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Yet notions of “femaleness” and its boundaries--conceived by the devout women themselves

and the male clerics with whom they came in contact--played a central role in creating, fostering, and restricting the religious development of the Beguines. Their position as “sisters between” the two sanctioned spheres of home and convent was both the source of their success and the cause of their downfall: they derived power and freedom from their ill-defined gender space, but the ambiguity of their place as women in the Church proved ultimately too

unsettling for the male authorities to tolerate.

A Space Opens: The Medieval Reformation

The origins of the Beguines can be traced to two important medieval religious reform movements: monastic mysticism and the vita apostolica, or “apostolic life.” Monastic mysticism, which combined the practice of ascetic, contemplative devotion with efforts to attain personal union with the divine, found its most influential proponent in a Cistercian

, (1090-1153). Bernard, echoing the Old Testament book “Song of

Songs,” allegorized the relationship between the individual and God as a spiritual marriage

between a human bride (the soul) and a heavenly Bridegroom (Christ).3 This marital imagery,

which highlighted the intimacy between the believer and Christ and engendered the soul as

female, provided a basis upon which women mystics of the thirteenth century, including Beguines, developed their distinctive form of nuptial spirituality. Another type of monastic mysticism was conceived by Bernard’s friend, William of

St. Thierry (1085-1148), who was known as the “reasonable mystic” and the “learned

Gender, and the Body in Late Medieval Women’s Spirituality: Cases from and the Netherlands.” Journal 0/feminist Studies in Religion 7 [Spring 1991]: 35-52). Allegorical interpretation of the Song of Songs appears to have been introduced by the mystical and severely ascetic Greek father, Origen (185-254), who believed that Solomon’s intention in writing the Song was to instill “into the soul the love of things divine and heavenly, using for his purpose the figure of the Bride and the Bridegroom” (quoted in John Bugge, Virginitas [the Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1975], 76). Origen also held that true Christian gnosis, or spiritual knowledge, was revealed in a manner similar to sexual rapture. In his homily on the Song, he wrote: “How beautiful, how fitting it is to receive a wound from Love! . . . do you lay bare your members and offer yourself to the chosen dart. . . for God is the archer indeed” (quoted in Ibid., 77).

Volume IV, Number 2 Page 27 in

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There were limits to the window of freedom, because devout women could receive revelations from God, but were physically restricted to two main spheres: the home and the convent. In both domains they found themselves externally constrained, either by a man-- usually a father, husband, or priest--or a clearly defined religious nile, or both. A woman with a spiritual vocation was subject to strict claustration (enclosure). Although she had taken vows of chastity, the medieval church considered her to be both more susceptible to sexual temptation and more likely to be a source of sexual temptation than a man.9 In addition, her intellectual weakness made her more subject to demonic deception as well as more prone to be an instrument of deception)0 This medieval construction of female gender as morally and intellectually vulnerable held great significance for men in their perceptions of women, but was of lesser importance to women themselves in forming their own identities.

Women with a strong religious calling of any sort were more likely to see themselves as Christians first, and females second.” This tension, between male attitudes towards women and female conceptions of themselves, constituted a major determinant in the course of the Beguine movement.

The decision as to which of the two acceptable spheres women were to inhabit was usually not theirs to make. Young girls were sent to convents if no husband could be found for them, and women who had been married at young ages were not allowed to take a vow of chastity without their husband’s consent.’2 A life dedicated to God almost always meant

9Some of theearliestand most influential polemics depicting women as corruptresses were unleashed by (155/160-220), who blamed Eve and the female gender for the Fall of mankind: “The judgment of God upon this sex lives on in this age; therefore, necessarily the guilt should live on also. You are the gateway of the devil; you are the one who unseals the curse of that tree, and you are the first one to turn your back on the divine law; you are the one who persuaded him whom the devil was not capable of corrupting” (quoted in Alcuin Blamires, ed., Woman Defamed and Woman Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992], 51). ‘°The“weaker mind” idea was emphasized by St. Augustine (354-430), who asserted that there was a “natural order observed among men, that women should serve men, and children their parents, because it is just that the weaker mind should serve the stronger” (quoted in Ibid., 77). “Penelope Johnson, “Muller et Monialis: The Medieval Nun’s Self-Image,” Thought 64 (Sept. 1989): 242. ‘2Both husband and wife were bound by the “marital debt,” according to I Cot. 7:3-5a: “Let the husband render unto the wife due benevolence: and likewise also the wife unto the husband. The wife hath not power of her own body, but the husband: and likewise also the husband hath not power of his own body, but the wife. Defraud ye not one the other, except it be with consent for a time, that ye may give yourselves to fasting and prayer.”

Volume IV, Number 2 Page 29 a

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For the Dominicans and , the concept of a non-cloistered, unmarried religious woman, even if chaste, was disturbing; they too shared the prevailing conception of the female gender as dangerous and potentially contaminating.’6 St. Francis himself--who had placed his co-worker Clare in a convent--was able to say of his order’s association with her nuns that “Up to now the disease was in our flesh and there was hope of healing, but now it has penetrated our bones and is incurable.”7 Women were also seen as burdensome, both financially and spiritually, and the mendicants resisted any obligations that might keep them from their primary task: preaching. The contemplative monastic orders also expressed a revulsion for women and avoided them as detriments to their moral purity. According to R.W. Southern: No religious body was more thoroughly masculine in its temper and discipline than the , none that shunned female contact with greater determination or that raised more formidable barriers against the intrusion of women.’8

Early Cistercian statutes stated that women were to be avoided at all costs, and one specifically stressed that no Cistercian or monk should bless a nun.’9 Pressure from women wishing to join the order finally forced the to allow Cistercian nuns, but the monks expressed increasing concern about “disciplining” them and keeping them cloistered, and in 1220, they issued a statute decreeing that no more women were to be accepted into the order.2° Although some groups were initially sympathetic to lay women’s participation, as were the Premonstratensians (founded early-twelfth century), their policies eventually changed in favor of claustration. The Premonstratensians’ found’r, Norbert of ,

‘5Herlihy, 67. ‘6The injunction to protect women from sexual temptation was occasionally taken to extremes. To cite one example: elaborate curtains were erected lest a dying nun see the priest who administered (Rosemary Reuther, ed., Religion and Sexism.’Images of Woman in the Jewish and Christian Traditions [New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974], 244). ‘7frances and Joseph Gies, Womenin the (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1978), 88. ‘8Sally Thompson, “The Problem of the Cistercian Nuns in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries,” in Medieval Women,ed. Derek Baker (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978), 227. ‘9lbid. 20lbid.,238-39.

Volume IV, Number 2 Page 31 The History Students’ Association Presents:

allowed sisters to do charity work “in the world,” but his successor, Hugh of Fosses, stressed

the superiority of the contemplative life for the order as a whole. Premonstratensian nuns, who, according to Carol Neel, were the Beguines’ precursors, managed to carve out an active

niche for themselves contrary to their leader’s desires, but in 1198, women were completely expelled from the order.2’ Such exclusionary policies, based largely on male constructions of

the female gender as dangerous and susceptible to sin, served to enmarginate the great number of women who felt called to imitate Christ. They were therefore forced to authorize themselves, within the nebulous sphere of spirit and prophesy, to communicate with God and speak as His instruments.

A New Space Opens: Mary d’Oignies’ and Self-Authorization

The diocese of Liege in the , the home of the Premonstratensian order and the site of much reform activity, was also the birthplace of the Beguine movement.22 The first woman to be recognized as a Beguine was Mary d’Oignies (1177-1213), whose vita was composed by her most ardent supporter, the Dominican Jacques de Vitry (1 l7O124O).23

Although historically unreliable, the vita sheds light on both Mary’s self-perceptions as a

Beguine and Jacques’s attitudes as her confessor and disciple.24

Mary’s authorization to play an active role in the vita apostolica came from her personal contact with the spiritual world. A contemporary of St. Francis, Mary was in many ways his female counterpart. She renounced her wealth, practiced severe asceticism, and was one of the first women to receive the stigmata.25 Originally married, Mary convinced her husband to live with her in chastity, and the couple thereafter worked in a leper hospital. By

2’CarolNeel, “The Origins of the Beguines,” Signs 14 (Winter 1989): 334. 221nthe 10th-twelfth centuries, Liege was called the Athens of the North because of its cathedral school, which attracted Germans, French, English, and Slays (New Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. “”). 230ne of Jacques’ main objectives in recording Mary’s life was to promote the Beguines as an orthodox alternative to women’s ministries in heretical sects. 24Foran analysis of the historical validity of hagiography, see Donald Weinstein and Rudolph M. Bell, Saints and Society: The Two Worlds of Western Christendom, 1000-1700 (Chicago: University f Chicago Press, 1982). 25DennisDevlin, “feminine Lay Piety in the High Middle Ages: The Beguines,” in Medieval Religious Women. Vol. I, Distant Echoes, ed. John A. Nichols and Lillian Thomas Shank (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1984), 191.

Page 32 San Francisco State University the

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intense

stirred

for

advice

as

can mind, (347-420),

Reuther that

Francisco

she

that

but

Ages

the

adulatory History and

lecherous.”31

Presents:

becomes

from of

and

denial sensual

gravely

been wonder,

Paschal

whole,

such wine

San

by

noted Authority accounts

hand

“Equality

a

such and

all

Jerome

vita

and

overly

the

has

Middle Beguiries.29 Church

as

the

been

Rosemary

one

little with

which,

ecstasy

of

unacceptable

was a

sanctity, Defamed).

inebriated,

the was

she

fathers

and

Thomas

the

ed.

in

had

correction

Jerome’s in

“roving

the

nothing

however,

Association her

flesh

upon on

turn gender

chastity Jacques’

vita,

Beguines.

were as drink

on

McLaughlin,

once as

in she and, her

Wo,nan

of

cites

her

Dominicans” Jacques

the Sexism,

unconfined “Gender

Church her

was,

the quoted gaze

she

and

sweetness

of

he virgins to

held

mind,

if

female

of

and

to

and she

and when

and

virtue

Commo women

bordered

her.3°

the Beguine wound

in

as

Students’

she

meat Blamires,

the

as Jacques,

vita,

piece lecherous

of

by to

that

female

by

Coakley,

the

preface

lust--by her

frequently

to

time Mary

it

this eat

and Mary

of

the

Mary

of

his Eleanor

and

writes:

that

Religion

in-between,

spirit,

to

almost

large

someone

(John Franciscans

to

the

close

were

In

a

in with

History

piety

about

echoes

with He

opinion

as

esp. prophet

the

Inflamed

the

despising

fleshly pain

added

146.

out the

roving spirit,

his

Virginitas;

works

according (see between

The for

compared the

role

walked”

Read

also

of

cut

which

while tasted

standing

necessity,

earth.

writings

His

evil friendship

and

she

genuine had

Cantimpré.

feel

introduction

and

Theology,”

extolled

a

Bugge,

“natural”

Blamires,

the

remembered

despite he

de

error

woman: and

own

once

from

not

in

as

180.

support

in

in

other.

Thirteenth-Century

friends

her also

when “femaleness.” Mary,

she

his

her,

admiration

Jacques’

did

seraphim which

weak her

Jacques’

for with

the

for celibacy, vehemence

misogyny,

any

Medieval

her

impunity; for

by Thomas

as

on

is

hoe.28

of

Having

day forced, In

1974]; body on

knife, buried she

acceptability.

the

in

28Quoted

291n

of

30Pefroff,

31That

female

“otherness”--her

love”

mutual 34

with

Women

her

viewed

overcome

student, ground

Jacques’

preclude close

to

to

total

virtue

The

him

He

“tainted”

inspiration champion

femaleness Schuster, generally Woman

his human Holy the

Page The History Journal: Ex Post Facto

The conceptual strategy Jacques employed to differentiate Mary from the “slippery sex” was the key to his support of the Beguines. His emphasis on her exireme piety and abhorrence of the flesh indicate that he had opened up a third gender distinction to contain her and her spiritual sisters: “Holy Female.” Unlike the majority of friars, monks, and clerics, Jacques found a way to cloister the Beguines intellectually, thereby creating a less unsettling category for them. His effort to establish the Beguines as an official order also underscored his need to apply at least some structure to the “between-ness” of their form of piety: the Beguines could find a legitimate place in the Church, but its boundaries had to be clearly defined.

In 1215, the Fourth Lateran Council prohibited the establishment of new orders. Nevertheless, Jacques, by virtue of his recent appointment as a bishop, was able to secure verbal approval from Honorius III for “pious women, not only in the diocese of Liege, but also in and Germany, to live in communal houses and encourage each other to do good by mutual exhortation.”32Although Jacques’ inability to secure the Beguines’ status as an order caused him to lose his original zeal for their cause, in 1233, Pope Gregory IX issued a bull, Gloriam virginalem, which formally brought “chaste virgins in Teutonia” under Papal protection.33 With this official sanction, the movement thrived, and within its broad boundaries women from all walks of life found their calling.

The Space Expands: The Mysticism of Hadewijch and Mechthild

The height of the Beguine movement produced two of the greatest mystics of the Middle Ages: Hadewijch of (ca. early to mid-thirteenth century) and Mechthild of Magdeburg (1212-1281/1301). These women enlarged the sphere of Beguine piety to include profound experiences of divine union, and the composition of original and theologically complex works of literature. Both women displayed a creativity and freshness of style that reflected their spiritual freedom as Beguines; their sense of self-confidence, divine authority,

32Emest W. McDonnell, The Begitines and Beghards in Medieval Culture (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1969), 133. 331b1d.,229.

Volume IV, Number 2 Page 35 The History Students’ Association Presents:

and personal intimacy with Christ often surpassed that of nuns, yet their contact with the

secular world imbued their works with emotional immediacy. As Caroline Bynum has noted: for the first time in Christian history certain major devotional and theological emphases emanated from women and influenced the basic development of spirituality

Hadewijch, whose works are considered to be the earliest vernacular prose in the Low Countries, wrote thirty-one letters, forty-five poems in stanzas, fourteen visions, and sixteen poems in couplets. She was familiar with the language,rules of rhetoric, numerology, Ptolemaic astronomy, many of the , and most of the canonical twelfth-century writers.35 Mechthild of Magdeburg was also an innovator in vernacular literature: she was the

first German mystic on record to have composed her works in the common language, and is considered one of the founders of Die deutsche Mystik, or German Mysticism. Her visions

and dialogues with God were transcribed by her spiritual counselor as The Flowing Light of the Godhead.36

Both Hadewijch and Mechthild saw themselves as vessels of divine inspiration; they received the authority to speak for God from their ecstatic visions and charisma of the spirit.

While they acknowledged the possibility that writing might be an exclusively male prerogative, they turned their apparent “weakness” as females into a strength. Asserting that

God uses the weak to confound the strong,37Mechthild introduced the Flowing Light with the pronouncement:

This book is to be joyfully welcomed, for God Himself speaks in it... The book proclaims Me alone and shows forth My holiness with praise... Ah! Lord God! Who has written this book? I in my weakness have written it, because I dared not hide the gift that is in it.38

Hadewijch also described her spiritual power as being an awesome and almost irresistible force:

34Bynum,Jesus as Mother, 172. 35Petroff 177. 36”Mechthild of Magdeburg, ‘Selections from The flowing Light of the Godheaci “ in Pefroff Visionary Literature, 212-21; also in Egan, An Anthology of Christian Mysticism, 247-56. i Corinthians, 1:27.

Page 36 San Francisco State University With and

anyone Hadewijch Beguine, temporal.

liberating women:

themselves androgynous As transcendence between

which Christ. Volume soul and

writers,

transcend

Hadewijch,

(anima)

this

allowed

died, Since my God

will beyond which created anything Despite great [DJo

38”Mechthild, 39”Hadewijch,

in

Expanding

offering

IV,

a

sanction--even

potential

nature contact

and

Hadewijch, Bride

they

that

be

as had

not

I oneness

Number

as

you interpretation

the

was

of

them

beyond Mechthild

you,

you. female.

He

the undone, female, in

used

who believe

encouragement

the

and

the

misogynist

would

ten

with

the

‘Flowing upon

not

‘Visions,’

of

to

your

earthly .

mystics’

which power

her

the

as

years 2 .

as

first

mysticism,

your given express .

the

that

the

Theirs

compulsion--from

but

shun,

Beguines

the

nuptial

If Bridegroom--as

leader

viewed

nature

The

Light,’ is

two of old, plane

women

you

spiritual

trans’ated

of

you

anything

strength, tradition

me

ideology

God.

His

it

assumption

History

their

the

and

was

I

years

of

would

would

greater

would

imagery

would

have

which prophecy in

nature.39

associated

and

a

placed prophetic

Petroff,

support.

love

by

not

world;

group

which

of

propounded

when that

been 40

be

Journal:

reach

act her

Mother

strength

culminated

be

Bernard

for a

of a

so

23.

themselves--as God

according

you

of

so metaphor

gender-annihilating willingness

so

of

and

the

gender I

you

valiant

the

out

freely

began

Columba In

calling, possessed

noble

spiritual

Beguines,

Himself,

cannot than

“Song

the

Ex human, these

for

must

of

by

in

distinctions

that

to

Post Clairvaux,

with

that

imitation

most

to that

to

a

Hart,” Mechthild

male

of letters,

do

love

surmount to

total the

power,

you

which by masculine

portray

the

Facto wrote

Songs”--the

there

the

people

for

women--in

ascribe

being

a

clerics.

in

Him

absorption

could

women

wholehearted

Him

Ibid.,

secular

she of

who mysticism;

is

would

were

several

which

have,

their

Christ so,

in

best

and

it,

revealed

qualities

not

Christ.

whom

194.

which

had

Like

were

that

I

Biblical

the earthly,

of

world,

Hadewijch

and mystical

bear

should

be

in

Letters

was

as

viewed

all,

it

Mary

role the

you able

no

given

it her God

love Both

permissible

to

of

will

for

based love

was

combined

poem

pains

have

of secular,

leave

to

belief

seek potency

to

that

for union

has

the d’Oignies,

to

Mechthild

be

the

disregard

still

a

of

Page rather

of

human on

Young

in

God.

bride,

with

love

saw and

the

for

the

37

to

an

a to

by

of

her

Her

bride

some

intense

to

leader,

her

able

relative

apogee.

“goats”

a

a

as

to

shown

to but

me

is. of

the

and

day its

as

fully University

as

their

and

androgynous

them

as

were me

is; advice

the

accused

heed

191.

with

let

Christi--or how,

and

to

and

himself period

State

mysticism.42

custom

pressed on

this

years

Being

reached

or

erotic,

who

Ibid.,

describe

custom

politicians

the

and bless,

came gave in

brief paying

Beguines was love

gave

sponsa

a

to

as

why

satisfied

the

he

friars he

several and

he

Human

of gendered

the

accordance

them

frankly

arms,

as

a

Francisco

never

as

only

in

spirituality clear

fervent

taste,

role let

Presents:

Then

face, his

Colledge,”

both

nun, Songs” After

like

turn

clerics

San

in

form,

Hadewijch

her

not

and

Man,

rail, of

failing, outwardly Eric

nor

a

Dominican

enjoyed is

to

felicity, by

asexual could

Beguine

it of

form

glorious

was

looking by

another.

them

immoral

wife

never

entirely

I

ch, “Song in full

outward

to

Association

let

related

So incorporated

in me

both.

with authorities,

time;

its

opprobrium.

Beguines

the

career translated

raptures

colony;

clothing

of

in

was

neither his physically

the

bidding,

took

chalice,

first and

Hadewij her

denounce

belongs

which

of and

from

their

yet

approve,

felt

Church

the

official the

to

me,

Students’

and

Beguine,’

Beguine 196. of

humanity.

to

for

eviction

form

[God’s]

barriers, them

from

wholly

verses

drew

Sacrament,

sexual,

leave:

her

my

beautiful,

identity

seifflood

her

herself Young let the

do

Ibid.,

throughout

characteristics

to a

members

Body

History

of

the in

in

who to of

drink

himself

Eucharist: and the

with

to

Mechthild and

gender

that

his

Occasionally, of

to upon

my

out

of

The mock,

harassment

the

made

us

it

activities

dogged

came

love

ready

came sense

all

heart me

spiritually

of

desirable

‘Letters

anyone

the

a

‘Visions,’

he

was

shape

like.43 he

them

invisible was

my

the

gave

works

took assuming forced

as

and their

by

gave

she

let

of wonderful,

the most speculated

he

that 177.

vision that always

the

courtly

they

he

By

in

was

who

experiences.

him;

the

as

of

against

before

have

With mystics, when Man,

humbly me then before

After desire to transported.4’

With

Stand

do others:

40”Hadewijch, 41Hadewijch, 421bid.,

38

undaunted

the

“Pharisees,”

Christ--offered

or

language

Pressing emotional

Hadewijch’s

F attributes. of

assimilate

freedom

Hadewijch

scholars

charges zeal

and Mechthild,

Page heresy.44 the mouthpiece, The to male-dominated their of attitudes were traditional Beguines’ hampered convent-like of

The

spiritual Volume

the

in-between opportunities

Space

Space

powerful

usually

point

I have preserved, now misled In

By

Despite 44Bynum, 43Hadewijch, 45”Mechthild,

right toward

IV,

was

the

their

monasticism. destinies

around

Like

Is

Narrows:

I done

and of

setting

Number

end,

not

am

to women

me warned

Distended:

pens

at

imperceptibility,

spontaneity. Jesus

the

for

Church.

their

autonomy

appealed Hadewijch,

troubled:

Heifta,

when

for but

allowed however,

1300, ‘Letters Flowing

religiously

in

inherent

called

and as

Thou

own

rather

had

the

2

about

Institutionalization Mother,

trouble

the

In

a As original to

last

taken

directly

femaleness,

a

The to Light,”

The

center

and

Thyself Must

many

Mechthild’s

Beguine a

thrown

beguinage,

threat

the In

Mechthild

this Young

leave

years

inclined 237.

freedom

“Heresy” the

History overcame

its

Mechthild’s sphere

minds, in

I

of

areas

to

book

toll,

walk

of commandest Church’s Petroff,

without

Beguine,’ to

of

German way

Him

persecution,

the

the

they

women

where

in

and

of

Journal: of

resolve

and

uncomforted

appear

stood

of

me:

for

flames.

thirteenth

of 23.

northern

movement.

self-determination

were

the

in permission life

Marguerite

efforts told

piety.

protection:

retreat

they

I Ibid.,

seeking

betook

buckled;

movement

firm

me had

to

not

Ex

by

Then

a

followed

Europe,

have 191.

to

to

century.

become

to able

few

Although

Post

in for

many

write!”45

to institutionalize

Perhaps

myself

conventual

I

from

at

internalized live Beguines her

to

Thy

Porete

did

Facto

no

the

withstand

Beguines

virtually

a

that

the for

what

position

longer

their

to

Glory?

the strict

the

age

vita

pious

prayer.

it

continued life most two

of

from

.

provided

group

apostolica.

should

very

lived

indistinguishable

sixty-two,

the the

was

laywomen Though

as

great

outspoken

childhood .

harassment

Beguines, .

few

communally

God’s

typical

of .

not

to

mystics, “Lord,

a

statutes,

This

constraining

hast

broad

assert

she

be

narrowed

intended

of

I

Page

of

the

fled greatly

of

many

range

these

from

with

their

in

fear

and

the

39

to

a The History Students’ Association Presents:

was Marguerite Porete, a French mystic who was burned as a heretic in 1310. In her 60,000-

word treatise Mirror of Simple Souls WhoAre Annihilated and Who Only Remain in the Wilt

and Desire for Love, Marguerite employed imagery similar to that of Hadewijch and

Mechthild to describe seven stages in the soul’s ascent to complete union with God.46 Like

the other mystics, she claimed authority using the very basis on which others would deny it to her--her female “weakness”:

God has nowhere to put his goodness, if not in me.. . no place to put himself entire, if not in me. And by this means I am the exemplar of salvation, and what is more, I am the salvation itself of every creature, and the glory of God. for I am the sum of all evils. For if of my own nature I contain what is

evil, then I am all evil. . . . Now if I am all evil, and he is all goodness, and one must give alms to the poorest being, or else one takes away what is hers by right, and God can do no wrong, for otherwise he would undo himself--then I . am his goodness because of my neediness. .

Marguerite was more pointedly anti-clerical than her predecessors, however. She claimed to have knowledge of an invisible, ideal church in the spiritual world made up of “free and

simple souls” who were called to judge the “little church” established on Earth.48 Moreover,

she spoke in her own voice, not that of God, and castigated all those in the ecclesiastical hierarchy who failed to heed her unique insights:

Theologians and other clerks, you won’t understand this book--however bright your wits--if you do not meet it humbly, and in this way Love and faith make you surmount Reason: they are the mistresses of Reason’s house.49

But even more audacious than Marguerite’s writings was her insistence upon wandering,

preaching, and disseminating material from her book, which eventually strained to the breaking point the authorities’ waning tolerance for an uncloistered woman. Marguerite was called before the inquisitors on suspicion of promoting the heresy of

the free Spirit.50 This was the belief that it is possible for a human being to attain spiritual

46AlthoughMarguerite’s book was condemned, it was later translated into Latin, Italian, and Middle English--probably because until the 1970s, the Mirror was thought to be either anonymous or the work d another, more respectable mystic (Petroff, 2$ 1). 47Quotedin Bynum, Holy Feast, 277. 48Petroff 282.

Page 40 San Francisco State University perfection heresy groups--its may Nevertheless, free to heretical Beghards. Church Marguerite to stricture pronounced The

God at apparently assumption Eighteen-seventy thirteenth Jews confused

Volume Kieckhefer, investigators, 1979],

the her

the

friar

then

than and

Spirit 2-5.)

stake beliefs,

theological

Although Although

of to Marguerite 49Quoted

she 50The

structure. with Muslims), century

beliefs, against

IV,

in

most

commit

enter Repression

in

the

heresy

Porete. Not

charge very in

of disturbed

a who the

probably

the inquisitors

Number

she

Marguerite

“relapsed

Free an 1310. (New

mystics, two

a to in

only present

the

she cannot

cloister, purpose

Marguerite

independent, was Marguerite

regents eradicate

any and Gerda

Of

of with

was later York:

Spirit and

autonomy

sent

her

called were

particular the

the

2 refeffed

sin

would technically institutions

heretic” probably

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Lemer, life,

all Heresy Oxford

case

was

Roman like

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the of

with

inquisitors

frightened being

The

the Beguines

was

a

the

and

went to Albigensian

Mirror had

Mechthild

then

second

thrown

public,

have in The University here impunity.

History authorities of

not due

importance

University

“freedom”--they of be

that Medieval

a

been

further women.

extracted the Creation

heretic, are considered

a

to

attracted

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time to

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follower once

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the heresy

warned

Journal: three

of Press,

inquisitors

their Dominicans, Germany

active

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many

in (founded

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Magdeburg, an

concerned

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parts

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her an in 1993), noted

individual

of

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little

much had Southern

several known “Inquisition”

persona.

the warnings the

the

the

description

of

Ix

were [Philadelphia:

attitudes where in 81.

she

scholars,

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because

equation

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content free

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notice. 1542

less

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also

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times

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she

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stubbornly

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out the

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its unregulated

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the 1478

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received,

them

of formal

perceived Protestantism).

she Lerner’s been whom

told

inquisitors’

against

union

active

male From

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context

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and antinomianism,

to refused sense,

book’s

a compared, counterparts, the

of

approved Pennsylvania

recant.

and the life,

state, organized out

status

view:

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sense. should apostate

unfortunate

was eyes

to (See

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purported

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soul

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She

testify.

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of

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burned

to Ages

or

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of Richard not

What

them former

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with Press,

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41 be to d to of

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University

error.”

the

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authority

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Dame:

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essence. Church,

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pious”

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public woman’s

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people

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clarify

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to

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her

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San

the

certainly

V’s

sacraments

discuss

distinctions

of

Beguines” that

constituted

served Later

to

“in-between”

Europe.53

and

her]

decree’s

“leading

as sanctity.52 intellectually

Trinity

attitudes the

attempted

make

what

condemned

of

the consequences.

in

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gender

from

44

encouraged

its

“female”--were

course

outpouring

considered

“Christian”

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consciousness.

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Page The History Journal: Ix Post Facto social, or political. An analysis of attitudes towards “femaleness” and its boundaries sheds a great deal of light on the conditions which enable or deny women the fullest opportunities for participation in their society.

Volume IV, Number 2 Page 45 to

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1963.

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Martinus

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Inc.,

Essays.

of

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The

State

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York:

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