December 2014. No.3 / pp.91-130

Imperialism and : The Meaning of ‘Empire’ as Revealed through Corpus Networks

Soo HUR*43

Abstract The essay analyzes the relevant corpus networks, exploring the meaning of ‘jeguk’ (帝國) as shown in Korean people’s language acts in the early 20th century. On the level of public events, the core meaning of ‘empire’ changed from ‘agent in international politics’ (the Great Han Empire period) through ‘criticism of ’ (the 1920s) to ‘preposterous logic of cooperation’ (the 1930s∼40s). While these changes reveal national identity in multiple ways, at the structural level, ‘empire’ was associated with the institution- alization and internalization of the modern hierarchy of civilizations. The fact that the consciousness of ‘empire’ was based on a structure of mutual dependence between nation and civilization suggests that the discussion about ‘empire’ today should not only respect the situation of weak states but should simultaneously search for alternative models of civilization.

Keywords imperialism, empire, jeguk, corpus networks analysis, preposterous logic of cooperation, multiple representation of national identity, institutionalization of the hierarchy of civilization

Introduction

‘Empire’ has emerged in recent years as a central concept of concern in discussions about a new international order; the purpose of this paper is to

* 허수, Hallym University 92 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014) reconsider this concept with East Asian historical experience in mind, placing particular emphasis on sources from early-twentieth century . Rather than focusing on books published by a few notable intellectuals, the paper pays greater attention to print media, since these were evolving with the changing times and were in contact with a broader population. These publications were also deliberately engaging with the reading public. Nineteen different journal have been digitized which were published between the late-nineteenth century and 1942, and searching these for ‘empire’ and related terms yields 3,098 cases of 489 different kinds.1 This gives us a substantial pool of data to work with, and these cases will serve as the primary object of my study. One might question why the scope of this study is limited to journal publications, especially since newspapers, book excerpts, official gazettes and various other kinds of documents are now available for digital searching in . But this paper’s methodological scope has its advantages. Research which is too inclusive in searching for a keyword in digitized material usually just measures the frequency of relevant words, and even when these results are examined the analysis remains rather shallow. In this paper, however, the extracted cases have been categorized by time period and by type, allowing for a deeper and more useful comparative analysis. The relationships between words are characterized by values attained through a standardized statistical procedure, and by visualizing the results the paper has been able to take on novel approaches and proceed with a more effective analysis. In a statistical study, digitized materials are very valuable, though some limitations are inevitable since the nineteen journals had various different publishers, and were sometimes published at irregular intervals. Still, if we consider the ‘public function’ of these journals during the periods each was published, and if we take into account the number of copies printed, the page-, the readership and

1 The nineteen modern Korean journals analyzed here are those whose entire content has been digitized and made available by National Institute of Korean History. There are twelve journals from the Korean Empire period: Daejoseondongniphyeophoehoebo (大朝鮮獨立協會會報), Daehanjaganghoewolbo (大韓自强會月報), Taegeukhakbo (太極學報), Seou (西友), Daehanyuhaksaeng- hoehakbo (大韓留學生會學報), Daedonghakhoewolbo (大東學會月報), Daehanhakhoewolbo (大韓學會 月報), Daehanhyeophoehoebo (大韓協會會報), Seobukhakhoewolbo (西北學會月報), Honamhakbo (湖南 學報), Gihoheunghakhoewolbo (畿湖興學會月報), Daehanheunghakbo (大韓興學報); and there are seven journals from the Japanese colonial period: Gaebyeok (開闢), Dongkwang (東光), Byeolgeon- gon (別乾坤), Samcheolli (三千里), Mangukbuin (萬國婦人), Samcheollimunhak (三千里文學), Daedonga (大東亞). Imperialism and Empire _ 93 the level of popularity, we can conclude that they wielded considerable influence in the public sphere. For some , discussions on ‘empire’ tended to follow the ongoing debates in American, European or Chinese academia, but Sam-sung’s recent work Empire has breathed new life into the debate.2 Lee collected examples of the term’s use from a broad range of contexts, old and new, Western and Eastern, and, through innovative classification and analysis, has revealed the ‘conceptual history’ of the term. There are several noteworthy aspects to his study. First, his paper deals with the early-twentieth century, but distinguishes between the period prior to the 1920s, the 1920s and the 1930s, investigating the particular characteristics of each period and tracing the occurrence of important semantic changes. Second, by looking at uses of ‘empire’ in Japan, the Daehan Empire and colonial , he reveals the interactions between them, the effect that the Japanese usage had on its colony, and the particular ways in which the term was understood in colonial Joseon. Third, he introduced some valuable new approaches to understanding the various aspects of ‘empire’ current at the time: including the differentiation of categories such as ‘representation of order’ and ‘self-representation,’ and the notion of the ‘collapse of the border between ordinary nouns and proper nouns.’ However, because the framework of Empire emphasizes the long-term evolution of the concept of empire and focuses on the similarity and differences in meanings between Japan and colonial Joseon from a comparative civilizational perspective,3 it does not give sufficient attention to how early-twentieth century discussed the subject of empire. This research extracts an inclusive network between the term ‘empire’ and other words, considering important semantic connections and aspects of change in order to extrapolate insights that may be relevant for contemporary debates on empire. We might call this kind of approach an ‘ecology of empire’ rather than a ‘life of empire,’ and using this approach we will also examine the term at the level of structure to provide a perspective which is sometimes difficult to discern at the level of incidence.

2 Lee (2014). 3 According to Kang Dong-guk, Korean Conceptual History Series, which was organized by Hallym Academy of Sciences, Hallym University, is taking a ‘comparative civilizational approach.’ See Kang Dong-guk (2014), pp.61-65. 94 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Approaching ‘Empire’ through the Analysis of Corpus Networks This paper introduces ‘corpus network analysis’ as ‘a method to quantita- tively measure the relationship between different words in order to better understand the meaning of the keyword.’4 This method calls for a more elaborate procedure than those often used in literary research, which tend to rely more on intuition. This procedure will be described in greater detail in the body of the paper, whereas this section will focus on the preparatory work prior to the actual analysis. The cases of ‘empire’ were extracted from a pool of nineteen digitized modern journal publications5 comprising 14,582 articles, approximately 2.3 million word forms and 11 million words in total.6 Within the field of Korean linguistics, this amount constitutes about 1/20 of the 200-million- word corpus which was compiled over the course of ten years by the ‘21st Century Sejong Project.’7 Before the complete digitization of the existing historical data, it is impossible to extract useful data from such a large pool, whether through individual or institutional effort. By employing special- ized programs such as WordSmith and Netminer,8 however, 3,098 cases of

4 In this paper, the new term ‘corpus network analysis’ is proposed, by analogy with the field of sociology which has the concept of ‘social network analysis.’ Corpus network analysis is premised on three existing approaches. First, the significance of a term’s incidence is not intrinsic, but it is decided by the position it takes within a broader network structure (as in social network analysis). Second, lexical statistical analysis is used to trace a term’s semantic structure and the way it changes over time, tracking the rise and fall in its usage and how this relates to its meanings. Third, Korean informatics research that contributed to the current understanding of networks is used to make concrete the relationship between co-occurring words through statistical means. For more on these approaches, see Kim Yong-hak (2004); Song et al., eds. (2004); Kim Hak-ee (2009); Kang Beom-mo (2010). 5 Database files supplied by the National Institute of Korean History were used, reorganized to suit the aims of my research. The original content is provided on their website, ‘Database of Korean History’ (http://db.history.go.kr). 6 I follow the standard of computation for WordSmith Tools 5.0, the program I used for keyword extraction. The exact count was 2,292,651 word forms and 10,974,576 words. 7 For more on this, see Yonhap News, 11 December 2007. http://news.naver.com/main/read. nhn?mode=LSD&mid=sec&sid1=103&oid=001&aid=0001923463 8 WordSmith Tools 5.0 was used for keyword extraction, and Netminer 4.0 for the analysis and visualization of connective networks. EmEditor Professional Version 12.0 was used to modify and reorganize the data, and Microsoft Excel and Microsoft Access for converting data, analyzing cases and other forms of processing. Imperialism and Empire _ 95

‘empire’ were extracted, of 489 kinds.9 In order to examine the semantic structure, and also the changes occurring across time, these cases need to be further subdivided. For the former, it is necessary to ‘distinguish by word form’ (to see whether the term is a simple word or a compound word) and also to ‘distinguish by series’ (to see whether the term is ‘empire’ or ‘imper- ialism’); for the latter, the cases have to be sorted by period. To begin with classification according to word form: ‘empire’ (jeguk, 제 국) serves as the standard case for a ‘simple word,’ which is grouped together with ‘empire ＋ particle,’ comprising 1 kind and 533 cases. When ‘empire’ is combined with another word or qualified―for example, ‘imperialism (jegukjuui, 제국주의)’ or ‘Japanese empire’ (Ilbon jeguk, 일본제국) this is considered a ‘compound word,’ comprising 488 different kinds, and 2,565 cases. Simple words were distinguished from compound words because, when trying to understand the relationship ‘empire’ forges with different words, it is more effective to employ the method of analysis most appropriate to the word form. For example, in compound words such as ‘imperial hotel’ (제국호텔) or ‘Japanese imperial subject’ (일본제국신민) it is easy to understand how the component ‘empire’ comes together with ‘hotel’ or with ‘Japan’ and ‘subject’ to create new terms. By focusing on these ‘compound-word components’ and examining their connective relationships, we can better understand the meaning of empire. I call this ‘analysis of compound-word components.’ If, for example, ‘Japanese imperial subject’ is used three times, we can say that connective relationships between ‘Japan’ and ‘empire’ and between ‘empire’ and ‘subject’ were each forged three times. By analyzing all the compound words in this way, we can see what kinds of corpus networks are being formed between ‘empire’ and other words. When dealing with a simple word, however, the scope of the analysis is expanded to examine which words appear within the same sentence, alongside ‘empire,’ these being called the ‘co-occurring words.’10 In this paper, I limit the term primarily to nouns, and set the scope of analysis to

9 Words containing ‘empire’ were categorized by word form, treating variants of jeguk written using Korean script or various Chinese characters (e.g. 諸國), just the same. This provided 3,098 cases, within which ‘empire’ with attached particles was treated no differently from ‘empire’ without particles, which is considered ‘the standard case,’ of which there were 489 cases. 10 ‘Co-occurring’ means that they appear together, and ‘co-occurring relations’ refers to the analysis of the relationship between concepts (or words/terms) that appear together. 96 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014) five words before or after (according to a standard often followed in Korean informatics)―in other words, for a span of ten words. The process used to measure the relationship between ‘empire’ and its co-occurring words is somewhat complicated, but can be quantified through a statistically reliable index called a ‘t-score.’11 Compared to the relationship between ‘empire’ and the other components within a compound-word, the connective relationship between the simple word ‘empire’ and its co-occurring words may be relatively weaker, but this ‘weakness’ also allows the co-occurring words to forge a more fluid relationship with ‘empire.’ Moving on to consider distinction by series. Of compound words extracted, there are 124 kinds and 1,044 cases that contain ‘imperialism.’ This makes up 41% of the 2,565 cases of compound words, and 34% of the total (including simple-word cases); it is the single most frequent item. Furthermore, there is a significant gap between ‘imperialism’ and the items with the second and third highest frequency―‘imperial university’ (제국대 학) and ‘imperial assembly’ (제국의회) respectively.12 It is therefore important to consider ‘imperialism’ as a separate case and understand its distribution and trends, so from this point on the total cases of ‘empire’ will be divided into two separate series: the ‘imperialism’ series and the ‘empire’ (in the narrower sense) series.

combines this distinction by series with the classification by word form to show the distribution of all the cases of ‘empire.’

11      This index statistically calculates the difference between the actual frequency (O) with which a specific word occurs within a fixed span from the central word and its expected frequency (E), based on its occurrence throughout the entire data set being examined. Using this t-score allows us to move beyond relying on mere intuition to understand the connective relationship between words. For example, let us suppose that within the span of five words from ‘empire’ (before and after) the term ‘subject’ and ‘person’ appeared ten times each. At first glance, it appears as though the two words co-occur with ‘empire’ with equal frequency, but if, in the entirety of the data pool, ‘person’ appeared 100 times and ‘subject’ 30 times, we can claim that ‘subject’ has a closer relationship of co-occurrence with ‘empire’ than ‘person.’ 12 ‘Imperial university’ has 25 kinds and 119 cases, making up only 3.8% of total cases. ‘Imperial assembly’ has 10 kinds and 51 cases, making up only 1.6%. Imperialism and Empire _ 97

Distribution of Cases of ‘Empire’ Classified by Word Form and by Series Classification by Classification by Total Frequency Kind(s) of Cases Word Form Series of Cases Simple Words empire@ 1 533 empire& 364 1,521 Compound imperialism@ 1 706 Words imperialism& 123 338 Totals 489 3,098 Note: the suffix ‘@’ refers to cases in which ‘empire’ or ‘imperialism’ do not combine with another word, and ‘&’ to cases when they do.

The final preparatory step is to distinguish the cases according to period.

below shows the results from plotting the ‘empire’ series and ‘imperialism’ series separately, and breaking down the ‘empire’ series into simple words and compound words.

Yearly Trends of ‘Empire’ Series and ‘Imperialism’ Series (Absolute Frequency)

empire@ empire& imperialism

reflects the totals for the three series of cases by year without any adjustments. We will call this ‘absolute frequency,’ which does not readily yield a good grasp of frequency-fluctuations by year. This is because the size of the data-set varies each year as new journals are established or existing ones discontinued; and there are other complicating factors including the confiscation of some issues, page increases, double issues, etc. A clearer representation can be obtained from the relative frequency, 98 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014) derived by dividing absolute frequencies by the total file size of journals published in each year, which gives
.

Yearly Trends of ‘Empire’ Series and ‘Imperialism’ Series (Relative Frequency)

empire@ empire& imperialism

If we examine the relationship between the ‘empire’ series and the ‘imperi- alism’ series in

, we can broadly divide the period of study (1896-1942, thirty years of which are examined) into three periods.13 The first period is from 1896 to 1910, during which the ‘empire’ series occurs more frequently than the ‘imperialism’ series, and within the ‘empire’ series compound-word cases (empire&) outnumber simple-word cases (empire@). The second period is from 1920 to 1933, during which there is a noticeable rise in the ‘imperialism’ series, which then becomes more frequent than the ‘empire’ series.14 In the middle of the period, however, between 1927 and 1929,15 the frequency of ‘imperialism’ subsides

13 I do not include the eight-year span from 1898 to 1905 and the nine-year span from 1911 to 1919. 14 ‘Imperialism’ surpasses ‘empire’ in 1923. Yet already by 1920, the gap between the ‘empire’ series and the ‘imperialism’ series is much less than during the first period. Since there is a nine-year gap in the data, however, it seems reasonable to pull the start of the second period ahead to 1920. 15 Gaebyeok (개벽) was shut down in August of 1926, and Samcheolli (삼천리) was established in June of 1926. Dongkwang (동광) also stopped publishing after the first half of 1927, recommencing publication only in 1931. The detailed 1920s publication history of these three journals and Byeolgeongon (별건곤) is shown below. Imperialism and Empire _ 99 markedly, raising the question of whether it is appropriate to treat this fourteen-year span as a single period. This period immediately follows the shutdown of Gaebyeok and the remaining data is mostly from the Byeolgeongon. During this three-year span, however, ‘imperialism’ appears with considerable frequency in Donga Ilbo, so it seems reasonable to conclude that the lull between 1927 and 1929 represents the fact that Byeolgeongon functioned primarily as a popular monthly. Taking this into account, therefore, it is difficult to argue that this three-year span deserves to be treated as separate period within this study. As the page-count of other journals recovers, and with the aftereffects of the Great Depression becoming increasingly visible, Byeolgeongon and the other journals show a sharp rise in the frequency of the term ‘imperialism.’16 The third period is from 1934 to 1942, during which the frequency of the ‘empire’ series rises precipitously. In this period, however, single-word cases (empire@) appear with greater frequency than compound-word cases (empire&), which is the reverse of the first period.

‘Empire / Imperialism’ and Multiple Expressions of National Identity

1) ‘Empire’ as an Actor in International Politics (1897-1910) This period’s most noticeable feature is that cases from the ‘empire’ series far outnumber those from the ‘imperialism’ series, both for compound

개벽 동광 별건곤 삼첨리

16 In Byeolgeongon, Dongkwang and Samcheolli, a noticeable increase in the ‘imperialism’ series is first apparent around 1930. With the start of the Great Depression, cases of ‘imperialism’ begin to spread throughout popular journal as well. 100 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Connective Network of Compound-Word Components

words and co-occurring words.17

visualizes the connective network of compound-word components.18 Then, to which other words is ‘empire’ most closely connected?
has the advantage of clearly showing the compound-word components, but there are so many individual examples that it is difficult to

17 For a list of co-occurring words and to understand why there were few cases of co- occurring words with ‘imperialism’ during the first period, see and the explanation below it. 18 For compound-words no distinction was made between words preceding or succeeding ‘empire,’ but subject distinctions were created with the intention of better understanding the characteristics of the compound-word components (such as new/old, big/small, us/them). For example, in the case of ‘We, Daehan Empire,’ the term was divided into four parts: ‘we’ (我), ‘dae’ (大), ‘Han’ (韓), and ‘empire.’ This allows the recognition of three sets of binary oppositions: 我-大, 大-韓, 韓-empire, which can be applied as subject categories. After dismantling all the cases in this way, and visualizing them using Netminer, it can be seen at a glance which words are forming compound-word structures with ‘empire.’ The thicker and darker the arrow, stronger the connective relationship; the thinner and lighter the arrow, the weaker the connective relationship. Imperialism and Empire _ 101 reach a systematic understanding. It is useful, therefore, to divide them up by subject matter and then examine their connective attributes by category, which gives

.19 Since ‘names of states’ show a high level relationship with the term ‘empire,’
provides a closer examination of the relationship of ‘empire’ with different names of states; in effect it shows the reciprocal relationship between the words with the closest relationship to ‘empire’ during the first period.
reveals some salient characteristics of the first period. Thus, for the most part, the term ‘empire’ refers to states that are major players on the international stage. Besides ‘Daehan’ (大韓, 대한),’ the most numerous cases were (in descending order of frequency), Germany, Russia, Britain, Japan and Austria. There were also references to world powers from the distant as well as not-so-distant past, such as the empire of the Romans, Alexander, the Scythians, the Qing, and the Mughals, but their frequency was very low. References to contemporary world powers were often within the context of providing news from abroad and informing the public about the political situation of the country in question. Another issue concerns the significance of ‘Daehan’ being so often connected to ‘empire.’ Since the ‘Daehan Empire’ was Korea’s official name for itself during this period, the high-level of connectivity between the two terms is hardly surprising. However, this phenomenon should not be understood as a country declaring itself as a world power. Rather, the state title was more an expression of self-regard, and thus an expression of the desire to be recognized as a legitimate member of the international political community. The frequent use of ‘Daehan Empire’ also reflects the sense of crisis among intellectuals concerned that the nation was about to lose its sovereignty.

19 The 22 subject categories are as follows: ㆍpolitics and economics: names of states, economics, transportation and communication, national defense and international, politics and policy (5 categories) ㆍsociety and culture: classes and members; daily life and culture; current events and publishing; race, nation and gender; identity and spirit; scholarship and education (6 categories) ㆍagencies and activities: power, movements and organizations, public figures (3 categories) ㆍmodifiers: quantity, new/old/small/large, for or against, us vs. them (4 categories) ㆍtime and space: time and space, names of places (2 categories) ㆍother: attributes, miscellaneous (2 categories) 102 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Connective Network of Compound-Word Components by Subject Category (First Period)

With the compound word ‘Daehan Empire,’ the term ‘we’ (我) often appears before it, and the term ‘We, Korea’ (我韓) is also used quite often. Moreover, as a simple word, ‘empire’ shows a high level of co-occurrence with words like ‘compatriot,’ ‘love’ and ‘beloved,’ which seems to show a similar sentiment.20 In March of 1910, just prior to Korea’s loss of sovereignty, Daehanheunghakbo published the following:

This association consists entirely of Korean students studying in Tokyo Imperial University. ... In view of the fact that the relationship between this association and Korean students is so significant, as is the relationship between us students and the empire, we know that the future of this association can foretell the future of this empire. Since whether this association succeeds or fails affects us students directly, and whether we students succeed or fail affects our (我) empire directly, he who loves this

20 The co-occurring words are ‘compatriot’ (1st), ‘relationship’ (7th), ‘love’ (愛) (8th), ‘goal’ (9th), ‘juncture’ (10th), and ‘first priority’ (先務) (22nd). ‘Love’ and ‘compatriot’ were often used together as a sentimentalizing strategy. Imperialism and Empire _ 103

Connective Network of Compound-Word Components by State Names (First Period)

association, not to mention his compatriots at home and abroad, also loves the Daehan Empire. According to article 3 of this association’s regulations, a member of the association should, in addition to being a compatriot of the empire, accord with the purpose of the association, and there are two types of members ... [Author’s emphasis].21

While the connective link between the country’s title and the term ‘empire’ is the most striking, the relationships of lower connective degree should not be ignored. For example, the second subject category includes ‘our (我) empire of scholarship’ and ‘spirit of Daehan Empire,’ which are cases that deviate from how ‘empire’ is generally being used at the time. Furthermore, while ‘scholarship’ (학문) and ‘spirit’ (정신) appear as co-occurring words with ‘empire,’ their frequency is very low, at 44th and 50th, respectively. The

21 “Daehanheunghakhoeui Jangraereul Non” (大韓興學會의 將來를 論) in Daehanheunghakbo 11, March 1910, pp.1-2. 104 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014) following sentence is an example that contains both the compound-word component and a co-occurring word: “Since our (我) nation was originally an empire of scholarship (학문제국) that held a special status in the wider world, our nation shall stand on the basis of our scholarship; generally speaking, scholarship is the destiny of our empire” (Author’s emphasis).22 A similar example emphasizes the need for internal solidarity by quoting Napoleon: “The dynamism of an empire’s spirit is what makes a world power.”23 Although the attitude of ‘enrich the country and strengthen the military’ is still operating here, there are such cases, though few and far between, that link ‘scholarship’ and ‘spirit’ and other seemingly incongruous words with ‘empire’; and similar examples continue into the second period (1920 to 1933) when criticism of ‘empire’ becomes more noticeable. There are also examples of ‘imperialism’ being used in contexts in which the concept itself is being introduced. It is described as a way to “develop territories outside of the nation in order to promote the welfare of its citizens and their way of life”24 or as a way “to expand the nation’s territory for the sake of industrial development.”25 Furthermore, there are even a few who view ‘imperialism’ in a wholly positive light. Within the context of praising the Women’s Society for agreeing to shoulder the cost of building the Northwest Society’s meeting hall: “Today, as a result of quickly adopting imperialism, Northwest Society was able to lead the way.”26 Such neutral or even positive attitudes about ‘imperialism’ change dramatically, however, on entering the second period.

2) Criticizing ‘Imperialism’ (1920–1933)

(1) Three Forms of Criticism The characteristic feature of the second period is that as the cases in the ‘imperialism’ series increase in frequency, and the ‘empire’ and ‘imperialism’ series each become centers of network formation, ‘imperialism’ is used in a

22 Lee Eung-jong, “Hakjeonui Seo” (學典의 敍), Gihoheunghakwolbo 9, April 1909, p.9. 23 Cheong Cheon-ja, “Haesang” (海上), Daehanheunghakbo 11, March 1910, p.46. 24 Choe Seok-ha, “Gukgaron” (國家論), Taegeukhakbo 1, August 1906, pp.10-11. 25 An Guk-seon, “Jeongchihak” (政治學), Gihoheunghakwolbo 2, September 1908, p.30. 26 Chu Seong-ja, “Teukha Samhwahang Yusinbuinhoe Euimu” (特賀三和港 維新婦人會義務 ), Seobukhakhoewolbo 18, December 1909, p.41. Imperialism and Empire _ 105

Connective Network of Compound-Word Components (Second Period)

predominantly negative and critical fashion.

clearly illustrates how ‘empire’ and ‘imperialism’ both function as centers of network formation, in contrast to the first period in which the compound-word com- ponents were almost entirely ‘empire’-centered. By 1920, the ‘imperialism’ examples already reveal the belief that economic imperialism was the primary cause of conflict between nations.27 Such a negative perspective was shaped by the view that imperialism had been the cause of the First World War, and was also influenced by the ‘reconstruction ideology’ (gaejoron, 개조론) that was popular during this time.28 Although this criticism of imperialism was rooted in the nationalist aspirations of colonial intellectuals, it was also directly linked to three types of discourse deriving from reconstruction ideology. The first of these was a ‘culturalist’ emphasis on ‘the harmony of the spiritual-material binary’ which is expressed by Henrik Ibsen’s claim: “The first empire is the empire of flesh, the second empire is the empire of spirit, and the empire that we hope for is

27 “Editorial: Indojeongui Baljeonsaro Gwanhan Geumil Ihuui Modeun Munje” (人道正義 發 展史로 觀한 今日 以後의 모든 問題), Gaebyeok 4, September 1920. 28 For more on how the three discursive threads of reconstruction ideology related to the international situation at the time, see Hur (2014), pp.45-62. 106 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014) that of spirit and flesh―the third empire.”29 And in this period imperialism is being understood as ‘a form of egoism that has expanded to the level of the nation.’30 The second type of discourse has its basis in socialism, which cases appear in Gaebyeok around 1923-1924. ‘Imperialism’ appears in the context of articulating a radical, class-based critique against existing educational policies,31 or in the context of condemning Western powers plainly and emotionally, calling them “European countries sick from imperialism ... who are without any sense of justice or humanity, even as imperialism spreads.”32 In the same article, the receives a similarly critical treatment, being described as “addicted to the disease of imperialism along with the European powers,” having deserted their principles to “compete in the imperialist expansion.”33 The third kind of discourse criticizes imperialism, while simultaneously expecting support from the Euro-American international order and the political principle of democracy which it champions. We can call this the ‘democratic’ form of anti-imperialist critique. Thus, Kim Yang-su, who twice wrote on the international political situation in Gaebyeok while studying abroad in the United States, claims:34

The Great War has brought about the collapse of authoritarian rule throughout the world. Rather than being a sign of imperialism’s extinction, this only shows how political forms not suited to new forms of economic imperialism have collapsed. In other words, the political form that most effectively carries out imperialist policies is not authoritarianism,

29 “Jesamjegukjuuineun Mueosinga?” (第三帝國主義는 무엇인가?), Gaebyeok 6, December 1920, p.74. 30 Kim Gi-jeon, “Uriui Sahoejeok Seonggyeokui Ilbureul Gochalhayasseo Dongpohyeongjeui Jayucheodaneul Chokham” (우리의 社會的 性格의 一部를 考察하야써 同胞兄弟의 自由處斷을 促 함), Gaebyeok 16, October 1921, p.14. 31 Palbongsanin, “Jibaegyegeupgyohwa Pijebaegyegeupgyohwa” (支配階級敎化 被支配階級敎化), Gaebyeok 43, January 1924, p.14. 32 Park Hyeong-byeong, “Geunsesikminjeongchaekui Giwongwa Yurae (1)” [近世植民政策의 起源과 由來 (其1)], Gaebyeok 68, April 1926, pp.53-54. 33 Ibid. p.58. 34 Kim Yang-su, “Yangdaeseryeokui Seokgeumgwan” (兩大勢力의 昔今觀), Gaebyeok 67, March 1926; Kim Yang-su, “Hwanghwanya? Baekhwanya? Yangdaeseryeokui Seokgeumgwan (2)” [黃禍냐? 白禍냐? ― 兩大勢力의 昔今觀 (其二)], Gaebyeok 68, April 1926. In these two pieces, Kim Yang-su uses terms related to imperialism a total of 71 times. Imperialism and Empire _ 107

but democratic politics, which, through the principle of ‘survival of the fittest’ is able to perform the imperialist function even better. We may conclude from this that those who speak of imperialism’s demise are deeply mistaken, observing reality only on the surface (Author’s emphasis).35

Here Kim was criticizing the logic of socialists who were anticipating the ‘collapse of capitalism.’ While it is difficult to see clear examples of debates on the subject of ‘imperialism’ between different political organizations, we can infer from Kim’s writing that intellectuals did indeed hold conflicting political positions and viewpoints around the subject of ‘imperialism.’ (2) The Scars of Censorship and Chinese Anti-Imperialism There are also some interesting cases during the second period that, though they do not occur often and show a low-level connectivity, still deserve more careful scrutiny. ‘XX’ is a good example of such a case.36 This mark indicates when a word did not make it past the colonial authority’s censors, or results from self-censorship by editors conscious of the censorship policies, and it is sometimes referred to as ‘redaction marks.’ What is the semantic relationship of these redaction marks to ‘imperialism’ as a compound-word component?

examines 4 cases (out of the total 6), where it is possible to make a reasonable guess about the original content.37

Cases of Imperialism’s Compound-Word Component ‘XX’

Published Form Frequency Context Publication Date Manchuria is a base for XX imperi- alism in both an economic and strategic sense. ‘XX imperialism’ 3 times November 193137 ... that is how XX imperialism can absorb the vitalistic influence of one’s own nation

35 Kim Yang-su, “Yangdaeseryeokui Seokgeumgwan” (兩大勢力의 昔今觀), Gaebyeok 67, March 1926, pp.16-17. 36 ‘XX imperialism’ appears 3 times, ‘imperialist XX’ and ‘imperialist XXXX,’ ‘anti-imperialism’s XX policy’ appear once each. All cases are concentrated within the span of 1931-1932. 37 Kim U-pyeong, “Samsanyeon Naee Jungmidae Ilyeong” (3~4년 내에 中米對 日英), Dongkwang 27, November 1931, p.6. 108 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

[We must] run towards that destin- ation that is also the destination of 38 XX imperialism’s course, on the March 1932 road of the settler bour- geoisie. In my view, the Sino-Japanese con- flict―or from the Japanese per- spective, the accompanying con- ‘imperialist XX’ 1 time traction of the world market that March 193239 had expanded during the Great War―was an unbearable agony for imperialist XX.

It seems likely that ‘Japan’ or ‘Japanese’ was originally in the place of ‘XX.’ If we limit our consideration of such cases to compound words of ‘imperialism,’ these redaction marks only appear during the second period. While the phrase ‘Japanese imperialism’ did not appear with high frequency during this period, it did appear intermittently, and it seems that in some of these cases they were caught by the censorship apparatus and replaced by these redaction marks. This should be contrasted with the situation in China or Manchuria during the same period, where the term ‘Japanese imperialism’ frequently appeared in articles written by Koreans. In 1926, a declaration by young Chinese and Korean men, presented to the Asian National Conference, was published as a 928-character article in Gwanjumingukilbo (廣州民國日報). The piece was approximately the same in length as the article examined in

(which uses ‘XX imperialism’ only three times) but uses ‘Japanese imperialism’ twenty-six times.40 Similarly, in 1931, Gukminbu (國民府), which served as a Korean independence organization in Manchuria, released a decree commemorating the March

38 Yeong-cheol, “Pyohyeondanche Jaesuripui Jeongche, An Jae-hong Course Bipan” (表現 團體 再樹立의 正體, 安在鴻 코-쓰 批判), Samcheolli 4: 3, March 1932, p.38. 39 Hong Seong-ha, “Junggukeul Jungsimeuro Han Yeolgangui Dongtae ― Ilyeonghapjakinya Miyeongdongmaenginya (中國을 中心으로 한 列强의 動態 ― 日英合作이냐 米英同盟이냐), Dongkwang 31, March 1932, p.5. 40 National Institute of Korean History, “Junghan Cheongnyeondeuli Balpyohan Asiaminjok- daehoe Bandaeseoneon” (중한 청년들이 발표한 아시아민족대회 반대선언), Gwanjumingukilbo, 19 August 1926. “Junggukbodogisa” (중국보도기사), Daehanmingukimsijeongbujaryojip (대한민국임 시정부자료집) 39. Accessed in Korean History Database/Source Book of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. Imperialism and Empire _ 109

First Movement; the document was one-third of the length of the aforementioned articles, but it uses ‘Japanese imperialism’ twelve times.41 Whether or not it was permitted to use the term ‘Japanese imperialism’― that is, to say, whether or not you could declare Japan an imperialist nation ―clearly depended on whether you were inside or outside the purview of the colonial censors. If the redaction marks are scars left by the colonial censorship apparatus, there must have been a answering impulse which sought to fill that negated space with voices of dissent. ‘Imperialism’ during the second period is most closely connected to the category of ‘for or against.’42 In fact, 76 of the 79 total cases connected to words that indicate ‘against’ were connected to ‘imperialism.’ Such cases begin to appear in late 1924, with 68% of the total cases appearing in 1926 and in 1931. From the context surrounding these cases, it can be seen that they concern anti-imperialist movements by the Chinese or other colonized nations or oppressed peoples, with the Chinese struggle receiving the most attention. We can infer the reason from Kim Yang-su’s articles: in 1926, he understood “the anti-imperialist movement in China, America and Asia Minor” collectively as a global process.43 He saw China’s anti-imperialist movement, in particular, as part of a remarkable movement that oppressed nations were launching to “destroy the status quo” which “was not simply against one imperialist nation, but addressing all imperialist nations.”44 His lengthy piece concluded by calling for action that would require “internal unity of the nation and solidarity with other oppressed nations.” His 1931 article focusing on anti-imperialist movements also deals primarily with the Chinese situation. Indeed, the reason that ‘China’ co-occurs so often with

41 “Gukminbu Seoneonmun” (국민부 선언문), Hangukdoknipundongsa (韓國獨立運動史) 5, pp.758-759. Accessed in Korean History Database / The Thirty Six Years of Korean History the Japanese Imperial Rule. 42 The ‘for or against’ subject category is connected with ‘empire’ and ‘imperialism’ in a total of 92 cases over the course three periods. During the first period, there were six (e.g. ‘Hurrah for the Daehan Empire’), but during the second and third periods, they were all linked to ‘against.’ There were 79 cases during the second period, and seven cases (e.g. ‘dissolve ’) in the third. 43 Kim Yang-su, “Yangdaeseryeokui Seokgeumgwan” (兩大勢力의 昔今觀), Gaebyeok 67, March 1926, p.10. 44 Kim Yang-su, “Hwanghwanya? Baekhwanya? ― Yangdaeseryeokui Seokgeumgwan (2)” [黃 禍냐? 白禍냐? ― 兩大勢力의 昔今觀 (其二)], Gaebyeok 68, April 1926, p.15. 110 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

‘imperialism’ (the fifth most frequent) during the second period is due to the inclusion of ‘anti-imperialist (movement).’ (3) ‘Imperialism’ Enters General Use When did ‘imperialism’ become a term of general use? As previously mentioned, this study shows a rapid increase in the frequency of cases during the second period. Entries in terminological dictionaries can be used as another index for determining the extent to which the use of the term had spread; since if an item enters a dictionary, it means that people are making more use of the word, or that there is a need to ensure that people understand the word’s meaning.

gives details of definitions for ‘imperialism.’ 45

Definitions of ‘Imperialism’ Published or Compiled in Terminological Dictionaries during the Second Period

Length of Dictionary (Year) Definition (Paraphrased) Definition Other Details (Characters) Expansion of territory or sphere Hyeondaesineoseokui of power, in other words, what 現代新語釋義 happens when the ideology of 115 (1921) egoism is expressed at the level of the nation.45 The means by which citizens rely on military might when Jungyosuleosajeon their rights have been impin Published in 중요술어사전 555 ged on, to protect themselves. Gaebyeok (1924) Also refers to the ideology of invasion.46 Whether church, state, or re- Kaijoshingojiten public, a militarism aimed at Published in 改造新語辭典 increasing one’s colonies and 299 Japan (1925) expanding the territory of one’s own nation. 47

45 Choe Nok-dong, Hyeondaesineoseokui ( : Moonchangsa, 1922), p.17. 46 Park Yeong-hui, “Jungyosuleosajeon,” Gaebyeok 51, September 1924, pp.35-36. 47 Aida Ryutaro, Kaijoshingojiten (Sinchosya, 1925), pp.11-12. Imperialism and Empire _ 111

An ideology whose policy A secret objectives are territorial expan- Godeunggyeongchalyongeojip document, sion, and expansion of one’s 고등경찰용어집 200 makes use of sphere of power. Imperialism (1928) Lenin’s is the monopoly stage of capit- definition alism.48 Published in Japan, Saishinhyakkasyakaigojiten cosists Imperialism is the monopoly 最新百科社會語辭典 184 mostly of stage of capitalism.49 (1932) quotes from Lenin’s definition Sahoesangsiksuleo Developed capitalism becomes 330 사회상식술어 (1932) imperialism.50 Note: The length of the Japanese-language definitions (for the two Japanese publications and Godeunggyeongchallyongeojip) were based on Korean translations.

As

shows, the definition in Hyeondaesineoseogui reflects a culturalist position. The editor of Jungyosureosajeon was a socialist by the name of Bak Yeong-hui, who became features editor at Gaebyeok after Hyeon Cheol-ui, yet there is no special emphasis being placed on capitalism or economic issues. Similarly with Gaijosingojiten which was published the following year. A radical change comes with Godeunggyeong- chalyongeojip and Saishinhyakkasyakaigojiten, however, in which Lenin’s definition begins to be used as the principal one. If the content of Godeunggyeongchallyongeojip can serve as an accurate indication of the ideological tendencies of Korean intellectuals and nationalist activists of the period (after all, the dictionary functioned as a police manual for arresting thought criminals), then surely this radical change shows the degree to which Leninism had spread and was being adopted. Indeed, recent research establishes that Leninism became markedly influential from around 1925.51

48 Joseonchongdokbugyeongmuguk (조선총독부경무국) ed., Godeunggyeongchalyongeojip (1928), p.68. 49 Kaijoshashuppanbu (改造社出版部) ed., Saishinhyakkasyakaigojiten (1932), p.29. 50 “Sahoesangsiksuleo,” Dangseong (黨聲) 12, 1 June 1932, p.5. 51 See Park Jong-rin (2006), pp.97-131. Park divides the progression of socialist thought in Korea from the mid-1910s to the mid-1920s into three stages: ‘Marxism quickly achieves 112 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Then did the Leninist definition of imperialism only influence socialists? Dangseong (黨聲), which was the bulletin for the Cheondogyo Youth Party, defines ‘imperialism’ as ‘advanced capitalism.’ Lenin is not cited explicitly, but it is not difficult to see the Leninist influence in the elaboration: “Large capital merges with small capital achieving monopoly over everything. Finance capital casts its web of control in every direction. Wealthy countries export their capital to small countries, and a few powerful capitalist nations rule the world. ... They begin encroaching on the sovereign domain of other countries, leading to the threat of war.” By the second period, the Leninist definition of ‘imperialism’ has moved beyond the domain of intellectuals to become more commonly used, regardless of political affiliation. Another method of establishing when ‘imperialism’ became a term of general use, is to directly confirm the extent of its diffusion by looking at which words the term ‘imperialism’ is closely connected with. The explanation of the First World War as being fundamentally a capitalist war: that it is, at its very core, a scramble for colonies between capitalist economies and world powers, becomes more and more the accepted standard narrative. These cases are so numerous that rather than looking at them one by one, it is more effective to look at words that co-occur with ‘imperialism.’

examines the co-occurring words of high- frequency by using their t-scores, which shows the immediate deviation better than the rankings do. This figure shows how imperialism’s relationship of co-occurrence with ‘capitalism’ and ‘world power’ (as well as others) was very much closer than empire’s relationship with the same words during the second period; and this is also true during the third period. Of the top 20 co-occurring words, ‘imperialism’ during the second period has 13 co-occurring words, with ‘capitalism’ and ‘world power’ in first and second place. Indeed, these two co-occurring words show a significantly higher t-score than any others.52

mainstream status,’ ‘Debates within the communist circle regarding different interpretations’ and ‘Deepening of Marxist mentality followed by the adoption of Leninism.’ He sees 1925-1926 as the period when Leninism is fully adopted. 52 Examining the details of the top four co-occurring words: there is a substantial gap between ‘capitalism’ and ‘world power,’ and also a considerable gap between the top two and the bottom two. Imperialism and Empire _ 113

Connective Network of Co-occurring Words from the Second and Third Periods (Top 20 t-scores)

3) The Preposterous Logic of Collaboration (1934–1942)53 Recall from

that, on moving into the third period, the ‘imperialism’ series shows a decrease while the ‘empire’ series shows an increase. Within this trend, the most distinctive feature in the ‘empire’ series is in the category of ‘us vs. them’ (彼我), which can be seen in cases with ‘我’ (we) and similar terms that refer to the self.
shows that these words are all connected with the ‘empire’ series. Furthermore, these cases are very rare during the second period, occurring much more during the first and third periods, where their frequency is comparable. In the first period, ‘我＋empire’ and ‘我＋Daehan Empire’ appear the most; in the

Key Co-occurring Frequency Total Expected Words in Total Period Word Words in Context Context Frequency Words Frequency t-score (K) (W) (O) (W) (E) 2 제국주의 자본주의 70 5,630 1,605 6,889,321 1.31 8.21 2 제국주의 열강 47 5,630 218 6,889,321 0.18 6.83 3 제국 일본 35 3,560 2,599 2,868,245 3.23 5.37 3 제국 우리 48 3,560 9,451 2,868,245 11.73 5.24 114 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Connective Network of 我-‘We’ (All Periods)

third period, ‘我＋empire’ and ‘我＋Japanese empire’ appear the most. Examining the context of ‘我＋empire,’ to see what ‘我’ refers to: in the first period, every single case refers to the Daehan Empire, and in the third period, every single case refers to the Japanese Empire. So these compound words share the same form in the first stage and the third stage, but their referents are polar opposites. It is hard to say, of course, that these cases express the same level of sincerity. In the case of the third period, we must take into account the possibility of intervention by the colonial authority during the wartime period. Still, at the level of form, we can say that ‘我’, ‘we’ and other terms referring the self went from referring to ‘Daehan’ in the first period to referring to ‘Japan’ in the third period. Moreover, this phenomenon in which the form is preserved while the content is replaced also occurred with the term ‘imperialism.’ In spite of the fact that the ‘imperialism’ series shows a marked decrease on entering the third period, there is a curious resurgence in terms related to ‘imperialism’ in 1939 and 1940.

shows how many words that co-occur with ‘imperialism’ during the second period continue appearing into the third period. In fact, from 1939 some articles appear that refer to Imperialism and Empire _ 115

Words that Co-occur with ‘Imperialism’ (Second and Third Periods, Top 10 t-scores)

‘imperialism’ more than five times, and these are often written by former-socialist writers who underwent an ideological conversion (jeonhyang, 전향), such as Cha Jae-jeong and In Jeong-sik. It is interesting to enquire in what context they used ‘imperialism’ and the co-occurring words, and whether their usage resembled or differed from the usage of the second period. Their negative attitudes about ‘imperialism’ resemble the dominant sentiment of the second period. For example, Cha writes that “the capitalists who see the Sino-Japanese War as an imperialist war of invasion are mistaken.”53 This expression, ‘imperialist war of invasion (제국주의적 침 략전쟁),’ implies a clear continuation of the attitude from the second period that often linked ‘imperialism’ with ‘war of invasion,’ and as an extension of this way of thinking, Cha goes on to critique capitalism. Thus, for him, Japan is no longer a capitalist nation, nor is it an imperialist nation. Despite Cha’s perception of ‘imperialism’ as negative being reminiscent of the second period mentality, his intention was actually to attempt to exempt Japan from being categorized as imperialist. In Jeong-sik takes a rather different approach by changing the referential object of ‘imperi- alism.’ We can see this from a piece he wrote immediately after his

53 Cha Jae-jeong, “Nyeot Dongji Goham, ‘Jayuui Gil’ ― Jeon Jwaik Jeuege Dapham” (녯 同志 에 告함, ｢自然의 길｣― 前 左翼 諸友에게 答함). Samcheolli 10-11, November 1938, pp.117- 118. 116 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014) ideological conversion.54

The red imperialist ‘Soviet’ Federation. ... As a leader of East Asia, can our empire promise eternal happiness and prosperity for the Chinese people and for the rest of Asia? If this is impossible, then far from being leaders, would we not, instead, become the root of all evil in Asia?55

We can sense his position as an ideological convert from the expression ‘our empire,’ but perhaps more interesting is the phrase ‘red imperialist,’ which refers to the Soviet Union. The context of the quote refers to a long-standing desire by Britain and the Soviet Union to invade China. During the second period, ‘imperialism’ had been used to criticize England as well as other Euro-American (i.e. capitalist) world powers, a usage which both implicitly and explicitly anticipated the Russian revolution or Soviet socialism. In the third period, however, In Jeong-sik flips the usage and begins to call the socialist Soviet nation an imperialist power. This change in the referential object of ‘imperialism’ can be seen as the result of subscribing to the wartime logic of Japan, which sought to establish an international political order in which Western imperialism was against Japan and other East Asian nations. In’s usage inversion can therefore be considered a natural outcome of this logic. Not long after, he begins to use the term ‘red-haired (紅毛) imperialism’ with ‘red-haired’ referring to Western world powers, which clearly demonstrates a tendency towards racialization.56

54 In Jeong-sik was arrested in the ‘night school incident’ of spring 1938. The following November, after hearing that Wuhan and Guangdong had fallen to Japanese troops, he underwent an ideological conversion and was released from prison. For recent research on in Jeong-sik’s ideological conversion, see Kim In-su (2012). 55 In Jeong-sik, “Adeungui Jeongchijeok Noseone Gwanhaeseo Dongji Jegunege Bonaeneun Gonggaejang” (我等의 政治的 路線에 관해서 同志 諸君에게 보내는 公開狀), Samcheolli 10-11, November 1938, pp.53-54. 56 In Jeong-sik, “Wangjeongwissie Jeonghaneun Seo, Donga Beonyeonggwa Gwihaui Chaekmu” (汪精衛氏에 呈하는 書, 東亞 繁榮과 貴下의 責務), Samcheolli 12-4, April 1940, p.73. Imperialism and Empire _ 117

‘ Empire’ and the Naturalization of Civilizational Hierarchy

The third section examined how the meaning of ‘empire’ changed over the course of the three periods of this study. But perhaps the way in which the term ‘empire’ was used by early twentieth-century Koreans cannot be fully understood by only considering changes due to external factors; that is to say, perhaps we should also look beyond the level of incidence, to see if there was a connective network of meaning that was more continuous and structural. Studies of this kind have been rare. In this section the meaning of ‘empire’ will be examined at the level of structure.

High-frequency Compound-word Components (excluding the category ‘names of states’) 118 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Of the compound-word components, the ‘names of states’ category will be excluded, since although this is the biggest subject category, these cases, for the most part, come from foreign news reports that chronicle recent changes in international affairs.57

illustrates the high-frequency cases of compound-word components, omitting those of the ‘names of states’ category. Only the high-frequency cases were selected, to avoid over-complication and to try to establish a clear pattern. ‘High-frequency’ was defined as occurring more frequently than the average of all cases except those in the ‘names of states’ category. The most interesting cases are those that appeared con- tinuously throughout the three periods, among them ‘大’ (big), ‘university’ (대학) and ‘assembly’ (의회). The term ‘大 empire’ appeared with high- frequency during all three periods, implying an enduring tendency to think of empire as a ‘big country’ (대국) or a ‘world power’ (강대국). In addition to appearing as part of an ordinary noun, it also appears frequently connected to names of states. During the first period, as already examined in the third section, there was a tendency to connect ‘大’ with the state title. During the second and third period, there is some narrowing and expansion in the field of applicability, but for the most part, this usage continues. This section will examine ‘university’ and ‘assembly,’ starting with the term ‘imperial university.’ During the first period, there are seventeen cases, and they often appear in articles introducing Japan’s modern higher educational system. In one article by Park Eun-sik he translates and comments upon a piece on the school system: “After the , every Japanese citizen receives the benefit of normal education, so that national, public and private schools number over twenty thousand, and the Imperial University now specializes in law, liberal arts, natural science, agriculture and medicine.”58 He encourages Korean readers to study abroad in Japan, and in Taegeukhakbo he also introduces a character named Sang-ho who he praises by saying, “This is the first time that a Korean student has gone to Japan and graduated from the Imperial University. This is fortunate thing not only for the individual, but a happy occasion for the whole nation.”59 Even from this short excerpt, Park can

57 For similar reasons, cases in which ‘names of state’ were connected to another category were also excluded. 58 Park Eun-sik, “Hakgyojije” (學校之制), Seou 1, December 1906, pp.18-19. 59 “Gonggwadaehakjoleopsaeng Sanghossi” (工科大學卒業生 尙灝氏), Taegeukhakbo 1, August Imperialism and Empire _ 119 be seen to highlight the importance of academic pedigree. During the second period, emphasizing academic pedigree and the importance of studying abroad in Japan becomes more commonplace.60 In a late-1920s story by Yeom Sang-seop, the eponymous protagonist Nam Chung-seo is an illegitimate son of a Japanese woman and is forced to grow up apart from his mother, living with his father. Even his name is inconsistent: sometimes he is called by the Korean style, sometimes by the Japanese. Later in the story, he is introduced as a “twenty-seven year old, who went to Tokyo to get his degree in economics at the Imperial University. Now he has gotten married and become a magnificent gentleman.”61 Here, the term ‘Imperial University” is mentioned as an indispensable aspect of becoming a ‘magnificent gentleman.’ Of course, a different view is presented around this time by socialists such as Kim Gi-jeon: “Young men are reformed in the crucible of elementary education, and in four or five short years, transformed into a kind of machine that contains firm bourgeoisie consciousness and imperialist poison.”62 Thus, he links ‘imperialism’ to class-based indoctrination by the education system, but this is a very rare case. The tendency to emphasize educational attainment becomes even more common in the third period. Samcheolli publishes an increasing number of articles about notable figures, with information regarding their academic pedigree as a central feature. Articles about people passing the civil service exam focus on the universities they attended,63 and when a distinguished personality is presented, or an instructor is introduced at a professional school, the first detail mentioned is how the person graduated from ‘Tokyo Imperial University.’64

1906. 60 For more on Kyeongseong Imperial University considered within the framework of colonial hegemony, see Jeong (2009). 61 Yeom Sam-seop, “Namchungseo (hapyeon)” [南忠緖 (下編)], Dongkwang 10, February 1927, p.73. 62 Palbongsanin, “Jibaegyegeupgyohwa Pijibaegyegeupgyohwa” (支配階級敎化 被支配階級敎化), Gaebyeok 43, January 1924, p.14. 63 Kim Gi-geon, “Samchellie Gimilsil” (三千里 機密室), Samcheolli 8-11, November 1936, pp.204-205. 64 “The principal went up to the podium and introduced Kim Man-pil as a Tokyo Imperial University graduate with a brilliant mind ...” Yu Jin-o, “Gimgangsawa Tigyosu” (金講師와 T 敎授), Samcheolli 7-3, March 1935, p.218; p.220. 120 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Turning now to look at the term ‘imperial assembly’: most of the 14 cases during the first period are used in the context of reporting news from abroad, with one or two cases delving deeper into the political system of foreign countries. Taegeukhakbo gives an account of the accomplishments of Bismarck, and how, after unifying Germany, he combined the federal assembly with the national assembly to create an imperial assembly.65 There are also articles explaining this institution, the German Imperial Assembly.66 On moving into the second period (when Korea is under colonial rule), the articles become more detailed and varied. This seems to have resulted from the change in the status of Joseon, which had become a ‘locality’ in Japan’s empire. There are also many pieces of foreign news, and reports regarding Japan’s political activities during this period, but the one below deserves some attention.

A humorous expression of one’s rights― ... a theater troupe came to the foot of the mountain. During a play they put on, there was a scene about conflicting customs, at which someone stood up from the audience and said mockingly, “Hey that’s insulting someone’s customs!” Mr. Mo, a policeman who was in attendance, shot to his feet while grabbing the hilt of his sword and scolded the audience member who had intervened by saying, “You don’t have the right to say that. I’m the police, so it’s up to me to decide.” To this the man responded, “I’ve heard that people boo even in the imperial assembly, a place much better than this. Who ever said that only the police can boo and the audience can’t?” The policeman became so angry at this that, on the next day, the heckler was summoned for impinging on the rights of the policeman and for failing to obey a police order.67

In this disagreement between an audience member mocking the content of the play and a policeman who perceived this as a breach of his own power to regulate people’s behavior, the most interesting aspect is the audience

65 Park Yong-hui, “Yeoksadam Jeohoe (Bismarkgeon)” [歷史譚 第五回 比斯麥傳 (비스마르크 전)], Taegeukhakbo 7, February 1907, p.30. 66 Beopryuldokseoin, “Uihoeui Seongjil Geup Gi Jojikeul Non” (議會의 性質 及 其 組織을 論), Daedonghakhoewolbo 10, November 1908, pp.26-27. 67 “Gukgyeongeseo Eodeun Japdongsani” (국경에서 얻은 雜同散異 ), Gaebyeok 38, August 1923, p.101. Imperialism and Empire _ 121 member’s invoking the imperial assembly to symbolize a solemn and prestigious space, much more dignified than a local theatre. The following quote carries a very similar sentiment: “What the hell, I heard that the Labor and Farmer Party national assemblyman Yamamoto Senji (山本宣治) went to the opening ceremonies of the imperial assembly in plain clothes. So what’s so discourteous about going to some banquet without putting on a dress coat?”68 To recapitulate, then: the ‘empire’ series cases in the early-twentieth century show that ‘大 empire’ held hierarchical implications of world power, ‘imperial university’ connoted a superior academic pedigree, and ‘imperial assembly’ invoked a sense of solemnity and prestige. And these associations are not limited to one period, but are essentially continuous throughout all three periods. Yet some differences between periods do exist, and one might argue that, since the imperial university and imperial assembly are very visible designations, it may not be valid to take their meaning at the ‘level of structure’ and contrast it with the ‘level of incidence’ from the third section. In this paper, ‘level of structure’ suggests a degree of continuity but it can also imply some degree of ambiguity. For example, from the executive editor and leading intellectual of Gaebyeok, Kim Gi-jeon, in an early work of rural enlightenment fiction (speaking through the protagonist):

“My son is twenty-one years old this year, but he’s already a second-year in law school at the Imperial University. My daughter is now sixteen and she’s a fourth-year in the Kyeongseong High School for Girls!” said the man who had done much for his children’s education. He had taken care of the problem of our education as well.69

‘Imperial University’ again appears as a measure of having given one’s children a proper education. However, looking at all the second-period articles in Gaebyeok, which was directly managed by Kim, reveals two conflicting tendencies: on one hand, an explicit critique of ‘imperialism,’ but on the other, a sustained reluctance to use the word ‘empire.’ The

68 Yang Jae-ha, “Donggyeong, Jeguk ‘Hotel’ui Ilya,― Gijasaenghwalui Ilgi Ilpyeon” (東京, 帝國 ｢호텔｣의 一夜, ―記者生活의 日記 一片―), Samcheolli 4-8, August 1932, p.55. 69 Kim Gi-jeon, “Nongchongaeseonui Gingeupdongui” (農村改善의 緊急動議), Gaebyeok 5, November 1920, p.19. 122 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Changes between First and Second Periods in The Usage of ‘Imperial Assembly’

Period Period 1 Period 2 Term Frequency by Nation Frequency by Nation by Publication 4 – Germany 3 – Russia 2 – Gaebyeok Imperial 7 – Japan 1270 2 – Japan 871 1 – Dongkwang Assembly 1 – Germany 2 – Turkey 5 – Samcheolli 1 – France Name of State＋ 5 – Japan 7 – Gaebyeok 22 – Germany 8 Imperial 3 – Germany 1 – Dongkwang Assembly 15 – Kyebyeok Japanese 1 – Dongkwang 0 1872 Assembly 1 – Byeolgeongon 1 – Samcheolli former has already been considered in section three, and

explores the latter phenomenon with respect to the term ‘imperial assembly.’ During the first period, ‘imperial assembly’ was often used to refer to a variety of world powers,73 but on entering the second period, there is a huge increase in cases of compound words that employ the names of states.74 Interestingly, this tendency is particularly notable in Gaebyeok. Most journals during the second period are consistent in that when using ‘imperial assembly’ they are referring to Japan. But in Gaebyeok, rather than using ‘imperial university’ as an ordinary noun, there are more cases where a word is specified by attaching the name of a state

70 Includes one case each of ‘aristocratic imperialism,’ ‘opening ceremony of the imperial assembly,’ and ‘chairperson of the imperial assembly.’ 71 Includes one case of ‘chairman of the empire.’ 72 Includes one case each of ‘a call for the Japanese assembly’ and ‘dissolving of the Japanese assembly.’ 73 There are cases where names of states are mentioned before and after, but here the focus is on compound-word forms and the span is limited to within a single word. 74 Considering the colonial context of the second period, it is a curious that there would be so many cases in which ‘Japan’ appears as the state name that is connected to ‘empire.’ Imperialism and Empire _ 123 and employing the term as a compound word; this is very different from the usage at Samcheolli. This tendency may reflect the deliberate intentions of the editors, which can be seen in the use of the term ‘Japanese assembly.’ It is very probable that they preferred to use ‘Japanese assembly’ over the term ‘imperial assembly or ‘Japanese imperial assembly.’ Combining these observations, then: during the first period, the term ‘imperial assembly’ was commonly adopted to refer to the legislative organs of world powers, but during the second period (especially in Gaebyeok) there was a conscious effort made to specify ‘imperial assembly’ by attaching it to particular names of states. This may be interpreted as a reflection of nationalist identity and as an indication of a sense of revulsion against the colonial authority that was seeking to universalize the empire by incorporating colonial Joseon. In other words, there was an attempt to otherize the symbol of empire. Although we must acknowledge this conscious effort in Gaebyeok to otherize the symbol of ‘empire,’ there were also those articles published by the executive editor Gi-jeon, in which entrance to the ‘imperial university’ was represented as the benchmark of a successful education. And for the term ‘imperial assembly,’ the article about the heckling of a local theatrical performance presents it as a comical episode rather than an opportunity for serious critique. How then is the co-existence of these contradicting tendencies to be understood? It appears that the Gaebyeok leaders, motivated by their nationalist aspirations, held critical attitudes under Japanese colonial rule, and this sentiment is reflected at the level of incidence, but they could not go so far as to criticize the perceived superior quality of Western civilization (as manifest in the form of educational and political systems), which had been transmitted to Korea through Japan. It was, therefore, rare to find any condemnation so explicit as the example of a socialist criticizing schools as a place where “young men are transformed into a kind of machine that contains firm bourgeoisie consciousness and imperialist poison.”

Conclusion

This paper has examined the meaning of ‘empire’ as employed by Koreans in the early-twentieth century through corpus network analysis. At the level of incidence, we see a change in the meaning of the term ‘empire’ which is 124 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014) best described in terms of three periods: 1897-1910, 1920-1933, and 1934-1942. Across this timeframe, the semantic core of ‘empire’ shifts from being an ‘actor in international politics’ through a ‘critique of imperialism’ to the ‘preposterous logic of collaboration.’ At the level of incidence, these changes reveal multiple expressions of national identity; at the level of structure ‘empire’ is linked to the naturalization and internalization of modernity’s civilizational hierarchy. Thus, this inves- tigation shows that the Korean understanding of ‘empire’ during this period was ultimately based on a mutually-reinforcing ‘nation-civilization’ structure. So what implications does this have for today’s debates on ‘empire’? I will conclude by offering a response to this question, albeit in the form of some preliminary, and perhaps rather fragmentary, obser- vations. If we look at the level of structure, the terms ‘imperial university’ and ‘imperial assembly’ vanished after the establishment of South Korea. But the meaning of these terms, at least in part, must surely have been carried over to the terms ‘national university’ and ‘national assembly.’ The subject ‘Japan’ was replaced with ‘The Republic of Korea,’ but at the semantic level, which has to do with civilizational hierarchy, there is considerable continuity. On the other hand, at the level of incidence, these terms did almost completely disappear after liberation. Instead we find ‘imperialism of the reds’ being used under the influence of anti-communist ideology, though within the context of the Korean peninsula, we would find continuity for the term ‘imperialism’ north of the ceasefire line in the North Korean socialist system. The revival of ‘imperialism’ as a term of scrutiny occurred in the 1980s with investigations about ‘Understanding ’ and ‘Researching Socialist Movements.’ And then ‘empire’ acquired its current breadth of meanings following the collapse of the Cold War system. Since the 1990s, we have seen some theoretical and scholarly debates which direct radical criticism against modern Western civilization, but it is doubtful whether much of this soul-searching and introspection has been reflected in contemporary debates about ‘empire’ in South Korea. Since recent theories about ‘empire’ have attempted the ‘deterritorial- ization of the subject of imperialization’ and ‘the de-territorialization of the imperial sovereign,’75 some might wonder if the debates of early-twentieth

75 This terminology is borrowed from “Part 6: Postwar World and Empire: The Concept’s Double Traversal” in Lee Sam-sung’s Empire. Imperialism and Empire _ 125 century Koreans have any bearing on this contemporary discussion. My response would be to question whether the difference is indeed so fundamental. The actual problem is that we have been excluded from the debates about ‘empire.’ And by, ‘we’ I refer to Koreans, who have experienced Japanese , or to those parts of the ‘Third World’ that have shared a similar kind of colonial experience. I hope this will not be misunderstood as blindly fighting for a share of victimhood. Rather, this is a call for self-examination and to develop more awareness of how the ‘nation-civilization’ structure is a product of complicity; and despite undergoing significant historical fluctuations and changes, this structure has still not been entirely eroded. Therefore, when engaging in debates about ‘empire’ today, it is not enough to simply look at the situation of weaker and smaller nations: we must search together for an alternative way of thinking about civilization. Finally, I should directly address the question of what use our historical experience can be for the current project: am I not trying, ever so stubbornly, to interrogate the twentieth century about twenty-first century problems? In March of 1931, the journal Hyeseong published an article by an old-fashioned woman living in the countryside; it was titled ‘On the Uselessness of Schools.’76 For fifteen years, she and her husband had struggled, working on their farm to send their only son, who had come to them late in their lives, first to school and then to a Japanese university, so that he could receive a modern education. But afterwards, the son refused to look after his parents in their old age, abandoned his wife and went to to live with a concubine. The piece concludes, “I’m about to go mad from all the pent-up rage. ... If this is the new way, if this is what happens when you get a school education, then I want to burn down all the schools. Since you are all new-style gentlemen, think about what is reasonable and ask yourself which side is in the wrong.” Of course, there is no direct mention of ‘empire’ in the article, but its message retains a contemporary urgency, and is surely more relevant to today than the class-based critiques of the twentieth century socialists. Perhaps this is where our contact with empire, past or present, should begin.

(Translated by Jae Won Edward Chung)

76 Nam Yeong-hui, “Hakgyomuyongron” (학교무용론), Hyeseong, March 1931. Requoted from Kim Jin-song (1999), pp.139-141. 126 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

Co-occurring Words of Jeguk / Jegukjuui

Per- Keyword Co-occurring t- t- 1 제국 대표 33 1.34 iod (k) Word (w) ranking score 1 제국 기후 34 1.34 1 제국 동포 13.20 1 제국 德國 35 1.33 1 제국 장래 22.55 1 제국 명칭 36 1.30 1 제국 본회 32.19 1 제국 現象 37 1.30 1 제국 유학생 42.19 1 제국 主義 38 1.29 1 제국 都城 51.99 1 제국 기초 39 1.27 1 제국 교육계 61.96 1 제국 법 40 1.18 1 제국 관계 71.94 1 제국 교육 41 1.18 1 제국 愛 81.92 1 제국 문명 42 1.17 1 제국 목적 91.88 1 제국 자연 43 1.16 1 제국 중차대 10 1.73 1 제국 학문 44 1.15 1 제국 獨逸 11 1.70 1 제국 영국 45 1.15 1 제국 금일 12 1.69 1 제국 조직 46 1.14 1 제국 我 13 1.63 1 제국 회원 47 1.09 1 제국 우리 14 1.62 1 제국 세계 48 1.07 1 제국 我韓 15 1.54 1 제국 정부 49 1.07 1 제국 我한성부 16 1.41 1 제국 精神 50 0.94 1 제국 주거민 17 1.41 1 제국주의 민족 12.19 1 제국 한성부민 18 1.41 1 제국주의 실행 21.95 1 제국 청년회 19 1.41 1 제국주의 국가주의 31.73 1 제국 在일본 20 1.41 1 제국주의 一變 41.72 1 제국 친목회 21 1.41 1 제국주의 식민주의 51.41 1 제국 先務 22 1.41 1 제국주의 판도확장 61.41 1 제국 智德 23 1.41 1 제국주의 支那대륙 71.41 1 제국 제국@241.391 제국주의 熱中 81.41 1 제국 本報 25 1.38 1 제국주의 國是 91.40 1 제국 황제 26 1.38 1 제국주의 주창 10 1.40 1 제국 계발 27 1.38 1 제국주의 열강 11 1.39 1 제국 鞏固 28 1.38 1 제국주의 금일 12 1.37 1 제국 今 29 1.35 1 제국주의 확장 13 1.36 1 제국 외국인 30 1.35 1 제국주의 범위 14 1.34 1 제국 留學 31 1.34 1 제국주의 心 15 1.30 1 제국 諸公 32 1.34 1 제국주의 사상 16 1.24 Imperialism and Empire _ 127

1 제국주의 필요 17 1.09 2 제국 西班牙 35 1.38 1 제국주의 국가 18 0.81 2 제국 멸망 36 1.38 2 제국 제국@ 1 4.00 2 제국 수립 37 1.37 2 제국 일본 23.47 2 제국 몰락 38 1.37 2 제국 肉 32.43 2 제국 원만 39 1.37 2 제국 靈 42.43 2 제국 군대 40 1.35 2 제국 세계 52.15 2 제국 정책 41 1.34 2 제국 獨逸 62.07 2 제국 維持 42 1.33 2 제국 경제 72.04 2 제국 우리 43 1.29 2 제국 皇城 82.00 2 제국 露西亞 44 1.28 2 제국 헌법 91.99 2 제국 운명 45 1.27 2 제국 호텔 10 1.98 2 제국 美國 46 1.26 2 제국 건설 11 1.91 2 제국 지위 47 1.26 2 제국 자본주의 12 1.88 2 제국 도덕 48 1.24 2 제국 제3제국 13 1.73 2 제국 중심 49 1.24 2 제국 老大 14 1.73 2 제국 일본인 50 1.23 2 제국 신민 15 1.73 2 제국주의 자본주의 18.21 2 제국 愛蘭 16 1.71 2 제국주의 열강 26.83 2 제국 황제 17 1.70 2 제국주의 전쟁 34.94 2 제국 英 18 1.70 2 제국주의 제국주의@ 4 4.91 2 제국 土耳其 19 1.70 2 제국주의 중국 54.53 2 제국 王 20 1.65 2 제국주의 침략 64.43 2 제국 독립 21 1.64 2 제국주의 국가 74.37 2 제국 印度 22 1.60 2 제국주의 대립 84.24 2 제국 조선 23 1.53 2 제국주의 경제 94.04 2 제국 신문 24 1.52 2 제국주의 식민지 10 3.87 2 제국 문제 25 1.50 2 제국주의 부르주아 11 3.85 2 제국 영국 26 1.49 2 제국주의 모순 12 3.82 2 제국 잉카 27 1.41 2 제국주의 정책 13 3.72 2 제국 무형제국 28 1.41 2 제국주의 세계 14 3.69 2 제국 시몬스 29 1.41 2 제국주의 군국주의 15 3.58 2 제국 식량문제 30 1.41 2 제국주의 발전 16 3.48 2 제국 융합 31 1.40 2 제국주의 전 세계 17 3.35 2 제국 조선인 32 1.40 2 제국주의 압박 18 3.27 2 제국 붕괴 33 1.40 2 제국주의 투쟁 19 3.09 2 제국 통치 34 1.39 2 제국주의 XX 20 3.04 128 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

2 제국주의 반대 21 2.99 3 제국 支那 73.45 2 제국주의 자본 22 2.94 3 제국 금일 83.45 2 제국주의 일본 23 2.91 3 제국 신민 93.43 2 제국주의 각국 24 2.91 3 제국 국민 10 3.14 2 제국주의 문제 25 2.90 3 제국 군사 11 3.07 2 제국주의 세력 26 2.77 3 제국 충실 12 2.86 2 제국주의 군벌 27 2.77 3 제국 조합원 13 2.82 2 제국주의 발달 28 2.76 3 제국 평화 14 2.80 2 제국주의 세계대전 29 2.76 3 제국 세력 15 2.78 2 제국주의 타파 30 2.75 3 제국 국책 16 2.57 2 제국주의 獨逸 31 2.69 3 제국 국가 17 2.55 2 제국주의 근대 32 2.63 3 제국 협력 18 2.55 2 제국주의 식민정책 33 2.62 3 제국 태도 19 2.53 2 제국주의 타도 34 2.62 3 제국 사명 20 2.51 2 제국주의 민족주의 35 2.54 3 제국 제국@212.48 2 제국주의 기초 36 2.53 3 제국 병참기지 22 2.44 2 제국주의 오늘날 37 2.52 3 제국 正義 23 2.36 2 제국주의 지배 38 2.47 3 제국 건설 24 2.35 2 제국주의 농민 39 2.45 3 제국 我 25 2.27 2 제국주의 국가주의 40 2.43 3 제국 불확대방침 26 2.23 2 제국주의 영국 41 2.42 3 제국 맹주 27 2.21 2 제국주의 첨예 42 2.40 3 제국 반도 28 2.20 2 제국주의 동양 43 2.40 3 제국 眞意 29 2.19 2 제국주의 쟁투 44 2.38 3 제국 완전 30 2.16 2 제국주의 충돌 45 2.38 3 제국 행복 31 2.16 2 제국주의 계급 46 2.37 3 제국 교육 32 2.16 2 제국주의 최후 47 2.35 3 제국 聖戰 33 2.16 2 제국주의 야심 48 2.34 3 제국 식민지 34 2.15 2 제국주의 타협 49 2.32 3 제국 지위 35 2.13 2 제국주의 나라 50 2.26 3 제국 확립 36 2.11 3 제국 일본 15.37 3 제국 조선인 37 2.00 3 제국 우리 25.24 3 제국 중대 38 2.00 3 제국 정부 34.60 3 제국 동아신질서건설 39 1.99 3 제국 동양 44.20 3 제국 만주국 40 1.99 3 제국 동아 53.98 3 제국 新정권 41 1.98 3 제국 英米 63.67 3 제국 獨逸 42 1.98 Imperialism and Empire _ 129

3 제국 指導 43 1.97 3 제국주의 獨逸 22 1.74 3 제국 협동 44 1.95 3 제국주의 침략정책 23 1.73 3 제국 蔣介石 45 1.95 3 제국주의 백인 24 1.72 3 제국 보장 46 1.94 3 제국주의 新彊 25 1.72 3 제국 신질서 47 1.93 3 제국주의 공산주의 26 1.70 3 제국 후원 48 1.93 3 제국주의 모순 27 1.69 3 제국 반항 49 1.93 3 제국주의 자본 28 1.68 3 제국 만주 50 1.89 3 제국주의 대립 29 1.68 3 제국주의 歐米 14.34 3 제국주의 극동 30 1.68 3 제국주의 침략 23.45 3 제국주의 완전 31 1.51 3 제국주의 열강 33.31 3 제국주의 紅毛 32 1.41 3 제국주의 타도 43.16 3 제국주의 침략주의 33 1.41 3 제국주의 자본주의 53.14 3 제국주의 東亞人 34 1.41 3 제국주의 반대 63.09 3 제국주의 粉碎 35 1.41 3 제국주의 중국 73.01 3 제국주의 불가피 36 1.41 3 제국주의 일본 82.68 3 제국주의 백색 37 1.40 3 제국주의 동아 92.58 3 제국주의 항쟁 38 1.40 3 제국주의 전쟁 10 2.47 3 제국주의 결탁 39 1.40 3 제국주의 정책 11 2.39 3 제국주의 배제 40 1.40 3 제국주의 반봉건제 12 2.23 3 제국주의 군벌 41 1.40 3 제국주의 英米人 13 1.99 3 제국주의 파시즘 42 1.40 3 제국주의 驅逐 14 1.99 3 제국주의 소멸 43 1.39 3 제국주의 대외 15 1.99 3 제국주의 지반 44 1.39 3 제국주의 제국주의 16 1.98 3 제국주의 찬미 45 1.39 3 제국주의 强化 17 1.96 3 제국주의 貴國 46 1.38 3 제국주의 국내 18 1.96 3 제국주의 식민지 47 1.37 3 제국주의 목표 19 1.94 3 제국주의 수립 48 1.37 3 제국주의 근본 20 1.93 3 제국주의 대륙 49 1.37 3 제국주의 발전 21 1.84 3 제국주의 계급 50 1.36

Note: During the first period, ‘empire’ co-occurs with fifty other words, whereas ‘imperialism’ has only eighteen co-occurring words. This is because when searching for candidates of co-occurring words, only words with an absolute frequency of at least two were included. If cases where co-occurring words appeared only once had been included, this would have introduced too much contingency to the process, lowering the credibility of the statistical results. This to some extent accounts for the fact that, in the first period, cases of the ‘imperialism’ series were less frequent than those for ‘empire.’ 130 _ CONCEPTS AND CONTEXTS IN EAST ASIA (No.3 December 2014)

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