Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets: Lessons from Sheppard Avenue West, Toronto
October 2010
Eric Sehr Supervised Research Project Mcgill university school of urban planning Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| i
Abstract
The focus of this project is to evaluate the way in which the City of Toronto Avenue policies work and how well they contribute to making successful, walkable main streets in the inner suburbs by evaluating their outcomes. The outcomes include, the effects of reurbanization on changing travel and shop- ping patterns, improving pedestrian environments, encouraging diversity, and enhancing the quality of street life. This is accomplished by studying Shep- pard Avenue West, a Toronto suburban arterial street that has undergone a rapid transformation guided by a comprehensive reurbanization policy. The study finds that opportunities to support reurbanization have been missed. The City of Toronto has not supported important objectives and redevelop- ment has not brought about the benefits and vitality expected from mid- rise, mixed-use urbanism. The case study adds to a growing body of research that argues reurbanization must be supported by quality public transit services, nearby concentrations of activities and a high quality pedestrian environment to be implemented successfully and initiate broader changes to the suburbs.
L’objectif de ce projet est d’évaluer si les politiques Avenue de la Ville de Toronto favorisent réellement la transformation de rues principales en espaces conviviaux pour les piétons, et ce, au sein d’une première couronne de banlieues. Plus spécifiquement, les résultats des paramètres suivant sont vérifiés: les effets de la réurbanisation sur les changements des habitudes de déplacements et de magasinage, l’amélioration des environnements piétons, l’encouragement d’une mixité des usages et l’amélioration de la qualité de vie sur la voie publique. Afin de vérifier ces éléments et d’en tirer des conclusions, une artère de la banlieue torontoise ayant subi une transforma- tion rapide dans le cadre d’une politique complète de réurbanisation est étudiée, soit l’avenue Sheppard Ouest. La recherche met en évidence que des opportunités qui auraient pu appuyer ladite réurbanisation auraient été manquées. En effet, la Ville de Toronto n’a pas mis tous les moyens en œuvre pour atteindre les objectifs qu’elle s’était fixés et, par le fait même, n’a pas obtenu les bénéfices et la vitalité escomptés par un urbanisme favorisant une mixité des usages et des constructions d’hauteurs moyennes. Cette étude de cas s’ajoute à une littérature prônant une réurbanisation ap- puyée par des services de transport en commun de qualité, des services de proximité et un environnement piéton de qualité. Sans ces derniers, aucun changement majeur ne peut voir le jour dans la structure de nos banlieues. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| ii
Table of Contents
Introduction...... 1
Chapter 1. Literature review...... 5
1.1 REDISCOVERING DENSITY AND MIXED-USE...... 5 1.2 REURBANIZATION...... 6 1.3 REURBANIZATION IN THE SUBURBS...... 14 1.4 SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW...... 17
Chapter 2. FORMULATION OF TORONTO’S REURBANIZATION POLICIES...... 19
2.1 AT A CROSSROADS...... 20 2.2 MID-RISE SYMPOSIUM...... 22 2.3 PROVINCIAL POLICY...... 26 2.4 REURBANIZATION POLICIES IN TORONTO...... 26
Chapter 3. SHEPPARD WEST/DUBLIN SECONDARY PLANNING AREA...... 28
3.1 caSE STUDY OBJECTIVES ...... 28 3.2 METHODS...... 29 3.3 OVERVIEW OF THE DUBLIN HEIGHTS NEIGHBOURHOOD...... 32 3.4 THE SHEPPARD WEST/DUBLIN SECONDARY PLANNING AREA...... 34 3.5 FORMULATION OF THE SHEPPARD WEST STUDY: PROPOSED SECONDARY PLAN...... 36
Chapter 4. SHEPPARD WEST/DUBLIN UNDER THE PLAN...... 40
4.1 REURBANIZING THE SECONDARY PLANNING AREA...... 40 4.2 SUPPORTING REURBANIZATION ...... 57 4.3 PROJECT ANALYSIS...... 68
Chapter 5. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS...... 75
5.1 SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS...... 75 5.2 RELEVANCE OF FINDINGS...... 77
LIST OF INTERVIEWS...... 80
Bibliography...... 80 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| iii
Unless otherwise noted, all tables, figures, and photos are by the author.
Table of Figures
Figure 1. An avenue experiencing reurbanization through the gradual introduction of mixed-use mid-rise buildings...... 7 Figure 2. Benefits of mixed-use development...... 8 Figure 3. A Townscape Mall...... 16 Figure 4. Dublin House, built at the north-west corner of Sheppard and Dufferin...... 33 Figure 5. Bungalows aong Sheppard...... 34 Figure 6.Sheppard Plaza...... 34 Figure 7. Development of Bungalows and Retail Nodes, Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area, 1950 and 1964...... 35 Figure 8. Looking east along Sheppard Avenue West from Dufferin Street 1994 and 2010.....40 Figure 9. Total Dwelling Units, Dublin Heights...... 42 Figure 10. Figure Ground Study, Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area, 1992 and 2008 ...... 43 Figure 11. Average income of Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood, 1991 - 2006 (Adjusted for Inflation) ...... 44 Figure 12. Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood Population Growth, 1971 - 2006 ...... 44 Figure 13. Number of properties by land use category...... 47 Figure 14. Total Employment by Sector on Sheppard Avenue between Allan Road and Bathurst Street, 1998-2008...... 49 Figure 15. Type and Amount of Non-Residential Uses, Buildings Order by Earliest to Most Recent ...... 50 Figure 16. Price Per Square Metre by Land Use Sheppard West/Dublin SPA, 1963-2010...... 53 Figure 17. Change in mode of travel for non-work and non-school trips, Sheppard/Dublin Neigh- bourhood 1991 - 2006...... 55 Figure 18. Trips to work by mode of travel, Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood 1991-2006.....55 Figure 19. Average weekday 24 hour traffice volume, Sheppard Avenue West Allen to Bathurst, 2002 and 2006...... 57 Figure 21. Downsview Subway Station, looking west from Sheppard Avenue West...... 58 Figure 20. 84 Sheppard West Bus, ...... 58 Figure 22. Existing Pedestrian Refuge, Sheppard Avenue between Hove Street and Bryant Street. 62 Figure 23. Looking south-east toward the intersection of Sheppard Avenue West and Wilson Heights Boulevard. The green space and two buildings are on the surplus road allowance sold in the 1990s, ...... 63 Figure 24. Sheppard Avenue West looking west from Hove Street toward Street Section A...65 Figure 25. Sheppard Avenue West looking west from Wilson Heights Boulevard toward street sec- tion B...... 65 Figure 26. One configuration of a 35 meter wide suburban arterial street designed to improve Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| iv
safety and walkability recommended by the Institute of Transportation Engineers.....66 Figure 27. Where the sidewalks end, looking south on Gorman Park Road near Sheppard Avenue West...... 66 Figure 28. Pedestrian entry...... 67 Figure 29. 906 Sheppard Avenue West...... 69 Figure 30. Streetscape, looking south on Wilson Heights Boulevard, ...... 70 Figure 31. Commercial Unit, 906 Sheppard Avenue West, ...... 70
List of Tables
Table 1. Avenues & Mid-Rise Building Study Performance Standards...... 24 Table 2. Case Study Indicators...... 31 Table 3. Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area Maximum Permitted Building Heights and Densities...... 39 Table 4. Population Growth, 1991 - 2006...... 41 Table 5. Population Change by Age Cohort, 1996 - 2006...... 45 Table 11. Photographs from the SPA Illustrating Land Use Types...... 52 Table 6. Trips my mode of travel, 1996-2006 (%)...... 56 Table 7. Frequency of 84 Sheppard West Bus Service, 1991 and 2009...... 59 Table 8. North York Parking Requirements...... 60 Table 9. Parking Requirements for Selected Projects, Sheppard West/Dublin SPA...... 60 Table 10. Recommended Parking Standards for Avenues...... 62 Table 12. Street Sections, Sheppard Avenue West...... 64
List of Maps
Map 1. The City of Toronto and the Avenues...... 2 Map 2. The Greater Golden Horeshoe, source: Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horse- shoe, 2006...... 26 Map 3. Dublin Heights and the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area and Sur- rounding Areas...... 32 Map 4. Dublin Heights and the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area in 1953...... 33 Map 5. Aerial image of Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area, 2007...... 35 Map 6. Network 2011 Subway Plan, Showing existing and proposed subway system, includ- ing the unrealized Sheppard West line...... 36 Map 7. Properties redeveloped since 1992 or currently under development...... 43 Map 8. Land Use Change, Sheppard West/Dublin SPA, 1987 and 2010...... 47 Map 9. Sidewalks in the Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood...... 68 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| v
acknowledgements there are many people whom I would like to thank who have helped me in one way or another. First, of course is my supervisor, Prof. David Brown. Thank you for your guidance and encouragement and making yourself available for Sunday phone calls.
Secondly, I greatly appreciate the time spared by the planning staff at the City of Toronto, North York district. This paper is far richer thanks to the insights and comments of Prof. Paul Hess and Prof. Nik Luka. Thank you both very much for your help.
finally, I could not have done this without the amazing support of my family, friends and fellow muppets. Thank you Mom, Sara, Alex, Angela and Marc and to everyone who made this experiance as enjoyable as it was. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| 1
Introduction
During the past decade, the reurbanization of suburban arterial streets has
become a priority for planners in most of the Anglo-American world. The
current patterns of growth and development along suburban arterial streets are
considered to be unsustainable (Beyard and Pawlukjewicz, 2001). They contribute
to higher levels of green house gas emissions, the loss of important ecological
systems, greater psychological stress due to longer commutes, increased levels of
obesity, and greater infrastructure costs (Transit Cooperative Research Program,
1998). One approach applied by urban planners to mitigate these problems is
to promote the reurbanization of suburban arterial streets using smart growth
principles.
Smart growth, primarily a reaction to the negative effects of urban sprawl, aspires
to transform the way cities grow and function. In the early 1990s, numerous
organizations in the United States, including the Environmental Protection
Agency, formed the Smart Growth Network in order to articulate its principles,
which are to:
• Promote mixed land uses • Take advantage of compact building design • Create a range of housing opportunities and choices • Create walkable communities • Foster distinctive, attractive communities with a strong sense of place • Preserve open space, farmland, natural beauty, and critical environmental areas • Strengthen and direct development toward existing communities • Provide a variety of transportation options • Make development decisions predictable, fair, and cost effective • Encourage community and stakeholder collaboration in development decisions (Smart Growth Network, 2002).
Smart growth advocates believe that applying these ten principles will act as a
sustainable approach to urban growth, substantially improving the environmental, Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| 2
economic and social quality of cities and suburbs (Bunce, 2004; Hoppenbrouwer
and Louw, 2005).
In Ontario, a smart growth approach to planning was introduced as
reurbanization in the 1991 report, Guidelines for the Reurbanization of Metropolitan
Toronto. This report is the basis of Metropolitan Toronto’s 1993 Official Plan
The Liveable Metropolis (Bunce, 2004). In the most recent City of Toronto
Official Plan, released in 2002, one of the areas identified for growth are the
Avenues (Map 1). The plan presents a vision for their transformation, through
reurbanization, into “main streets that are focal points for the community with
attractive, bustling sidewalks (Toronto, 2002, 2-16).”
Map 1. The City of Toronto and the Avenues
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: Transverse_Mactor, Geographic Coordinate System: GCS_North_American_1927 Data Source: Approximate location of each Avenue based on: Toronto Official Plan, Ciy of Toronto (2002), Other Data: City of Toronto, toronto.ca/open, Statistics Canada, DMTI Spatial Inc. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| 3
Research on the effectiveness of policy that encourages reurbanization along suburban arterial streets and their outcomes is limited. Specifically, there are questions about the City of Toronto’s success at directing and concentrating growth along the Avenues, and about the contributions of new mixed-use development in creating bustling, walkable main streets. This knowledge gap is problematic considering the growing academic and practical interest in encouraging reurbanization in both Canada and the United States.
It is important to address this knowledge gap. While policy-makers rally around the idea of walkable mixed-use main streets in the suburbs, the realities of implementing reurbanization policies are complex. For instance, the retail structure of North American cities is shifting away from the main street model, especially in inner suburbs built between 1945 and 1970, where many of Toronto’s Avenues are situated. Instead of main streets or traditional malls, power centres and big box stores are becoming the primary destination for shoppers (Jones and Doucet, 2001).
Policy-makers have started to address the challenges of reurbanizing Avenues.
A 2005 symposium, Mid-Rise Buildings - Urbanizing the Avenues, hosted by the
City of Toronto and the Canadian Urban Institute, a Toronto based non-profit organization, identified factors that can act as barriers to reurbanization. These include a limited market for mid-rise condominium buildings; unreasonable standards imposed by the City for parking, garbage, and water; difficulties with property assembly; unrealistic retail policies; and numerous building and code issues (Freedman, 2005b).
The assumption that reurbanization can initiate a broader transformation of suburbs and arterial streets requires further study. The focus of this project is to evaluate whether the City of Toronto Avenue policies help to create successful, walkable main streets in the inner suburbs. There exists a need for better analysis Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| 4 of the implementation of Avenue policies and outcomes. These include the effects of reurbanization on changing travel and shopping patterns, improving pedestrian environments, encouraging diversity, and enhancing the quality of street life. This project will address the existing knowledge gap by using a case study to explore the implementation of Avenue policies and outcomes on a suburban arterial street, that is experiencing significant mixed-use redevelopment.
This project consists of five chapters.
Chapter 1 introduces the concept of reurbanization and presents a review of the
literature addressing the relationship between reurbanization and sustainability,
as well as the experience of reurbanization in the suburbs.
Chapter 2 provides a review of reurbanization policies in place to guide the
reurbanization of Toronto’s suburban arterial streets.
Chapter 3 introduces the case study and its objectives and methods. It then
proceeds with an overview of the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning
Area and of the Secondary Planning Area policy.
Chapter 4 presents an analysis of how the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary
Planning Area has evolved since 1993, under the policy framework reviewed in
Chapter 3 and evaluates the success of those policies.
Chapter 5 presents an overview of the research findings and discusses policy
implications for the reurbanization of suburban arterial streets and the Avenues
policy. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 1 | 5
Chapter 1. Literature review
1.1 REDISCOVERING DENSITY AND MIXED-USE
Critics of traditional suburbs and the search for alternative forms of growth
have existed as long as suburbs themselves. During the 1950s, there was already
a growing backlash to single-use zoning and the mass-produced suburb. At the
time, critics of the suburbs such as sociologist Nathan Glazer, bemoaned that
super-blocks, curvilinear streets, and Le Corbusier’s skyscraper in the park
concepts were destroying “the Central values of the city – as meeting place, as
mixing place, as creator and consumer of culture at all levels” (quoted in Strauss,
1960).
Contemporary reports of life in the new suburbs were also highlighting concerns.
Harper’s Magazine reported in 1953,
Many women said, ‘I wish there was some place close by to walk to, like the candy store in the city. Just some place to take the kids to buy a cone or newspaper in the afternoon. It helps break up the monotony of the day.’ They considered the centrally located shopping centres too distant for such outings (Henderson, 1953).
Skepticism about modern planning principles was present, but opposition was
not galvanized until the early 1960s, when Jane Jacobs emerged as a critic of
modernist planning with the publication of The Death and Life of Great American
Cities (Jacobs, 1992).
Jacobs argued that instead of breaking the city into separate categories and
sections, there should be fine-grain mixing of uses. She believed that commercial
diversity is important not only for economic health, but also the social health of
a city. She viewed areas of the city that lack commercial diversity as economic
and social deserts, making them sterile and unsafe places to live. Jacobs
concluded that mixed-use was a necessary component of vibrant and successful
neighbourhoods (Rowley, 1996; Angotti and Hanhardt, 2001; Grant, 2002; Grant,
2004; Hoppenbrouwer and Louw, 2005; Louw and Bruinsma, 2006; Talen, 2006; Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 6
Jones, Roberts et al., 2007).
Jacobs offers four conditions for generating diversity to make cities economically
robust, safer and more livable:
“1. The district, and indeed as many of its internal parts as possible, must serve more than one primary function; preferably more than two. These must ensure the presence of people who go outdoors on different schedules and are in the place for different purposes, but who are able to use many facilities in common. 2. Most blocks must be short; that is, streets and opportunities to turn corners must be frequent. 3. The district must mingle buildings that vary in age and condition, including a good proportion of old ones so that they vary in the economic yield that they produce. This mingling must be fairly close grained. 4. There must be a sufficiently dense concentration of people, for whatever purposes they may be there. This includes dense concentration in the case of people who are there because of residence (pp. 150-151).”
She touches on several influential factors to improve cities, which are echoed
later by the smart growth movement and in reurbanization policies. These include
the need for a mixture of uses in districts, short streets, diversity in building types,
a close urban grain, and higher densities. Jacobs considered the four conditions
‘indispensable’ for generating ‘exuberant diversity’ in urban streets and districts.
1.2 REURBANIZATION
Much about cities and planning has changed since Jacobs’s analysis. For example,
initially reurbanization was conceived as an approach to save declining inner city
neighbourhoods and reclaim abandoned industrial areas as jobs and residents
left for the suburbs (Grant, 2004). Reurbanization was seen as different from
revitalization and renewal because it emphasized intensification, infill and mixed-
use as key components of improving and transforming neighbourhoods, as
opposed to wholesale demolition and rebuilding (Bourne, 1993).
Over the last two decades, the meaning of the term reurbanization has changed
to describe an approach for sustainable urban development. The City of Toronto Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 6 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 1 | 7
Official Plan defines reurbanization as,
“A co-ordinated approach to the redevelopment of land within the existing urban fabric to accommodate regional growth… By improving and making better use of existing urban infrastructure and services before introducing new ones on the urban fringe, reurbanization helps to reduce our demands on nature and improve livability of the urban region by: • reducing the pace at which the countryside is urbanized; • preserving high quality agricultural lands to protect Toronto’s food security; • reducing our reliance on the private automobile; • reducing greenhouse gas emissions; and, • reducing our consumption of nonrenewable resources By shaping the urban fabric of the GTA into a system of mixed use centres and corridors linked by good transit service we will build better communities, strengthen economic conditions and improve air and water quality (City of Toronto, 2002, p 2-2).”
However, even as the focus of reurbanization has become
urban sustainability, it is still principally an approach for Figure 1. An avenue experiencing reurbanization through the gradual neighbourhood revitalization, but now also applied to inner introduction of mixed-use mid-rise buildings. Source: Brook Mcllory Planning + suburbs, rather than exclusively to inner cities (Figure Urban Design/Pace Architects, E.R.A. Architects, Quadrangle Architects Limited and Urban Marketing 1). For example, it is through reurbanization that the City Collaborative. 2010. Avenues & Mid-Rise Building Study. Toronto: City of Toronto, p. 5 of Toronto’s Avenues will: “Create new housing and job
opportunities while improving the pedestrian environment,
the look of the street, shopping opportunities and transit service for community
residents (City of Toronto, 2002, p 2-15).”
Reurbanization holds a great deal of promise for better city and community
building. Yet, there are many questions about its effectiveness as a policy
framework and its ability to deliver benefits, especially at the neighbourhood
level. The literature review will evaluate claims that reurbanization will reduce
car use, improve pedestrian environments, and health by increasing densities and
promoting a mix of uses. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 8
1.2.1. REURBANIZATION AND MIXED-USE
Mixed-use development and density are critical components of reurbanization.
Planners have adopted the view that mixed-use has a number of benefits. They
allow for the creation of vital, secure, attractive urban environments, reduce the
need to travel distances, promote public transit and provide economic, social and
environmental benefits, which contributes to sustainability (Figure 2). Further,
there is a strong social purpose for developing dense mixed-use communities.
Jane Jacobs argues, “Without a strong and inclusive central heart, a city tends to
become a collection of interests separated from one another (Jacobs, 1992, p.
165).” This purpose is reflected in the Avenues policy, which aims to transform
suburban arterial streets into neighbourhood main streets.
Figure 2. Benefits of mixed-use development.
Source: Coupland, Andy. 1997. “An Introduction to Mixed Use Development.” Reclaiming the City: Mixed Use Development. Andy Coupland. London, E & FN Spon: 3. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 8 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 1 | 9
There exists a great deal of ambiguity with defining mixed-use and determining a
proper degree of mixing. Angotti and Hanhardt ask:
“must mixed-use always include both industrial and residential uses, or can it be any mix of residential, commercial and/or industrial? How much of a mix does it take to be mixed-use? Are we talking about a mix of physical structures and building types, or are we talking about a mix of social and economic activities, or both? If a single property is used in different ways during different times of the day, is that mixed-use? If a single property is always used for the same purpose but the adjacent property is used differently, is that mixed-use? Do uses have to be mixed along the same block-front, or within whole neighbourhoods, within entire city, or within metropolitan regions? Is it the same to have uses that are mixed horizontally and vertically in space? And is mixed-use development the same in the US as it is in Cairo, Lagos, São Paulo and Shanghai? What difference is there between mixed-use today and mixed-use in medieval Europe or imperial Rome (Angotti and Hanhardt, 2001 pp. 146-147)?”
Angotti and Hanhardt stress that there are no definitive answers to any of these
questions. Mixed-use is a relative term and the balance between mixture and
separation is always in flux. Defining the degree, quality, and presences of mixed-
use is a subjective act.
Nevertheless, urban planners, real estate professionals, and developers have
formulated various definitions of mixed-use. For example, some planning
authorities adopt size thresholds to define mixed-use projects. Real estate
professionals define it as, “different real estate uses combined on the same site in
one development project (Bayster, 2005 p. 8).”
The Urban Land Use Institute’s definition is the most detailed: “Mixed-use
developments are characterized by:
• three or more significant revenue-producing uses (such as retail/ entertainment, office, residential, hotel, and/or civic/cultural/recreation) that in well-planned projects are mutually supporting; • significant physical and functional integration of project components (and thus relatively close-knit and intensive use of land), including uninterrupted pedestrian connections; and • development in conformance with a coherent plan (that frequently stipulates the type and scale of uses, permitted densities, and related items) (Schwanke, Phillips et al., 2003).”
Many development projects advertised as mixed-use would not meet all of the Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 10 criteria for the last definition.
Academics have attempted to clear up the ambiguity by devising a theoretical approach for thinking about mixed-use. One such approach involves being more sensitive to scale and urban design. Mixed-use development is an aspect of the internal texture of a city. The texture has three key features: grain, density and permeability. Rowley (1996) identifies grain as the most important feature because it refers to the way different components of an urban area, such as people, activities, land uses, buildings and parcels, are mixed together in space. The urbanity and vitality of a city can be distinguished by examining whether grain is fine or coarse. Fine grain best describes historic communities or main streets, coarse grain is associated with suburban communities.
Hoppenbrouwer and Louw (2005) praise Rowley’s model as “a good basis for conceptualizing mixed-use development (p. 972),” but they offer the criticism that it focuses on one particular dimension, mixed-uses between buildings as opposed to mixed-use within a building, which cannot be captured by grain.
Hoppenbrouwer and Louw suggest that a “shared premise dimension (p. 972)” be included. Accordingly, the ultimate mixed-use is people working and living within a single building. These models allow for better insight into different concepts of mixed land use and identify important features that can be used when analyzing mixed-use.
Mixed-use has become increasingly popular among planners. A study of smart growth policy documents in Georgia and Kentucky found that mixed land use was included as a principle in three-quarters of state and local level policy documents. In contrast, other smart growth principles, such as increasing density were included in only half the documents.
Despite its growing popularity, the contributions of mixed-use to sustainability are not well established. For example, the link between mixed-use communities and Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 10 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 1 | 11
transportation behaviour remains elusive. Evidence that having mixed-use areas
in close proximity to housing improves the demand for public transportation and
encourages people to walk to work, school, and shops is not well supported.
Surveys of residents who moved into mixed-use suburban developments show
no significant alteration of transportation habits, even if they moved into a transit
oriented development (Grant, 2005; Charles & Barton, 2003; O’Toole, 2008;
Filion,2001). Frank and Pivo (1994) tested the impact of land-use mix, population
density and employment density on commuting behaviour. The authors found
that both employment and residential densities have an affect on commuting, but
the relationship between land use mix and mode at the Census tract level was
too weak to make any definitive conclusions. Cervero (1996) found that density
exerts a stronger influence on commuting than the level of land-use mix. He also
discovered that people were induced to walk or bicycle to work, if commercial
and non-residential activities were within the immediate vicinity of their home
(less than 300 feet).
While popular among critical observers of cities, mixed-use has not been
embraced by developers and planners. (Grant, 2005; Charles & Barton, 2003;
O’Toole, 2008). Neo-traditional mixed-use developments in Canada are not
meeting actual mixed-use objectives. Cornell, a New Urbanist development in
Markham Ontario, has struggled to attract office or retail to its new main street
(Thompson-Fawcett and Bond, 2003). In McKenzie Towne, near Calgary Alberta,
the developer has invested millions of dollars into commercial structures that
it cannot sell (Grant, 2002). The retail environment is cutthroat and many
redevelopment projects and mixed-use communities face an uphill battle.
Developers have not embraced mixed-use buildings in the suburbs and they will
not unless it becomes profitable (Dunham-Jones and Williamson, 2009).
Mixed-use is promoted as a component of reurbanization because it reduces the Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 12
need to travel and its contribution to urban diversity and vitality. The literature
points to the uncertainty of both claims. Evidence that mixed-use reduces the
need to travel is weak and most attempts to introduce mix-use to suburbs have
faced serious difficulties.
1.2.2. REURBANIZATION AND CAR USE
Perhaps the most contentious claim made by planners is that reurbanization
reduces car ownership and use. Research shows that there is no strong
relationship between ownership of passenger vehicles and density (Alexander &
Tomalty, 2002). Instead car ownership has a stronger relationship to household
income than to urban form (Bunt & Joyce, 2009). This has important implications
for how reurbanization should be guided, especially in the suburbs. If most people
buy cars based on how much they earn, rather than where they live, management
of urban form is not the ideal strategy for reducing car ownership.
Higher densities don’t reduce car ownership, however, they do influence the
distance people drive. There is a strong correlation between higher density and
fewer vehicle miles traveled. As densities rise, trips get shorter, vehicle trip rates
drop, and transit and walking mode shares increase (Ewing, 1997).
Emerging critics argue that the link between density and vehicle trips overlooks
self-selection, attitudinal and lifestyle predisposition. People who want to drive
less choose to live in denser neighbourhoods (Kitamura, Mokhtarian et al., 1997;
Banerjee, 2001; Handy and Clifton, 2001; Bagley and Mokhtarian, 2002). This
implies that a more effective policy solution would be to promote the change of
resident’s attitudes, rather than a change of urban fabric. (Kitamura, Mokhtarian et
al., 1997; Forsyth, Oakes et al., 2007) This argument, however, is being addressed
by new research that takes into account issues such as self-selection and shows
that residential density and vehicle miles traveled are correlated (Golob &
Brownstone, 2005). Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 12 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 1 | 13
Reurbanization can be used as an approach that reduces car use. However,
affecting changes to attitudes toward driving is as important as changes to the
built environment. Without a policy approach that increases densities while
promoting alternative transportation behaviour there could be more negative
consequences then positive.
1.2.3. REURBANIZATION AND WALKABILITY
Walking is an alternative transportation behaviour that is promoted by
reurbanization. One of the primary objectives of the Avenues policy is to
promote streets that are safe, comfortable and attractive for pedestrians and
cyclists (City of Toronto, 2002: 2-15). Appreciation of the role that safe streets
have in promoting better health and stronger communities has increased
substantially in the last decade as researchers find correlations between people
who live in mixed-use neighbourhoods and lower rates of obesity and car use
(Saelens, Sallis et al., 2003a; Frank, Andresen et al., 2004; Brown, Khattak et al.,
2008). A common term that has emerged to describe the quality of a pedestrian
environment is ‘walkability’ (Saelens, Sallis et al., 2003a; Frank, Andresen et al.,
2004; Southworth, 2005a; Frank, Sallis et al., 2006; Zimbabwe, Belzer et al., 2009).
There is little doubt that walkability provides positive social and public health
benefits. Research demonstrates that high levels of pedestrian activity create
opportunities for people to interact, which in turn contributes to sense of
community, self-awareness, social support, and shared interests (Rowley, 1996;
Leyden, 2003; Dempsey, 2008). Residents living in pedestrian oriented, mixed-used
neighbourhoods walk more, feel more connected to their community, are more
likely to know their neighbours, have trust in other people, and more contact
with elected officials. Evidence also exists showing a positive correlation between
the number of places that residents are able to walk to and levels of social capital
(Podobnik, 2002; Leyden, 2003). Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 14
Filion, McSpurren and Appleby (2006) find that density alone has a weak influence
on walking behaviour and that there are more complex relationships at work.
They argue that density can be exploited to reduce car use if it is associated with
quality public transportation services, nearby concentrations of activities and a
high quality pedestrian environment, as well as certain demographic prerequisites,
such as income and household size and life cycle.
1.3 REURBANIZATION IN THE SUBURBS
The second section of this literature review addresses reurbanization in the
suburbs. Literature about suburban reurbanization focuses on dead mall sites and
mixed-use centres. Suburban arterials have been recognized as requiring more
intensive study because of their potential to contributing to a sense of place and
for improving walkability (Peiser, 2007; Dunham-Jones and Williamson, 2009). The
Urban Land Institute has identified a shift from centres to redeveloping suburban
arterial streets. It observes:
“recently, the focus of leading-edge metropolitan planners has begun to shift from reinventing America’s downtowns to reinventing its newer concentrations of commercial growth—its suburban strips. This shift reflects the growing success of many downtown revitalization efforts—a success based on decades of public/private partnerships, planning, investment, and development (Beyard and Pawlukjewicz, 2001).”
Suburban arterial streets are perceived as ideal targets for reurbanization. People
do not have strong attachments to arterial streets. This means there is less
opposition to their redevelopment. Research on suburban morphology has also
identified them as the area of the suburbs where significant change can happen
in a short period. They lack a consistency of lot and building types; exhibit a
rapid turnover of ownership; and major remodeling and destruction of buildings.
Arterial streets are also more likely to benefit from reliable and frequent public
transit service, which supports density, as well as concentrations of retail and
commercial uses, which supports walkability (Scheer, 2001). Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 14 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 1 | 15
There is an emerging consensus on strategies for retrofitting suburban arterial
streets. For example, Freedman (2005) argues that suburban commercial strips
are failing as arterial thoroughfares and require restructuring to “reverse
disinvestment, stabilize property values and restore vitality along once important
suburban corridors (p. 61).” Freedman’s proposed strategy for retrofitting arterial
streets is focused on two approaches. The first approach proposes new uses,
such as housing along commercial corridors. The second approach reconfigures
the public way to improve pedestrian environments (Freedman, 2005a).
Filion (2001) proposes the retrofitting of suburban corridors to improve the
link between land-use and public transportation. Isolation is seen as the primary
shortcoming of suburban mixed-use centres. Southworth (2005b) observes that
often they are:
“an island surrounded by heavily trafficked arterials and highways or physical barriers such as railroad tracks. Transit stations, if present at all, are usually distant and uncomfortable. Sidewalks usually go nowhere beyond the expansive parking lot. Even when pedestrian access is theoretically possible, the paths are circuitous and boring treks through sun-baked parking lots or semi-derelict land (Southworth, 2005).”
Filion (2001) recommends a strategy that combines the creation of nodes, such
as mixed-use centres with concentrations of high and medium density residential
developments along high frequency transit corridors. This strategy addresses
isolation by connecting centres to the surrounding suburban areas through public
transit corridors and walkable streets.
Yet, there are problems with concentrating high-density and medium density
housing along suburban corridors. People are reluctant to move onto arterial
streets with high traffic volumes and limited aesthetic appeal. Living next to a
busy arterial street can be detrimental to health because of car and truck
exhaust. Improving the aesthetic appeal of the strip can be difficult because
business owners are reluctant to transform or retrofit their properties. They
resist locating new development at the sidewalk because they fear the loss of Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 16 parking (Dunham-Jones and Williamson,
2009).
Furthermore, the dominant retail trends continue to emphasize big box stores, fast food franchises and scattered shopping centres. This is a reality that will not likely change. Large parking lots will remain Figure 3. A Townscape Mall, source: http://www.labelscar.com/new- common sights along suburban arterial jersey/echelon-mall streets making the integration of residential housing and improvement of aesthetics difficult (O’Connell, 2004).
Arterial streets are more difficult to retrofit because there are more stakeholders involved. Mall properties tend to have one owner and their isolation makes it easier to increase densities and add a mix of uses. Suburban arterial streets have more owners and lots are only large enough for one or two buildings. This makes it difficult for developers to control the tenant mix and implement the symbolism that attracts suburban shoppers to townscape malls, which are essentially old malls decorated to make them to look more like main streets (Southworth,
2005b).
Finally, attempts to remake arterial streets into better streets for pedestrian are challenging. Streets are managed by the standard policy tools, such as road classification systems, plan and zoning, that were largely designed to build an early mid-20th century visions of streets (Hess, 2009). Remaking streets so that pedestrian’s needs are better met also means remaking the way that roads are managed. As Hess observes,
“the default position is to rebuild a street virtually as it was. Perhaps the sidewalks will be wider or the paving material nicer, but as important as this is, the underlying construct remains and no real re-thinking will have taken place (Hess, 2009, p. 23).” Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 16 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 1 | 17
Without addressing the manner in which arterial street are managed, they are
unlikely adapt to reflect the vision of reurbanizing mixed-use street.
The introduction of a greater mix of uses and higher densities to suburbs
holds much promise. The suburbs, however, have often resisted reurbanization.
Community resistance, haphazard ownership and difficulties with financing and
existing patterns of growth undermine successful reurbanization. However,
planners continue with their efforts to encourage the reurbanization of the
suburbs despite these challenges.
1.4 SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW
There is agreement within the literature that a greater mix of uses and higher
densities can result in shorter trips by car, more trips using active transportation,
healthier and more equitable communities, and a stronger sense of community in
cities.
The role that land use policy can play in successfully promoting reurbanization,
especially in the suburbs, is less clear. Mixed-use centres that reach targets set
by planners are not replicating the diversity and vitality that exists in city centres.
This is the reason researchers and policymakers are continuing to look for
alternatives to the development of mixed-use suburban centres. The alternatives
must lead to better integration of mixed-use development and adjacent
neighbourhoods through improved pedestrian infrastructure and rapid public
transit and new procedures for rebuilding arterial streets.
The literature also discusses potential risks presented by reurbanization.
Developers may not be willing to invest in mixed-uses, especially in the suburbs
where other models of retail, such as big box stores dominate. Furthermore,
there is no conclusive evidence that reurbanization will lead to reduced car use,
which is more influenced by culture and income than built form. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 18
Elements of a successful approach to reurbanization and the transformation of suburban arterial streets include a comprehensive transportation system that accommodates car use and public transit, education on the benefits of active transportation, greater investment in pedestrian infrastructure, a retail policy that supports small business, as well as institutional changes to the management of streets and design guidelines to improve the quality of arterial streets.
Reurbanization policies can be successfully implemented by combining these elements with a mix of uses and higher densities. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| Chapter 1 | 18 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 19
Chapter 2. FORMULATION OF TORONTO’S REURBANIZATION POLICIES
The origin of Toronto’s policy to reurbanize the Avenues can be traced to the
Main Streets program, which emerged as an important policy objective for
the City of Toronto, in the late 1980s. The program‘s aim was to facilitate the
transformation of one-storey, car-oriented retail strips into pedestrian and transit
friendly main streets animated by five storey buildings with retail at the base and
apartments above (Filion, 1999).
By the 1980s, intensification was the one of the few options available for growth.
For example, City Councillor Richard Gilbert, who initiated the Main Streets
program, asked: “Where is the new housing to be built?” He stressed that
Toronto had only one way to grow:
“There is almost no vacant land in the City of Toronto and so the only solution is to intensify what we have now. Of the areas of the City that could be intensified, only our main streets could be redeveloped without much pain -- pain in the form of damage to neighbourhoods or deterioration of transportation systems... the chief aim… is to raise the idea of redeveloping Toronto’s main streets publicly and to propose that the planning and housing department work together on a plan for City Council’s consideration (Gilbert, 1987).”
Two groups, the Main Streets Advocacy Group and the Canadian Urban Institute
contributed to the development of the Main Streets program. They advocated the
program not only as a growth strategy, but also as a strategy for improving the
quality of urban space and reducing car dependency. The Main Streets Advocacy
Group made eight recommendations to transform arterial streets into main
streets:
• Creating a good pedestrian environment • Promoting pedestrian and cyclist use • Developing simple built form guidelines (which protect sun access for adjacent residential areas while encouraging development at transit densities) • Granting “as of right” permission to build • Encouraging redevelopment among landowners; • Adopting a different approach to land use planning; • Encouraging a fine-grain mix of land uses; and Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 20
• Fostering the gradual evolution of the ‘essential’ activities of a healthy main street (Nasmith and Colthoff, 1996).
The Main Streets program did not succeed. Toronto’s inflexible parking
requirements, which required each unit to provide one parking space, made the
economics of redevelopment unviable. Furthermore, the program also faced
considerable pressure from residents abutting the arterial streets who worried
about increased congestion and higher densities. On the other hand, developers
complained that the densities were not high enough to allow viable projects
(Farncombe, 1996; Filion, 2002). Due to the opposition, the program did not
proceed, but its approach remained popular among planners.
2.1 at A CROSSROADS
Following the amalgamation of Metropolitan Toronto in 1998, a new ‘unified’
City of Toronto emerged. A new official plan was commissioned. It was adopted
by City Council in November 2002. This plan replaced the 2,000 pages of
policies and 112 different land use designations that governed planning in the
pre-amalgamated metropolitan area (City of Toronto, 2000). The 112 land uses
designations were consolidated into eight: Neighbourhood, Apartment, Mixed-
Use, Parks and Open Space, Regeneration, Employment and Utility Corridor
Areas (City of Toronto, 2001).
The mixed-use designation in the 2002 Toronto official plan is the first to cover a
significant portion of the metropolitan area. The designation is significant because
most of the retail, office and service employment are concentrated in Mixed-Use
Areas. The Mixed-Use Area applies to four components. These are downtown,
parts of the waterfront, larger plazas and malls, and the arterial avenues. The
designation permits retail, office, residential, institutional and recreation/open
space uses, in other words, everything but industry.
The main street policy approach of the 1990’s reemerged as the Avenues Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 20 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 21
component of the urban structure. The report, Toronto at the Crossroads: Shaping
our Future introduced the growth area, ‘the Avenues,’ and a strategy for their
redevelopment. The report states that:
“They pose a tremendous opportunity for reurbanization and residential intensification along major transit routes without having a big impact on established residential neighbourhoods…The new Official Plan will set out a process whereby each Avenue would, over time, be studied in consultation with local communities and ‘liberated’ for reurbanization (City of Toronto, 2000).”
While the Avenues policy conveys a similar approach to the Main Streets
program, the supporting framework is more comprehensive and applies to
both suburban arterial streets and the old City of Toronto’s main streets. A key
difference is that the Avenues policy recommends the preparation of Avenues
Studies to guide the development of the Avenues corridors. The Avenues Studies
provide context specific instruments for the enforcement of growth policies.
The Avenues policy also requires that a broad area context be examined during
the process of evaluating a proposal, rather than just the specific application site
for each development (City of Toronto, 2002).
The Avenues approach to reurbanizing arterial streets is far more comprehensive
than any preceding approach. The Avenue Studies include a vision for the
Avenues and an implementation plan that illustrates redevelopment potential
and public realm improvements. The Avenues Studies intent is to facilitate growth
by engaging local residents, businesses, the Toronto Transit Commission (TTC)
and other local stakeholders, and by setting out appropriate as-of-right zoning
and other regulations designed to achieve high quality development along the
Avenues (City of Toronto, 2007c).
The City of Toronto has 162 kilometres of Avenues. Since 2003, 17 Avenues
Studies have been initiated of which 11 have been completed (City of Toronto,
2009c). These 17 studies cover only a small area of all the Avenues, yet their
successful implementation has been a challenge. It has been difficult to attract Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 22
and concentrate growth. Instead, growth has been scattered along the Avenues,
making it difficult to initiate a broader transformation. It has also been difficult to
convince developers to build mid-rise, mixed-use buildings.
2.2 MID-RISE SYMPOSIUM
City of Toronto staff realized that reurbanization was not going to occur solely as
a result of the Avenues Policy and additional supports were needed. As a result,
the budget for the 2005 Avenues Studies included funding for a symposium that
would explore opportunities for developing more mid-rise buildings on Avenues.
The symposium, titled Mid-Rise buildings - Urbanizing the Avenues, was hosted by
the City of Toronto in partnership with the Canadian Urban Institute (CUI), and
the Toronto Society of Architects (TSA). At the symposium a myriad of issues
that act as barriers to reurbanizing the Avenues were identified. These issues
included, a lack of a market for mid-rise condominium buildings; unreasonable
standards imposed by the City for parking, garbage and water; difficulties in
property assembly; an unrealistic retail policy; building and code issues; market
and economic issues (Freedman 2005b). which reveal that the costs of building
mid-rise are prohibitive except when major lot consolidation is possible, mainly
because the form demands concrete-slab construction, underground parking, and
elevators, and developers claim that they cannot realise the necessary economies
of scale unless buildings are over 10 storeys (Luka, 2010). Since 2008, the Mid-
Rise Buildings Interdivisional Team, formed in order to explore solutions to the
problems identified during the symposium, has met on three occasions. The team
initiated an Avenues and Mid-Rise Buildings Study, with the purpose of developing:
• “a summary of lessons and best practices learned from completed Avenue Studies; • an analysis of mid-rise building precedents, typologies and test sites; • a proposed categorization of the Avenues; • an analysis of lot depths on the Avenues; • a final set of Mid-Rise Building Performance Standards, a testing of the standards, Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 22 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 23
• and the creation of a framework to determine how the Performance Standards may apply to the various categories of Avenues; and • recommendations for implementation. (City of Toronto, 2009c)”
The intent of the study was to provide guidelines for the many parts of the
Avenues where Avenues Studies have not been undertaken and where the
current zoning does not reflect the objectives of the Official Plan. Its primary
challenge was that there exists no “one size fits all” approach to reurbanizing the
Avenues. In fact there exists is a great deal of variation over the 162 kiloMetres
of Avenues. Variations include right-of-way widths, lot dimensions, neighbourhood
context, historical evolution, prevailing land uses, traffic volumes, transit services
and retail environments (BMI/Pace & Quadrangle, 2010).
Taking these factors into consideration, the Avenues and Mid-Rise Buildings Study
identified a multitude of character districts. Generally however the Avenues can
be distinguished into two basic types. The first type consists of the main streets
of the pre-amalgamated City of Toronto, which have limited opportunity to
accommodate significant redevelopment.
This study focuses on the second type consisting of suburban arterial streets,
which have many more perceived opportunities and sites for redevelopment.
These sites include strip malls, parking lots, and vacant lots (Bowman, 2007).
The Avenues in the inner suburbs are as diverse as the city through which they
pass. Many were designed as limited access thoroughfares where development
occurred away from the street, offering only a view of backyard fences to passing
cars. Others have a diversity of street related commercial buildings, single-family
homes, tall post-war apartment buildings, and shopping malls (Brook Mcllory
Planning + Urban Design/Pace Architects and Quadrangle Architects Limited,
2010).
The Avenues and Mid-rise Buildings Study proposed a series of performance Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 24
standards to better manage the complexity and diversity of Avenues. Of the 19
Performance Standard Categories published in the study, the following seven are
These standards are highlighted because their intent is to improve the pedestrian
environment and promote mixed-uses.
Table 1. Avenues & Mid-Rise Building Study Performance Standards
Performance Standard Measure
2. Minimum Building and Street Wall All new buildings on the Avenues must achieve a minimum building height of Height 10.5 Metres (3 storeys) at the street frontage (p 42).
3. Minimum Ground Floor Height The minimum floor-to-floor height of the ground floor should be 4.5 Metres to facilitate retail uses at grade (p 44). 4A. Front Façade Angular Plan The building envelop should allow for a minimum of 5-hours of sunlight onto the Avenue sidewalk from March 21st - September 21st. 4B. Front Façade Pedestrian Percep- “Pedestrian Perception” stepbacks on buildings taller than 23 metres should be tion Step-back required to mitigate the perception of height and create buildings at the street that are of a comfortable scale for pedestrians. 4C. Front Façade: Alignment The front street wall of mid-rise buildings should be built to the front property lines or applicable setback lines. The street wall is defined as the portion of a buildings façade comprised of the building base (minimum of 10.5 metres or 3 storeys in height and up to the 80% of the permitted maximum building height) A building should have a minimum of 75% of its frontage built to the setback line (see Performance Standard 7A) for the first 3 storeys at a minimum. The remaining 25% may setback an additional distance up to a maximum of 5 metres to provide a deeper area for lobby entrances, bike parking or outdoor marketing areas such as café seating (for residential uses at-grade see Perfor- mance Standard 10). 7A. Minimum Sidewalk Zone Mid-rise buildings may be required to be set back at grade to provide a mini- mum sidewalk zone. Right-of-ways of 20 to 30 metres inclusive should provide a minimum sidewalk dimension of 4.8 metres. Right-of-ways greater than 30 metres should provide a minimum sidewalk dimension of 6.0 metres. 7B. Streetscape Avenue streetscapes should provide the highest level of urban design treat- ment to create beautiful, safe and accessible pedestrian environments and great places to shop, work and live. The design of Avenue streetscapes should follow the classifications, placement guidelines, and design details in the Toronto Urban Design Streetscape Manual (for more information see www.toronto.ca/ planning/urbdesign/streetscape/ index.htm or contact streetscapemanual@toronto. ca). Tree planting strategies should ensure sustainable conditions for the growth of mature trees on the Avenues. Create multiple buildings on wide sites. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 24 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 25
Table 1. Avenues & Mid-Rise Building Study Performance Standards
Performance Standard Measure
9. Building Width Maximum Width: Where mid-rise building frontages are more than 60 metres in width, building massing should be articulated or “broken up” to ensure that façades are not overly long. Create multiple buildings on wide sites. Break up the façades through the use of vertical breaks and step-backs. 15. Façade Design & Articulation Mid-rise buildings will be designed to support the public and commercial func- tion of the Avenue through well articulated and appropriately scaled façades. The street wall of buildings on the Avenues should be designed to create a comfortable, yet highly animated, pedestrian environment through a rhythm of multiple retail frontages, architectural articulation, numerous entrances, display windows, canopies and signage. The ground floor of all buildings should be articulated and highly transparent, with a minimum 60% of this frontage to be glazed and transparent. Building materials will be high quality and contribute to a human-scaled public realm. Blank walls should be avoided.
Utilities, vents and other undesirable elements should be avoided on the lower levels of façades adjacent to the public realm or should be integrated into the architectural composition. Permanent opaque covering on windows and doors that prevent views into buildings should be discouraged. Source: Brook Mcllory Planning + Urban Design/Pace Architects, E.R.A. Architects, Quadrangle Architects Limited and Urban Marketing Collaborative. 2010. Avenues & Mid-Rise Building Study. Toronto: City of Toronto. The minimum building height and street wall promote intensification while
creating a more vibrant street life. The minimum ground floor heights provide
flexibility of grade level uses, as floor heights for commercial uses are generally
higher than a typical residential floor, and they also increase the visibility of
retail. Front façade alignment contributes to a continuous street alignment and
provides connections between grade related commercial and community uses.
Façade design & articulation are included to ensure that blocks provide interest
and stimulation to pedestrians (Brook Mcllory Planning + Urban Design/Pace
Architects, E.R.A. Architects et al., 2010).
The success of these design standards will be determined by whether they can
promote diversity and mixed-use. However, planners need to be cautious and
not blindly apply these standards, as they focus on form alone. This could result
in redevelopment that contributes to the loss rather than the gain of diversity
(Talen, 2006). Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 26
2.3 pROVINCIAL POLICY
In 2004, the Province of Ontario launched major
regional planning initiatives based on smart growth
principles. These initiatives focused on the Greater
Golden Horseshoe Region centered on Toronto (Map
2). They included the Greenbelt Act (2004), the Places
to Grow Act (2005), and the Growth Plan for the
Greater Golden Horseshoe (2006) (Hess, Sorensen
et al., 2007). These create a comprehensive range of
urban growth management tools, at the centre of
which is a policy of residential intensification. Map 2. The Greater Golden Horeshoe, source: Growth Plan for the Greater Golden Horseshoe, 2006 The policy of residential intensification was first
introduced in 2005 in the Provincial Policy Statement,
Building Stronger Communities. The policy states,
“sufficient land shall be made available through intensification and redevelopment
and if necessary, designated growth areas, to accommodate an appropriate range
and mix of employment opportunities, housing and other land use to meet
projected needs for time horizon of up to 20 years (Ministry of Municipal Affairs
and Housing).”
The Provincial Policy Statement supported the new City of Toronto Plan and
firmly entrenched smart growth principles within the Toronto and the Toronto
region.
2.4 REURBANIZATION POLICIES IN TORONTO
Since the late 1980s, when the Main Streets Program first emerged, there has
been a significant evolution in the City of Toronto’s reurbanization policies.
While the means of implementing have grown more sophisticated, with the Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 26 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 2 | 27
development of the Avenues studies and urban design guidelines, the main policy
goal remains essentially unchanged. This is to promote the redevelopment of
Toronto’s arterial streets by encouraging mid-rise, mixed-use development. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 3 | 28
Chapter 3. SHEPPARD WEST/DUBLIN SECONDARY PLANNING AREA
This chapter introduces the case study objectives and methods for this report,
the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area (SPA), and provides a
summary of the land use policy, zoning and design guidelines currently regulating
its growth.
3.1 caSE STUDY OBJECTIVES
Improved health, safety and transportation patterns are important outcomes of
reurbanization. Yet, there remain significant uncertainties, as discovered in the
literature review, on the effectiveness of reurbanization policy as an approach for
transforming suburbs into more sustainable communities.
The objective of this case study is to develop an overview of contemporary
policies aimed at reurbanizing suburban arterial streets and evaluate their
effectiveness at increasing densities, improving vitality, pedestrian environments,
and changing transportation patterns.
• The specific objectives outlined for the research are: • to identify factors that contribute to the successful reurbanization of a suburban arterial; • to investigate the impact of reurbanization on a neighbourhood; • to examine the hypothesis that mixed-use streets form a model for sustainable development; and • to propose recommendations for the future development of suburban arterial streets.
As Toronto’s Avenues policies are relatively new, their outcomes and effectiveness
have not been intensively studied. Therefore, to meet the research objectives a
case study approach was selected.
From November 2002 to December 2006, 307 development projects on the
Avenues were proposed, of which 21 were for mixed-use development, totaling
57,800 m2 of gross floor area. A majority of projects, 66 percent, were not mid- Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 3 | 29
rise projects, but greater than 13 storey’s. The projects were also dispersed
across Avenues throughout the city (City of Toronto, 2007). Identifying an
Avenue that has experienced a significant amount of redevelopment along a
specific Avenue was difficult.
Sheppard West/Dublin SPA was selected for the case study because it has
experienced considerable mid-rise, mixed-use development, as recommended
by the Avenues policies. No other inner suburban arterial street in Toronto has
experienced a similar degree of mid-rise, mixed-use redevelopment. In addition,
Sheppard Avenue West is among one of only three suburban arterial streets that
the 1993 Metropolitan Toronto Official Plan, the Liveable Metropolis supported
through urban design guidelines and zoning changes. This allows for an analysis
of an Avenue that has benefited from an Avenue style reurbanization policy since
1993, nearly a decade before the citywide Avenues policy came into force.
There are some limitations to the case study. The first limitation is that there
are no available statistics or studies that compare the morphology of Toronto’s
Avenue, and such a study is beyond this reports scope. Therefore, it is difficult to
address the issue how ‘typical’ Sheppard West/Dublin SPA is as an Avenue.
A second limitation is that the developer of eight mixed-use building projects
declined requests for an interview, thus denying the author an important source
of information.
Despite these limitations this case study will provide a thorough analysis of the
outcomes of Toronto’s policies on reurbanizing a suburban arterial street.
3.2 METHODS
A wide scope of issues is explored in this study. Therefore, it was necessary to
draw upon a range of sources for the analysis. As the outcome of the case study
is to assess the effectiveness of reurbanization policies on suburban arterial Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 3 | 30 streets, the analysis focuses on redevelopment within the Secondary Planning
Area, since 1993, when the plan came into force. However, data is drawn from surveys over a range of time.
The literature review identified six significant factors that contribute to the successful reurbanization of a suburban arterial street. These are higher densities, a greater mix of uses, reduced car dependence, more attractive and healthier communities, a feeling of safety, and a stronger sense of community (Table 2).
The first part of the case study establishes the extent to which the policy has promoted reurbanization. Several datasets were used to evaluate changes in
Dublin Heights and the SPA’s density and mix of uses. The first, compared land use information from the 1987 study of the corridor to current land use data.
The second dataset consists of on-site observations. The third uses employment data from the City of Toronto annual employment survey.
The second part of the case studies evaluates the impact that reurbanization has had on the corridor. To evaluate the effectiveness of reurbanization on transportation patterns, data from the Transportation Tomorrow surveys and the Census is analyzed from the years 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2006. To analyze qualitative changes, two new condominium projects, designed under the current policies, zoning and design guidelines are evaluated. By analyzing two projects, it was possible to compare and contrast the similarities and differences between them. This is useful for evaluating the policies, zoning and design guidelines in terms of vitality, attractiveness, and safety Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 3 | 31
Table 2. Case Study Indicators Indicator Measure Level of Analysis Source Density Population Density (1991, Neighbourhood Statistics Canada 1996, 2001, 2006) Dwelling Density (1991, Neighbourhood Statistics Canada 1996, 2001, 2006) Units Built/Proposed Secondary Planning Area City of Toronto Official Plan & Zoning By-Law (1998-present) Amendment Application Reports Built form (1992, 2007) Secondary Planning Area Orthographic Images Commercial Square Foot- Secondary Planning Area City of Toronto Official Plan & Zoning By-Law age (1998-present) Amendment Application Reports Mix of Uses Land Use Change at prop- Secondary Planning Area Sheppard West study: background report and erty level (1987, 2010) secondary plan alternatives; 1992 and 2008 or- thographic images and; authors observations
Employment by Sector Secondary Planning Area City of Toronto Employment Survey Auto Depen- Parking Requirements Secondary Planning Area City of Toronto Official Plan & Zoning By-Law dence Amendment Application Reports Public Transit Development Neighbourhood Transit Toronto, http://transit.toronto.on.ca/ Frequency of Bus Service Neighbourhood Toronto Transit Commission Scheduled Service (1991, 2009) Summary Modal Split, Trips to Work Neighbourhood Transportation Tomorrow Survey; Statistics (1991, 1996, 2001, 2006) Canada Modal Split, Non-work Trips Neighbourhood Transportation Tomorrow Survey (1991, 1996, 2001, 2006) Traffic Volume, Sheppard Neighbourhood Transportation Services Traffic Safety Unit Avenue (2002, 2006) Average Weekday, 24 Hour Traffic Volume Attractive and Streetscape Secondary Planning Area Authors observations Healthy Com- Permeability Secondary Planning Area Authors observations; Orthographic Images munity Pedestrian Infrastructure Neighbourhood Orthographic Images, Authors observations Development Case Study Secondary Planning Area City of Toronto Official Plan & Zoning By-Law Amendment Application Reports; Authors observations Feeling of Development Case Study Secondary Planning Area City of Toronto Official Plan & Zoning By-Law Safety Amendment Application Reports; Authors observations Sense of Com- Development Case Study Secondary Planning Area City of Toronto Official Plan & Zoning By-Law munity Amendment Application Reports; Authors observations
The remainder of this chapter will introduce the study area and its
neighbourhood, as well as the specific policies and regulations that have been
implemented in order to guide its growth. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 3 | 32
3.3 oveRVIEW OF THE DUBLIN HEIGHTS NEIGHBOURHOOD
The Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area (SPA) is located within
the Dublin Heights neighbourhood, which is located in North Central Toronto,
Ontario, approximately 15 kiloMetres from downtown Toronto. In 2006, Dublin
Heights had a population of 12.455 (Map 3). It is bordered to the east by the
West Don River Valley, and to the west by Parc Downsview Park, a former
military base and airfield, which was closed and sold to Bombardier Aerospace, in
1994 (Kidd, 2010)
Map 3. Dublin Heights and the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area and Surrounding Areas
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: Transverse_Mactor, Geographic Coordinate System: GCS_North_American_1927 Data Source: City of Toronto, toronto.ca/open, Statistics Canada, DMTI Spatial Inc.
Dublin Heights emerged at the crossroads of Dufferin Street and Sheppard
Avenue West in the 1820s (Figure 4). It was never a significant settlement, at
most boasting a general store, a hotel, a post office and two schools serving
the surrounding rural community. Its west end was cut off in 1928, when De Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 3 | 33
Havilland Aircraft of Canada closed Sheppard Avenue West to the west
of Dufferin Street, for its Downsview airstrip (Hart, 1968). The earliest
subdivisions in the area occurred in 1913 and 1916, but the vast majority
of the area was subdivided and developed between 1941 and 1956 (City
of North York, 1987). The post-war development of the neighbourhood Figure 4. Dublin House, left few traces of the original settlement. The post office closed in 1955, as built at the north-west corner of Sheppard and the current community was being developed. The only remaining artifact Dufferin, source: Bull, Perkins, from the original settlement is the cornerstone from the 1872 Dublin From Oxford to Ontario: a history of the Downsview community Schoolhouse, now mounted on the main entrance wall of the present day , Toronto: The Perkins Bull Foundation, 1941, page 108. Dublin Heights School (Toronto Neighbourhood Guide).
Dublin Heights was built up as a low density residential suburb in the 1950s. As
can be seen in Map 4, it developed in isolation from the surrounding metropolitan
area with the initial development centered at Wilson Heights Boulevard, the
corridor’s major north-south axis and Bathurst Street. Downsview Airport was
an obstacle to the expansion of the neighbourhood in the southwest, as was the
West Don River Valley to expansion in the east. Map 4. Dublin Heights and the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area in 1953. Note the Downsview Airport Runway to the West.
Prepared by: Eric Sehr ]Source: Toronto Archives, Fonds 37, Series 12, Items 1953 - 58, 1953 - 59. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 3 | 34
Dublin Heights currently benefits from its location within the metropolitan
transportation network, with easy access to downtown Toronto, North York City
Centre, and other significant inner and outer suburban locations. Canada’s busiest
highway, Highway 401, is 2.5 kiloMetres away, and the terminus of the Western
branch of Yonge-University-Spadina Subway Line, Downsview Station is located
within the neighbourhood.
3.4 the SHEPPARD WEST/DUBLIN SECONDARY PLANNING AREA
The Sheppard West/Dublin SPA is an east-west area
stretching approximately 2.1-kiloMetres between
Dufferin Street and Bathurst Street (Map 5). The SPA is
typical of many Avenues that were built out in the 1940s
and 1950s, where bungalows are the prevalent building
type. Figure 7, shows how dispersed pattern of single-
family homes characterized the early development of the Figure 5. Bungalows aong Sheppard. Avenue.
Similar Avenues, where by bungalows are prevalent,
include Bayview Village North, Bayview Village South,
Glen Park/Lawrence Heights and West Downsview, the
Central Finch Area and Sheppard Avenue East (Brook
Mcllory Planning + Urban Design/Pace Architects, E.R.A.
Architects et al., 2010). Figure 6.Sheppard Plaza
Retail in the SPA, has developed around major
intersection. The largest retail node is Sheppard Plaza at Bathurst and Sheppard
Avenue West. The plaza has 20 stores and 450 parking spaces and is by far the
most bustling place in the SPA (mondayreport.ca).
In 2002, the new Official Plan of the City of Toronto included 31 Secondary Plan Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 3 | 35 Map 5. Aerial image of Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area, 2007
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: UTM Zone 17, Geographic Coordinate System: NAD83 Data Source: Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and JD Barnes, Orthophotos of the City of Toronto (2007). Figure 7. Development of Bungalows and Retail Nodes, Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area, 1950 and 1964. 1950
1964
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: Transverse_Mactor, Geographic Coordinate System: GCS_North_American_1927 Source: Toronto Archives, Fonds 37, Series 12, Items 1950 - 8, 1964 - 195, 1964 - 196. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 3 | 36
policies from the former municipalities of Metropolitan Toronto. These plans
and policies were retained in whole or in part because they “reflected unique
historical conditions and/or because they continue to provide a relevant policy
framework for future community growth (City of Toronto, 2002).” The Sheppard
West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area (SPA) is one of three Secondary Plans
focusing on reurbanization and intensification along Avenues that was retained.
The Sheppard West/Dublin SPA runs through the heart of Dublin Heights (Map
5).
The Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Plan was in development for seven years
before it received final approval from North York City Council in 1993. The plan
reflects the changing planning priorities in Metropolitan Toronto during this time
and the evolution of reurbanization policies in the 1980s, within suburban North
York.
3.5 foRMULATION OF THE SHEPPARD WEST STUDY: PROPOSED SECONDARY PLAN
North York Council initiated the Sheppard/Dublin secondary planning process in
1987, in order to determine the future development potential of the corridor.
There was a general feeling that the area was facing considerable development
pressures, due to its proximity Map 6. Network 2011 Subway Plan, Showing existing and proposed to rapidly developing North York subway system, including the unrealized Sheppard West line. City Centre, the possibility of
a subway to Sheppard Avenue
West, proposed in 1985 (Map 6),
and because the street perceived
by some property owners as
having “unattractive and under
utilized properties begging for
redevelopment (Torkin, 1993).” Source: http://www.gettorontomoving.ca/Network_2011_Subways.html Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 3 | 37
The trigger for the plan occurred in 1986, when Council refused an application for a three storey medical building at 741 Sheppard Avenue West (the site remains undeveloped to this day). The Planning Advisory Committee refused the application because they felt it was premature, since there was no secondary plan for the area to assure its orderly development.
In 1987, a report was commissioned to prepare a secondary plan. This report examines the history of the area, its development patterns, existing and proposed zoning, official plan designations, development applications, parks and population profiles, and transportation and servicing issues. Through examination of these issues, the 1987 report presented two land use alternatives. Alternative
A recommended residential uses along Sheppard Avenue West and Alternative
B recommended a mixed-use character through the corridor by allowing office development.
Through 1988, consultations were undertaken to create a revised Secondary
Plan, in 1989. The proposed plan followed the overall objectives of the previous plan to promote:
“Bathurst/Sheppard and Allen/Sheppard as commercial centres with the lands between them being mixed-use with a strong emphasis on residential uses, and to promote innovative urban design (City of North York, 1993a).”
However, the 1989 plan was shelved by council at its meeting of June 28th.
Without a firm commitment about future subway development in the area, council believed that proposed densities and heights were far in excess of what should be developed. By 1992, the planning context had once again shifted.
“A report was… brought forward to council on April 29, 1992 which… provided additional information regarding the subway proposals, the possible Sheppard Avenue widening, and sewer capacity as well as outlining the “Reurbanization” concept and some possible adjustments that could be made to the Sheppard Avenue West Plan (City of North York, 1993a).”
Those adjustments included a subtle but significant shift in goals from 1989 to encourage reurbanization. The most significant evidence of the shift is the inclusion of urban design
principles. The plan includes the following principles as part of the strategy:
a. “Buildings should be located close to the street and sidewalk and be supportive of a pedestrian scale. b. The street should have a series of generally continuous building facades avoiding large gaps except for parks and open spaces. c. Public sidewalks and boulevards should enhance pedestrian activity by such means as decorative paving, street furniture and the provision of street trees. d. Parks, courtyards, walkways and other open spaces should be incorporated into the pedestrian system along the arterial to form an interconnected system with adjacent residential neighbourhoods. e. Landscaping should be used to enhance new and existing development with private open spaces adjacent to the sidewalk complementing the function of public spaces. f. Existing mature, healthy trees shall be retained wherever possible on all sites. In addition, the planting of large caliper trees as part of any landscaping plan shall be strongly encouraged. g. All buildings containing commercial uses should be oriented to and front onto arterial or minor arterial roads; entirely residential development will be permitted to be oriented to and front onto local roads provided street front orientation and built form is also maintained on the arterial road (City of North York, 1993b). “
These design principles were among the first applied to support reurbanization
along a suburban arterial street in Toronto.
3.5.1. SECONDARY PLAN POLICIES
In order to encourage the implementation of the secondary plan’s policy
recommendations and enforce the vision, the secondary plan established two
land use designations and density requirements. The land use designations permit
two uses. The first is Commercial Land, which permits:
• retail and service commercial uses; • office uses; • residential uses; • hotels and motels, located outside of a Residential Community; • institutional uses; • industrial uses located outside of a Residential Community; Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 39
• motor vehicle dealership located outside of a Residential Community; and • car rental agencies.
The second use is Mixed Land Use Lands, which permits:
• Residential uses; • Retail and commercial uses; • Office uses; • Community, government, educational and religious uses; • Parks and recreational facilities; and • Public utilities.
The plan further emphasizes that the preferred form of mixed-use development
contains upper floor residential uses.
To encourage the development of mixed-use buildings, the plan allows for higher
densities to those properties that include a mix of residential and commercial
uses and for those with wider frontages. The intent of the plan is therefore, to
encourage a consolidation of properties and a mixture of uses along the corridor.
A summary of the densities can be found in Table 3.
Table 3. Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area Maximum Permitted Building Heights and Densities Use Lot Frontage Maximum Densities and Heights Commercial Only < 30 Maximum 1 storey or conversion of existing dwellings Residential Only < 30 F.S.I. = 1.25 Commercial/Residential Mix < 30 Total F.S.I. – 1.5 with ground floor commercial Commercial Only 30 m or more Maximum 1 storey or conversion of existing dwellings Residential Only 30 m or more F.S.I. = 1.75 Commercial/Residential Mix 30 m or more Total F.S.I. = 2.0 with ground floor commercial Source: City of North York. 1993. Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Plan. City of North York: City of North York.
The provisions and policy objectives approved in 1993 were formally adopted as
part of the latest Toronto Official Plan, in 2002. These policies have guided growth
along Sheppard West/Dublin SPA, since 1993. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 40
Chapter 4. SHEPPARD WEST/DUBLIN UNDER THE PLAN.
The primary purpose of this study is to evaluate
whether the Sheppard West SPA is meeting
its’ planning objectives and evolving into an
environment that differs from other suburban
areas in regards to land-use and transportation
patterns. This analysis is based on the indictors
and measures presented in Table 2. These
indicators are used to track changes in the
neighbourhood and the SPA, make conclusions
about the effectiveness of the reurbanization
policy by measuring outcomes, and contribute
to the discussion that was presented in the
literature review. Figure 8. Looking east along Sheppard Avenue West from Dufferin Street 1994 and 2010. Sources for top photo, Toronto Archives, Series 1604, File 943. 4.1 REURBANIZING THE SECONDARY PLANNING AREA
Increasing densities through urban intensification is a significant element of
reurbanization policies and the City of Toronto’s Avenues policy. Planners who
propose that allowing for higher densities in the inner-suburbs can attract growth
and investment, improve quality of life, make investment in transit infrastructure
worthwhile, and increase the range of housing choices. The following section will
evaluate growth within the Dublin Heights and the Sheppard West/Dublin SPA
by examining changes in population density, dwelling density and employment
density, and explore some of the reasons why the corridor has successfully
attracted development. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 40 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 41
4.1.1. Changes in Density
The study area has been highly successful at attracting development. Between
1991 and 2006, the population of Dublin Heights grew 23.3 percent from
9,555 to 12,455 residents. This is a higher rate of growth than that which was
experienced in either the City of Toronto or the inner suburbs. However, it is less
than in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area (CMA). Both the pre-war urban
core and inner suburbs of Toronto did grow, but lost ground when compared to
the regional population, with the share of the inner suburbs declining 6 percent
(Table 4). This suggests that while the City of Toronto is growing through infill
development and intensification, it is unable to keep up with the level of regional
growth concentrated in the periphery.
Table 4. Population Growth, 1991 - 2006 Population % of Total Population % of Total Growth 1991 Population 2006 Population Rate % 1991 2006 Toronto CMA 3,893,046 100 5,113,149 100 31.3 Outer Suburbs 1,617,275 41.54 2,611,647 51.08 61.5 City of Toronto 2,275,771 58.46 2,501,502 48.92 9.9 Inner Suburbs 1,598,759 41.07 1,786,689 34.94 11.8 Pre-war Urban 675,615 17.35 714,813 13.98 5.8 Core Study Area 9,555 0.25 12,455 0.24 23.3 Source: Statistics Canada.
Since 1991, Dublin Heights has also experienced an intensification of dwelling
units. Between 1991 and 2006, the number of total dwelling units increased
by 17.4 percent. However, 58.5 percent of the growth in dwellings occurred
between 2001 and 2006 (Figure 9).
Since 1991, the SPA accommodated 90 percent of all new dwelling units built in
Dublin Heights. Since 1998, ten mixed-use condominium buildings between six
and nine storeys, containing 795 units and 3,270 m2 of commercial space were
built. A further five mixed-use condominiums are currently proposed and are at
various stages of the planning approval process. If built, they will add 718 units Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 42
Figure 9. Total Dwelling Units, Dublin Heights
Source: Statistics Canada.
and 2,552 m2 of commercial space to the corridor.
Map 7 and Figure 10 illustrate the rapid change along the corridor, especially
the western section, nearest Downsview subway station. As the number of
undeveloped sites is reduced in the west, development is shifting toward the east
where there are now five proposed projects.
Since the early 1990s, Dublin Heights has experienced population growth and a
modest rise in average incomes. However, Dublin Heights is the exception within
the inner suburbs. Across North America, inner suburban neighbourhoods are
experiencing increases in poverty, economic segregation, declining household
incomes, population loss and declines in home ownership. The United Way of
Toronto reported that in 1981, the highest concentration of family poverty was
in the city centre. By 2001, Toronto’s inner suburbs had the highest concentration
of family poverty (MacDonald, Embuldeniya et al., 2004). However, Dublin Heights
has not experienced the same increase in poverty (Figure 11).
The neighbourhood lifecycle theory, based on the examination of neighbourhood Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 42 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 43
Map 7. Properties redeveloped since 1992 or currently under development.
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: Transverse_Mactor, Geographic Coordinate System: GCS_North_American_1927 Data Source: Airborne Sensing Corporation, Toronto Colour Aerial Photographs (1992) and Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and JD Barnes, Orthophotos of the City of Toronto (2007). Figure 10. Figure Ground Study, Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Planning Area, 1992 and 2008
1992
2007
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: Transverse_Mactor, Geographic Coordinate System: GCS_North_American_1927 Data Source: Airborne Sensing Corporation, Toronto Colour Aerial Photographs (1992) and Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and JD Barnes, Orthophotos of the City of Toronto (2007). Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 44
Figure 11. Average income of Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood, 1991 - 2006 (Adjusted for Inflation)
Source: Statistics Canada.
Figure 12. Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood Population Growth, 1971 - 2006
Source: Statistics Canada.
change in city centres suggests that neighbourhoods deteriorate over time as
populations and housing age (Hanlon and Vicino, 2007). Figure 12 suggests that
Dublin Heights did experience a period of decline between 1976 and 1991, as
population levels fell. However, between 1991 and 1996, the decline reversed.
During personal interviews, four factors were suggested to explain Dublin Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 44 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 45
Heights’ rebound. First, the rebound can be attributed to general market
fundamentals that are fuelling the growth of Toronto’s condominium market and
changing demographics. During the last decade Toronto has become the largest
condominium market in North America, even larger then New York (CBC
News, 2009). Empty nesters and first time buyers are leaving their homes and
looking for alternatives within the neighbourhood, thus creating a local market
for condominiums. Changes in the Dublin Heights demographic profile support
this hypothesis. Young adults (15-24) and empty nesters (50-64) have driven
population growth in Dublin Heights (Table 5).
Table 5. Population Change by Age Cohort, 1996 - 2006 Age Cohort 1996 2001 2006 % Change 1996-2006 0-14 1,735 1,805 1,850 6.2 15-24 1,100 1,265 1,495 26.4 25-49 3,750 4,020 4,420 15.2 50-64 1,445 1,585 2,000 27.8 65+ 2,680 2,535 2,690 0.4 Total 10,710 11,210 12,455 14.0 Source;: Statistics Canada
The second factor is the opening of Downsview Subway Station, in 1996. The
subway has enhanced the neighbourhood’s desirability by providing transit access
to downtown, increasing land values and promoting the development of higher
density dwellings.
A third factor is the ease of assembling properties along Sheppard Avenue West.
Most properties are single-family homes on large lots, unencumbered, and have
few contamination issues. The aging homes have been easily assembled and
demolished and there has been no opposition to their loss. These factors support
Scheer’s (2001) observations that significant change can happen in a short period
of time, along suburban arterial streets where there is less opposition to the
demolition of existing structures..
The fourth factor driving growth is that the SPA benefits from clear zoning rules. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 46
The change in zoning to mid-rise buildings in the 1990’s in the Sheppard West/
Dublin SPA reduced the risk to developers.
To conclude, the neighbourhood is benefiting from its location in the
metropolitan area, investment in rapid transportation, favourable demographic
characteristics and a flexible development framework. The private development
industry has identified the area having the potential for growth and, so far, been
rewarded by building near the subway. The following section will look more
closely at how land use has changed along the SPA and how private development
is reshaping the Avenue.
4.1.2. MIXED-USE DEVELOPMENT:
Mixed-use has been embraced by planners across North America. The Avenues
policies primary aim is to encourage the development of mixed-use buildings
along arterial streets to strengthen community focal points and create a more
vibrant street life. The Sheppard West/Dublin SPA reflects this objective and
encourages mixed-use by providing density bonuses for those developments that
include both commercial and residential components. This section will evaluate
the results of these efforts by analyzing how land use has changed and how these
changes have affected the SPA’s employment and retail structure. It will also
evaluate the success of ‘zoning-in’ diversity and vitality into suburbs.
Mixed-use condominiums have gradually replaced bungalows within the SPA.
Single-family homes now account for 38 percent of total properties, down from
55 percent, in 1987. Commercial and Commercial/Residential properties have
generally resisted redevelopment, slipping slightly to 26 percent from 28 percent
of total properties (Figure 13).
The developer has embraced the main streets typology of combining commercial
units at ground floor with residential units above, which is encouraged in both the Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 46 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 47
Figure 13. Number of properties by land use category.
Source: Municipal Property Assessment Corporation; City of North York. 1987. Sheppard West study: background report and secondary plan alternatives North York: City of North York Planning Dept.; City of Toronto Official Plan and Zoning Amendment Applications Map 8. Land Use Change, Sheppard West/Dublin SPA, 1987 and 2010
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: Transverse_Mactor, Geographic Coordinate System: GCS_North_American_1927 Source: Municipal Property Assessment Corporation; City of North York. 1987. Sheppard West study: background report and secondary plan alter- natives North York: City of North York Planning Dept.; City of Toronto Official Plan and Zoning Amendment Applications Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 48
Avenues and SPA policies. The most common arrangement for accommodating the two uses is by establishing two separate condominium corporations to manage each use, one for the residential units and the other for the commercial units.
The policies have successfully encouraged the development of approximately
25 new commercial units with 3,270 m2 of space. However, even with ground floor retail, the new development has not achieved as much as may have been envisioned by planners. A new ‘retailscape’ of cafes, restaurants and stores commonly associated with redeveloped areas, main streets, and placemaking has not emerged (Bridge and Dowling, 2001; Zukin, 2009).
Instead, the new retail has been not designed to create a townscape or main streets through street architecture such as articulated facades (Southworth,
2005b). There is also no significant retail or activity node near Downsview
Station, which fails to capitalize on the activity generated by a major transportation hub. Instead, there is a new typology of a suburban arterial street, a health strip, emerging along Sheppard Avenue West. The health strip describes the retail specialization of the new mixed-use space. Health spas, rehabilitation centres and law offices catering baby boomers have emerged as the primary tenants of new mixed-use space along the Sheppard Avenue West. This has not generated vitality.
The City of Toronto’s annual employment survey captures the transformation brought on by the development of mixed-use condominiums and the retail structure of Sheppard Avenue West (Figure 14).
During the last ten years, the number of people employed in the office sector has more than doubled, while jobs in the retail sector fell. The built form reflects the employment restructuring of the strip. Local community retail and services, such as grocery stores, delis, variety stores, coin laundries, Internet lounges, banks, Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 48 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 49
Figure 14. Total Employment by Sector on Sheppard Avenue between Allan Road and Bathurst Street, 1998-2008
Source: Toronto Employment Survey
restaurants and fast-food stores remain concentrated within the historic retail
strips.
These strips are characterized by large parking lots that separate the stores from
the street; however, they possess a finer grain and more retail vitality than the
condominiums. New retail space within the condominiums does not posses
the same grain or vitality. The retail space is rented or leased to health spas,
rehabilitation centres and law offices. Even if mixed-use is encouraged through
regulatory mechanisms by being zoned-in it does not result in main street type
uses, nor can it replicate the fine grain of early modern shopping strips.
Generally, developers along Sheppard Avenue West are not enthusiastic about
building retail space. Just as Canada’s neo-traditional neighbourhoods are
struggling with attracting office and retail uses to their main streets, developers
are struggling to make use of commercial space. Local planners who work with
developers suggest they are treating the commercial space as loss leaders. They
are building the space to gain an increase in density and then turning over the
management of the space to a property management company, who becomes Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 50
responsible for renting the space (Ferguson, 2010; Ventresca, 2010).
In order to reduce or eliminate that loss, developers are experimenting with
new types of uses at grade that may be more economically viable and still
qualify as mixed-use. Since 1998, there has been an evolution in the type of
mixed-use that has been built. Figure 15 shows the amount and type of mixed-
use space within recent and proposed condominium developments. Three of
the four developments from 1998 included commercial space. The six buildings
Figure 15. Type and Amount of Non-Residential Uses, Buildings Order by Earliest to Most Recent 1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600 Commerical
metres in square Floor area Office 400 Live/Work* 200
0
800 Sheppard906 Sheppard Ave757 Sheppard Ave.718 Sheppard Ave.890 Sheppard Ave. Ave.866 Sheppard935 Sheppard Ave.920 Sheppard Ave.872 Sheppard Ave. Ave.801 Sheppard724 Sheppard Ave. Ave. 1030 Sheppard Ave. 847-873 Sheppard Ave. 695-717 Sheppard758-764 Sheppard Ave. Ave. Built buildings, earliest (1998) to most recent (2010) Proposed Buildings
Source: City of Toronto Official Plan and Zoning Amendment Applications
that followed saw a shift to office and medical space. Of the five development
proposals city-planning staff is reviewing currently, three include provisions for
live-work units.
Hoppenbrouwer and Louw’s argue that the ultimate mixed-use is where people
work and live within a single building. This suggests a positive step toward Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 50 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 51
developing an Avenue if mix was the only objective. However, within the Avenues
policy, there is also an emphasis on vitality and sustainability. Live/work units are
not the same type of mixed-use as retail. Live/work further emphasizes privacy
and restricts access to the public. This discourages a more open and inviting
street with public and retail spaces that are associated with a closely-knit and
socially sustainable community. It should serve as a reminder that a mixed-use
street, while diverse may not necessarily encourage vitality or sustainability. A
broader implication is that reurbanization policy potentially could diminish rather
than promote diversity. Many policy makers or planners do not acknowledge this
implication.
Jacobs warned of the danger of rapid revitalization. Rapid development can
destroy existing diversity and replace it with new, more uniform development
(Roberts and Lloyd-Jones, 1997). Jacobs argued there is a need for a mix of old
and new buildings because old buildings make it possible for neighbourhoods to
support a variety of uses and avoid a bland uniformity. The Sheppard West/Dublin
SPA does benefit from a diversity of building types (Table 11), many of which still
retain significant value to the community.
Demolishing the SPA’s older commercial strips and buildings can result in the
loss of retail and community services that the policy is attempting to encourage.
At the same time, the policy promotes their replacement because they do not
conform to the Avenues vision of mid-rise urbanism, even if many of them have a
mix of residential and commercial. Already the number of commercial properties
in the SPA has already fallen by ten percent since 1987, a number only likely to
rise as redevelopment continues.
Generally, commercial properties have proven to be resilient, both along
Sheppard Avenue West, and along other Toronto Avenues due to their finer grain.
In the SPA, the average commercial property has 5.5 m of street frontage, while Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 52
Table 11. Photographs from the SPA Illustrating Land Use Types
Single and Semi-Detached Residential Row and Townhome Apartment
Condominium Residential Conversion Mixed-Use Condominium
Commerical Commerical with Residential Above Office/Medical Building
Institutional Place of Worship Vacant Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 52 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 53
residential property have average frontages of 15 m, which increases the cost
Figure 16. Price Per Square Metre by Land Use Sheppard West/Dublin SPA, 1963-2010
Source: Municipal Property Assessment Corporation
of assembling commercial lots (Freedman, 2005b; Ventresca, 2010). Figure 16
illustrates the difference in costs. Between 1963 and 2010, commercial properties
cost 34 percent more per square metre than residential properties.
Reurbanizing commercial strips is difficult. The inability to encourage
redevelopment effectively is considered a policy failure by academics and planners
(Dunham-Jones and Williamson, 2009). However, in the long run there could be
benefits. Existing commercial vitality and retail spaces with affordable rents are
preserved and the overall pace of redevelopment is slowed, constraining the pace
of change.
The Sheppard West/Dublin SPA has intensified and added a degree of diversity
to the housing stock and retail structure that did not exist twenty years ago.
This has been achieved through a zoning policy that provides density bonuses
for mixed-use development, resulting in retail on the first floor of the new
condominium developments. Yet, the mixed-use development has not led to the
type of retail or activity along the streets that planners had envisioned. Rather,
development may even begin to endanger the existing retail diversity that exists Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 54 within the SPA, if developers are willing to pay 34 percent more per square metre.
Alternatively, if the economics of redevelopment don’t change substantially where existing commercial properties could remain undeveloped. This alternative would mar the vision an Avenue lined with mid-rise Avenue-style buildings. Instead of a
‘complete’ Avenue (Figure 2), there would emerge gaps between mid-rise building and a break in the continuity of the streetscape.
4.1.3. TRANSPORTATION PATTERNS
One of the overreaching justifications and objectives of the reurbanization of suburban arterial streets and the Avenues policy is reducing car dependence and tying the overall density of suburban arterial streets to the level of transit service. A range of factors influences car dependence. These include the price and availability of parking, the frequency of transit service, and the quality of the built environment. This section will evaluate how reurbanization has affected transportation patterns and congestion within Dublin Heights and the SPA.
One of the promises of intensification and reurbanization is that it will reduce car dependency and improve health. For example, the intent of introducing mixed- use along the SPA is to foster a main street environment where people can walk to shop. Yet, there has been no impact on the travel mode people choose when taking shopping and social trips in Dublin Heights. Since 1991, there has not been much variation in the percentage of total trips taken by car, transit or foot
(Figure 17). This indicates that generally transportation patterns have remained unchanged for shopping trips.
Trips to work however, tell a different story. Trips to work by car declined by
13 percent between 1991 and 2006. Half of the decline is a result of increased numbers of people traveling together. The number of people walking to work experienced a gradual rise of 2.4 percent and total transit trips rose by 4 percent Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 54 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 55
Figure 17. Change in mode of travel for non-work and non-school trips, Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood 1991 - 2006
Source: Transportation Tomorrow Survey (TTS)
Figure 18. Trips to work by mode of travel, Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood 1991-2006
Source: Statistics Canada
of total trips to work (Figure 18), which coincided with the opening of the
Downsview Subway Station in 1996. This suggests that reurbanization has had an
effect.
However, this is not necessarily the case. The Census data reveals that the
changing transportation patterns observed in the Dublin Heights neighbourhood
area are very similar to those experienced within the inner suburbs generally
(Table 6). Both Dublin Heights and the inner suburbs of Toronto have seen a Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 56
decline in trips by car, a rise in public transit use and a small rise in walking and
biking as a the primary means of getting to work. This data supports Filion’s
(2007b) conclusion that conditions outside a reurbanizing neighbourhood
have more influence on travel patterns then conditions prevailing within their
boundaries.
Table 6. Trips my mode of travel, 1996-2006 (%) 1996 2001 2006 % change, 1996 - 2006 Car Study Area 67.6 65.3 63.2 -4.4 Inner Suburbs 66.7 64.7 62.8 -3.9 Toronto CMA 71.9 71.4 71.1 -0.8 Public Transit Study Area 29.0 30.5 31.6 2.6 Inner Suburbs 28.8 30.7 32.0 3.2 Toronto CMA 22.0 22.4 22.2 0.2 Bike/Walk Study Area 3.1 3.5 4.4 1.3 Inner Suburbs 3.7 3.9 4.2 0.5 Toronto CMA 5.4 5.4 5.8 0.4 Source: Statistics Canada
Traffic volume along Sheppard Avenue West is difficult to interpret without
looking at the broader context of the inner suburbs. Considering the scale of
development that occurred along Sheppard Avenue between 2002 and 2006,
intuitively one would expect a rise in the traffic volume. Yet, the City of Toronto
data shows a small decline in the average weekday 24-hour traffic volume, along
Sheppard Avenue West between William R. Allen Road and Bathurst Street
(Figure 19).
The results of the traffic analysis support Filion, McSpurren and Appleby’s (2006)
observation that there are more complex relationships at work and density
only weakly influences pedestrian and transportation use. Overall, there is no
conclusive evidence that mixed-use intensification has had any significant effect
on the travel patterns of the neighbourhood, or traffic volumes along this major
arterial street. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 56 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 57
Figure 19. Average weekday 24 hour traffice volume, Sheppard Avenue West Allen to Bathurst, 2002 and 2006
Source: City of Toronto. 2006. Average Weekday, 24 Hour Traffic Volume, (Most Recent Counts from 2001-2005). Toronto: City of Toronto.; Toronto, City of. 2007. Average Weekday, 24 Hour Traffic Volumn, (Most Recent Counts from 2002-2006). Toronto.
4.2 SUPPORTING REURBANIZATION The literature review cautions that higher densities and mixed-uses alone cannot
have a significant affect on transportation patterns or walkability. Densities and
mixed-use also require the support of appropriate public transportation and
pedestrian infrastructure, parking standards, and nodes that can draw pedestrians
and cyclists. This section will evaluate changes to public transportation, parking,
road and pedestrian policies, as well as infrastructure within the Sheppard West/
Dublin SPA.
4.2.1. PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION
Sheppard/Dublin was selected as a SPA partially because of Metropolitan
Toronto’s Network 2011 Plan (Map 6). This plan proposed a subway along
Sheppard Avenue West and an extension of the University-Spadina Subway line to
Sheppard Avenue West. While the east-west subway along Sheppard Avenue West
to Yonge Station was never built, Metro Council did approve the extension of the
University-Spadina Subway one-station north, from Wilson to Downsview station, Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 58 in April of 1989. Groundbreaking occurred in June
1992 and the extension opened in March of 1996.
The subway established the intersection of Sheppard
Avenue West and Allan Road as an important regional transportation hub and cut travel times to York
University, the City of Vaughan and northwestern
Toronto (Bow, 2010).
The City of Toronto has not developed vacant land Figure 21. Downsview Subway Station, it owns around Downsview station (Figure 21). This looking west from Sheppard Avenue West, represents a lost opportunity. The literature review points to the importance of matching high densities with rapid transit and developing mixed-use nodes that can attract transit-users and pedestrians. Downsview
Station represents the perfect opportunity to develop exactly that kind of place.
The subway is an important regional transportation hub but the primary transportation route that serves Figure 20. 84 Sheppard West Bus, the corridor is the 84 Sheppard West bus route. This bus route operates between Sheppard-Yonge Station on the University-Spadina subway, and the area of Sheppard Avenue West and
Weston Road.
While the population of the SPA has increased by 23 percent since 1991, and employment by 38.1 percent since 1998, the frequency of local transit services has not increased, but rather, has been reduced (Table 7). Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 58 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 59
Table 7. Frequency of 84 Sheppard West Bus Service, 1991 and 2009 1991 Morning Peak Afternoon Early Late Midday Period Peak Period Evening Evening Monday-Friday 4’19” 11’00” 4’46” 10’00” 13’00” Saturday N.A. 10’00” N.A. 15’00” 13’00” Sunday N.A. 15’00” N.A. 15’00 13’00” 2009 Morning Peak Afternoon Early Late Midday Period Peak Period Evening Evening Monday-Friday 5’30” 8’30” 7’00” 15’00” 15’00” Saturday 13’00” 13’00” 12’00” 16’00” 22’00” Sunday 16’00” 16’00” 16’00” 22’00” 22’00” Source: Toronto Transit Commission. 1991. Schedual Service Summary. Toronto: City of Toronto; Toronto Transit Commission. 2009. Service Summary: June 21, 2009 to September 5, 2009. Toronto: City of Toronto.
Access to downtown has improved, but east-west service along Sheppard Avenue
West has declined, since 1991. However, there are plans for change. The Toronto
Transit Commission (TTC) has recently released its Transit City Bus Plan, which
proposes new service improvement initiatives on a specified network of core
bus routes including the 84 Sheppard route. Proposed improvements include
10-minute service during all daytime and evening hours, enhanced bus service
during peak hours and Transit Signal Priority implementation. The TTC estimates
that the improvements to service will attract 91,300 new customers per year to
the route (City of Toronto, 2009b). If implemented, this will provide significant
support for the Avenue’s policy.
4.2.2. PARKING STANDARDS FOR THE AVENUES
Parking has a significant impact on urban design, form and car dependence. The
mid-rise symposium and literature review both discussed minimum-parking
requirements as a barrier to successful reurbanization of the suburbs. The
literature emphasized that business owners opposed redevelopment because
it would take away too much parking. During personal interviews, planners
suggested that excessive parking requirements might be discouraging developers
from experimenting with a mix of tenants because of the higher parking
requirements for banks, restaurants, cafes etc. As the Avenues policy favours Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 60
redevelopment and reducing car dependence, parking management and standards
are crucial factors of a successfully implemented reurbanization plan.
Parking standards in the former municipality of North York have not changed
in fifteen years. In total, North York defines 156 uses in its parking bylaw. Those
identified as being relevant for the SPA are summarized in Table 8.
Table 8. North York Parking Requirements Use Category Parking Requirement Single Unit Residential 2.00 Apartment – General/Rental 1.50 Multiple Attached – General 1.75 Triplex Dwelling 1.50 Multiple dwelling unit 2.00 Dwelling Unit in Commercial Building 1.00 Office (General) 2.08 Medical Office 4.17 Retail – General 3.57-6.67 (Varies by gross floor area) Restaurant 10.20-16.95 (Varies by gross floor area) Shopping Centre 4.50 Artist Studio/Contractor’s Establishment 3.21 Commercial (Other) 3.57
Even with 156 uses, there is no provision for mixed-use development. The closest
is “Dwelling Unit in Commercial Building,” which most likely applies to older strip
development, such as that along Sheppard Avenue West, than to new mixed-use
condominiums (Table 9).
Table 9. Parking Requirements for Selected Projects, Sheppard West/Dublin SPA. Resi- Retail Office Residen- Commer- Commercial Parking dential Units GFA GFA (sq. tial Parking cial Park- Parking Space Spaces Spaces (sq. m) m.) Spaces ing Spaces per 100m2 per Unit 801 Sheppard 68 41 N.A. 185 64 1.56 4 2.16 Ave . W. 865 Sheppard 93 54 354.4 N..A. 81 1.5 12 3.67 Ave . W. 872 Sheppard 156 120 N.A. 303 144 1.2 12 3.96 Ave . W. 920 Sheppard 124 86 N..A. 480 105.5 1.23 18.5 (1.5 = 3.54 Ave . W. (1.5 = Shared Shared Space) Space) Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets | Chapter 4 | 60 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 4 | 61
Table 9. Parking Requirements for Selected Projects, Sheppard West/Dublin SPA. Resi- Retail Office Residen- Commer- Commercial Parking dential Units GFA GFA (sq. tial Parking cial Park- Parking Space Spaces Spaces (sq. m) m.) Spaces ing Spaces per 100m2 per Unit 929-939 Shep- 161 111 N.A. 553 139 1.25 22 3.98 pard Ave. W. 1030 Sheppard 193 132 352 400 165 1.25 28 3.72 Ave . W. Total/Aver- 795 544 706.4 1921 698.5 1.33 96.5 3.51 age Source: City of Toronto Official Plan and Zoning Amendment Applications
The strategy applied by planners in North York to compensate for the lack of a
specific parking standard for mixed-use is to look at residential and commercial
as separate components. Parking requirements for the condominium portion
are from the Apartment – General/Rental category, which requires 1.5 spaces
per dwelling, inclusive of 0.25 spaces for visitors. The retail portion varies. It is
sometimes measured as Office (General), Medical Office, or Retail, depending on
the project. The average number of spaces provided per 100m2 of retail or office
space is 3.51 (Table 9).
The parking standards are not very different for most types of retail
establishments under 500 m2. Only restaurants demand a higher number of
spaces, 10.20 spaces per 100 m2.
As with improving transit reliability, policy makers are aware that for
reurbanization to succeed, current parking standards require revision. As part of
the City of Toronto’s Zoning By-Law project, parking and zoning standards are
being reviewed and harmonized. The review provides citywide minimum and
maximum standards. Overall the proposed standards represent a considerable
reduction in existing retail, restaurant and general office standards (Table 10). Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Ststreets | Chapter 45 | 62
Table 10. Recommended Parking Standards for Avenues Proposed Park- Existing Mini- Change in Mini- ing Standard for Minimum Maximum mum Parking mum Requirement Avenues Standard General Office 1 2 2.08 -1.08 Medical Office 1.5 6 4.17 -2.67 General Retail 1 4 3.57 -2.57 Large Retail 1 4 6.67 -5.67 Bank 2 4 3.57 -1.57 Large Grocery Store 1 4.5 3.57-6.67 -2.57 Restaurant 0 5 10.2 – 16.95 -10.2 Source: City of Toronto. 2007. Review of the City of Toronto Zoning By-Law Parking Standards for Office, Retail and Restaurant Uses: Final Report. Toronto: City of Toronto.
These recommendations include further reductions to bank and general retail
uses which are considered ‘Ancillary Use in Mixed Use Building. The report also
recommends the development of parking management plans for each Avenue and
surrounding area to ensure efficient use of available on and off-street parking, in
order to manage parking over spill (City of Toronto, 2007b).
4.2.3. A WALKABLE SHEPPARD AVENUE WEST
A significant concern surrounding the revitalization
of suburban arterial streets is improving
pedestrian environments while continuing to
accommodate high volumes of car traffic. As part
of the strategy to develop healthier communities,
smart growth advocates have been promoting the
creation of complete streets. These are designed
and operated to provide the safest achievable Figure 22. Existing Pedestrian Refuge, Sheppard access for all users, including car drivers, cyclists, Avenue between Hove Street and Bryant Street.
pedestrians and transit riders (ITE, 2010).
The current design and management of arterial streets is dangerous for
pedestrians, who are often transit users, and cyclists There were over 16,000 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Ststreets | Chapter 45 | 62 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 63
injuries on Toronto’s roads in 2009, with over
65 percent of these occurring on major arterial
streets (City of Toronto, 2010). To improve safety,
a complete streets policy should be made a
priority. However, the Sheppard/Dublin Secondary
Plan, unlike many Avenues Studies, includes no
significant vision for improving safety or the
quality of the pedestrian environment. Figure 23. Looking south-east toward the intersection of Sheppard Avenue West and Wilson Heights Boulevard. The green space and two buildings are However, this does not mean that the streetscape on the surplus road allowance sold in the 1990s, has remained as it was in 1993. There are two
policies that have contributed to alterations in the
streetscape over the last 15 years. In 1987, North York City Council downgraded
Wilson Heights Boulevard in status from a collector road to a local road. The
reclassification was made possible because of the opening of the William R.
Allen Road, which was designated as the primary north-south street in the area
(City of North York, 1987). This policy change resulted in the reduction in size
of the intersection of Sheppard Avenue West and Wilson Heights Boulevard,
in the 1990s. The surplus land was sold for the development of two mixed-use
condominiums, 555 Wilson Heights Boulevard and 906 Sheppard Avenue West,
and a green space in front of the Shell gas station. The decision to reduce the
size of the intersection was made prior to the decision to reurbanize. These
outcomes were the result of changing priorities and street hierarchies.
The second is the Secondary Plan policy to protect for the possible widening of
Sheppard Avenue to a seven-lane, 36 metre roadway. The existing width of the
roadway varies from 31 to 33 metres. The City of Toronto has been negotiating
with property owners for land transfers and has made the transfer of needed
land a requirement for redevelopment. Two cross sections of Sheppard Avenue
West are shown in Table 12. The first is a section of the street where there has Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 64 been no redevelopment and the second, a section where redevelopment has been broad.
The street sections demonstrate vividly the extent of the transfer of space into the public realm. In Street Section A, there are approximately 8 m of space for pedestrians, utilities and trees, 18 Metres for the roadway and the remaining 5
Table 12. Street Sections, Sheppard Avenue West.
Street Section A
Street Section B Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 64 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 65
m are encumbered by the yard of the fronting
bungalows. In Street Section B, approximately
21 m are set-aside for pedestrians, utilities, and
trees, and 15 m for the roadway. The added
public space has led to a more comfortable
walking environment than shown in Figure 24,
where there is no space for street trees and no
buffer between the sidewalk and the traffic along Figure 24. Sheppard Avenue West looking west from Hove Street toward Street Section A , source Eric Sheppard Avenue West. Sehr
While there has been no dramatic change to the
roadway, the alterations between the buildings
and kerb are beginning to have an impact on the
character of the street. However, the street is
not necessarily any safer. In fact, considerable
investment in further altering the street is
required to improve safety. Figure 25. Sheppard Avenue West looking west from Wilson Heights Boulevard toward street section B, The alterations should not include widening the source Eric Sehr
street to seven lanes. Rather, potential alterations
should include building medians and wider sidewalks, providing on-street parking,
reducing the number of car lanes, adding mid-block crosswalks and lowering
speed limits (Figure 26). Current management of the street places the onus on
pedestrians to wait for a gap in the fast moving traffic to cross into a designated
refuge (figure 22). Traffic needs to be slowed down, well lit crosswalks should
be provided and a median refuge built in order to improve pedestrian safety.
The number of people using the street will grow as population and employment
densities increase. It is crucial that steps are taken to make the street safer, as
Sheppard continues to evolve into a major residential and commercial corridor. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 66
Figure 26. One configuration of a 35 meter wide suburban arterial street designed to improve safety and walkability recommended by the Institute of Transportation Engineers
Source: ITE (Institute of Transportation Engineers). 2010 Designing Walkable Urban Thoroughfares: A Con- text Sensitive Approach. Washington D.C.: Institute of Transportation Engineer p. 93.
4.2.4. PEDESTRIAN INFRASTRUCTURE
The data on transportation patterns reveals that mixed-
use intensification has not had a significant impact on
travel patterns along the corridor. One explanation for
the lack of desired results is way in which the corridor
is embedded within the cultural and physical fabric of the
surrounding neighbourhood. The network of streets that
surround a main street serve an important an important Figure 27. Where the sidewalks end, looking purpose by channeling people onto the main street. south on Gorman Park Road near Sheppard Avenue West. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 66 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 67
As Jones (2007) notes “generally speaking, the easier a
street is to reach by a variety of pedestrian routes, the
greater likelihood that it will flourish economically (Jones,
Roberts et al., 2007).”
Analyzing permeability is one method for quantifying
how easy it is to reach a street. This analysis is done by
counting the number of side-roads and pedestrian path
entries into the street on both sides, per-100-metre
lengths of the street. The generally supported figure to Figure 28. Pedestrian entry. judge ‘good’ permeability is providing path entries every
100 m, therefore a ‘good’ ratio per 100 m length of street
would be 1.0 (Healthy Spaces & Places, 2009). Using this benchmark, Sheppard
Avenue West scores 1.14 entry points per 100 m. This result can be interpreted
as positive, as suburban streets tend to have lower permeability. However, it falls
short of the three established, more vibrant, mixed-use streets studied by Jones
(2007), where the average connection per 100 m was 2.23, nearly double that of
Sheppard Avenue West.
The quality of the pedestrian environment within the SPA and the Dublin Heights
neighbourhood can also be measured by analyzing the presence of infrastructure
for pedestrians. Sidewalks are the most basic element of a pedestrian
infrastructure. While they do not necessarily generate pedestrian activity, a
lack of sidewalks deters people from walking (Moudon, Hess et al., 2002). Map
9 shows the deficiencies in the sidewalk network within Dublin Heights, where
a significant number of streets either lack sidewalks completely, or only have a
single-sidewalk (Figure 27). Even if the Sheppard/Dublin corridor becomes an
attractive street to walk along, a significant amount of the surrounding urban
environment will continue to discourage walking and active transportation. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 68
Map 9. Sidewalks in the Sheppard/Dublin Neighbourhood
Prepared by: Eric Sehr, Projection: Transverse_Mactor, Geographic Coordinate System: GCS_North_American_1927 Data Sources: DMTI Spatial; Google Maps; Authors observations.
4.3 pROJECT ANALYSIS The following section presents an evaluation of two recent projects in the SPA
that were designed under the current policies, zoning and design guidelines. The
SPA case study has shown that with the right incentives and policy structure,
developers will build mid-sized buildings along the Avenues. The purpose of this
section is twofold. First, to illustrate how the land-use policies, zoning and design
guidelines translate into built form. Second, to determine if the current policies
yield buildings and urban design that promote pedestrian-oriented, mixed-use
development that contribute to the vitality of streets, safety, and a sense of
community.
Analyses of the two projects are approached from the perspective of a pedestrian
on the street. Evaluation of the projects is based on the criteria set out in the
policy documents and literature review. These include buildings designed on Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 68 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 69
a human-scale with doors and windows oriented to the street front, and a
streetscape that provide a comfortable environment for pedestrians, through
landscaping and public art, street furniture, exposure to sunlight and protection
from wind and rain.
The two projects chosen for evaluation are 906 Sheppard Avenue West, one
of the first mixed-use condominiums in the SPA, completed in 2000 and 872
Sheppard Avenue West, completed in 2010.
4.3.1. 906 SHEPPARD AVENUE WEST
906 Sheppard Avenue West is located on the
northeast corner of Sheppard and Wilson Heights
Boulevard. The site includes all the land fronting
the east side of Wilson Heights Boulevard,
between Sheppard and Cocksfield Street. The
building is a seven-storey mixed-use condominium,
with 72 units. The site also includes six single-
family dwelling units fronting onto Cocksfield Figure 29. 906 Sheppard Avenue West, Street. The building heights step back from seven
stories to five at the rear of the site, near the neighbouring residential area. The
ground floor along Wilson Heights Boulevard consists of 588 m2 of commercial
space. Three businesses are located along the ground floor street frontage, Haas
Dental Centre, Sunflower Spa and Salon, and Aqua Health Recovery Inc.
The Wilson Heights Boulevard section of the development illustrates how
the Secondary Plan development criteria and urban design principles for new
developments in the SPA were implemented. The ground floor of the building
consists of commercial uses, which reflects the goal of encouraging a wide
range of retail, service, commercial, office, institutional uses for sites at major Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 70 intersections. The building is located close to the street and sidewalk. The sidewalk has been improved with decorative paving, and the provision of street trees between the sidewalk and Wilson Heights Boulevard. At the intersection of Sheppard and Wilson Heights, there are landscaping features. Parking is kept at the rear of the site and in an underground parking garage. Transition to the residential areas was accomplished by building new single-family homes along Cocksfield Street, so that its residential character could be preserved.
While the building has not been nominated for Figure 30. Streetscape, looking south on Wilson Heights Boulevard, any architectural awards, showcased for any groundbreaking designs, or attracted main street of commercial tenants, it is significant as one of the first projects to incorporate the recommendations of the Sheppard West/Dublin Secondary Plan.
The site has a maximum floor area ratio of 2.0, a maximum 45 degree plane from the nearest residential property line and the requisite 128 parking spaces. 108 of these are for the residential portion of the project and 20 for the commercial
(86 in an underground garage and 42 surface parking spaces). More parking would have been required for uses such as restaurants and medical offices, but planners did not anticipate these uses Figure 31. Commercial Unit, 906 Sheppard Avenue West, and, therefore, kept the conventional parking standard Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 70 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 71
of one space per 28 m2 of gross floor area.
The width of Wilson Heights, even following the reduction made in the 1990s,
has a detrimental effect on the streetscape by making the intersection of Wilson
Heights and Sheppard Ave West feel wide and unfriendly. Across the street,
there is gas station and a small strip plaza emphasizing the continued dominance
of cars. The retail within 906 Sheppard does little to animate the space along
the sidewalk. The businesses have the blinds mostly drawn. One cannot see
into the building from the outside, nor out from the inside. The nature of the
businesses also reflects that these are not open local community establishments.
All the businesses in the building require that visitors make appointments or
reservations, a requirement clearly marked on the doors.
4.3.2. 872 SHEPPARD AVENUE WEST
872 Sheppard Avenue West is located on the north side of Sheppard between
Wilson Heights Boulevard and Wilmington
Avenue. Completed in 2010, the building
includes 120 units on eight floors. The ground
floor, fronting Sheppard Avenue West includes
303 m2 of commercial space. Two businesses
are located along the ground floor street
frontage, M & D Sheppard Pharmacy and M &
D Medical Centre Walk-in Clinic. Figure 32. 872 Sheppard Avenue West,
872 Sheppard Avenue was built more recently
than 906 Sheppard. As a result, it is subject to a more progressive and complex
policy framework. Since 1998, at the municipal level, the policy context has
become more supportive of mid-rise urbanism. The planning report states:
“The City of Toronto Official Plan requires that future growth in Toronto be Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 72
steered to areas which are well served by transit and the existing road network and have redevelopment potential. The lands are identified as Avenues and the Official Plan describes that much of the new development along the Avenues will have a residential emphasis. The site is designated Mixed Use Areas and Mixed Use Areas will also absorb most of the anticipated increase in new housing in Toronto… the location takes advantage of physical infrastructure, existing community services and transportation facilities… The proposed development will capitalize on its location in relation to both the subway station and the intersection of two arterial roads. The proposed development therefore conforms to the land use provisions of the Official Plan and this site is appropriate for residential intensification (City of Toronto, 2007a).”
These arguments are evidence of how entrenched smart growth principles have become in the City of Toronto’s planning regime Figure 33. Streetscape, looking east along Sheppard Avenue despite community concerns, which include: West
• “Increased traffic from the development will exacerbate the existing situation on Sheppard Avenue West; • The proposed density is too high and inappropriate for Sheppard Avenue West; • The existing services are inadequate to accommodate the development; and • The development will result in overview, privacy and shadow impacts (City of Toronto, 2007a).”
The planning report also contains recommendations and community benefits for improving streetscape and public art. These included a contribution of $120,000 dedicated to improving local community recreational facilities and $30,000 dedicated to public art for improvements in the public realm.
The streetscape provisions have been implemented and are clearly visible as a part of the finished product. New trees are growing along a grass median that separates the sidewalk from the street. The building frontage comes to the edge of the sidewalk and includes pedestrian level lighting, which contributes Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 72 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 73
to a perception of safety at night. The buffer
between the street and the building ensures
that there is some separation between the
speeding traffic. However, 872 Sheppard lacks
the details that would make the façade more
interesting. It is a boring building. There aren’t
any canopies to animate the street or display
windows to increase the visual diversity. This Figure 34. Storefront, 872 Sheppard Avenue West results in a retail frontage that is lacking in
rhythm.
4.3.3. SUMMARY OF PROJECT ANALYSIS
The two case studies presented illustrate how the land use policies, zoning
and design guidelines for Sheppard Avenue West influence the development of
buildings, and how changing policy has influenced development. Both buildings
were built at different times under different policy regimes. Yet, the buildings are
very similar. It highlights the importance of local area plans, and that development
is relatively insulated from regional and master plans. Without supportive changes
to local development by-laws, regional and master plans are largely ineffective.
This makes the Avenues policy an effective policy because it mandates local
Avenue plans.
Implementation of the two projects also demonstrates the challenges of
introducing vitality and diversity into the suburbs. The projects at 872 and 906
Sheppard Avenue West show that although mixed-use can be mandated, this
doesn’t necessarily result in an interesting and diverse streetscape. The design
guidelines within the secondary plan have been observed. The buildings have
been designed on a human-scale with doors and windows oriented to the street
front, and a streetscape that provide a comfortable environment for pedestrians, Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 74 through landscaping and public art, street furniture. The elements however, do not come together in a way that is interesting.
The street is still a work in progress. These buildings will be a part of the suburban landscape for generations and the uses at the bases of the buildings will evolve and change as the neighbourhood evolves and changes around them. Just as the bungalows along Sheppard Avenue began converting into different uses, so might the commercial spaces at the bases of the new buildings. This provides a sense of hope that increased vitally is possible as density increases and the corridor evolves. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 74 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 75
Chapter 5. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS The purpose of this report is to evaluate whether the Avenues policy and
development approach helps to create successful mid-rise, walkable main streets
in the inner suburbs. The specific objectives outlined for the research were:
• to identify factors that contribute to the successful reurbanization of a suburban arterial; • to assess the effectiveness of contemporary reurbanization policies; • to investigate the impact of reurbanization on a neighbourhood; • to examine the hypothesis that mixed-use streets form a model for sustainable development; • to propose recommendations for the future development of suburban arterial streets; • The factors that contribute to the successful reurbanization of a suburban arterial were identified in the literature review.
5.1 SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS
The City of Toronto envisions transforming suburban arterial streets into vibrant,
active main streets, lined with mid-rise buildings. This vision stresses that Avenues
should become the centre of communities and contribute to sustainability. An
evolving policy framework, including smart growth policies and the latest Toronto
Official Plan support this vision and encourage the reurbanization of the inner
suburbs.
The literature and study identified a number of factors that contribute to
the successful reurbanization of a suburban arterial. These include: local area
development plans, such as the Sheppard West/Dublin SPA, Avenue studies, urban
and design guidelines; improved transit service and reliability; arterial streets that
are safer for all users; reasonable parking requirements; and a favourable urban
fabric.
Contemporary reurbanization policies have been relatively effective. Their
impact on the surrounding neighbourhoods has been marginal. Analysis of the
Sheppard West/Dublin SPA shows that under current policies mid-rise mixed- Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 76 use development is possible. Dublin Heights has avoided the disinvestment and growing poverty experienced by other inner suburban neighbourhoods. It has experienced a diversification of its housing stock and a rise in its working age population. Furthermore, according to traffic count data, the neighbourhood has absorbed the growth without an increase in traffic along its major street,
Sheppard Avenue West.
The hypothesis that mixed-use streets can form a model for sustainable development in the suburbs is questionable. This may not be the most effective approach for introducing vitality, diversity and sustainability into the suburbs.
Commercial space does not necessarily bring community retail, nor does it necessarily encourage walking or active transportation.
Urban design guidelines have not resulted in a quality streetscape along Sheppard
Avenue West. The widening of the street-right provides flexibility and an opportunity to improve the overall pedestrian experience, the streetscape, and the quality of the corridor. However, there are no policy mechanisms or vision in place to ensure that when the 36-metre right-of-way is secured, pedestrians and other users will benefit from the widening.
Supporters of the reurbanization policy as it exists can argue that Sheppard
Avenue West has not had enough time to redevelop and reurbanize. This may be true. Perhaps there is a tipping point where enough mixed-use condominiums will bring the desired vitality. Sheppard Avenue West’s transformation is not complete.
There are six new projects, and likely more, in the development pipeline. A reduction in parking requirements, improved transit service and a street retrofit might act as catalysts and lead to a more active and sustainable street. However, this would require a significant investment in public resources, which are already stretched thin.
Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 76 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 77
5.2 RELEVANCE OF FINDINGS
In many regards, the redevelopment of Sheppard Avenue West should be
celebrated as a victory for proponents of reurbanization and mid-rise urbanism.
The redevelopment over the last two decades has progressed relatively smoothly.
While concerns about increased traffic, height, sunlight and views are raised each
time a new development is proposed, local planners suggested that for the most
part the community has accepted the future vision for the street. However, it
is a hollow victory. Opportunities to support reurbanization and the Secondary
Planning objectives have been missed. The City has not supported important
objectives and redevelopment has not brought about the benefits and vitality
expected from mid-rise, mixed-use urbanism.
The Transit City Bus Plan and the IBI parking recommendations would provide
a strong impetus to reducing car dependence and encouraging active retail, by
bringing parking costs down for developers. The case study and literature review
show that density alone cannot change travel patterns within the neighbourhood.
The City has failed to follow up on its commitment to create a mixed-use node
near Downsview Subway Station. It has allowed an important site to remain
vacant next to Downsview subway station (Figure 21). A retail destination near
the Downsview station might encourage people to make more shopping trips
using transit, or by foot. By prioritizing space for commuter parking, the City
has failed to match higher order transit with density and create an important
potential attractor of pedestrian activity.
Furthermore, a strategy needs to be put into place to improve the quality of
the pedestrian infrastructure in the surrounding community. If the city wants
to capitalize on improvements to the streetscape and higher densities along
Avenues, it must ensure that the streets that feed into the Avenues are safe,
comfortable and attractive for pedestrians and cyclists. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 78
Much can be learned from the Sheppard West/Dublin SPA about the future development of suburban arterial streets. First, the built form of suburban arterial streets can be considered more flexible than anywhere else in the suburbs. However, suburban arterial streets are not easily changed. It is very difficult to turn a six-lane roadway into a four-lane roadway. Balancing the needs of cars with the needs of other users is the foremost challenge of reurbanizing arterial streets.
Second, in order to successfully manage future development, significant public investments need to be supported by a secondary plan. The extension of the western line of the Yonge-University-Spadina subway to Downsview created an impetus for development. The Sheppard West/ Dublin Secondary Plan provided the regulations that allowed development to occur in a predictable manner, protected established residential areas and provided developers with a clear set of rules.
Third, reurbanization is not benign. The potential negative externalities of reurbanization must be better understood and managed. Not enough is known about the social and economic impacts and consequences of the redevelopment of the Avenues. Greater analysis is required on the social effects of replacing affordable retail space and bungalows with mixed-use condominiums, the health effects of concentrating density along heavily trafficked roads, and the economic benefits of mixed-use development.
Finally, suburban arterial streets do not exist outside the context of their surroundings. To encourage active transportation, main street retailing, and mass transit use, the culture and deficiencies in the infrastructure of the surrounding communities must be examined and addressed. Reurbanization often stresses the advantage of increasing densities in areas where services already exist, because it is cost effective. However, those services are often already stressed Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 78 Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial streets | Chapter 5 | 79
or under-serving the existing population. Building sidewalks is expensive but
necessary if the suburbs are to become more sustainable. There are also smaller
interventions, such as walk to school programs, which can gradually encourage
a shift in the culture of the suburbs, so that walking to the store can become a
part of everyday life.
This project contributes to the knowledge base about the effects and outcomes
of reurbanization policies, through the exploration of a suburban arterial street
that is experiencing significant mixed-use redevelopment. As shown in this
case study, the policies have led to the development of an arterial street with
higher densities and a greater variety of uses. However, reurbanization has not
contributed to a broader transformation of arterial streets and suburbs. Planners
and policy makers need to look at suburban arterial streets and the communities
within which they are embedded holistically, and evaluate current conditions,
in order to set objectives and better measure the outcomes of reurbanization
policies. This approach would allow planners to capitalize on the higher densities
and mixed-use spaces provided by reurbanization and create truly great suburban
arterial streets. Reurbanizing Suburban Arterial Streets| 80
LIST OF INTERVIEWS Cathie Ferguson. (February 2010) Senior Planner. Community Planning, North York District City of Toronto.
Christian Ventresca. (Feburary 2010)Planner. Community Planning, North York District City of Toronto.
Nik Luka. (October 2010) Assistant Professor and Urban Design Program Coordinator, School of Urban Planning McGill University
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