Forging a New Housing Policy: Opportunity in the Wake of Crisis
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Office of the Attorney General 940 Cmr 25.00
940 CMR: OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL 940 CMR 25.00: FORECLOSURE RESCUE TRANSACTIONS AND FORECLOSURE-RELATED SERVICES Section 25.01: Definitions 25.02: Prohibition on Foreclosure Rescue Transactions and Advance Fees for Foreclosure-related Services 25.03: Marketing of Foreclosure-related Services 25.01: Definitions (1) Foreclosure Rescue Transaction shall mean a transaction: (a) by which residential property is conveyed where the person conveying the property (homeowner) maintains a legal or equitable interest in the property conveyed, including, without limitation, a lease interest, an option to acquire the property, or other interest in the property conveyed; and (b) that is designed or intended by the parties to avoid or delay actual or anticipated foreclosure proceedings against a homeowner’s residential property. (2) Foreclosure-related Services shall mean any goods or services related to, or promising assistance in connection with: (a) avoiding or delaying actual or anticipated foreclosure proceedings concerning residential property; or (b) curing or otherwise addressing a default or failure to timely pay, with respect to a residential mortgage loan obligation. Foreclosure-related Services shall include the offer, arrangement or placement of a residential mortgage loan, or other loan, when those goods or services are advertised, offered or promoted in the context described in 940 CMR 25.01(2)(a) and/or (b). 25.02: Prohibition on Foreclosure Rescue Transactions and Advance Fees for Foreclosure-related Services (1) It is an unfair or deceptive act in violation of M.G.L. c. 93A, § 2(a) to, for compensation or gain or for potential or contingent compensation or gain, whether at the time of the transaction or in the future, engage in, arrange, offer, promote, promise, solicit participation in, or carry out a Foreclosure Rescue Transaction in the Commonwealth or concerning residential property in the Commonwealth. -
The Affordability Crisis: How Rent Control Is Making Waves In
THE AFFORDABILTY CRISIS HOW RENT CONTROL IS MAKING WAVES IN MULTIFAMILY Formerly known as the War Emergency Tenant Protection Act, rent control was proposed during the World War II era to protect tenants from war-related housing shortages. These policies were first enacted in New York and Washington, D.C., as they experienced the most significant shortages. Fast forward to today, rent regulation has spread to California, Maryland, New Jersey, and most recently, Oregon. THREE YEARS POST WWII, 2.5 MILLION NEW HOMES WERE BULIT ACROSS THE COUNTRY. Although there are no housing shortages today as severe as during World War II, the rent regulation policies have evolved with the intention to create more affordable housing options and simultaneously protect tenants who live on a fixed or low-income, such as the elderly. Rent control is a law implemented by the government in which they control and regulate the amount a landlord can charge a tenant for rental housing. This policy prevents landlords from overcharging rent and protects tenants from eviction without just cause, such as late payments. ™ Rent control has been a buzzing topic as of late, with new statewide enforcements within New York, Oregon, and most recently, California. In this article, Matthews™ will discuss the current state of rent regulation laws and how tenants and investors are reacting. ADVANTAGES OF RENT CONTROL DISADVANTAGES OF RENT CONTROL Policymakers tend to account for the voice The audience speaking out against rent control supporting rent regulation laws by implementing laws is primarily investors. Professionals and rent control to combat affordability issues. -
Fraud Is Fun Or How a Foreclosure Rescue Scam Changed My Life
Fraud Is Fun or How a Foreclosure Rescue Scam Changed My Life Peter A. Holland We are an association of trial lawyers seeking justice were raised there. Her mother died there. Mary told me that for our clients and for society. As such, we study diligently she earned $50,000 a year, and that the house was mostly paid “how” to try a case. Get the documents. Note the depositions. for – she had over $100,000 in equity in that house. Subpoena the witnesses. Anticipate the objections. Know the Now my stomach is grumbling, but I have to ask: “How judge. Prepare the Opening Statement. did you get into this mess which I cannot get you out of?” But before we can learn “how” to try a client’s case, we Although she was working part time at the time that I met her, should ask the big question: “why?” Specifically, we should previously she was being treated for a very aggressive breast ask at a very deep level: “Why should anyone care about this cancer. Although Mary’s employer was great to her, after her client and this case”? If we cannot articulate the answer this surgery, rehabilitation, chemotherapy and brief relapse, she question, then we can never truly “win” the case. Why we care about a cause can – and should – direct how we try the case. got laid off from work. She fell behind in her mortgage. Getting in touch with the why instead of obsessing on With nowhere to move to, and with the looming the how can restore the creative juices and the passion to your foreclosure sale of the family homestead, Mary turned to a practice. -
Housing Needs Assessment City of North Adams, Massachusetts
Housing Needs Assessment City of North Adams, Massachusetts Funding for this document provided through: The FY2020 District Local Technical Assistance Program administered by: Berkshire Regional Planning Commission (BRPC) 2 Contents 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................................................................... 3 1.1 Background and Purpose ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1.2 Summary of Key Demographics & Findings ............................................................................................................... 3 1.3 Summary of Recommendations ....................................................................................................................................... 4 1.4 Methodology ............................................................................................................................................................................. 6 2. Demographics ...................................................................................................................................................................... 7 2.1 Population ................................................................................................................................................................................. 7 2.2 Race ............................................................................................................................................................................................. -
Newsletter of the Section on Racial and Ethnic Minorities of the American Sociological Association
1 Remarks Newsletter of the Section on Racial and Ethnic Minorities of the American Sociological Association Annual Meeting 2009 Special Issue News From SREM program, but please join us, those who come Chair get to make the decisions! More details con- Emily Noelle Ignacio cerning the SREM sessions, the reception and the business meeting are inside this issue. I am extremely excited about our meet- Looking forward to seeing you in San Fran- ings in San Francisco August 8-11, 2009! We cisco! received several submissions from sociologists of race and ethnicity worldwide which chal- IN THIS ISSUE lenge all of our understandings of race, ethnic- ity, racism, ethnocentrism, and global racial From the Chair 1 formations. As of this writing, we have six Member Publications 2 exciting ASA-SREM sessions and 17 roundta- Member Op-Eds 3 bles! Please attend and support our sessions 2008-2009 Section Awards 4 and roundtables! Also pease join us at our sec- From the Editor 5 Annual Meeting Schedule of ond joint reception and (I believe) our first SREM Programing 6-17 ASA-SREM educational, spoken word per- formance, Q and A session, and book/CD signing! I've seen and used the works of two of the performers (Mahogany L. Browne and Jive Poetic) to teach race, social class, gender, and/or nation courses with *great* results. I'm The artwork showcased on this page is a work hoping you all will enjoy their work, too. entitled “The Sociological Imagination” by art- There will also be a TON of great food and ist and activist Turbado Marabou, designed in great conversations. -
The Micromortgage Marketplace Demonstration Project Building a Framework for Viable Small-Dollar Mortgage Lending
HOUSING FINANCE POLICY CENTER The MicroMortgage Marketplace Demonstration Project Building a Framework for Viable Small-Dollar Mortgage Lending Alanna McCargo and Linna Zhu URBAN INSTITUTE Sarah Strochak NEW YORK UNIVERSITY Rita Ballesteros RAB ASSOCIATES December 2020 Housing affordability is a major barrier to homeownership for low- and middle-income (LMI) renters. Across the United States, many communities have affordable, low-cost properties in urban, suburban, and rural areas. Financing for this affordable housing, however, is replete with challenges. Access to small-dollar mortgages is not readily available, forcing buyers to turn to cash, land contracts, or personal unsecured (chattel) loans, and providing advantages for speculative non–owner occupants. Recent tightening of mortgage credit has made it harder to obtain small-dollar mortgages. And long-standing segregation, disinvestment, and redlining have increased barriers to homeownership in neighborhoods of color that have low-cost housing stock. The most affordable homes for sale around the country lack financing options and are out of reach to renter households seeking affordability, stability, and wealth- building opportunities. Research has documented the lack of small-dollar mortgage availability (McCargo et al. 2018), providing evidence that homes mortgaged for $70,000 or less (or that are sold for less than $85,000) are not as likely to be financed with mortgages as higher-price homes. In fact, research shows that only one in four low-cost homes sold was likely to be financed with a mortgage. In this brief, we define small- dollar properties as those priced below $100,000, given market appreciation and our market focus in Louisville, Kentucky, and its surrounding metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs). -
Housing Financialization and Rent Control Working Paper 2020:01 Department of Economics, John Jay College Jacob Udell1
Housing Financialization and Rent Control Working Paper 2020:01 Department of Economics, John Jay College Jacob Udell1 Abstract This working paper attempts to consolidate a number of insights about commercial real estate finance over the last 25 years in New York City to suggest a general framework for thinking about gentrification, housing financialization, and rent control. In particular, it argues for the need to account for the supply of capital seeking out returns in NYC, with an emphasis on the market for older-stock, rent-stabilized multifamily buildings. It also sketches out some potential dynamics following the passage of the Housing Stability and Tenant Protection Act in June 2019, which significantly strengthened the NYC rent stabilization regime and had an important effect in the acquisiton market for rent stabilized properties. Finally, it analyzes an example of a portfolio of Bronx buildings owned by Emerald Equity Group and financed by Freddie Mac, to explore some of these dynamics. Many of the parts of this paper are in draft-form, and areas to expand upon and develop are noted throughout the paper. 1While this working paper was conceived with much help, it does not reflect the analysis of anyone but myself, as a graduate student in Economics at John Jay College. Please do not cite without contacting the author at [email protected]. Draft 2 – 2.20.2020 Introduction NYC private landlords and their investors have been able to profit handsomely over the last 25 years by acquiring large portfolios of existing rent-stabilized, older-stock properties.2 In that period, prevailing prices for rent stabilized buildings have increased almost unabated, with the few years around the 2008 Financial Crisis being the only exception. -
Prevent Deed Theft and Foreclosure Rescue Scams
One West Main Street, Suite 200 Rochester, NY 14614 Phone 585.454.4060 Fax 585.454.2518 www.empirejustice.org Memorandum of Support A.1408/S.6171 Protects New York Homeowners by Preventing Deed Theft Scams and Foreclosure Rescue Scams Empire Justice Center strongly supports A.1408(Weinstein)/S.6171(Hamilton) which would amend the real property law, the civil practice law and rules, and the criminal procedure law, in relation to distressed home loans. By updating multiple provisions of law, the bill comprehensively addresses ever evolving deed theft and foreclosure prevention scams. The Home Equity Theft Prevention Act (RPL sec. 265-a) was passed in 2006 to address an early version of “deed theft” scams, where distressed homeowners were being targeted to sign over their deeds with the promise of assistance to get them out of default or foreclosure and buy back their home in a year’s time. While the law has been effective in keeping out a certain kind of transaction in New York State, in recent years newer versions of the scam have emerged. The bill addresses variations of these scams by broadening the type of transaction that is covered under the law. In addition, the bill extends a right of rescission for homeowners who may unwittingly sign a contract for “assistance,” and the deed of their home, from five days to fourteen days. The extended right of rescission is critical because often homeowners are not even aware that they have signed over their deed. The second law amended under this bill is the “Distressed Property Consultant Law” (RPL sec. -
What More Do We Need to Know About How to Prevent and Mitigate Displacement of Low- and Moderate-Income Households from Gentrifying Neighborhoods?
What More Do We Need to Know about How to Prevent and Mitigate Displacement of Low- and Moderate-Income Households from Gentrifying Neighborhoods? VICKI BEEN1 New York University he extent to which gentrification results in the displacement of low- and moderate-income households from neighborhoods undergoing signifi- cant change is still the subject of study and debate among urban policy researchers.2 Recent evidence suggests that, at least in areas outside low- vacancy “superstar cities”3 with intense gentrification, renters who likely Tare the most vulnerable to displacement generally do not move away from gentrifying neighborhoods at higher rates than such households move from nongentrifying areas.4 Elected officials, housing advocates, and the public, on the other hand, have no doubt that gentrification can and does cause displacement.5 There are a number of reasons the research findings on displacement may be less accu- rate or complete than reports from affected neighborhoods. First, there is considerable disagreement, especially early in the process, about which neighborhoods actually are gentrifying. Second, data tracking people’s moves to and from neighborhoods is limited because of concerns about the confidentiality of tax, social service, and other governmental data files that follow individuals over time, and because private sources of linked data, such as credit reporting bureau files, are incomplete in a variety of ways (some households don’t have credit files, for example). Third, even if residents of gentrifying neighborhoods may move no more often from gentrifying neighborhoods than similar households in other areas, they may move for different reasons. Residents of non-gentrifying neighborhoods may more often move voluntarily — seeking better neighborhoods or jobs, for example — while residents of gentrifying neighborhoods may more often move involuntarily, wanting to stay in the neighborhood but unable to afford it. -
Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP), Which Is One Option Under the Government’S Making Home Affordable Program
Making Home Affordable Program and Home Affordable Modification Program Frequently Asked Questions for Bankruptcy Filers Q1. What do these FAQs cover? These FAQs provide information on the Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP), which is one option under the government’s Making Home Affordable Program. These FAQs are designed primarily for homeowners who have filed bankruptcy or are considering filing bankruptcy. For detailed information on HAMP and other options under the Making Home Affordable Program, including an extensive list of Frequently Asked Questions, please visit www.MakingHomeAffordable.gov. Q2. What is the Making Home Affordable Program, and what is HAMP? The Making Home Affordable Program is a critical part of the government’s effort to stabilize the housing market and help struggling homeowners get relief and avoid foreclosure. HAMP helps homeowners who are struggling to keep their loans current or who are already behind on their mortgage payments. By providing mortgage loan servicers with financial incentives to modify existing first lien mortgages, the Treasury hopes to help homeowners avoid foreclosure regardless of who owns or guarantees the mortgage. The Making Home Affordable Program includes the following programs: Home Affordable Refinance Program (HARP) Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP) . Principal Reduction Alternative (PRA) . Home Affordable Unemployment Program (UP) Second Lien Modification Program (2MP) Home Affordable Foreclosure Alternatives (HAFA) Options for government‐insured mortgages: FHA‐HAMP, VA‐HAMP, USDA‐HAMP For more information about these programs please visit www.MakingHomeAffordable.gov. Q3. Who is eligible for a loan modification under HAMP? To be eligible for a loan modification under HAMP, you must: Be the owner‐occupant of a one‐ to four‐unit home. -
Bargaining with Arrival of New Traders∗
Bargaining with Arrival of New Traders∗ William Fuchs† Andrzej Skrzypacz‡ May 14, 2008 Abstract We study a general model of dynamic bargaining between a seller and a privately informed buyer, with arrival of exogenous events. Events can represent arrival of competing buyers (or sellers) or release of information. We characterize the unique limit of stationary equilibria of these games as the time between offers goes to zero. The possibility of arrivals leads to new equilibrium dynamics. First, the no-delay part of the Coase conjecture no longer holds: even in the limit, there is considerable delay of trade in equilibrium and the seller slowly screens out buyers with higher valuations. Second, the inability to commit to future prices (and hence the Coasian forces) drive the seller payoffs down to his outside option. The limit of equilibria is very tractable, allowing us to establish many comparative statics and utilize the model to answer many applied questions. For example, we show applications in which when buyer valuations fall, average transaction prices drop and the time on the market gets longer. Moreover, for high enough arrival rates, the division of surplus and equilibrium dynamics are driven more by the relative competition from new traders than on the relative discount factors. Finally, even when multiple buyers can arrive, the expected time to trade is a non-monotonic function of the arrival rate. In bargaining theory (and practice) outside options play an important role. Often, an important outside option is to wait for new developments. Maybe another agent will show up and offer better terms of trade, maybe new information will arrive reducing the information asymmetry, etc. -
25TH ANNUAL CANADIAN SECURITY TRADERS CONFERENCE Hilton Quebec, QC August 16-19, 2018 TORONTO STOCK EXCHANGE Canada’S Market Leader
25TH ANNUAL CANADIAN SECURITY TRADERS CONFERENCE Hilton Quebec, QC August 16-19, 2018 TORONTO STOCK EXCHANGE Canada’s Market Leader 95% 2.5X HIGHEST time at NBBO* average size average trade at NBBO vs. size among nearest protected competitor* markets* tmx.com *Approximate numbers based on quoting and trading in S&P/TSX Composite Stock over Q2 2018 during standard continuous trading hours. Underlying data source: TMX Analytics. ©2018 TSX Inc. All rights reserved. The information in this ad is provided for informational purposes only. This ad, and certain of the information contained in this ad, is TSX Inc.’s proprietary information. Neither TMX Group Limited nor any of its affiliates represents, warrants or guarantees the completeness or accuracy of the information contained in this ad and they are not responsible for any errors or omissions in or your use of, or reliance on, the information. “S&P” is a trademark owned by Standard & Poor’s Financial Services LLC, and “TSX” is a trademark owned by TSX Inc. TMX, the TMX design, TMX Group, Toronto Stock Exchange, and TSX are trademarks of TSX Inc. CANADIAN SECURITY TRADERS ASSOCIATION, INC. P.O. Box 3, 31 Adelaide Street East, Toronto, Ontario M5C 2H8 August 16th, 2018 On behalf of the Canadian Security Traders Association, Inc. (CSTA) and our affiliate organizations, I would like to welcome you to our 25th annual trading conference in Quebec City, Canada. The goal of this year’s conference is to bring our trading community together to educate, network and hopefully have a little fun! John Ruffolo, CEO of OMERS Ventures will open the event Thursday evening followed by everyone’s favourite Cocktails and Chords! Over the next two days you will hear from a diverse lineup of industry leaders including Kevin Gopaul, Global Head of ETFs & CIO BMO Global Asset Mgmt., Maureen Jensen, Chair & CEO Ontario Securities Commission, Kevan Cowan, CEO Capital Markets Regulatory Authority Implementation Organization, Kevin Sampson, President of Equity Trading TMX Group, Dr.