set up to review the rather voluminous documentation under the present item — make it abundantly clear that proposals for action by the United Nations family in the Development Decade have a solid institutional basis. They show that the proposals are not just an enumeration of desirable objectives but things that are feasible in terms of international expertise and machinery. In fact, a remarkable range of international activities, covering almost every field of human endeavor, has been built up over the years in response to the con- stantly growing demands from governments. This process, and the development of individual programs, have been reviewed and oriented by the intergovernmental organs of the United nations and the agencies at every stage. The last such general scrutiny — the so-called "Program Appraisal"— was undertaken by a distinguished conanittee appointed by the Council whose report appeared in 1960, That report, entitled Five-Year Perspective, 1960-196^, has been a principal source of inspiration in the formulation of my own proposals. I should like at this point to underline one of the conclusions it drew, that the nations of the world have at their disposal the basic international machinery for carrying out effectively a far larger and broader pi-ograin than has hitherto been attempted. That conclusion remains as valid today as when it was written. I come now to questions of coordination. When I met the heads of all the agencies in the ACC two months ago, I was a newcomer to a vast subject with which many representatives on the Council are thoroughly familiar. It will not surprise you, Mr, President, that I was struck by the complexity of our interagency rela- tionships and the number of matters that require constant attention, if the United Nations family is to work in a unified way. But what struck me still more forcibly was the firm foundation for cooperation and coordination that had been built up, and what I may call the reality of the United Nations family -- the sense of devotion clearly felt by all my colleagues to the common goals embodied in the Charter and the agency'constitutions. I left the session with the knowledge that, in the course of the past year, progress in coordination and concerted action had been made in a'considerable number of fields. It was also clear to me that there was a closer mutual understanding and that there were fewer outstanding problems than when we had begun our discussions. The progress to which I have referred is reflected in the ACC's report. Moreover, almost every section of that report bears directly on the urgent tasks confronting governments and the United Nations family of organizations, in the

(more). - 3 - Press Release SG/1271 . ' : ECOSOC/19^3 19 July, 1962 Development Decade, jvjy proposals for the Decade underlined the crucial importance of development planning; the ACC has discussed aspects of this question, with reference particularly to the Development Planning Institutes "which are to "be linked to the regional economic commissions. I also stressed the importance, among the first steps in the development process in many countries, particularly those with newly won independence, of extending education and training, and building up a sound and efficient public administration; here again, the ACC has provided a framework for a concerted approach by the United nations organizations. It has also promoted such an approach in other sectors including industry, water resources, urbanization, housing and community facilities, as well as programs benefiting children and young people. The A'~;C's report shows finally that, although we may still be quite far from the goal se.t by the Council, some progress has been made toward better coordination of assistance at the country level through the Resident Representatives, and with the cooperation of the secretariats of the regional economic commissions. ¥Uile 7,,'ie ACC provides an indispensable mechanism for dealing with matters of concern to all or several agencies, the direct consultations and cooperation that individual agencies maintain with one another are of no less importance. Indeed, some of the most significant recent developments from the point of view of coordination have been of this kind. Among such developments might be mentioned the establishment of the Joint UN/FAO World Food Program/ the joint session of the UW Commission on Internationa]. Commodity Trade and the FAO Committee on Commodity Problems; numerous arrangements in the field of education -- for example, an FAO/ILO/IMESCO agreement on cooperation in the field of agricultural education; the growth of closer working relationships between the International Development Association and the United Nations and other agencies. I might also mention that we are, I believe, on the road to closer and more fruitful collaboration among the agencies concerned — and particularly the United Rations, the ILO and the Bank — in the promotion of industrial development, I need hardly say that problems of coordination arise within, and not only among, our different international organizations. We have such problems within the UN organization itself — problems common to all large organizations, but also problems due to the geographical dispersal of our activities and our inter- governmental organs. I believe the United Nations record would not suffer by comparison with that of most national administrations, but it is the constant preoccupation of my colleagues and myself to obviate, if we can, such internal

(more) - k - Press Release SG/1271 ECOSOG/19UJ 19 problems of coordination, or to solve them .if they arise. A useful contribution to the same end is being made by the Economic Policy Board which I have recently reconstituted in connection particularly with the program for the Development Decade. With such a short experience' of' the economic and social work of the United Nations family, and being well aware of the findings that have been submitted to you by the ad hoc committee, I hesitate to formulate at this stage specific conclu- sions or recommendations regarding interagency coordination. Let ma just put to you two quite general observations, one on the negative, the other en the positive aspect of the matter. Last year the Secretary-General's introductory statement noted that the task of coordination among the United Nations family was becoming in certain respects more exacting and difficult because of such factors as the increase in the scope and complexity of the tasks now being undertaken; the process of decentralization and the expansion of activities in the regions; and the growth of bodies within and outside the UN, at Headquarters and at regional levels, each of which was in one way or another concerned with a ivide range of subjects. An ever-greater effort of coordination is being made, but ths process is becoming increasingly costly in terms of time and money. One immediate reason for this is the growth in the number and scope of reports being called for. Even a report that confines itself to enumerating and describing the activities of the UN family in a particular field is likely to involve a good deal of interagency consultation and clearance, in addition to the job of compilation and writing. One that attempts to go further by defining more closely the concepts and aims of different organizations, or by proposing new approaches and arrangements, inevitably requires a long process of interagency discussion and represents a major undertaking. While a good deal of such work is absolutely necessary, from the Secretariat's as well as the Councilrs point of view, I would plead that we should not be asked to do too much at a time. It would be helpful indeed if the Council would scrutinize its standing requests for studies and reports relating to coordination, as well as all new proposals for additional documentation of this kind, with a view to eliminating whatever is not really essential. May I also make a plea for greater flexibility in the fixing of deadlines for the completion of Secretariat studies and reports, and whenever possible for meetings? Tills by itself would enable all organizations to make a more effective response, with the means at their disposal, to the requests made of them. (more) - 5 - Press Release SG/1271 ECOSOC/19U5 19 July 1962 My second -- and positive -- observation relates to the potent influence toward unity that can be exercised by'the Development Decade itself. Within each government and in the Economic and Social Council the existing and potential contributions of the United Nations and the various agencies are being looked at and appraised as a whole. This is a dynamic process which should lead to a more fully concerted approach and closer cooperation among our various organizations than has so far been realized. From the point of view of the secretariats, too, interagency cooperation and coordination will assuredly "be strengthened as we seek to broaden and quicken our understanding of the magnitude of the challenge which confronts us, and to concentrate our energies upon the tasks of highest priority which each of our organisations is best fitted to perform. I believe that we have in the Development Decade all we need in the way of such a unifying conception and a look forward with confidence to ever-closer cooperation within the UN family in the years ahead. However, the extent and effectiveness of the contribution each organization can make to this common enterprise will naturally be dependent upon the resources at its disposal. Enough has "heen said earlier this week aboi.it the need for a substantial increase in the funds available for technical and pre-investment assistance; what I must emphasise now is the no lesc pressing need of the United Nations itself to match the expanding workload created by decisions of the Council and the General Assembly by an adequate expansion in the regular budget. Owing principally to the difficult financial position of the Organization, a conscious effort was made during recent years to limit requests for additional credits in the regular budget. As a consequence, the considerable growth of the UK's own programs during this period has not been matched by a comparable strengthening of the means for carrying them out. I refer particularly to the staff establishment, to the provision for consul- tants, and to credits for travel necessitated by the desired contacts between the regional commissions and Headquarters, and with the specialized agencies. Such limited increases as have been requested under these headings in the UW budget were in the main to strengthen resources in the economic and social area. They were, however, by no means adequate to meet the full impact of the expansionfjhich has taken place in the programs in this field. One result of this state of affairs has been that the absorptive capacity of the United Nations staff has been strained beyond reasonable limits. In certain units, the workload has more than tripled while their establishment has barely been increased. Such a situation cannot continue without a serious breakdown of the standards of performance. Indeed, it has become a matter of urgency that the situation should be rectified. (more) - 6 -• Press Release SG/1271 ECOSOC/19^3 19 July 1962 Another consequence has been a lack of balance between the various activities, as their growth has been conditioned, more by attitudes prevailing in certain specialized organs, and even by the hazards of the language used in reports and resolutions, rather than by any over-all judgment on .priorities and the appropriate relationship between various activities. One notable example in this respect — and by no means the only one -- is public administration, where the strength of the Secretariat has remained markedly below the needs, as expressed in the demands of the governments. Furthermore, there has ceased to exist within the Department of Economic and Social Affairs, whether at Headquarters or in the regionb, the minimum elbow room which is needed to face situations of crisis and emergency, such as have developed from time to time in recent years, or to take up new projects of great scope such as the Development Decade itself, without having to cancel or postpone other activities of high priority. To help meet this situation, a policy of "controlled expansion" in the economic and social fields, based on a careful review of needs, priorities and resources, seems to me to be essential. If such a policy were to be adopted and adhered to, it would require a number of steps, some of which I can take under my own responsibility, while others would require action by the General Assembly and the Council. In the first place, controlled expansion would mean an attempt at establishing certain yearly targets for the total budget in the economic and social field. This would seem to be completely consonant with the spirit of the General Assembly's resolution on the Development Decade. In determining such targets, which should be flexible while being related to each of the major sectors of activity, the General Assembly would certainly need the guidance of the Council. Secondly, there should be an acceptance of certain disciplines in the process of decision-making in relation to the program of work. In particular, it would seem important that the priorities and targets established by the Council, together with the Council's views on the incidence and rate of expansion, should be brought to the attention of all the Council's committees and commissions, and constitute the framework for the decisions to be taken by them.

(more) - 7 - Press Release SG/1271 ECOSCC/19^3 19 July 1962

Thirdly, there is need for some improved procedures to ensure that new requests are made with due regard to existing criteria and available resources. Most of the specialized agencies have developed such a mechanism for the simultaneous elaboration of their program of work and determination of annual resources. It is not certain that the United Nstions> with its multiple centers of initiative, could adopt the same procedure. I feel,, however, that the question of procedures for improving the present situation should be studied as soon as possible, in the first instance by the Economic and Social Council. These issues are by no means newj they figured quite prominently several years ago in the discussions of the Council and in the reports of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions. I have raised them agai". today because of their critical importance for the development of the economic and social activities of th? Organization, and because I feel sure that the Council will wish to consider, in the context of this general review, the institutional and procedural changer, that may be necessary if the United Nations itself is to make the maximum contribution to the Decade of Development.

^-W..-— . r-u-.-^-'-t.ci, - . A UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Note No. 2615 11 July 1962

NOTE TOj:'0.^^.oK^IiENT3

The following was received today from a UN Information Officer in Oslo:

Asked his personal opinion on the United States high altitude tests during a press conference held in Oslo, N rway, this morning, Acting Secretary-General U Thaut referred to his previous public statement on a similar matter*, and continued: "In the context of General Assembly resolutions on the banning of nuclear tests, wherewith I, of course, am in full agreement, I feel that the United States or any other power should not explode high altitude nuclear devices. The General Assembly resolutions mention nuclear tests; but the tests conducted day before yesterday belong to a different category and they are more undesirable from my point of view for several reasons. "Of course, nuclear tests in general are undesirable in the context of the General Assembly resolutions, but these high altitude tests are more undesirable. In the first place, outer space has been agreed to by all member states of the United Nations to be used exclusively for peaceful purposes. Secondly, many eminent scientists all over the world have protested against these high altitude tests. "Of course, there is a division of opinion amongst the scientists themselves, and although I am not a scientist,my feeling is that science in this particular field is still in its infancy. I think many things are still in the dark. Many scientists will confess that they are not aware of the full implications of these tests. So if I am to cite an analogy, these tests seem to be like a child playing with a naked razor blade without being conscious of the full implications of what he is doing. And another point is that after these United States tests, I am sure the Soviet Union will follow suit and poison the atmosphere still further. On a previous occasion I had expressed my views, of course in the context of the General Assembly resolutions, and I repeat my protest again today." * *** #

* See Note to Correspondents No. 2603 of 5 June 1962. to

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations^ K.Y. (For use of information media — not an official record)

Note Wo. 23 July 1962

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

PRESS COHFER^IiCE BY THE ACTING SECRETARY- GENERAL HELD IN OSLO, NORWAY,

ON WEDNESDAY, 11 JULY 1962 - 1 - Note No. 262k 23 July 1962

The Press Conference opened at 12:09.

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: Ladies and Gentlemen of the Fourth Estate, I an very happy Indeed to "be here in Oslo and particularly to meet with you and present some of my views to you and exchange certain views with you on the important problems facing the United Nations today. I am not sure which aspects of ths United Nations'activities you are more interested in, but I want to state a fact which is worth remembering. In the United Nations family, that is the United Nations Headquarters as well as cur sister agencies, there are 18,000 men and women employed. Out of these 18,.000 men and • women only 1-500 are directly concerned with the discharge of the political activities» The remaining 16,500 are solely concerned with the discharge of non- political activities of the United Nations. So it is obvious that the political activities are but just a fragment of the UN activities. The UN is concerned in a very large measure with the non-political activities I\\e the economic activities, social activities, trusteeship activities, activities in the field of 'World Health Organization, International Labor Organization, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and so on. But the political activities of the UN have been receiving more attention than the non-political activities, because understandably the political developments are more newsworthy and more sensational, and they attract public attention much more strongly than the social and economic activities undertaken by the United Nations organization. Of course, as far as the discharge of the political functions are concerned the United Nations apparatus is weak and, if I may say so, inadequate. But one should realize that in the discharge of the non-political activities, particularly in the economic field and the trusteeship field,the United Nations has been able to do a very significant and positive job. That is one aspect of the UN activities which I would like to bring to the attention of the members of the press. Another fact which I have in mind is the new phenomena which we are facing at the moment. Since the end of World War II the rich countries are getting richer and the poor countries are getting poorer in terms of their national income. I think this division of the world into rich countries and poor countries is much more serious and ultimately much more explosive than the division of the world on ideological grounds. So with this in mind the United Nations General Assembly at (more) - 2 . Hote Wo. 2624 23 July 1962 its XV Session -- that was in 1960 -- passed a'resolution requesting the member states, particularly the rich member states, to contribute at least 1 per cent of their global national product to international aid. And at its XVI Session again -- that was last year -- the General Assembly passed a resolution launching the Decade of Development, as you"are no doubt aware. The primary purpose of that resolution was to see that the underdeveloped countries gain an additional national income of 5 Per cent every year for the next ten years. And the General Assembly also feels rather strongly that the developed countries cf the world today are in a position to render this aid,, to narrow the bridge between the rich countries and the poor countries, in any case to arrest the widening gulf between the rich countries and the poor countries. There seems to be a consensus of opinion that if this trend is allowed to go on, if this gulf is allowed to get wider and wider, it will increase tensions and they might, as I have said, eventually be more explosive than any other divisions in the world today. So this launching of the Development Decade, in my view, is one of the most important and significant activities of the United Nations in its whole career of 17 years'. Well; to touch on some of the political issues before the UK I'll take a few more minutes cf your time. As you know, the problem of the Congo is the most impor- tant problem facing the UN today.' When we consider the problem of the Congo we have to bear certain facts in mind. First of all there has been a definite improvement in the situation in the Congo.' If you compare the present situation and the situatior prevailing last year or the year before last you will find certain differences. First of all two years ago there was no parliament functioning. Wow there is a parliament functioning. A year and' a half ago there was not even a central govern- ment. Wow there is a central government, recognized by almost every member state of the United nations. A year ago there was scarcely law and order in every province. Wow, relatively speaking, there is law and order in the Congo except in Katanga. So it must be admitted that the situation in the Congo has improved, but not to the extent that the UH activities in the' Congo1 have fulfilled the mandates of the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. The Security Council has author- ized me to do certain things in the Congo. First of all, the United Nations forces in the Congo have been instructed to maintain law and order. Secondly,-our forces have been instructed to prevent civil war. And thirdly, our forces have been instruc- ted to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo which is, I think, a very important provision of the Security Council resolution — to maintain the

(more) - 3 - Note Ho. 2624 23 July 1962 unity and territorial integrity of H;l:.£- Cc.••;/>. ?:nd another important mandate of the Security Council is for the UK forces to arrest and detain and deport foreign mer- cenaries with a requisite laeasvre of force, if necessary. So the UN troops have been authorized to use a requisite measure of force, if necessary, ia arresting and detaining and deporting foreign mercenaries. It is clear from this mandate that the United Nations trcoos in the Congo are not expected to taka any military initiatives. It has never teen the intention of the S?e-airiJ;.y Cbv.ru.il, nor is it my intention to launch eny military initiatives or operations in any part of the Congo. But of course, the United Nations troops in the Congo have "been authorised to retaliate, if attacked, "by way of exercise of self- defence , The developments last December, it may be recalled, were the result of Tshombe's gendarmerie blocking the streets of Elisabethville, thus obstructing the UII forces from discharging their obligations in the context of the relevant Security Council resolutions „ When ths UN forces wore authorized to arrest foreign mercenaries with the requisite measure of force,, if necessary, they must have the freedom of movement, they must have the right of access to any place where zhey suspect to harbor foreign mercenaries. The first requisite for the successful discharge of this obligation is to have freedom of movement. When Mr. Tshombe's gendarmerie in Elisabethville put up road blocks in the town of Elisabethville, our forces had to remove them by force. They were attacked by the Katangese gendarmerie and the UN forces had to hit back as an exercise of the right of self-defence. Thus hostilities flared up. These developments were very much misunderstood in certain countries. It was construed by sections of the press and the public in some western European countries that the United nations had launched military operations against the Katangese people. It was certainly not the case. The United Nations troops have no mandate whatsoever to launch any military operation. The functions of the United Nations troops in the Congo are clearly defined in the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. Of course the question of the Congo can be simplified in a very few words. The problem of the Congo is the problem of Katanga. And the problem of Katanga is the problem of finances. And the problem of finances in turn is the problem of Union Miniere. If only Union Miniere seriously means to contribute to the peaceful solu- tion of the problem I think the problem of the Congo will be solved. The case is very simple, if I may put it that way. The Union Miniere, and for that matter, Tanganyika Concessions, have been operating in Katanga for a number of years under Belgian administration. There have been practices, traditional practices, adopted by (more) - k - Note Mo. 262^ 2j> July 1962

the Union Miniere and the Central Government in Leopoldville even at a time of Belgian administration. Certain revenues have to go to the Central Government, cer- tain revenues have to go to the provincial government. There has teen an orderly distribution of revenues for a number of1 years. But since July.1960 when Belgium gave independence to the Congo difficulties cropped up, because the traditional practice regarding the distribution of revenues could not be enforced. Union Miniere alcne 'gave $39 million to Elisabethville last year. Out of the revenue of $65 million received by the Katangeae regime in Elisabethr-ille in 1961, $39 million came exclusively from Union•Miniere. Hot a single penny vent to the Central Government, as had been the practice before, for a number of years. So this is the main problem of the Congo. All that the United Nations wants to do in the Congo is. to maintain law and order and to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo including the maintenance of the practices which prevailed in the country before the transfer of power. So far, of course, I have been encouraging the leaders, both the Prime Minister, Mr, Adoula, arid Mr. Ishornbe, to come to a peaceful settlement of their problems. I have tried my best to bring the two leaders together and my representatives both in Leopoldville aud in Elisabethville have been instructed to create a climate favor- able for the conduct of these negotiations. As you know, two meetings took place, and the last meeting was adjourned only a few days ago without achieving any positive results. I am still trying to bring the two together. But if our efforts fail, I have certain steps in mind for the UN to take. And I have discussed these ideas with the representatives of the key delegations in New York, and I am discussing the same ideas with the leaders of the governments of the. countries I have visited and I propose to visit. And perhaps it nay be necessary for me some time towards the end of July or the beginning of August to call a Security Council meeting where I have to present the latest situ- ation in the Congo, so that the Security Council may be in a position to review the whole situation in the context of the latest developments and give me a fresh mandate if necessary or clarify the previous mandate. I have been advised that the floor should be open to questions. I will be very glad to answer questions which you may like to put.

(more) . - 5 - Note No. 262U 23 July 1962

QUESTION; Sir, what are the latest developments in the New Guinea crisis? When do you expect secret negotiations to resume and what do you expect to come out of them?

The Acting SECREJMY-GENERAL: Regarding this question of West New Guinea, last December I appealed to both governments to try to settle their dispute by peaceful means. And since then I have been in contact with the two delegations separately and in March of this- yser I deputed an .American diplomat, Mr. Ellsvort.h Bunker, to conduct negotiations on my behalf. Late in March Mr. Bunker presented his own proposal as a formula for discussion, Now both governments have accepted the Bunker proposal in principle. And I have been assured by both governments that they -would send their representatives to resume negotiations. Possibly the negotiations will be resumed this week. And after the formula has been agreed to, negotiations will shift to New York where under my auspices the two delegations will negotiate and if there is agreement — and I am sure there will be an agreement — the matter should be brought before the XVII Session-of the General Assembly, just for the Assembly to take note of the agreement reached and to authorize me to implement the terms of the agreement.

QUESTION; You recently sent out a request whether a special conference should be convened in order to outlaw nuclear weapons. This request was answered negatively by the Norwegian Government. I wonder whether you have any comment on this question.

The Acting SECRETARY;-GENERAL: I have transmitted all the replies I received to the Disarmament Commission. The Disarmament Commission will take up this matter end they will send their recommendations to the General Assembly. Of course in practice there is no difference between the Disarmament Commission and the General Assembly, because the Disarmament Commission comprises all member states of the UN. But in theory I have to submit the replies to the Disarmament Commission. So it is for the Disarmament Commission to consider these replies.

QUESTION: Sir, do you believe the situation in Berlin could be improved by the stationing of UK troops or by some other kind of UN presence?

(more ) - 6'- Note No. 262k 23 July 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Regarding Berlin my own thinking is: if the four big powers primarily concerned with the problem of Berlin come to any agreement in any form, the United Nations should respond to such an agreement, either in the form of sone kind of UN presence or in the form of the shifting of parts of the UN offices to Berlin or in whatever form they may1agree to, because, as you all know, the big four powers are directly involved with the solution of the Berlin problem, and I think if they come to any agreement in any form, the United Nations should respond to this agreement,

QUESTION: Sir, in your briefing on the Congo problem you mentioned that you had discussed with kejr delegations and the countries you visited certain proposals you had in mind* Would you be more specific on your proposals;? And the second question I would ask you is if in your opinion a controlled arms embargo for the Middle East would be desirable to reduce tensions between the Arab states and Israel?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Regarding the first question: Since the Congo problem is directly concerned with the Security Council I had informal and private discussions with the representatives of the big powers which are represented in the Security Council. And of course I discussed with leaders of the British Government in London during my brief visit there last week, and I propose to discuss these ideas with the government leaders in France where I will be next week, and of course I have discussed with the representatives of the United States and the Soviet Union too. Besides these big powers in the Security Council I have also discussed with the Foreign Minister of Belgium, Mr. Spaak, I do not think it will be in the public interest for me to reveal these ideas at this moment. Regarding the second question on arms embargo for the Middle East I think it is primarily the concern of the relevant organ of the United Nations to decide. It is not for the Acting Secretary-General to express one view or the other on this subject. Of course if the relevant organ of the United Nations decides one way or the other it is my duty to implement such a decision.

QUESTION; Sir, what is your view on the reports of the military build-up in the Fukien Province of Red China and the reports from nationalist China that the national Chinese Government want to invade the mainland.

(more) - 7 - Note Wo. 262^ 23 July 1962

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: On these matters I do not know anything beyond the press reports. So there is no means of assessing the truth of these reports and so I do not think I am competent to pass any judgement on these reported developments.

QUESTION: Mr. Secretary-General, what is your view on the European economic community?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: Well, to be frank I aa not very familiar with the full implications of this projected European economic community in the context of the United Nations Development Decade. It needs further very close study. But of one thing I am sure. If the projected European economic community is inward-looking, parochial and bellicose, it is not desirable. If the projected European economic community is outward-looking, imaginative, tolerant and full of vision vis-a-vis the economic condition of the world at large, then it is very desirable. This is my assessment,

QUESTION: Sir, may I return to a question directly related to your work and that is the financial problem of the United Nations. The bonds issue has helped you over the crisis for the time being, but I do not know if that can solve the problem on a long term basis. How do you expect the financial problems of the United Nations to be solved satisfactorily on a long term basis?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: When we speak of the financial problem of the United Nations I think we should make a distinction between the normal expenses involved and the abnormal expenses. Regarding the normal expenses of the UN operations the United Nations is financially very solvent. Almost every member state complied with the obligations under the UN Charter and there has been very little arrears outstanding. If I remember right regarding last year's assessment the United Nations has collected about 95 per cent of the dues. That is as far as the normal expenses are involved. Regarding the peace-keeping operations like the Congo and the Middle East of course the United Nations is heavily in debt. If I remember right, the latest figure regarding collections is 73 per cent for the Middle East operations and 65 per cent for the Congo operations have been collected. Of course under the mandate of the General Assembly resolution of the XVI session, I have appealed to (more) - 8 - Note Ho. 262k 23 July 1962 the member states to purchase bonds and I want to take this opportunity of expressing my profound thanks to the people and Government of Norway for their very active part in sponsoring the relevant resolution in the XVI session of the General Assembly and for their outstanding contribution toward the implementation of this resolution by coming out as the first member state to buy UN bonds. Of course, so far., about hQ member states have pledged or actually purchased bonds in the amount of approximately 66 million dollars. And Washington may perhaps come out with its decision sortie time at the end of this month or perhaps beginning of next month. The Senate Committee has endorsed President Kennedy's proposals, and the matter is now before the House Committee. If the House Committee follows suit and endorses President Kennedy's proposal Washington •will buy bonds in the amount of 25 million dollars plus whatever amount that may be pledged by other member states or other sources. That means, in effect, as of the moment Washington will buy, if the House Committee approves of President Kennedy's proposals, 25 million plus 66, that is approximately $91 or $92 million. So that will mean, in effect, the United Nations will have approximately $155 million and in anticipation of certain prospective purchases perhaps we may have $160 million, as against the anticipated $200 million. So if we get this amount, of course the UN will be in a position to carry on the UN operations in the Congo at the present level for some time. If the General Assembly decides to maintain the present level of indebtedness the UN will be able to carry on much longer. If the General Assembly decides to redeem the present debts, of course the UN will be able only to proceed with its activities for a much shorter time. This is the matter for me to report back to the General Assembly at its next session, and regarding the political and military situation in the Congo, as I indicated earlier, I have to report to the Security Council in good time,

QUESTION: Sir, are you satisfied with the arrangement with ad hoc forces or do you favor establishment of a permanent UN force?

The Acting SECBETARY-GENERAL; Of course I have my own personal views on this, but the matter has never been brought up before the General Assembly or the Security Council, although I understand certain member states are very much interested in this problem. So I think if any member state wishes to bring this up in the General Assembly or any other competent organ of the United Nations I am sure it will receive very careful consideration, but as far as I am concerned I do not feel that I should make any statement regarding my views. (more) - 9 - Note Wo. 262k 2J July 1962

QUESTION: Sir, can you tell us your personal opinion about the last high altitude test?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: Oh, United States nuclear tests? Yes. I think on a previous occasion I made my views known to the public through a press conference. In the context of the General Assembly resolutions on tbe banning of nuclear tests -- and of course I am in full agreement with these resolutions -- I feel that the United States, or for that matter any other power, should not explode high altitude nuclear devices. The General Assembly resolutions mention nuclear tests; but the tests conducted the day before yesterday belong to a different category and they are more undesirable from my point of view for several reasons. Of course, nuclear tests in general are undesirable in the context of the General Assembly resolutions, but these high altitude tests are more undesirable. In the first placs, outer space has been agreed to by all member states of the UN to be used exclusively for peaceful purposes. And secondly, many eminent scientists all over the world have protested against these high altitude tests. Of course there is a divirion of opinion among the scientists themselves. I am not a scientist but my feeling is: science in this particular field is still in its infancy. I think many things are still in the dark. Many scientists will confess that they are not aware of the full implications of these tests. So if I am to cite an analogy, these tests seem to me like a child playing with a naked razor- blade without "being conscious of the full implications of what he is doing. And another point is, after these United States tests I am almost sure the Soviet Union will follow suit and poison the atmosphere still further. So on a previous occasion I had expressed my views in the context of the General Assembly resolutions and I repeat my protest again today. So, ladies and gentlemen, I am really delighted to have this opportunity of exchanging our views and responding to your questions and I wish you success, particularly in the discharge of your functions as educators of public opinion, wielders of a very powerful mass media, I wish you success. Thank you very much. The conference closed at 12:^9 p.m.

* ### *

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/1272 19 July 1962

STATEMENT BY ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT AT A DINNER GIVEN BY NORWEGIAN GOVERNMENT IN OSLO ON 10 JULY

I certainly feel it a distinct honor that Norway was one of the first countries which extended to me an invitation, and as you are no doubt aware, I was to make the visit much earlier if not for the session of the General Aseenblyo I want to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Government and people f Norway for their consistent support of the United Nations ideals. The first distinguished Secretary-General of the United Nations,* who is here with us today, came from this country^ and at every session of the General Assembly, Norway's contribution to the discussion of various problems has been very significant. To cite a few instances, at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly, the Norwegian ilelsgation was one which took the lead, following my statement en the financial position and prospects of the United Nations, in co-sponsoring a draft resolution which was subsequently approved and which authorized me to issue United Nations bonds up to the amount of $200 million. Once I had taken steps to implement my mandate, as a result of the resolution Adopted by the sixteenth session, the Norwegian Government was the first to purchase bonds in the amount of $1,800,000. The Norwegian delegation was also a co-sponsor in the Fifth Committee of the draft resolution relating to the expenses for the maintenance of the United Nations Emergency Force, whereby the Assembly decided to apportion the amount appropriated among all members in accordance with the regular scale of assessments subject to certain provisions. Norway was also among those proposing the dedication of the i United Nations Library as a memorial to the late Dag Hammarskjold. These are only some of the instances to illustrate Norway's active and positive contribution to the successful operation of United Nations activities.

(more)

*Trygve Lie. - 2 - Press Release SG/1272 19 July 1962

Your country has also made a great contribution to the economic advancement of less developed countries both through the United Nations agencies and on a bilateral basis. Norway has been one of the strong supporters of the Expanded Program of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund. In the circumstances of the world today, we have to turn again and again to those willing donors who recognize the importance of the United Nations work in the economic and social field. Perhaps we will have many more occasions to turn to Norway for such contributions, and we hope that your generosity toward such worthy causes will never flag. It seems to me that the most serious source of world tension today is the division of the world into rich nations and poor nations. Since the end of World War II rich nations are getting richer while the poor nations are getting poorer. This ever-widening gulf is ultimately, in my view, more explosive than the division of the world on ideological grounds. There are millions of people in the world who do not have enough to eat and enough to cover themselves with, and whose children cannot go even to the primary schools. It seems comic to talk to them about the virtues of democratic principles and the dignity of man,, How to arrest the widening gulf between the rich and the poor is the problem of this decade and of several more decades to come. If the skills and resources of the advanced countries of the world are to be successfully adapted to the needs and problems and conditions of the developing countries, then it will not only mean the arresting of the widening gulf, but it will also mean the dawn of a new era of peace and amity among peoples.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Fti"l:".c Infornation United. Nations, M.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/126? ECOSOC/1940 16 July 1962

STATEMEM] BY ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT TO THE ECONOMIC^AND SOCIAL COUNCIL, GEK37A, OH 9 JULY QPENIIC THE DEBATE OM THE UN DEVELOPMENT DECADE

(The following was received here from the Information Service of the UN European Office, Geneva, ar_d is reissued here for reference purposes.)

It is for me a privilege to attend this summer session of the Economic and Social Council --a privilege enhanced "by the occasion to present to you my proposals for the United Nations Development Decade. This question is indeed more than a broad agenda item. It is, I believe, a program of such significance that, if dealt with appropriately, with vision and resolution, it might make the 3^th session of the Council on historic one. Since the adoption of the resolution by the General Assembly last winter, the United Nations Development Decade has been a major preoccupation in our minds. It has prompted much reflection and soul-searching among us and two months ago I could not refrain from addressing Danish students on this theme, during my visit to Copenhagen. I hope that I shall be forgiven if, in opening your debate on the Decade, I go back to some of the thoughts which I then expressed. This hope rests on the perhaps daring assumption that, when it comes to sharing deep convictions on fundamental issues, the language spoken to government representatives need not be altogether different from that used in addressing a nonofficial audience. The basic fact, the basic circumstance, which warrants and indeed demands a bold, world-wide approach to economic and social development, is the now demonstrated possibility for mankind at large to create resources rather than depend on them. Endowed as our planet is, and able to take advantage of its riches as we have become, it is no longer resources that limit decisions. It is decisions that make resources, just as, in an economy where growth has acquired enough impetus, acceleration of such growth becomes mainly a matter of effective demand.

(more) . - 2 - Press Release SG/126J ECOSOC/19^0 16 July 1962

As I am not a professional economist, I might perhaps be candid about that notion of effective demand* It evokes the illustration of Keynesian theories inviting us to reflect on the possible stimulating effects on a depressed economy of a mobilization of workers for burying empty cans which could then be dug out, or any other modern version of Penelope's web, I wonder what Lord Keynes would say if lie lived in our world of today, in wtu--Vb 1«3/S billion people suffering from hunger or malnutrition have become 'pressingly vocal :!.u international forums. Across fron- tiers he would see, on the one hand, demand for more necessities and greater oppor- tunities; on the other hand, competition for :nore and deadlier weapons, which I can only conceive as a highly dangerous substitute for the empty can exercise. In this respect, it is good, and significant of the United nations' approach, that at the time when the Economic and Social Council is breaking new ground for a momentous long-term program of economic and social development, it is also seized for the first time with the problem of economic and social consequences of disarmament. This raay be historically a coincidence, but we should turn it into an opportunity for a broader and deeper reflection on the major problems of our day. Armaments -- or disarmament — are a major determinant of the pace, nature and scope of economic and social progress, and they bear in more than one way on the debate which is opening today. At the threshold of the 1960's it is of great importance that a report of the quality of that which is before you should do justice in a decisive is ' • way to an alleged and invidious relationship between armaments and prosperity, which may be lingering in the minds of many. By stating categorically, and on the basis of a unanimous finding, that the disappearance of military budgets should not result in the collapse, nor ttfen a serious dislocation of the economies of the industrialize!^^ countries, the experts have strengthened our belief that the trend toward increasing armaments is not irreversible and that disarmament, our only durable insurance against the risk of annihilation, is not beyond the reach of the international community. The experts have at the same time drawn attention to the fact, very relevant to this debate on a decade of development, that action should be planned ahead, and preparations made in the economic and social field, for the advent of disarmament. And it is good that we can have confidence that this is being done. At the same time, I should like to emphasize my conviction that we cannot wait upon disarmament. Mobilizing resources for economic and social progress is an effort which can and must go forward, whatever happens to military budgets. If the latter were to dwindle or disappear in a near future,- as we so keenly hope, the less developed world should, of course, share the savings with the taxpayers of the big (more) - 3 - Press Release SG/126? ECOSOC/19^0 16 July 1962 powers and additional billions would "be available to speed up development all over the world. But let us not make fuller international cooperation contingent upon a particular manifestation of it, however crucial the latter may be, Is our imagination going to be spurred only by the fear of an international rivalry? Or will the idea that man can change and better his lot become the most powerful driving force of mankind in this century? The latter proposition is the one which we must make come true, What would be the significance, otherwise,, of the current process of decolonization bringing to independence so many countries which immediately acquire membership in the Organization by unanimous vote? Political freedom can only render more intolerable the coexistence between the rich and the poor, in the international context just as in any national one. It is gratifying to see that financial and technical assistance from high- income to low-income countries have become an accepted feature of the international economy, with former colonial powers often accounting for a decisive share in the foreign financial and human resources placed at the disposal of the newly independent countries. Bat the problem of increasing external assistance and of maximizing its effectiveness becomes every day more acute. In a world shrunken by the progress of communication mediaf the pressure of underprivileged citizens against national inequalities in levels of living becomes the impatience of entire populations with subnormal standards of nutrition, shelter, education and medical care while billions are spent on, say, space research. I say this because, if everybody is not assured a share in the benefits of the scientific progress which leads us into space, if the fast growing investment capital and technical know-how which are applied to push farther the present boundaries of the kingdom of man are not also fully used to bring better life to all within such boundaries, then the fate of mankind itself is in serious jeopardy. And while, on the plane of tactics, this explosive situation might still allow the interplay of political considerations, on the plane of global strategy it has come to assume the proportions of a compelling moral challenge, in terms of human dignity and human kinship. It is now a recognized fact that, with present population trends, the widening of the gap between affluent societies and low-income economies can only be countered by self-sustaining and accelerated growth in the latter. To achieve such growth in minimum time, efforts must, of course, proceed in the most coherent manner towards pre-determined objectives. In recent years, the will to get more for more people at a fast pace has led governments to frame their major lines of action in the economic and social field in development plans and today we see the emergence of this approach on the international scene. (more) - k - Press Release SG/1263 ECOSOC/19^0 16 July 1962

In I960, the General Assembly requested industrialized countries to devote at least 1 per cent of their global.national product to international aid. In 19^1, it has set as a target a 5 per cent annual rate of growth in the aggregate national income o:7 less developed countries. Those figures are very modest ones, and purely Ind: native of a desirable minimum,, They evidence, however, a definite desire to preset, to organise end phsse the wor\ in relation, to clearly defined and quanti- I1..-C-. tar.v>. bs -•• an approach-typical of tb-ro adopted by an increasing number of y.^'^rnnents fo?.' their national eeonov-iieB, The •-•'nite'.l Ka-vic.cs Uc"i loprrie:..:t Do;:.;, .le is a pressing invitation to member gov- eruTrsntb to increase their social and eoo.-.nciii investments in a most forward looking, pv.:"'poj}e£u.:_, cooperative and integrated fashion. But it is also, and as much, a cLf.vclcp.-'.r.irb j.ian for the United Nations f.-aciily of organizations. In my report, a prospective presentation has been attempted which aims at determining how the cur- rent ei'f'ortp of our organizations — as distinct from the sum of those of their iroir.bo.:-^ •••- could besb be pursued and stepped up for a greater effectiveness of our response 'to the development challenge. For the numerous fields of activity and many arese* of'work in which projects have been undertaken under the aegis of the Unit id Nr.tions family, indications are given on the. ways in which the secretariats concerned see a possibility to increase their catalytic role and usefulness to the community of nations, on the basis of pact experience and present expectations. The analogy with planning exercises conducted in national contexts is not yet carried very far/ as attempts to detail our proposals in quantitative terms encoun- ter obvious limitations at this stage. ¥e have endeavored to determine targets, however. Thus, we envisage that the total resources available for United Nations programs in the field of pre-investment and technical co-operation, including £:v'-.ial Fund activities (but leaving aside extraordinary undertakings such as our '-.-:./-.'.lian operations in the Congo) should grow at a minimum yearly rate of $25 million, i'rc.r. the level of $150 million for the year 1962 — a level which, we must note, is net yet reached. One of our most important undertakings in this regard is the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology to be held early in 1965. A glance at the a{r^rd

The purpose of the Conference is precisely to assess possibilities and stimulate efforts in that direction. The confrontations, discussions and exchanges which are to take place in these very halls among scientists and experts i'.vom many countries at all stages of development should have far-reaching effects. In sharing ideas and experience about specific development problems, indus- trialized countries may receive from less developed ones as much as they will give to them. Also, less developed countries will learn one from another in the true •spirit of United .Nations cooperation, which is characterized by an Increasing pro- portion of expert End training services provided to less developed countries by countries which are themselves underdeveloped. The work of the Conference and the dissemination of its doc urn-ants should open .up new vistas for invested it projects. They should stimulate interest in a lasting manner for edjusting difft:r^it methods end processes to different operating conditions, for modifying concepts, schemes and procedures as required by given changes in milieu. They should inspire scholars as well £S foster among experts the desire and ability to diversify their experience and to try out abroad a "know-how" so far proven only at home, -And all this should increase the availability of persons professionally and mentally prepared for inter- national service, the human resources on which United Nations programs of tech- nical cooperation are so dependent. The importance of the human factor is so over-riding that the success or failure of our efforts in the course of the United Nations Development Decade may well depend on our success or failure to carry out properly the training activities which we propose to undertake in the various sectors of the economic and social life of less developed countries. Over the years past, much progress has been made in training methods and techniques. The distinctions between academic and vocational training, between adult and child' education, between teachers and students, have become ancillary to the urgent task of enabling every human being to assert himself as an individual and as a productive citizen to the best of his capacities. As if the need for education as an essential support of the dignity of man was not com- pelling enough in moral terms, we now see, in economic and social terms, that no breakthrough will be possible for less developed countries unless they add fast to their resources in skilled manpower. While training abroad, with its special value from the point of view of international understanding, continues to be of importance, emphasis has been placed on training within the less developed regions and countries themselves. The time is now ripe for an all-out effort. Training on the spot, (more) - 6 - Press Release SG/126? ECOSOC/19^0 16 July 1962 training on the job,, training of the teachers -who will train the teachers -- every- thing must be done to achieve the maximum multiplier effect inherent in the dissemi- nation of knowledge and know-how. Without more schools and more institutes such as those on which the United Nations Special Fund spends much of what my colleague Paul Hoffman so aptly calls its "seed money/' less developed countries will not be able to turn their population growth from a curse into a blessing, The United Nations Development Decade is an appeal to our faith, in the preser- vation and in the continuation of economic and social progress by investing in the younger generations who, in addition to education and training, require help to fight malnutrition and disease. Together with investment in industry, large and small, in natural resources and in transport, investment in less developed countries during the Decade must provide for the construction of raore than twenty million dwellings in Isss developed areas and for an increase in food supplies of fifty per cent; in these same countries, expenditure for public health services must double over the period and expenditure on education must rise to an annual rate of h per cent of the national product by the end of the Decade — all this in order to meet minimum requirements so interrelated that failure to reach one target in time may jeopardise advances on all other fronts. The complexities of the processes of balanced economic and social development are great, and available techniques for comprehensive planning are far from perfect. But enough knowledge and experience have accumulated already to give our efforts a decisive momentum. We will correct and improve as we go but we must forge ahead in all sectors with mutually supporting programs and projects. For we have passed the time of rising expectations to enter the era of achievements counted upon by billions of people who do not yet enjoy full rights as producers and consumers, or simply as human beings living in the twentieth century. One very important field in which concrete progress is eagerly awaited is that of international trade. However unfamiliar he may be with the intricacies of its many problems, even the ordinary layman realizes that the possibility to sell more and buy more abroad is a crucial test of international cooperation. The momentum gathered by the work of your Commission on International Commodity Trade, the initia- tion of intergovernmental action for the development of international compensatory schemes taking into account long-term trends in the demand and supply of primary commodities, carry us well beyond the mere discussion of the compatibility of regional groupings. Encouraging steps have already teen taken. Let us hope that, during the Decade, the expansion of international trade will be significant enough for its beneficial effects to be felt in the budget of every household. (more) - 7 - Press Release SG/126? ECOSOC/19^0 16 July 1962

So much for the tasks ahead of us. They will no doubt impose a vast additional burden of responsibility on the Secretariat, which over the last few years has already shouldered a significant increase of work in the eicnosiix .-:n.i social field. To these new tasks I am determined to devote fully all the resources available to me, both in Headquarters and in the four regional economic commissions of the United Nations. The heads of the agencies will no doubt similarly devote the energies of their respective secretariats to the tasks falling within their fields of competence. The efforts of the organizations of the United Nations family cannot, however, be isolated, from the sum of the efforts of their members. For :.t rreTrai.na true that th-3 United Nations family can mobilise and utilise no more than ths 1\ffii.an and financial resources put at their disposal by governments,, The extent to which our targets and proposals will acquire value as setting minimum standards of progress, deo^n-'ls on tlis extent to vhieh they can be implemented, and this again depends on thi: decisions and pledges of our membership. This Coviucil, for its part, should play a decisive role not only in the formulation of our ten-year development plan but alsc in it? implementation, responsib?:.e as it is for evaluating pr'.fjress from year to year and for seeing that all activities proceed at the right pace and in proper balance in the economic and social field. I am convinced that your discus- sions and resolutions will contribute much to translating the proposals for the United Nations Development Decade into integrated programs for practical action unfolding gradually and effectively. And may our endeavors be a true reflection and a useful complement of the efforts of individual nations to help each other and, in so doing, to make for a more prosperous and safer world for all.

•55- *** *

,'u

I J 1-J i i Ji ±) ij i !JL' I 0 l'I S ,

INFOR1..ATION SERVICE European Office of the United "Nations Geneva 6> July 1962

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

U Thant to Address Editors Roundtable

Acting Secretary-General U Thant will address the Editors Roundtable meeting at the Palais des Nations,, Geneva, on Iv.ionday, 9 July, at 10 a0m.

Twenty leading editors from Europe, Asia, North America, Latin America- and Africa are participating in the Editors Roundtable at the invitation of the Under—Secretary for Public Information, Dr. Hernane Tavares de Sa»

The Roundtable has been convened from 6 to 9 July, Lieetings will be held on each of the four days in the morning and afternoon. They will be informal and private,

The main purpose of the meeting will be an exchange of views on information problems arising from the launching of the United Nations Development Decade and, in a broader context, professional and technical aspects of dissemination information about the economic and social activities of the United Nations family.

The following is a list of participants in the Editors Roundtable : Luiz Alberto Bahia - Senior Editor, "Visao", Sao Paulo Bernard Beguin - Foreign Editor, "Journal de Geneve", Geneva Ramon Beteta — Editor, "Novedades","Diario de la T'arde", and "The News", I.lexico City Hubert Beuve—Kery — Editor, "Le Ivionde", Paris Charles-Louis Binnemans - Foreign Editor, "Le Soir", Brussels E,P.¥. da Costa - Editor, "Eastern Economist", New Delhi Brian Crozier — Senior Editor, "The Economist", London Amina El Gaid — Editor, "Hawa", Al-Hilal Publishing House, Cairo Shintaro Puiiushima — Publisher, "Japan Times", Tokyo Altaf Husein — Editor, "Datm" , Karachi Boris Karpov — Deputy Editor, Press Agency Novosti (APN), Moscow David Lawrence — Editor, "U.S« News & '-Torld Report", "iTashington J.B, Odunton - Director, Ghana Information Services, Accra Gerard Pelletier ~ Editor, "La Presse", Montreal Hubert da Piedade — Director, Rad.iod.iffusion Dahomey, Cotonou Sven Tillge-Rasmussen - Editor, "Politikon", Copenhagen - 2 -

Ignacy Sachs - Editor, "Ekonomist", Warsaw Alexander Stempels - Editor, "Nieuwe Rotterdamse Courant", Rotterdam K.A.I. Tunberger - Deputy Editor, "Svenska Dagbladet", Stockholm Joseph Michael Yinza - Director, Tanganyika Information Services, Dar-es-Salaam

The group will also have discussions with the Directors-General of Specialized Agencies and high-ranking United Nations officials. The following is a provisional list, in chronological order, of the officials expected to meet with the group during the four-day periods Philippe de Seynes - Under-Secretary for Economic and Social Affairs Carlos Chagas - Secretary-General of the Conference on the Application of Science and Technology Paul Hoffman - ]yfe,naging Director of Special Fund II Nyun - Executive Secretary of ECAFE Vladimir VeleMt - Executive Secretary of ECE Raul Prebisch - Executive Secretary of ECIA Robert Gardiner - Executive-Secretary of EGA David A. Morse - Director-General of ILO Maurice Pate - Executive Director of UNICEF David A. Davies - Secretary-General of WMO B.R. Sen - Director-General of FAO Sigvard Eklund - Director-General of IAEA David Owen - Executive Chairman of TAB

The Roundtable will be opened by P.P. Spinelli, Under-Secretary, Director of the European Office. EDITORS ROUNDTABLE

Geneva, 6 to 9 July 1962

Informal Statement made by Acting Secretary-General U.Thgjit at a private meeting held on Monday, 9 July

Mr. TAVARSS de SA: I have the privilege of introducing His Excellency U Thant, Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations. Address by U Thant, Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations Friends, I am very glad to be able to meet you and exchange views with you on some of the items facing the United Nations today. Since I understand that some of my colleagues have dealt with economic problems, particularly problems relating to the projected Development Decade sponsored by the World organization, I feel that it may be of interest to you if I deal with problems other than economic. It may also be helpful if I confine my observations to the political activities of the United Nations which I am sure will be of great interest to you. I need hardly remind you that the burning problems of the day can be classified into three categories under three heads: psychological, political and economic". Military problems, to my way of thinking, are secondary. They arise out of th'e psychological and political situation in which the world is in today. I also need not hardly touch on the significance and the importance of the part that can be played by those leaders of thought, particularly the editors and journalists who can mould public opinion to a very large extent, in any case larger than other leaders in other fields. The world today, I am sure you will agree with me, is in the melting pot. Its state of mind: bitterness, suspicion, fear and even hysteria have been rampant all over, and I think it is up to all of us,.particularly editors and journalists, to try to change the mood of the people; the state of mind of the people. In this connexion, I would like to remind you that when the United Nations was founded seventeen years ago, the framers of the constitution, that is the Charter, had particularly in mind one aspect of the aims and objectives of the United Nations. That was the reference to the determination of the people to prevent the scourge of war and the determination of the people to unite and work for peace. I think these are very significant objectives. - 2 -

Now, coming back to the political activities of the United Nations, I feel that I should be a little candid with you, at least a little more candid vd.th you than with any other audience, since I understand that the proceedings of this meeting will be off the record and perhaps my remarks might be helpful to you as background information in the discharge of your obligations from day to day. The United Nations at present is faced with many problems, particularly two: the problem of the Congo and the problem of finances. Other problems are secondary against the background of these two terrible.and tremendous problems. As far as the Congo is concerned, I am sure you will agree with me there has been an improvement in the situation. If we compare the present situation with the situation existing last year or at the time of independence, you will notice a vast difference. At that time, there was no Central Government. Now the Congo has a Central Government. At that time there was no parliament of course, there was parliament but it could not operate. Today, there is parliament and it is functioning. At that time there was no lav? and order in most of the provinces. Today, there is, relatively speaking, law and order except in Katanga. At that time very few governments recognized the Central Government of the Congo. Today almost all governments, almost all member States of the United Nations recognize the Central Government. I need hardly tell you that no government, not a single member State, recognizes the so—called Katangese authorities. The problem of the Congo is basically the problem of Katanga, and the problem of Katanga is the problem of finances and the problem of finances is the problem of Union Miniere. So if we can solve the problem of Union I/Iiniere I feel very strongly that we can solve the problem of the Congo. So I have been trying in the last few months to tackle this basic problem of the Union Miniere. Last year, for instance, in 1961, the Katangese authorities received 65 million dollars in revenue, out of which 39 million dollars came exclusively from Union Miniere. Not a single penny from Union Miniere went to the Central Government. Under the terms of the agreement arrived at between the Belgian Government and the Central Government at the time of the exchange of power two years ago, there were certain financial and administrative arrangements. Among the financial arrangements, the most important one was the allocation of revenues. The Belgian Government and the Central Government of the Congo agreed that a certain percentage of revenue from Union Miniere must go to the Central Government and a certain residue must go to the — 3 —

provincial government. Thai-was two years ago. But in the last two years, not a single cent from the Union Mini^re went to the Central Government. So, what I have been striving at in the last few months is to effect a more just and equitable distribution of revenues in conformity with the agreement arrived at between the Belgian Government and the Central Government regarding the Union Miniere and, for that matter, Tanganyika concessions also. There are a few other enterprises. The Security Council has met several times as you are no doubt aware, to consider the problem of the Congo. Under the mandate of the Security Council I have been authorized to do certain things in certain situations. There has been a lot of misunderstanding and misconception in many parts of the world regarding the aims, and objectives of the United Nations in the Congo. The aims and objectives of the United Nations in the Congo can be simplified under a few heads: 1. I have been authorized by the Security. Council to prevent civil war. 2. I have been authorized by the Security Council to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo. 3. I have been authorized by the Security Council to arrest and detain and' deport foreign mercenaries in the Conge, with a requisite measure

of force, if necessary. . ; So, I have been authorized by the Security Council to exercise a requisite measure of force if necessary. And, of course, the United Nations forces in the Congo have b«en empowered to retaliate, if attacked. But it has never been the intention of the Security Council, nor the General Assembly, nor myself, to take any military initiative in the Congo to achieve the United Nations objectives. Let me repeat again, it'has never been our intention, it has never been the intention of the United Nations, to take any military initiative in the Congo for the. achievement of these objectives. Of.course, as far as last September and December .operations are concerned, you will recollect that our forces attempted to implement the decisions of the Security Council to locate, arrest and detain the foreign mercenaries our forces naturally must have the right of access to every place they wish to go. Our forces wanted freedom of movement, but they .encountered road blocks, particularly in Elisabethville, set up by the Eatangese gendarmerie; so these road blocks had to be removed. T/hen the road blocks were removed, there were attacks by - 4 -

the gendarmerie, and our forces had to retaliate in exercise of self defence. Violent hostilities developed, which were regrettable,.and I can assure you, friends, that it is not my intention, it has not been my intention, it will never be my intention, to use force, because I have no authority by the Security Council to use force, pr to initiate force, lie are authorized to use force only by way of retaliation, in self"defence, in our endeavours to achieve the objectives of the Security Council. So, the problem is simply this: While we are trying to comply with the decisions of the Security Council, our representatives are also trying to get the relevant leaders together at a round table to discuss their common problems with a view to arriving at a peaceful solution of the problem of the Congo. We have been able to bring about two meetings between Prime Minister Adoula and Mr. Tschombe. The second meeting was adjourned only last week and at present, there are no indications whether further negotiations will take place. It all depends on the mood of the two men and the situation which is developing there. I'Thile the negotiations are going on, I have been also exerting my best, bending my energies to consult with certain delegations in the United Nations and exchange views with them with the object of achieving a very speedy solution of the problem without resort to force. Another important aspect of the problem is the problem of finances. The sixteenth session of the General Assembly authorized me to float bonds and to sell UN bonds to the amount of $200 million to meet our outstanding debts and to enable the UN to pay for the expenses o.f the peace keeping operations. At present, the United Nations is very heavily in debt, as you know, and if we receive $200 million from the I'/Iember States, as stipulated by the General Assembly resolution, the United Nations will be able to carry on with the operations until April 1963 at the present level of expenditure, if this level of $10 million per month is maintained throughout. But the indications are that it will he simply impossible to get $200 million, as anticipated, even if Washington, if the House Committee, which is now in session, passed President Kennedy's proposal. As you know, the Senate has endorsed the President's proposal to buy bonds to the tune of $25 million plus matching. This means $25 million plus whatever is subscribed to by other countries and other sources. The Senate Committee lias approved it, but the House Committee is still considering it. - 5 -

On "the assumption that President Kennedy's proposal is also endorsed by the House Committee I have been informed that the House Committee will come to a decision some time next week — so on this assumption, we may perhaps get about $90 million from Washington on the basis that at present we have $66 million pledged and in some cases actually paid by certain Member States. Some 40 Member States have pledged to buy about $66 million worth of UN bonds. That means, in effect, $66 million plus Washington's $91 million. So, on the assumption that the House Committee endorsed President Kennedy* s proposal, Washington will buy $91 million worth of bonds. That means a total amount of about 155 million dollars - at most 160 million dollars. This 160 million dollars will be barely adequate for the UN to carry on our operations in the Congo - at the present level of expenditure - up to the end of December 1962. Consequently, we have to consider whether it will be advisable, and proper, and just, to carry on these operations in the Congo indefinitely with an empty treasury - in expectation of sudden -windfalls. That is the question. So, I have been in contact with several delegations in the United Nations, particularly the big Powers: the United States, United Kingdom, France, the Soviet Union and, of course', -Belgium. And I have been exchanging views with them towards achieving speedy results in the settlement of the.Congo problem. I have presented certain ideas to these big powers. I am sure it would not be proper for me to reveal these ideas to you at this stage since some of the governments with whom I consulted wanted me to keep them confidential. I have requested these governments to get together among themselves because they are primarily involved in a a settlement of the Congo problem, since the Congo problem is an issue before the Security Council. My present thinking is that if there is no further improvement in the situation in the Congo, I propose to convene a Security Council 'meeting either late in July or early in August and present the situation to the Council and ask for a fresh mandate or perhaps to clarify the previous mandates so that the United Nations may be able to dispose of this problem in good time. The indications, at the moment, are that the big powers seem to be in a co-operative mood. If I may divulge one secret - the Belgian Government has assured me of their full co-operation for the achievement of the objectives I have outlined to them. A few'days ago, while I was in London, I had the occasion to talk with Prime Minister i&cmillan and Foreign Secretary Lord Home. I presented my views to them and they assured me that - 6 -

these views will receive close and sympathetic attention. I expect to receive their reactions on my return to New York some time after the middle of this month. That is, in a nutshell, the problem of the Congo and the problem of finances. There are a few other problems not so sensational and not so urgent as these two problems but perhaps while I am on the subject I might dwell on them very briefly. There is the problem of West New Guinea in which many of you are no doubt interested. Last December, I sent an appeal to the governments of the Netherlands and Indonesia to cease hostilities and send their representatives to me so that I might be able to sound out their views, separately, to find a peaceful solution to the problem. In January this year, the Prime Minister of the Netherlands and the President of Indonesia authorized their permanent representatives in New Tork to contact me and to exchange views with me. In March this year, I authorized Ambassador Bunker, an American diplomat, to deputize for me and get the two parties together under his auspices so that we could formulate a set of principles on which further negotiations could be resumed. Under Mr. Bunker's auspices the two delegates met, in March. But, for one reason or another, the talks were interrupted. Then last month I renewed my apical to the two governments to resume their negotiations on the basis of the Bunker proposals. Of course what are known as the Bunker proposals were tentative proposals formulated by Mr. Bunker with my approval and submitted to the two governments concerned. In effect, the Bunker proposals can be classified into three or four phases. In the first phase I have to send a special representative to the area to administer the territory. In the first year of United Nations presence, the Netherlands officials and administrators including the police and the military, of course, will be phased out. This phasing-out operation will take one year, under UN auspices. In the second year, still under UN auspices, Indonesian personnel will be phased in. This will take another year. That means two years. At the end of the second year, after a period to be agreed upon between the two parties, the implementation of the right of self-determination will take place. It may be a year after that, or - 7 -

tvro years, or three, or four or five years after that '- this period has to be agreed upon between the two parties. That is the first stage. The right of self-determination of the Papuan people must be implemented in a genuine manner. The Papuan people must be able to express their free will under UN auspices. So, that means in effect that the administration of West New Guinea will be transferred tc Indonesia first. Then the Papuan people will be able to exercise their free choice under UN auspices after an agreed period of time. That is the order of precedence as agreed between the two parties. The United Nations, as you know, has had experience in conducting plebiscites in Africa. To cite just one or two examples: in the Togo and in the Camerouns, United Nations representatives supervised the plebiscites^ perhaps with the same procedures the Papuan people will be able to exercise their free will also, but these details have to be worked out. The encouraging trend of these discussions is that both the government of Indonesia and the government of the Netherlands have agreed to send their representatives to the United States this week to resume negotiations on the basis of the Bunker proposals, since the two governments have agreed to these proposals in principle which is a great step forward. The indications are that during my absence from New York Mr. Bunker will conduct these negotiations in ITashington, or in a place near Washington, and on my return to New York they will be shifted to Hew York to take place under my auspices — they will be formal and detailed negotiations. And on the basis of the agreement arrived at between the parties, I have suggested to the two governments that the matter should be brought before the Seventeenth Session of the General Assembly which will commence in September. The two governments - the Netherlands and Indonesia - will then table a resolution, a joint resolution to take note of the agreements arrived at between them and to authorize me to implement the" te'rms of the agreement. So as far as the "'Test New Guinea problem is concerned I think there is a bright prospect for successful negotiations. - 8 -

I am afraid I have exceeded the time placed at my disposal. I have a few more items in mind. Another question is the question of Berlin which is of very great interest to everyone of us. Berlin is primarily a question involving the Four Big Powers: the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and France - so whatever agreement they arrive at regarding the future of Berlin I think the UN should respond to such an agreement. If the Four Big Powers feel that some branches of the United Nations should be shifted to Berlin for instance - I have thrown out this idea to the Four Big Powers also - if they feel that for practical purposes and for psychological and political reasons, perhaps for economic reasons, that some branches of the United Nations should operate in Berlin I think the UN should respond to this agreement. Of course, without the agreement of the Big Four the UN should not express any ideas regarding Berlin. But if the Four Big Powers agree, I feel that the United Nations should be involved in the performance of certain functions, besides the shifting of these offices. Of one thing I am sure, •lov/ever, the United Nations should not be involved for the purpose of peace keopinp. as we have been doing in t^ j Congo. I feel very strongly that United Nations should not be involved in the peace keeping operations in Berlin. The United Nations might be involved, if the Big Four agreed, in performing functions similar to those the UN performed in Lebanon. You will remember, I think it was in 1958, when the UN was involved in the Lebanon. Perhaps something like UNTSO (United Nations Truce Supervision Organization) which has certain functions such as observation, and reporting back to the UN might be appropriate. I think to that extent, the UN could be involved if the Four Powers agree, in Berlin. That is, of course, my personal view since the Berlin issue has never been before the United Nations. I have no authority to speak on behalf of the General.Assembly or the Security Council in this respect. Well, I think I have just a few minutes at my disposal. I think I had better leave the floor to you, ladies and gentlemen. I am very grateful for this opportunity of meeting with you. - 9 -

lir. Altaf • HUSBIN, Editor, "Dawn", Karachi Question:' •.••••• Ivlr. Chairman, it has been extremely stimulating to hear the Secretary-General on the political aspects of the functions which the United Nations is performing. The last few days we have been discussing economics and subjects of that kind and it is a pleasant change. Listening to him, certain ideas occurred to me and I think it is just as well if I might ask for some enlightenment. The Secretary- General has referred to the Congo and "Jest New Guinea where the United Nations is now in one way or another to use force if necessary in the Congo and through mediation and negotiations in '.Vest New Guines try to ensure peace and settle the problems. Now it seems to me that unless trouble does take place, unless there is actual bloodshed or instead of bloodshed the United Nations today does not get activated, that I think is the prevailing feeling in many parts of the world today. There are other problems on which also the Security Council has started resolutions but these instances are .multiplying, it seems to me,, when more and more member nations are beginning to take the attitude that if a certain action, official or resolution of the United Nations does not suit me, then I do not accept it and there the United Nations is prepared to let the matter rest. Now what I would like to ask is whether if this situation continues, that is to say raeaber nations go on refusing to accept resolutions of the Securitjr Council which they do not like, is not the political prestige of the United Nations bound to suffer so greatly that in the not distant future the political effectiveness of that world organization will technically disappear. Now does the Secretary-General visualize any improvement of this state of affairs? Or does he visualize that in due course, not in the distant future, the United Nations will be reduced or rather undergo a transformation from an organ of political efforts at peace-keeping to a forum for the interchange of economic and social co-operation? "Sell, that policy is already, but the original idea of the Charter seems to me to be,fast being played down and the character of the whole organization is changing as far as the political aspects are concerned because, as I repeat, of the increase of the number of those member nations who refuse to accept officials and resolutions of the United Nations. - 10 -

Secondly, v/ith regard to the Congo, there seenis to us to be an anomaly somewhat in the fact that while the United Nations is going to resort to real force for the first tiiTie in its history, use of political force in enf ore ing- resolutions of the United Nations among the elements who hpve been deployed by the United Nations as its agents for the purpose of implementing the resolution of the Congo, are also those who themselves have been disobedient so far as the resolutions of the United Nations apply to themselves. I shall not mention facts, but I believe the Secretary-General knows what I am talking about. There may be others who may like to speak. For the time being these are the points I would like "bo make and I hope some light may be thrown on the subject. The Secretary-General; Thank you very much for these helpful questions. On the first question I think if we assess the accomplishments of the United Na.tions we are faced with p, series of important, if I may say so, situations and activities in the political field. But also we should, I think, bear in mind some of the achievements, very significant achievements in the settlement of political disputes like Korea, the Middle East; even in Kashmir for instance, for this situation has been insulated from hostilities by United Nations efforts, and of course in the Congo, and now in Ruanda Urundi. Also in Greece, in the early stages of the formation of United Nations. In terms of political accomplishments, the United Nations has achieved certain positive results. But in many areas, of course, the United Nations has not been able to achieve the results wished or anticipated by many member States. I think there is one basic fact. In the discharge of its political activities, the United Nations is weak, I think the machinery of the United Nations is weak and inadequate. Of course, the United Nations will be as strong or as weak as its member States wish it to be. If the member States wish it to be strong, it will be strong. If the member States wish it to be weak, it will be weak. But even regarding this concept there has been and there is still a division of opinion. Many countries wish it to be just a debating forum - including the big powers, or some big powers. .They do not want to see the United Nations develop beyond the status of a debating forum. Many countries on the other hand, particularly the small countries, wish it to develop into a really effective instrument for international conciliation and this is a clash of concepts. -- 11 -

For -the moment I do not see any need for activating the United Nations to be more effective, to be rao.re instrumental in the settling of international disputes, but it all depends on public opinion, it all depends on the mood of the people in the countries o-f the member States, and I think in this field, you, ladies and gentlemen, have, I think, a very important role to play - to educate the public because the ar,ss media are the best means of changing the mood of the people. If there is more United Nations consciousness among the peoples of the world then I think the United Nations will be stronger and the United Nations will be in a better position to discharge its political functions, more effectively. Regarding the second question on the Congo.' The facts are this: If I may summarize them in one minute. Many countries who are bearing the expenses of the Congo operations do not favour a vigorous United Nations action in the Congo. I/iany countries who do not contribute towards the expense of the Congo favour a more vigorous action. So this is the dilemma in v/hich the United Nations has been placed. I hope I made my point sufficiently clear. Mr. Bernard Beguin, Foreign Editor, "Journal de Geneve", Geneva Question: Mr. Chairman, I think my question may have some relations to our basic problem of how to bring about public opinion in our area to support the United Nations in the Development Decade. My question is the folio-wings taking the example of T.lrest New- Guinea, which the Secretary-General just outlined for us, could he tell us on what criterion the United Nations feel it better to have the period of Indonesian rule in West New Guinea before the self-determination takes place rather than have, for instance, the period of .Netherlands trusteeship in the United Nations for that .preparatory period? The Secretary-General; Yes, I think the basis is simple: the two parties have agreed to this. Both the Netherlands Government and the Indonesian Government have agreed to the transfer of administration first and implementation of the right of self-determination second. Since both Governments hr.ve agreed to this, there is no problem. - 12 -

Well, ladies and gentlemen, I wish I could have a few more minutes with you, but let me reiterate my statement again that I am delighted, and I feel it a privilege, to be able to meet with you and to present some of my views to you, though not in the context of the Development Decade since I understand this has been dealt with very comprehensively by some of my colleagues in the previous taree days at this Conference, which is unprecedented in the annals of United Nations history. It is for the first time that a group of top editors of the world are gathered together to exchange views with some of my colleagues in the Secretariat, and for this innovation and initiative I wish to thank my colleague, Dr. Tavares de Sa, because it is actually his brainchild. I just want to appeal to you that in the discharge of your obligations as leaders of thought in your countries I feel that one thing is very paramount in this second half of the twentieth century and I feel that it is in the context of the Development Decade. Since the end of 7orld Yfar II, and you knov;- better than I do, that the rich countries have become richer and the poor countries have become poorer, and the main purpose of the United Nations Development Decade proposals are just to narrow this gap. Most of us feel, most of the delegations in the General Assembly feel, that the division of the world into the rich and the poor, developed and under-developed, is much more real and much more serious, and in the long run much more explosive, than the division of the world into Communist and non-Communist. That is my feeling. I think that this division of the world into the rich and the poor is much more explosive than the division of the world on idealogico.1 grounds. So, if this basic point is borne in mind - of course I do not expect everyone of you to agree with me on this, that is my personal feeling - if this .;asic fact is borne in mind - I think our very esteemed friends gathered here today will respond to the appeal of the United Nations for the Development Decade with greater vigour and greater understandin- and greater appreciation. Thank you very much ladies and gentlemen. I am sorry I have to leave now. Thank you.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Note No. 2616 12 July 1962

NOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS

PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL HELD IN LONDON

ON SATURDAY, 7 JULY 1962 F.;.t3 i:c.26l6 12 July 1962

The Acting SECRSTARY^GEjpBAL: My friends, I am really very happy to be here, particularly as tie guest of Her Majesty -s Government; my stay here has been brief but it has been a very pleasant and profitable stay. The reception afforded to me was very warm and everybody has been very kind to me, and of course I took the opportunity afforded by my visit to exchange views with the J.ieaders of your Government, particularly with the Prime Minister and with Lord Home. We covered a lot of ground, particularly subjects which are of mutual Interest to the United Kingdom and the United nations. Among the subjects discussed were, of course^ the question of the Congo and the United Nations financial position^ particular]y in relation to the < ond issue and of course we covered several other subjects too. On the whole I feel that my visit has been vary much worthwhile and I want to take this opportunity of conveying, through you, my grateful thanks to the Government and people of the United Kingdom for the very warm hospitality and kindness extended to me during my stay in this beautiful, historic and cultured city. I do not want to take up more of your time by. way of introduction and I shall be glad to answer questions which you may wish to put to me. Now the floor is yours.

QUESTION; On the question of the discussions about the Congo and the matter of whether it weuld be necessary for the United Nations to use force again if such a situation should arise, could.you .say whether any agreement was reached on this?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: Regarding the United Nations operations in the Congo, there seem to have been some misunderstanding and misconceptions in certain quarters regarding the use of force. If you go into the Security Council resolutions, you will notice that the United Nations has a very limited function to perform in the Congo. First of all, the United Nations forces in the Congo were authorized by the Security Council to prevent civil war. That is the

(more) Note No. 2616 12 July 1962

first function. Secondly, the United Nations forces were asked to maintain law

and order; to maintain peace and to prevent chaos. Thirdly, the United Nations forces in the Congo were authorised to arrest, detain sad deport foreign mercenaries with a requisite measure of force if necessary. That is the actual wording used in the relevant Security Council resolution; so tbe United Nations forces in the Congo were authorised to use a requisite amount of force if necessary in arresting, detaining and deporting foreign mercenaries in the Congo. The United Nations forces in the Congo have never been authorised to initiate any military action. I think it is clear from all the relevant Security Council resolutions, of course, that in a situation when the United Nations are attacked I have authorised our people there to retaliate as an exercise of the right of self defence, but it is not my intention, it has never been my intention, it will never be my intention to use any military initiative. I have no such mandate. So the question of the use of force does not arise,

QUESTION: Do we interpret that to mean that you have no jurisdiction to prevent the secession of Katanga?

The Acting SECRETABY-GMERAL: The Security Council resolutions do not stipulate that the United Nations should impose any political solution on any part of the Congo, so the United Nations very rightly feels that the question of the Constitution, or the question of secession, or the question of the autonomy of the particular region is not the proper function of the United Nations on which to pass judgment or to make any statement. Of course when the United Nations organs, particularly the Security Council, considered the question of the Congo, one pertinent provision of a resolution stressed the need for the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo. The United Nations forces have / been authorized to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of the Congo, but the Security Council resolutions do not authorize me to prevent secession or to impose any political solution on any part of the Congo.

(more) - 3 - Note No.26l6 12 July 1962

QUESTION; What are your plans for the Development Decade? Will you tell us something about that?

The Acting SECRETARY-GEHERAL; As you are no doubt aware, the sixteenth session of the General Assembly passed a resolution authorizing me to present complete proposals regarding the projected Development Decade, On 1^- June I presented my tentative proposals in New York through the channel of the press conference. Of course, I am leaving for Geneva today and when the Economic s-.act Social Council session starts on Monday I shall have to present my formal proposals to the Council for consideration. This has been the practice before^ The Economic and Social Council will examine my proposals and in its turn will have to present its proposals to the forthcoming seventeenth session of the General Assembly. The idea of the Development Decade is this. The General Assembly feels, very rightly, that the division of the world into the rich and the poor, the developed and the underdeveloped, is much more real, much more lasting and much more explosive than the division of the world into communist and anti-communist spheres. So this question must be tackled soon and in right earnest. Since the end of World War II the rich countries have become richer and the poor countries have become poorer, and the General Assembly rightly feels that this question must be tackled in real earnest, of course, with the full co-operation of all concerned, particularly the member states representing the wealthy West, Qf course you are in possession of some of the printed material published by my office in New York. There is one publication called "The D@cade of Development: Proposals for Action." I am sure it will be available in the UN Information Office in London* I am afraid I cannot say much beyond this at this stage.

QUESTION; Can you say something about the financial background specifically in relation to the Congo? Could you elaborate on that?

(more) Note No. 26l6 12 July 1962

TheActing SF.^BSTM!c-^GEEfERAL; The financial situation of the United Nations ic, as you all know, in pretty bad shape particularly because of its activities in peace-keeping operations like that in the Congo* At the moment the United Hations is heavily in debt, so the sixteenth session of the General Assembly authorized me to launch a program': which la popularly' known as the bond issues This subject is of course before the World Court, The matter was referred to the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion:, Of course, the decisions of the World Court are not mandatory, tney are just advisory and I am expecting to receive the views of the World Court sometime in the middle of this month. So far, about fourteen Member States have pledged, to the tune of a little over $66 millioja. Of course Washington will come to a decision some time next week I am informed,, If President Kennedy's proposals go through, if the "House endorses President Kennedy's proposal to buy UN bonds to the amount of $25 million plus matching, that means $25 million plus the amount pledged by other sources; if this proposal goes through that means that the United States will buy'$25 million plus $66 million, or in expectation of certain other pledges which are likely to come in in the next few days, we can safely calculate the amount to be in the neighborhood of $70 million. That means that if President Kennedy's proposals go through, Washington is likely to buy $25 million plus $70 million, that is $95 million' plus the $70 million ' from other sources or approximately $165 million, or $55 million short of my original proposals. If the United Hations gets $175 million through the purchase of bonds,that amount will be .Just adequate for the United Nations to carry on with its operations in the Congo at the present level up to the end of December 1962• Perhaps if we can effect certain economies in certain fields we could carry on perhaps to January or at latest February 196?. So that is a very important ' problem confronting the United Nations and it is one of the main items I discussed with the leaders of the British Government the day before yesterday and yesterday. I feel very strongly that at'some stage, perhaps in'the course of the next month or so, I should report to the Security Council, on the latest developments and the latest situations in the Congo, Perhaps the Security Council might feel it necessary to give me a fresh mandate or to clarify the provisions of the previous resolutions. I discussed the possibility of a Security Council meeting

(more) Ncte No. 26l6 12 July 1962 both with the Prime Minister and with the 'Foreign Secretary here in London. I propose to bring up the same issue in my discussions with other leaders of European countries during my projected trip to those countries.

QUESTION; There are two points arising from that answer. In the first place, were you encouraged by what the British told jou on this financing program; and in the second place is there not some danger, in view of the facts you have given us. that the United Nations may depend too heavily on Western financial support for its operations?

The A-i ting^JSECiggEAB.YGMERAL; About my assessment of the results of my discussions with the British leaders, I am happy to say that I am encouraged about the future of UN peace-keeping operations. On the second question, I find it difficult to assert the thesis that the United Nations has to depend solely on Western support in the financial field* It may be of interest to you to know that several African and Aeian countries have come forward with pledges in regard to the bond issues, countries like India, Burma, Tunisia,, the United Arab Republic, Ethiopia, Iran, Jordan, Lebanon, Liberia and Nigeria. They have come forward with pledges and there are very good indications that other countries will do so too. Of course, the size of the pledge is a different matter altogether, As you are all aware, these countries are underdeveloped, more or less, and if I may say so their financial situation is in many cases precarious, so their pledges can be considered as a very clear demonstration of their faith in the United Nations and of their confidence in the necessity -- the imperative necessity --of having a world Organization to develop into a really effective instrument for international -conciliation. Even as a gesture I think it is a very heartening development*

QUESTION: I wonder if you could tell us about the latest progress in your efforts with the Dutch and the Indonesians?

(more) - 6 - Note No.26l6 12 July 1962

The Actlng^SjCRETARY-GEpRAL; This is 'one problem about which we all should be very happy. Since December of last year I have been in touch with the Government of the Netherlands and"the Government of Indonesia in the hope of settling their dispute by peaceful means0 In response to my appeal both Governments nominated their permanent representatives in New York to contact me, separately of course} and I have been able to sound them out about their line of thinking and their operations. In March I deputed an American diplomat

Mr„ SLlswcrth 2unker; to get the two together in informal and secret talks. Mr.-, Bun>c-:r mst them together and negotiations took place in a place close to

Vfc-\iin-5tone La be in March the negotiations were intefnpted for a variety of rt:;acuG and last month I appealed both to President Sukarno and to the Prime Minister of the Netherlands to resume negotiations on the basis of the Bunker pyooosar.^ As.you ell knrwj Mr* Bunker on my behalf presented his own proposals to tin.' tvo Governments as a basis for discussion. The Government of Indonesia iceii publicly that it' accepted the Bunker proposals in principle. The ^-fc of the Net Airlands announced publicly that it was prepared to resume nen-'jti-i.ions or,, the basis; of the Bunker proposals. The two formulations seemed to be a little c'.if ftnntj, but my interpretation was thafc there was no material dif-'eiorce between -;2e t where detailed discussions will be held. I am pretty optimistic about the'outcome of these talks»

(more) Note Ho. 26l6 12 July 1962

QUESTION: Do you see any possibility of a solution of the Kashmir issue?

The Acting SK]RETARY-GEHERA.L: I am sorry to say that this is one of the issues which have defied solution for a number of yearsf and I do not see any immediate prospect of an early solut-on, I am afrai'l I cannot say anything beyond that,

QUESTJ.ON: Would you say whether you indicated to the Prime Minister or the Foreign Secretary what form of mandate you would have in mind if you were to ask for a fresh mandate from the Security Council on the Cungo?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Yes, of course we discussed the substance of the projected Security Council resolution if the Security Council meeting does take place, but I do not think it would be in the public: intc-.rest to reveal the substance of these discussions at this stage.

QUESTION; Could we have your comments on the suggestion made that the Food and .Agriculture Organization of the United Nations should be located in Berlin?

The Acting SECRETARY-GJENERAL: A lot of attention has been given in the last few weeks to the possibility and desirability of moving some branches of the UN, or some offices of the UN family to Berlin, My view on this suggestion is that the UN should consider the propriety of moving some of its offices to Berlin provided that the Big Four — that is to say, the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and France — which are primarily concerned with a solution of the Berlin problem come to some sort of an agreement on the future of Berlin. Of course the United Nations cannot take any action without the consent of the four big powers. So when they come to an agreement on any formulation, and if they feel that some branches of the United Nations should be shifted to Berlin, then my personal feeling is that the UN should respond to this request.

(more) 8 Note No. 26l6 12 July 1962

QUESTION; In your talks did Lord Home or the Prime Minister express any vievs on recent United Nations action on Southern Rhodesia?

The Acting SECTF.TAEY^GMgA.L; Yes, we discussed ^'number of issues including the problem of Southern Rhodesia. . We exchanged'vievs on this item.

QUESTION; Would you be prepared to enter into, more detail of the problem of Southern Rhodesia and the Government's reaction?

The Acting SECRETARY-GEEfgAL: I think the Government's reaction on this issue has been very clear. It has be.en made public and of course the leaders of the British Government reiterated their previous position to me and I understand their attitude. • . . .

. GJJI^TION: May I revert to the Congo finance problem? I understand you are going to Moscow sometime this, year; do you propose to talk to the Russians about the question of financing the Congo operations?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; I propose to visit the Soviet Union late in August or perhaps the first week of September and naturally I am bringing up several issues for the purpose of discussion. Of course the Congo will be one of the items to be discussed. • '

QUESTION; . To what extend would you identify the present policy of the Union Miniere and its refusal to pay what is appropriate to the Central Government of the Congo as one of the major elements holding up agreement in the Congo, and what proposals if any have you for ensuring that a change of policy is brought ; about in that respect? :

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL: -The problem of the Congo is really the problem of Katanga, the problem of Katanga is the problem of finances, and the problem of finances is the problem of the Union Miniere. So it boils down to this, that the Union Miniere is in a very important position to contribute to a speedy solution of the Congolese problem. Under the terms of the agreement

(more) 9 Note No. 26l6 12 July 1962 between Belgium and the Congolese Government at the time of the transfer of power two years ago, there was an agreement regarding the distribution of the revenues. For instance, the export duty of fifteen per cent from Katanga must go to the Central Government, but up until this time the Central Government of the Congo has not received a single penny from the Union Miniere ,> To give you an instance, last year — that is in 1961 — the Elisabethville regime, which is Mr, Tshombe's Government, received about $65 million in revenue, of which $39 million was paid by the Union Miniere alone. I think this is the crux of the problem so I have been discussing with the Government of Belgium particularly and with the Government of the United Kingdom,ways of achieving a more just and equitable distribution of revenues in the Congo under the text of the agreement arrived at between the Belgian Government and the Central Government of the Congo at the time of the transfer of power two years ago. If this problem can be solved, of course along with the problem of the Constitution, I think the problem of the Congo will be solved. So the result of my discussions with both the Prime Minister and Lord Home was very encouraging and I have received assurances from these Governments that they will go into this matter very thoroughly and come up with a formula "before the contemplated Security Council meeting.

QUESTION; Do you think the threat by the Katanga authorities to blow up the installations of the Union Miniere is a major factor in this?

The Acting SECRETARY-GENERAL; Yes, I am aware of this factor and I have presented certain suggestions to the Government concerned regarding the security of these installations in Katanga, particularly in three towns, Jadotville, KoiWezi, and Kipushi.

QUESTION? Would the suggestion regarding security include any kind of United Nations body watching over them?

The Acting 5ECRETABY-GERERAL: I do not think it would be in the public interest to reveal the suggestions at this stage.

(more) 10 Note No. 26l6 12 July 1962

QUESTION; Can you say anything about your talks with Lord 3ertrand Russell?

The Acting SECRETAgY-GEWERAt,: I always had a very high respect for Lord Russell's wisdom and his dedication to the cause of peace, progress, and if I may say so^human survival* I have a very high esteem for him. Of course during the last few months we exchanged views on certain problems and he expressed his desire to see me during my visit to London. I requested him to come to my hotel yesterday, he came and we had a very interesting and useful exchange of views on certain items of very great importance. On the whole the discussions were very interesting and as far as I am concerned very educational,

QUESTION: Did Lord Russell issue you any invitation to join his Committee of One Hundred?

The Acting SECRETE Y-GEEERAL; No, he did not.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/12^0 6 July 1962

SPEECH BY ACTING SECBETARY-GEHERAL U THAHT AT LORD MAYOR fS LUNCHEON MANSION HOUSE, LOaDOM, 6 JULY 1962. 1;00 PM*

My Lord Mayor, Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen; I am most grateful to you, my Lord Mayor, for your hospitality and for your kind words of welcome. I should like to speak "briefly to this distinguished gathering about a subject which has been engaging the attention of leaders of thought all over the world. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of the postwar period has been the awakening of national consciousness on the part of peoples under colonial rule. Immediately after the war, a profound change took place, a change which has affected the political landscape of the whole world, though it has been mainly centered in the continents of Asia and Africa. One great European colonial power has long seen the imperative need to respond to this new awakening. At the end of World War II, Britain, with vision and magnanimity, fixed a definite date for the ending of her power in India, Pakistan and Burma. At once a catalytic element was introduced into Anglo-Asian relations to which all else had to react. The day of liberation was a challenge and £.a inspiration. Hostility and bitterness between the ruler and the ruled melted away, and now a warm friendship between Britain and her former Asian colonies has taken the place of the resentments of the past. The impact of Western civilization on the rest of the world has brought a mixture of blessings and evils. One of the great blessings brought to Asia and Africa by Britain is education in parliamentary democracy. In your country, Parliament has enjoyed a recorded history for more than six centuries. Of course, its origin springs from traditions of far greater antiquity. It has changed much and is always changing. It has reached its present powerful and independent position after a long series of struggles, setbacks and sometimes open violence.

(more)

* 8:00 a.m., EDT. - 2 - Pre.ss Release SG/1240 6 July 1962

It is not perhaps surprising that, so far, little advance has been made in parliamentary democracy in many Asian and African countries. The popular theory that every community that is struggling towards political independence must immediately assume the robes of parliamentary democracy has been exploded in many parts of the world. Our traditional belief in the universal applicability of representative government is.likely to be put to severe strain for some time to come. It is a mistake to assume that the political institutions end forms of democracy in most of the nev?ly indepenole&c countries will be of the ss^e type as those prevailing in Britain, or that there will necessarily be two main parties competing against each other for the votes of the people. The notion that democracy requires the existence of an organized opposition to the government of the day is not valid. Democracy requires only freedom for opposition, not necessarily its organized existence. • In many newly independent countries, it is most unlikely that there will be a two-party system for many years to come. The nationalist movements are powerful indeed-, They will control governments without there being any effective challenge to them from within. And any challenge from the outside would only strengthen them. As was the case in many European countries, it might take some time before it would be possible for political opposition to be expressed in constitutional forms. Moreover, it is worth bearing in mind that the democratic system of government, though most desirable, is perhaps the most difficult form of government to operate. It is most important that countries like Britain, which have successfully developed this form of government, and which have done so much to establish it in other lands, should show 'patience and understanding over the difficulties which the newly emerging countries will undoubtedly encounter in developing their political systems along democratic lines- The transformation of an empire into a commonwealth of free nations has been one of the most inspiring developments in human history. But the world's need for inspiration is not exhausted, and I >dp not doubt that the worldwide family of free nations which must come into being if we are not to perish, will owe much to the political wisdom, to the creative imagination and to the practical helpfulness of the British people. Once again, my Lord Mayor, I thank you.

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, H.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/12J9 5 July 1962

SPEECH BY ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THANT TO THE UNITED NATIONS ASSOCIATION OF-THE UNITED KINGDOM LONDON, 5 JULY 1962 *

The United Nations in the Congo

I am delighted to have the opportunity to address the United Nations .Associa- tion of the United Kingdom, It is an association with a long-standing record of support and understanding of international organizations and affairs, and is known throughout the world as a mcdel of what this kind of association should be. The United Nations, in its seventeenth year of existence, is, to be sure, a quite different organization from what was envisaged at San-Francisco. Its member- ship has grown greatly and its activities, responding to the problens confronting it, cover a very wide range. Experience over the years has shown that the United Nations,to be effective and merit confidence, possibly even to survive,must be able and willing to respond to the most severe challenges. But to respond successfully to challenges, the United Nations must have the understanding, support and construc- tive criticism of the people of its Member States, It is largely through the work of associations such as yours that such understanding and support can be attained. Of the many practical challenges facing the United Nations, the situation in the Congo is perhaps the most complex, and has, in the past, at any rate, been one of the most urgent. The complexity and difficulty of the Congo situation, and of the efforts to alleviate or control it, are in proportion to the number and variety of the interests involved in that large and fascinating country. In the Congo one finds conflicting interests and opinions at every level -- at the levels of world power politics, high finance and the political interests of emerging Africa and, internally, at the level of national political competition and tribal rivalry. Also competing on this over-crowded stage are adventurers of various kinds attracted by the natural wealth of the country, by the possibility of making a quick gain from confusion and disorder, or even by the exotic and exciting nature of the scene.

(more)

* At a luncheon to be given in his honor at 1:15 p.m. local time (8:15 a.m. EOT). - 2 - Press Release SG/1259 5 July 1968

The role of the policeman, protector and adviser is not always a happy one, as ' a distinguished English song-writer has pointed out. It is small wonder, therefore, that many harsh things have been said over the past two years — sometimes, perhaps, even with a certain justification — about the United Nations Operation in the Congo. But when I think of these strictures and criticisms, I take courage from two cons?derations: One is that they have come from many opposing sides, and espeeia./:;-" fi-.r:.'. people of extreme views 01- with special interests. This gives me the feeling ths*o Unite:! Satl ons efforts at -objectivity and impartiality have been, on the whole, successful. Secondly, the enormous interest in the United Nations Operation in tl.e Congo illustrates very clearly both the vital nature of that work and the unique problems which have to be faced, and can only be faced, by the world organization. I do not for a moment suggest that mistakes have not been made and that, especially in the light of hind-sight, some parts of the operation could not have been better conducted. But I must also say very frankly that the nature both of the situation in the Congo and of the problems and the position of the United Nations there has more often than not been seriously misunderstood, and therefore criticised for the wrong reasons. The United Nations position in the Congo, quite apart from the complex and often confused nature of the local scene, is a difficult and unusual one. It is there to advise and assist the Government of the Congo, but not to usurp its power or authority. Nonetheless, its eminence as an organization and the essential role it plays at the present time in the affairs of the Congo give it, in the public mind, a responsibility for whatever happens, which is quite out of proportion to the limited nature of its authority, resources and powers vis-a-vis the Congolese authorities. Thus, the United Nations is liable to be blamed for whatever happens, and to be asked to take responsibility for many eventualities which are, in fact, within the domain of the Government of the Congo. One of the most important roles of the United Nations in conflicts or difficulties is that of a lightning conductor or, perhaps more accurately, of the old English institution of the Aunt Sally — the large and conspicuous figure at which things can be thrown both with impunity and with an almost complete certainty of hitting the target. There can be no doubt that in this strange and unprecedented operation the United Nations has from time to time been jostled or abused or found itself in an undignified position. Lives have been lost, including that of my great predecessor, Dag Hammarskjoldj there has been violence, and from time to time remarks and accusations have been made in various quarters, including some with strong vested interests in the Congo, which have hardly been suitable either to the dignity of the world organization or to the gravity of the task it faces in the Congo. But (more) - 3 - Press Release SG/1239 5 July 1962

, this situation has attracted so much attention perhaps primarily because it consti- tutes the most striking current example of the problems of rapid historical change, • and the United Nations, as the elected moderator of those consequences, must inevitably accept the risks and insults involved. It is hard to think of a working alternative to the United Nations Operation in the Congo. In I960 the world faced, in that vast and newly independent country, a desperate danger, compounded of internal chaos and potential external intervention. It faced an almost classic example of rapid change overtaking all those concerned and leaving them helpless and confused — Africans and Europeans alike. I therefore feel impelled to list, if only briefly, some of the successes which I believe the Government of the Congo and the United Nations have together achieved in these past two years. Despite the initial mutiny of the Army and the nation-wide breakdown of confidence, law and order now exist again in the Congo, even if they may be disturbed occasionally in some areas by political and tribal differences. Despite the departure in July 1960 of many key European workers, essential public and private services have been preserved and kept working, even though sometimes temporarily on a reduced scale; and in recent months the. Europeans have been returning. Despite the extreme confusion of the political situation in the early days of independence, the Parliament was finally reconvened in July 1961 through United Nations effort and its protection, and approved the Constitution of a Central Government universally recognized and now gaining daily in strength and experience. In spite of various secessionist tendencies or movements, there is now a steady trend towards national reconciliation. Especially, the vexed question of Katanga, which has raised, as I well know, much honest, though not always well-informed, interest and indignation in this country, has been discussed intensively and practically by Prime Minister Adoula and Mr. Tshombe in Leopoldville. Although the talks are now suspended, great efforts are being made for their resumption. In this effort at conciliation, we are also beginning to see at last a new comprehension by the outside interests involved of the great issues at stake and a new willingness on their part to use every influence in the direction of a united and stable Congo. This is, indeed, an encouraging development. The famine among 300,000 Ealuba refugees in Kasai in the winter of 1960-196! was dealt with successfully by a great international humanitarian effort. The United Nations and its affiliate agencies are also wrestling with the economic and fiscal problems of the Congo.

(more) - h - Press Release SG/1259 5 July 1962 i Finally, the great basic problem of the Congo -- lack of training, experience and qualifications -- is being-tackled. It is a long and arduous job to equip a country, roughly the same area as India, with -all the public fend private professional people and know-how which it requires 'to secure its future, and, unfortunately, two years ago such people and training scarcely existed at all among the Congolese population. Political tension and pressures from outside have not made the task any easier, but, nonetheless, the first results are now beginning to show, and the programme of training end assistance, so essential to the successful future of the Congo, has, under United- Nations auspices, gathered considerable momentum. I would like to conclude by asking you to view the United Nations role as the agent and moderator of historic change in the world in general, and in the Congo in particular, in the light of some of the things I have said. The English way of thought and your tradition of administration, and the bringing of peoples to self- government provide the inhabitants of this country with an inherited basis for a sound judgment in such matters,- Despite the revolutionary changes that have taken place and are still taking place in-this world, I believe this-basis for judgment, and the talents that go with it, can be immensely valuable both to the United Kingdom and to the world community, always provided that it is turned towards the future and not towards the past. There are, no doubt, very difficult times ahead in Africa and elsewhere in the world. But there is also, as never before, a growing feeling of international solidarity, which finds its most practical expression in some of the programmes of the United Nations. It is in this spirit that I hope you will understand the brief remarks that I have made, and in this spirit also that you will continue'your efforts on behalf of the United Nations in particular and inter- national co-operation and understanding in general.

#

UNITED NATIONS Press Services Office of Public Information United Nations, N.Y. (For use of information media -- not an official record)

Press Release SG/1246 5 July 1962

ACTING SECRETARY-GENERAL U THMT ARRIVES IN LONDON, LOOKS FORWARD TO 'FREE EXCHANGEf WITH UNITED KINGDOM OFFICIALS

(The following is based on information received here from the UN Information Center, London.)

Acting Secretary-General U Thant said upon his arrival in London Wednesday evening, 4 July, that he was looking forward "to a free exchange of v.'evs" on issues confronting the United Nations with Prime Minister Harold Macaillan and with the Foreign Secretary, the Earl' of Home. The Acting Secretary-General made the comment when he arrived at London airport at 10 p.m. (local time) for an official three-day visit at the invitation of the United Kingdom Government. He and his party were welcomed at the airport by the Earl of Dundee, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, In a brief statement, U Thant said: "I am indeed very happy to be here in London, for the first time as Acting Secretary-General of the United Nations. I am no stranger to London, which I have visited several times, and where I have many friends." He continued: "It was ray privilege to meet and talk with your Prime Minister when he visited the United Nations last April, and I look forward to a free exchange of views with him and with Lord Home on issues confronting the United Nations. I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the United Kingdom Government for inviting me to come here." This afternoon (5 July) the Secretary-General spoke to the United Nations Association of the United Kingdom on "The United Nations in the Congo." (The text of his address appears in Press Release SG/12J9.)

*