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Cultural Confrontation: Race, Politics and Cricket in South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s

GOOLAM VAHED

It’s inevitable for all Black cricketers to become involved in the politics of the country.1 This narrative of Yacoob Omar, one of South Africa’s finest Black2 cricketers during the era, is more than a story about cricket. As Guha has pointed out: sport is a relational idiom, a sphere of activity which expresses, in concentrated forms, the values, prejudices, divisions and unifying symbols of a society … Sport is a microcosm of the fissures and tensions of a deeply divided society: fissures that it both reflects and plays upon, mitigates as well as intensifies.3 The life of Yacoob Omar provides a valuable lens through which to examine historical disparities between Black and , difficult choices that individuals faced over collaboration and resistance to apartheid structures, consequences of such choices, denial of opportunities and individuality because of skin colour, and the fluidity of individual identities under changing social and material conditions. This is not a narrative about a ‘subject’ of history. Charlotte Linde has

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 distinguished between life-histories, which are ‘by definition a joint narrator/interpreter effort, and life-stories which are more the creation of a ‘self-record’.4 This is both a life-history and life-story constructed from interviews with ‘Jakes’,5 as Yacoob Omar was popularly known in the sporting world, to provide a sense of how he felt and why he acted in particular ways, supplemented by newspapers and magazines, private letters from Jakes to family, minutes of meetings of various organizations and meticulous scrapbooks compiled by Hajra, Jakes’ wife, which include his weekly column in a local newspaper from 1975 to 1977. According to Jonathan Culler, ‘history invoked as ultimate reality and source of truth manifests itself in narrative constructs, stories designed to

Culture, Sport, Society, Vol.5, No.2 (Summer 2002), pp.79–107 PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 80

80 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY yield meaning through narrative ordering’.6 History is not a metalanguage that explains social phenomena. Historical explanation is a way of telling stories that are ‘derived from the historical record or archive’.7 Stories differ, however, because they are not based on objective knowable truth. Their provisional truth has to be established by following ‘definite rules of the craft’.8 According to Max Cousins, the edifice eventually assembled by historians, is ‘a representation of the event which is beyond all reasonable doubt’.9 This representation is not ideologically neutral. Narrative accounts do not ‘fall into shape under weight of sheer accumulation’; they are fashioned by historians.10 Historian and subject give significance to the selection of facts, and their distribution and weighting in narratives. ‘Facts cannot themselves indicate their significance as though it were inherent in them.’11 This representation of the event, a selected account of what actually happened, comprises the ‘historical past’, which remains ‘forever changing’ because of the gap between ‘what functions as if it were its referent [records] and that referent’s referent [the past “as it really was”] is never closed down’.12 The result, as Linda Hutcheon has pointed out, is that there are no ‘unitary, closed, evolutionary narratives of historiography as we have known it … we now get histories [in the plural]…’13 This narrative makes an important contribution to historical knowledge. For too long Black people were excluded, trivialized, distorted or silenced from the master narratives of South African history. The story of Jakes is important as we seek to uncover the myriad of hidden chronicles of Black South African lives, stories that provide historians access to Black experiences, and Black people access to history. This is especially imperative in cricket, where the stories of this period are dominated by the ‘Great Men’ of history, administrators and government ministers like Hassan Howa, Ali Bacher, Rashid Varachia and Piet Koornhof, while the perspectives of ordinary

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 cricketers is silent. The production of new, reformed histories, need to convey the narratives of ordinary, Black, individuals.

Growing up in Volksrust Jakes was born in , , on 7 August 1948. His father, Amod, who was born in the Transvaal, could not live in Natal in terms of the Immigration Restriction Act of 1905, which prevented Indians from moving freely between provinces, even though he married Fathima Randeree of Natal. By the time Jakes was six, his father had exhausted all legal avenues and was deported to Transvaal, where the family settled in Volksrust. Jakes lived here until he was 14. He played cricket casually on weekends during 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 81

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 81 his formative years since there was no organized sport at school. His primary school only had three teachers, including the principal, to teach seven grades, and sport was furthest from their minds. Jakes’ family returned to Durban in 1962 as a result of a change in government policy. In 1961, Indians were granted the status of ‘permanent residents’, which was designed to make a ‘nation’ of them to fit into the neat racial and ethnic categories that the government was creating. In Durban, Jakes attended Orient High School, where he played organized cricket for the first time, participating in inter-school matches. Jakes was a ‘natural’ cricketer. Though untaught, his exceptional skills impressed almost immediately and during his second year, still only in grade nine, he was chosen for Orient First XI. Orient did not have a cricket coach so senior students coached and selected the team. Jakes also read cricket manuals that he borrowed from the library for pointers on batting and bowling. Jakes captained Orient and Natal Schools in 1966, 1967 and 1968, and the South African Schools XI in 1968. In April 1969, he captained Natal to victory in the first ever national under-23 tournament in Stanger. Jakes was nominated the most promising cricketer and chosen as captain of a select South African Under-23 team. He was one of three Natal ‘Cricketers of the Year’ for 1968/69. After completing school, Jakes played for Kismet, Crescent and Ottomans under the Natal Cricket Board (NCB), which was affiliated to the South African Cricket Board of Control (SACBOC). Historically, Whites, Indians, Coloureds and Africans developed separate cricket structures and cultures in South Africa under racially exclusive bodies.14 From 1890, Whites competed in a racially-segregated competition known as the Currie Cup and represented South Africa internationally.15 SACBOC was formed in 1947 to organize inter-race tournaments between Africans, Indians and Coloureds. The non-racial resistance of the 1950s against apartheid, under the banner of the African National Congress (ANC) made SACBOC, which comprised racially exclusive bodies, an anachronism. Following a meeting

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 in on 9 April 1960, SACBOC was restructured along non- racial lines and a non-racial NCB was constituted on 15 October 1961.16 Some Africans continued to play separately as the South African African Cricket Board (SAACB). Jakes’ background begs comparison with , one of the world’s finest batsmen during the 1970s and 1980s. Richards, also from Durban, was born in 1945 and was Jakes’ senior by a few years. He attended the prestigious Clifton Preparatory School, where he was coached by Irishman Neil Fox, and later Durban High School, where Les Theobald was the cricket master. Richards’ father also arranged a personal coach, Alan Butler, who ‘probably enabled me to cross the line from club to first-class player’. They trained at Natal Technikon, sometimes as many as five times 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 82

82 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY a week. Butler corrected every aspect of Richards’ batting through hours of practice.17 Richards was taken to Kingsmead from a young age ‘to add to my education in the game’. In December 1961 he received personal coaching from the great English batsman Denis Compton. Richards commented that ‘his presence had a stupendous effect on me.’18 Richards played for Natal and South African teams and completed his schoolboy cricket education when South African Schools toured England in 1963, playing 21 games against opposition that included Test players and at Test grounds. Richards, who played most of his cricket on well-manicured turf wickets, represented South Africa, English County Hampshire and Western . Richards and Jakes were the leading White and Black batsmen in Natal from the 1960s to the 1980s. The staggering contrast in their cricket background mirrors the divide in apartheid South Africa.

The English Experience Jakes was determined to make a career out of cricket and set his sights on England, his desire fuelled by the successes of Black South African pioneers like Suleman Abed, Cecil Abrahams and Basil D’Olivera, who played for England. In August 1969, he spent three weeks at the Wandsworth Indoor School in London under the tutelage of Alf Gover, who had played for Surrey and England. This was his first exposure to formal cricket coaching. Gover was impressed with Jakes and told the Times: ‘I shall certainly recommend him to a county because he has tremendous potential. He plays in the style of Basil D’Oliveira and will be a better player than him in a year or two.’19 Journalist Farook Khan urged Jakes to return to England: If he remains in Durban, the best competition he will get will be second grade. He won’t go any further than playing inter-provincial tournaments, and remain there for a few years until he fades away like Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 many of our top cricketers who are denied international competition.20 Jakes found it difficult to secure an English contract. ‘The South African and English press only covered White South African cricket. They did not even know that we existed.’ Jakes spoke to several South African cricketers in England, and his ambition was realized in August 1971 when he received a cable from Suliman ‘Dick’ Abed, who played for Enfield: ‘Littleborough club offer next season. Good terms. Reply urgent.’21 Jakes was paid R1400 (£140) for one season by Littleborough in the Central Lancashire League in Manchester. The Transvaal Cricket Board (TCB) arranged a match against Natal on 4 and 5 March 1972 to raise funds for Jakes and Tiffie Barnes, a Black player from Transvaal who also secured a contract in England.22 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 83

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 83 Trevor Goddard of Kingsmead Mynahs, affiliated to the white Natal Cricket Association (NCA), offered Jakes coaching sessions at the University of Natal under the tutelage of Barry Richards to prepare for English conditions. According to Jakes, ‘this caused quite a stir, because even attending the University to study was a problem’. Jakes accepted the offer because he was nervous about adapting to English conditions. The NCB was in a predicament over whether it was ‘kosher’ to accept coaching from Whites. Despite some protests, NCB president Gurudev Singh said that the decision should be left to each individual, and refused to ban Jakes for accepting White help.23 Jakes attended the session with three Black cricketers, Ismail Timol, Baboo Ebrahim and Graham Francois. Bill Robinson, captain of Natal University, said after the session that he ‘had no idea such talent existed among non-Whites. Yacoob Omar thrashed our bowlers to all sides of the ground, while [Baboo] Ebrahim pinned Barry Richards down.’ Jakes had never played on turf wickets before and found ‘it was a novel experience. What a big difference from what we are used to.’24 Jakes remembers his arrival in England vividly: I landed in Manchester one morning in April. It was a cold, rainy morning. The weather was terrible … A big change from home. I was met by club officials but did not understand a word that they said because of their accent. This was the first of many difficulties: I was the only non-white, and only foreigner and it was very difficult socially at first. In South Africa we were not allowed to mix with whites and were made to feel inferior to them. Further, the pub culture was very strong and social life revolved around the pub. I did not drink but had to spend my spare time with the players in the pub. Living conditions were also difficult. I stayed in a caravan, which was parked in the ground, and leaked in several places. Add to this the cold and grey skies, and it was miserable. After some weeks the manager, Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 John Graysham, felt pity on me and took me into his home. The wickets were very foreign. Sometimes it rained at lunchtime and I thought that we would not play. As soon as it stopped raining the game would start. We batted on wet wickets and played with slippery balls. This made batting and bowling very difficult. Growing up on bouncy matting wickets, I was a backfoot player. In England, the wickets were soft, slow and green with lots of spin and seam movement, which forced me to play off the front foot. It was difficult to get used to. Jakes performed reasonably in his first season. He scored 720 runs at an average just over 30, finishing second among professionals in the batting 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 84

84 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY averages and taking 30 wickets at 17, while Littleborough finished third.25 Littleborough did not retain him, however, because they needed a more penetrative bowler.26 Jakes returned to Littleborough in 1973, but not as a professional cricketer. He worked for John Graysham’s leather tannery, doing clerical work in the mornings, gardening in the afternoons and coaching in the evenings. Jakes was more settled in his second season as he was accompanied by Hajra, whom he had married in January 1973, and they lived in their own home. Jakes also modelled for Littleborough Leather Shop. Photographs of Jakes modelling single and double-breasted luxury jackets appeared regularly in Rochdale Observer. Although he finished third in the batting averages, Jakes realized that League teams were seeking top international stars. Littleborough employed the West Indian international Duncan Carter during Jakes’ second season and Gary Sobers thereafter. Jakes reflected ruefully: It was hard to get in. It was even more difficult to get into County cricket. I had a few net sessions with Lancashire. They sent some cleaning and ground staff to bowl to me. They had no real intention of signing me, even though I scored 28 in the one game I played for their second XI. They did not give me another chance. I realized that I would never make it in any serious way. So I gave up my England dream. We never got the breaks that the white players were given in County cricket. White South Africans on the County Circuit during this period, such as Barry Richards and Mike Proctor, had no contact with Black players. In contrast, Black players assisted each other. Dick Abed was responsible for Jakes’ break into English cricket; D’Olivera once arranged tickets to a test match for Jakes, while Cecil Abrahams, who played for Radcliffe, invited Jakes to supper on several occasions. On Bank Holiday weekend, Cecil took Jakes to Scotland to play golf. Jakes did not return to England in 1974 for

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 financial reasons. When their first child Yasmeen was born in 1974, Jakes and Hajra felt that they could not afford the nomadic existence. While Jakes joined the family business, Hajra studied fashion design at ML Sultan Technikon.

A SACBOC Great Many knowledgeable followers of SACBOC cricket have no doubt that Jakes would have made the (White) Natal team on merit and might even have achieved higher honours given the same opportunities as his White peers. Headlines such as the following adorned newspapers during his career: ‘A Whirlwind Called Omar’; ‘Century Slam From Omar’; ‘Yacoob 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 85

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 85 Shows His Class’; ‘Omar Sends Them Reeling’; ‘Omar – The Run Machine’; ‘Omar Pulls Natal Out Of Trouble’ and ‘Omar Rattles Off Sparkling Ton’. According to cricket historian Krish Reddy: Omar’s prowess was based on a sound technique; immense powers of concentration and an array of productive strokes all round the wicket … Yacoob Omar made bowlers pay a heavy price for any deviation from line and length. Even when the bowling was accurate, he mastered the art of working the ball around for runs. When batting he wore the mantle of the true professional … He was also a more than useful support seamer, his very brisk medium pace deliveries where he moved the ball either way off the seam securing him over a hundred provincial wickets.27 After an inter-provincial tournament in April 1971, cricket buff Jimmy Bulbulia wrote that ‘at 21, he [Jakes] bats like a veteran. I saw the way Basil D’Oliveira developed and I’d say this boy is even better at the same stage. He’s an all-rounder, beautiful to watch’.28 Jakes was so highly rated that it was rumoured that he would be one of the two Black players that the White cricket authorities wanted to include in their team to Australia in 1971 to quell political pressure.29 Jakes was a celebrity by the mid-1970s. He featured in newspaper advertisements for Salon Mona Lisa, for example, with photographs of him having his hair done before leaving for England. After his return he featured regularly in adverts for ‘Hair Art: Continental Gents Hair Stylists’. From 26 October 1975 he began writing exclusively for Sunday Times Extra (STE). In February 1976, Jakes became the first Black player to sign a contract with St Peters of Yorkshire to autograph their bats and gloves. He also signed a contract with Govan Morar Sports to autograph cricket clothing.30 According to Jakes, the advertisements ‘did not really take off’ because most Black players shared equipment for economic reasons. Jakes’ accomplishment can only be appreciated when put in perspective 31

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 by comparison with his peers in SACBOC. They cannot be compared to those of White South Africans who benefited from superior coaching and facilities. Jakes scored the most career runs (3052 in 51 matches at an average of 35.49), the most runs in a season (498 at an average of 45.27 during 1977/78), had the highest average in a season (62.14 in 1975/76), made the highest score by a local South African player (174 not out against Eastern Province in during 1975/76) and scored the most centuries in SACBOC history (seven). He holds the first wicket record, which he set with Graham Francois against Western Province during 1978/79, and was involved in five of the eight highest opening partnerships in SACBOC history. Jakes was also involved in ten of 18-century partnerships recorded by Natal. Although his bowling was affected in later years by back injury, Jakes 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 86

86 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY took 102 wickets at an average of 17.71 per wicket.32 Jakes’ achievements were a long, long way better than those of any other player in the SACBOC history. Jakes excelled in a Natal team that was mostly poor. According to Reddy he ‘was the solid rock on which the Natal batting was based. On numerous occasions he virtually played a lone hand in steering the province’s fortunes to some semblance of respectability’.33 The ‘responsibility’ that he learnt at Littleborough stood him in good stead. After a poor season, stalwart Michael Patrick was relieved of the captaincy in March 1974 and replaced by Jakes. Assessing his captaincy a year later, West Indian professional Keith Barker, who coached Natal from 1973–75, wrote that: Natal has the best captain in the country. His example, both on and off the field, is in the best traditions of cricket. He is quick to assess the demands of the game, his field placings are very competent and his personal contribution is well nigh invaluable.34 Under Jakes’ leadership, Natal won the Stellenbosch Farmers’ Winery Cup in April 1975 for the only time in its history.

Un-Level Playing Fields: Massive Inequalities Jakes’ achievements must be considered in the context of the atrocious conditions endured by SACBOC players. Cricket nets were in a poor state and shared by numerous teams. An exasperated Jakes exclaimed in November 1975: ‘What a Week! The Natal squad for the inter-provincials have been hunting here, there and everywhere for practice nets and still haven’t found any.’35 A contemporary report in a White newspaper, Daily News, summed up the divide between White and Black cricket: The Natal non-White side play at Tills Crescent – a poor excuse for anything, let alone an inter-provincial cricket ground. There’s a matting wicket, a bumpy outfield, a sorry-looking drag grey Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 ‘grandstand’ and a lively crowd, which watches equally lively – and good – cricket.36 Black cricketers played on bouncy matting wickets, on fields that were uneven and sometimes full of weeds. Turf wickets were only installed in 1976 at Curries Fountain, the Mecca of non-racial cricket in Durban. But as Jakes pointed out, because soccer and cricket shared Curries, and the wicket was situated in the middle of the ground, it took a ‘hard bashing during the soccer season’.37 In comparison, White players had separate stadiums for soccer, cricket and rugby. According to Jakes playing conditions were extremely dangerous: 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 87

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 87 We rarely had people with proper expertise to prepare wickets. Often, because the wicket was not prepared properly, it would sink and be lower than the rest of the ground. The soil was left loose and the bounce of the ball was unpredictable. The first ball would fly above your head and the next one would creep by. We played under the most horrible conditions. That is why it was hard to be a successful batsman. Once, I told Hassan Howa that someone could die. As far as he was concerned, we should be grateful to be playing at all. The West Indian great, Rohan Kanhai, who played for Transvaal in 1974/75, refused to bat during a match in Johannesburg because the wicket was dangerous. He walked off the field and flew directly to London without completing his contract.38 Local players were powerless to act against appalling conditions. Ensuring that team members attended practice was a perennial problem. For example, during 1975/76 only two players, including Jakes, practised regularly. This was frustrating for Jakes, who attributed his success to ‘regular practice, … at least four times week. There’s nothing better than practice to keep you on top.’39 In some instances, players could not afford to practice. While white players secured top jobs with leading white companies, who gave them time-off for practice and matches, most Blacks had low paying jobs and found it difficult to survive economically as they were not even given pocket money for games. Thus, for example, in March 1975 three key players, Jugoo Govender, Michael Patrick and Sweetie Naidoo contemplated retirement because they were finding it difficult to get leave and were losing money each month. In Patrick’s case, because the NCB did not have medical insurance for its players, he had to pay for expensive medical treatment when he almost lost an eye during a match.40 The Natal team did not even practice together in the days preceding a match. Players from Durban practised for three evenings prior to a match, while those from Pietermartizburg, Stanger and other centres reported to a selector Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 or NCB ‘nominee’ in those areas. The entire team only got together on the eve of a match. The absence of qualified coaches was critical. Lamented Jakes: ‘It is an expensive business, but coaches we must have or our cricket will die, slowly but inevitably.’41 The NCB hired a coach from 1973 to 1975 when sponsorship was raised to secure the services of Barker who coached and played for the senior team. Jakes observed that ‘it was so different for whites who had everything – coaches, specialized medical treatment, fitness coaches. All we had was the racecourse where we had to train ourselves.’ Barker could not return in 1976 because the NCB did not have funds to pay him, and employed a local fitness trainer, Kiruban Naidoo, as coach.42 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 88

88 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY The failure to secure sponsorship created serious financial difficulties for the NCB. The result, remarked Jakes, was that ‘the players themselves dip into their own pockets for many of the bare essentials’.43 White capital, which dominated the economy, was not prepared to contribute to non-racial cricket. There was, according to SACB, ‘gross discrimination by national and international private and public companies influenced by the racial atmosphere created by the white government.’44 An indication of the White mindset is provided by Rudolph Opperman, President of the South African Olympic Association. When SACB eventually received R50,000 from cigarette company Benson and Hedges in 1982, Opperman accused B and H of ‘a blatant act of sabotage of the real interest of South African sport’ by giving money to ‘the biggest enemy South African sport has ever had’.45 Travel and accommodation were extremely difficult for SACBOC players. Administrators opted for vehicle transport because of cost. An NCB study found in 1975 that travel by kombi to Johannesburg would have cost R216 and travel by air R703 for the team; there was a saving of R487, and R496 per trip to Port Elizabeth. NCB policy was that ‘teams should, where possible, travel by bus or train’.46 Jakes recalled: In the beginning we always travelled by car or kombi. Sometimes there would be a breakdown and 7 or 8 of us would squeeze in one car. Imagine travelling for six, seven, eight, maybe even ten hours to Johannesburg or Port Elizabeth and then playing for three days. When cheap midnight flights became available we would leave at midnight for . We were put up at the St Athens, 16 in one room, sharing one bathroom. We would sleep after 3 am in these cramped conditions and go to the ground the next morning against the best team in the country. How could we perform to the best of our ability? According to Jakes, Barker was ‘shocked’ by what he saw, ‘warm “cool drinks”, players fed food in cartons, and so on. This came as a shock to

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 Barker. But we were used to it.’ The financial situation of the NCB was so precarious that its policy to reduce expenses included things like only providing Natal caps and badges when these were sponsored, using the reserve player as scorer to reduce travel and accommodation costs, sending one rather than two delegates to meetings and not printing spare copies of minutes of meetings.47 Shortage of money meant there were no professional administrators in non-racial sport. Politically committed or educated individuals, professionals like lawyers and teachers, usually held several administrative positions simultaneously, either because of their desire to do something ‘for the community’ or because they were the only persons qualified. Barker cited as an example Solly Kirsten who was Board Secretary, Convenor of 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 89

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 89 Selectors and provincial team manager in 1975.48 This sometimes retarded the progress of non-racial cricket because individuals did not specialize in particular functions for the benefit of the team.

Crossing Racial Borders: Attempting Unity Until the 1960s, White South Africans played international cricket against Australia, England and New Zealand. In 1968, the South African government refused permission for Basil D’Oliveira to tour South Africa as part of an England team. In announcing his decision, Prime Minister John Vorster said that ‘the team, as constituted now, is not the team of the MCC, but the team of the Anti-Apartheid Movement’. This led to the cancellation of the tour.49 Australia’s tour to South Africa in 1969/70 was South Africa’s last official international contact. A tour to England was cancelled on 22 May 1970 as a result of pressure from the British Labour government (one week after South Africa became the first country to be expelled from the Olympic Games), as was a tour to Australia in 1971. The International Cricket Council (ICC) resolved that South Africa would only be admitted to international cricket when there was one cricket body and multi-racial cricket.50 As Whites realized that South Africa was fast becoming a pariah state in international sport, they took greater interest in Black cricketers. There was a rumour that two Black players would be taken to Australia in 1971. Jakes wrote to Hajra on 6 December 1971 that he had ‘an interview with the Natal Mercury at 2pm this afternoon. There is a sudden interest in non-white cricket and how good the non-whites are, by the white Association.’ He added that there was: a very strong move afoot to stage a match between the whites and non-whites here in Durban. I don’t think this match will ever come off because it will still be played on racial lines and we will want to do nothing with it. We, the players don’t know how the Cricket Board Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 feels, but personally I’d be wary of playing in such a match. Jakes wanted nothing to do with racial cricket until there was total unity. On 17 March 1973, non-racial sports organizations established the South African Council on Sport (SACOS) to strengthen their position internationally. ‘No normal sport in an abnormal society’ became their slogan.51 International pressure forced the government to reconsider its policies during the 1970s and resulted in ambiguity and confusion. In April 1971, Prime Minister John Vorster announced his ‘multi-national’ sports policy, in terms of which of South Africa’s four ‘nations’ could play each other at national level provided there were international competitors as well.52 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 90

90 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY Politically, this vision was carried to its extreme with the Bantustan policy that attempted to create homelands for each of South Africa’s racial and ethnic groups. The confusion was due to the fact that Oxford educated Minister of Sport, Piet Koornhof, gave tacit approval to mixed cricket, while his officials gave contrary signals. Koornhof told Donald Woods, a liberal newspaper editor from the , that while he could not officially sanction the end of racial segregation, officials would be told to turn a blind eye to the laws.53 It is in this climate of vagueness, ambiguity and indecision that attempts at cricket unity must be viewed. In February 1975, Jakes, along with Natal vice captain Jugoo Govender, President Abdullah Khan and secretary Solly Kirsten turned down, for political reasons, an invite to a mayoral civic function at the Durban City Hall in honour of the touring Derrick Robins Invitation Team.54 Robins, an English businessman who defied the ICC by visiting South Africa, was looked upon unfavourably by Black South Africans as someone who was trying to provide international cricket for White South Africa. There was talk of a mixed race South African team being chosen to play Robins. Jakes made it clear that if he was chosen for such a team, he would turn down the invitation as he was not interested in ‘one-match-a-year’ until cricket was totally non-racial. The White editor of the mainly White-read Daily News disagreed with this decision: Yacoob Omar is only a name to most White South African cricket followers. Nevertheless the White cricket community know that he is a player of proven record on underprepared pitches, rough outfields and variable opposition … Mr Omar’s refusal is an inflexible attitude; … there is another side to the story. Change in South Africa has always had modest beginnings … Would Black cricketers be well or poorly served if Yacoob Omar were to hit a hundred? Mr Omar should reconsider his position. If he were to play there would be plenty of White people on his side.55

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 The Indian-owned Leader, on the other hand, was pleased that ‘Omar Blackballs Showpiece Game’. The editor felt that Omar’s was the ‘only right stand on this question’ and considered the position of the Daily News as ‘the usual honeyed words about little at a time and so on’: Omar’s stand is to be welcomed. Men like Omar are not waiting to be called to play as honorary Whites in hand-picked teams. Hats off to Omar. And keep showing them a straight bat. You are on the winning side, although you may be left out on account of the colour of your skin.56 When SACA’s applications to the ICC for recognition were unsuccessful in 1974 and 1975, White cricket administrators realized that a representative 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 91

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 91 body had to be formed and made overtures to SACBOC and SAACB. On 18 January 1976, Rashid Varachia of SACBOC, Boon Wallace of SACA and H.M. Butshingi of SAACB announced pioneering moves to ‘normalize’ cricket by creating single provincial bodies and one united national governing body. A nine-man Motivating Committee was formed to implement this resolution.57 Jakes regarded this as ‘the greatest news for the future of cricket … I feel like flinging my cricket cap in the air,’ but he did add prophetically, ‘don’t expect a startling transformation of the game overnight. The problem is far too complex for that.’58 The Motivating Committee arranged a match between a multi-racial South African team and Robins from 13–15 February 1976. Jakes, a certainty for selection, saw ‘little purpose in playing one window-dressing game at national level’, and called for ‘slow-batting’ towards non-racial cricket: No practical steps have been taken as yet and until that happens we are very much in the same position as we have been for the past 50 years. We have waited many years, and to wait out the rest of the season will be no hardship. Look at the problems that we have to overcome. The liquor laws don’t allow Indians into White club-houses, segregation of the fans, and many more. Will we be expected to play in a multi-racial side, only for the fans to be left out in the cold?59 Varachia toured the country to convince players to participate in the game. He addressed 300 people in Durban on 3 February 1976. There was strong opposition to Varachia, who became evasive over issues such as seating arrangements and access to pub facilities. Varachia warned that players who refused to participate would face disciplinary action. The meeting was terminated prematurely when the jeering audience referred to Varachia as a ‘stooge’ and called for the reinstatement of Howa as president. Jakes was undeterred by Varachia’s threats and reiterated that he would boycott the match because the meeting had shown ‘clearly that the majority 60

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 of people in Durban are against the match going on’. To add to Varachia’s frustration, Jakes said that his idol in sport was Hassan Howa for his ‘unrelenting stand on non-racial sport … Where would we be without Howa and his staunch stand on mixed sport? He put our cricket on the map, and for this we owe him the greatest respect’.61 Howa, born in the Cape in 1922, was a founder member of SACBOC, who did not believe in mixed sport until apartheid had been dismantled. For his principled views, Howa was denied a passport by the government to fulfil the invitations of international anti-apartheid groups. Howa opposed the Robins match because, he felt, it had been contrived to allow South Africa to resume international cricket.62 The opposition of Natal and Western Province led to the cancellation of the match. Varachia, in the words of journalist Dennis Pather, had: 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 92

92 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY misread the mood of his own cricketers … who were vehemently against the playing of isolated, ‘window-dressing’ games at national level. They argue that time is on their side … and recall with bitterness how White cricketers enjoyed the benefits of international competition while they waited on the sidelines.63 On 24 February 1976, Koornhof met privately with SACBOC to get a commitment that, if he sanctioned mixed-race games, it would participate in matches against an International Wanderers team that was to tour South Africa in March and April 1976. SACBOC promised an answer after a full meeting of its Council on 6 March 1975. Questioned about this secret meeting, Varachia gave a sarcastic riposte to Daily News: I don’t know why you came to me as you have a great leader in Natal by the name of Yacoob Omar. You must ask Yacoob Omar because he is now the saviour of Black cricket. We are now only the people who take orders.64 Varachia’s anger was due to Jakes’ status in non-racial cricket. He was the highest profile cricketer in Natal, and important nationally, and his participation would have given credibility to the match. SACBOC decided to participate on condition there was integration on and off the field and matches were played under the auspices of the Motivating Committee. Jakes remained adamant that he would not play. Abdullah Khan, president of the NCB, warned that Jakes would be guilty of ‘disrespect’ of SACBOC leadership since the decision had been taken democratically.65 The full Council of the NCB, however, supported Jakes and wrote to him on 6 May 1975 that it was ‘heartened by your refusal to lend respectability to token selections. The NCB fully endorses your sentiments. It was a fine example to set’. The NCB did not prevent Baboo Ebrahim and Farouk Timol from playing against Wanderers. Timol, who had averaged 28.18 during that

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 season, in comparison to Jakes’ 62.14, faced Dennis Lillee, the greatest fast bowler in the world, on a turf wicket, a novelty for him. While Timol failed, Baboo took six wickets in the second innings to bowl South Africa to victory and tie the series 1–1. Notwithstanding this, selector Eric Rowan felt that South Africa had performed poorly because it was ‘carrying too many Black passengers’.66 Jakes condemned Rowan’s ‘insults’. He said that Black cricketers did not need to be told that they were not ‘top class’: We know that because we haven’t had the experience of White players. It is unfair to judge us on these matches. We cannot be thrown in the deep end without experience of playing on grass. The age of 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 93

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 93 miracles is long gone so what can people expect? I don’t mind what insults are thrown at us. But give us a chance to gain experience first.67 Varachia, however, forged ahead with mixed cricket, despite reservations from Western Province and Natal that government policy was ambiguous. While Varachia gave an assurance that all teams would be mixed and that there would be no restrictions along racial grounds,68 a government policy statement on 23 September 1976 stated that racial groups should arrange their own sporting fixtures. Where ‘possible’, they should ‘consult and have contact’ to arrange ‘inter-group’ competition. Each group should also arrange its own relations with ‘other countries or sporting bodies’ and award its own badges and colours. However, ‘if and when invited or agreed’, teams comprising players from different racial groups can represent South Africa.69 Further, the reaction of the state to the Soweto Revolt of June 1976 by Black school children against education policies showed that it was in no mood for confrontation; yet achieving normality in cricket meant confronting the government. Mixed cricket became a reality on 1 October 1976 throughout South Africa, with the exception of Natal and Western Province. In Natal, representatives from the NCB and NCA formed a Natal Motivating Committee for Cricket. The NCA was led by Derek Dowling, while Cassim Bassa was convenor of the NCB delegation, whose other members were K. Mackerdhuj, A. Rose and I. Khan. The NMC met five times by the end of October, but was deadlocked because Dowling wanted a two-stage plan with Inter-City cricket going mixed in the first week of December, and junior leagues in January after the first round of matches had been completed, while Bassa insisted on immediate mixing at all levels. Mackerdhuj accused the NCA of wanting multi-national cricket. ‘All this is bitterly disappointing. We were set to start and now this has happened’. Dowling said that while he favoured non-racial cricket, he was not prepared to go against government policy.70 By the end of November, agreement was

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 reached on the basis of the NMC’s 12-point plan which called for one controlling body to administer cricket, merit selection, opening of facilities to all without applying for permits, introduction of a new constitution and the suspension of separate fixtures. Mackerdhuj was proud that the NCB had ‘not sacrificed a single principle of non-racial cricket’.71 There was great excitement among Black players. Jakes recalled that ‘the new challenge stirred many players. They were keener and more interested than before, and trained much harder to improve their game.’ Jakes made a fine start in the new league which began on 27 November 1976, scoring 29 against Zingari who fielded Vincent van der Bijl, one of South Africa’s best bowlers, 90 against University and 91 against Marist, out of a team total of 156. Because of this excellent start, there was 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 94

94 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY speculation that Jakes would be chosen for Natal against Rhodesia because regular Natal opener Alan Barrow was performing poorly. The selection panel, which comprised two Blacks and three Whites, with the White convenor Derek Varnal having the final say, chose Jakes for the Natal B team to play Northern Transvaal B instead, making him the first Black cricketer to be chosen for a Natal Currie Cup team.72 There was reluctance to select Black players. Jakes’ form merited selection to the A team, while Baboo Ebrahim, who had starred against international players a few months earlier, was not selected at all. According to S.K. Reddy, one of the Black selectors, the White selectors argued that there were seven White spin bowlers better than Baboo! Yet, Reddy pointed out, when Baboo defected to the White association the following season he was immediately put into the Natal team.73 Jakes regarded his selection as a ‘pleasant surprise but the opportunity should have been there for years. I’m happy for the kids who will have an equal opportunity in the future – but I’m sorry for all the guys who’ve missed out.’74 Jakes was representing all Black cricketers when he stepped out against Northern Transvaal in on 17 December 1976. On the morning of the match he received a telegram from Central Cricket team: ‘Best Wishes For A Successful Match’. ‘The Olympia Boys’ sent the following telegram, with clear political overtones: ‘We have waited for more than three hundred years for this day. Today you are the Pioneer and for this alone our heartiest congratulations.’ Jakes made an encouraging start, scoring 15 and 33. He found the match: tough, tougher than any other match I’ve played in … the fielders gave absolutely nothing away. Only the bad balls get hit, and there were precious few of those. Yes, it was tough, but I learnt a heck of a lot.75 In his next match against , Jakes scored 75, becoming the first Black player to score a half-century in Currie Cup cricket.76 There was Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 consensus among sportswriters that Jakes should be included in the Natal team to face Transvaal on 15 January 1977, especially since regular opener, Alan Barrow, had scored 1 against Free State when he played alongside Jakes. Reddy recollects the meeting to select the team against Transvaal: Archie [Rose, the other Black selector] and I pushed for Yacoob, who batted beautifully that season, but the White selectors were ready with their answers. We decided to do something. We said that Barrow and Yacoob should both play against Free State. Yacoob batted wonderfully while Barrow failed again. This time we had a strong case. The selection meeting was on Sunday before the Transvaal game. Varnal always sent Archie and myself to the outlying grounds. 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 95

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 95 Archie said that I should go to Lahee Park where Zingari was playing Pinetown to see what was going on. I got there and hid behind trees so that no one would recognize me. I saw Varnal call Vince [captain of the Natal team] to one side and having a long conversation with him. When we began our selection meeting, Vince came over and said that he wanted to have a few words with the Committee. He began by saying that Yacoob was not ready for the A team and needed more time. We did not ask him and were surprised by this. Looking back, Varnal got him to come in order to strengthen their case to exclude Yacoob. I mean, nobody even asked Vince for his opinion. Varnal was adamant that Barrow would come right and omitted Yacoob. Natal B played Transvaal B in the Indian township of Lenasia, where Jakes had played for years. But now, wrote Jakes, ‘there was a great clean- up and paint-job done at Lenasia. Showers were installed, walls tiled, and benches provided. Everything we’ve been wanting for years’.77 Jakes scored 75 runs in two innings against Transvaal B and followed that with 114 in an inter-city match. Yet he was excluded from the Natal team to face Rhodesia at the end of January. Varnal told a reporter that ‘if Omar continues with his performances he stands a chance for promotion’,78 echoing decades of White sentiments that Blacks must bide their time until they are ready. The unity process derailed rapidly. According to Jakes, there was much uncertainty about what could and could not be done and how they were to behave. Pubs and changing rooms were out of bounds at some grounds. Black players parked their cars in a circle in their car parks to change in privacy. White players did not socialize in their clubhouses, but would bring their drinks out and sit on the ground. Jakes wrote at the time that: there are still barriers to be broken down. Once White teams take on Black players and Black teams White players we will have truly non- racial cricket in Natal … Let’s face it, there is still a great amount of 79

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 tension. The status quo remained at Kingsmead where a fenced area was reserved for Blacks, there were different entrances and ticket prices and Blacks could not drink at Castle Corner.80 The fragile unity process collapsed when White administrators refused to reschedule fixtures for the BP one-day competition, which had been drawn up before unity talks were completed.81 Black and White cricketers went their separate ways. At a meeting in September 1977, the NCB appreciated the sacrifice by its cricketers and officials in ‘upholding the principles of the Board. We have reached a stage where we are in a position to differentiate between tokenism and total integration in sport.’ The NCB declared its opposition to ‘so-called “normal 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 96

96 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY cricket”’ and withdrew from the Natal Motivating Committee.82 Reflecting on unity, Jakes wrote that: after three months of normal cricket we could still hear the talk – ‘it’s nice to have you chaps playing with us … we always wanted to play with you but it was the officials’ and so on. But in spite of all these remarks and kind thoughts from the players, it seems that Whites are just not interested in playing the game as it should be played.83 And so it was back to non-racial cricket. A match was arranged between traditional rivals Western Province and Natal in Durban, where Jakes was again top scorer and showed that he is ‘South Africa’s leading non-White cricketer’.84 It was during this match that officials of Natal, Western Province and SACOS concluded that SACBOC and Varachia had betrayed non-racial cricket and that they would have to form a new body.85 A new non-racial South African Cricket Board (SACB) was constituted in Kimberley on 25 September 1977. In a memorandum to the ICC in June 1979, SACB emphasized that it stood for ‘non-racial’ cricket. Non- racialism was defined as the ‘free interaction of all human beings in all the activities of society on the basis of total equality and opportunity without regard to race’ and not the ‘mere physical presence of cricketers of different races and colours on the cricket field’.86 For SACB, cricket was ‘not an end in itself, completely unrelated to other facets of existence’; SACB was convinced that Whites were not motivated ‘by the desire to organize non- racial society but to return to international cricket’.87

Defection Jakes was at the peak of his game when the unity process collapsed. In the season preceding unity he had set a new national record batting average of 62.14 by a South Africa player, his most productive year. Almost 30, and with little to aspire to, Jakes’ career went downhill. He was dejected by Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 1977 and threatened retirement: The conditions that we cricketers are playing under are disgraceful. We played normal cricket with Whites last season and the fields were in trim conditions. But once the normal league broke down everything went back to the bad old days. It seems as if the White cricketers were more important than the Black cricketers. Under these conditions many players are thinking of going over to the White body. I for one have been getting offers from White clubs but have turned them down because I owe my allegiance to the NCB who have taught me the game. I won’t ditch them for anything. But the other players don’t think the same way I do.88 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 97

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 97 In September 1977, four Black clubs (Pirates, Crescents, Highlands and Victorians) joined the White Durban and District Cricket Union (DDCU). Natal players Baboo Ebrahim and Trevor Roberts also defected.89 By this time Jakes had taken up squash and joined Arrows, which was affiliated to the White Durban and District Squash Racquet Association, in violation of SACOS’ ‘double standards’ decree which forbade affiliates from participating in any sport outside of its control. Jakes said that he would remain with the NCB, but would not quit squash.90 Despite his intransigence, Jakes was appointed captain of Natal, the NCB ignoring its September 1978 resolution that ‘any player who participates in or is a member of any sporting club whose national body is not a member of SACOS cannot be a member of the NCB or any of its affiliated units’.91 According to Jakes, 1978/79 was plagued with old problems: ill-prepared pitches, lack of professionalism from fellow players, travel difficulties and so on. He had had enough and shocked the cricket world in April 1979 by signing a three-year contract with Kingsmead-Mynahs to coach school children and play for Greyville-Northlands in the NCA. Don Porter, President of Mynahs, hoped that Jakes ‘would attract many new members, mainly Black’.92 Leader lamented that: With the Curtain down on the season, it also brought to a close the final innings of Yacoob Omar, one of the finest cricketers produced in Natal. Omar has contributed greatly to the game and his retirement comes at a time when he is still at the top. For most cricketers there will be no substitute for Yacoob.93 NCB president Krish Mackerdhuj said that if Jakes had not left he ‘would have been booted out because of his squash ties’.94 Rajen Moodley, President of District Cricket Union, warned that players could not have ‘one set of principles for summer and another for winter’.95 Mackerdhuj explained in September 1979 that, while the NCB could

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 overlook the involvement of individuals in apartheid structures such as ethnic universities or Group areas, ‘those who by their choice betray the fight for the principle of non-racialism in sport must not be allowed to thread with us … The greatest contribution we can make is by our self- denial.’96 SACOS’ struggle had moved beyond eradicating racist practices in sport to dismantling apartheid. M.N. Pather, its general-secretary, pointed out in January 1980, that ‘the mere removal of discrimination in sport will not suffice because countries the world over are now committed to the elimination and removal of racialism altogether’.97 How difficult was Jakes’ decision? What made him defect when he had previously spurned more alluring opportunities? What was the reaction of 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 98

98 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY friends and family? Looking back, Jakes believes that his move was due to an accumulation of factors: his frustration at the atrophy of non-racial cricket, which had ceased to function effectively, a wish to continue playing squash, a last fling to satisfy his cricket ego and a determination not to buckle to threats from SACOS, which was operating as a quasi-political organization, policing the every move of players, suffocating individuals with their threats and admonishments: I really don’t know. I had just lost interest. Looking back, what could I gain? I was past my best and could not achieve anything consequential in a cricketing sense. With the benefit of hindsight, I would not make the same decision. The decision had dire consequences. According to Jakes, ‘there was a lot of anti-feeling among our people and administrators, even when we came back.’ What about Jakes’ friends? ‘There was tension but they did not isolate me totally. We kept in touch but certain things were just not discussed and we were sometimes omitted from guest lists.’ Hajra, the meticulous chronicler of Jakes’ cricketing career, stopped her scrapbook in 1979. There is a conspicuous silence about the three years that Jakes spent with the NCA, not a single article or photograph preserved. There are a few newspaper cuttings after Jakes’ return to the NCB, but nothing to match the old enthusiasm and devotion. Hajra was unable to explain this; subconsciously perhaps she was blocking out this turbulent period. This highlights the problem in constructing narratives, namely, the many ways in which the past is mediated. In addition to the interpretative role of the historian, Friedman reminds us that written and oral texts are reconstructions of what ‘really’ happened, and are additionally partial, both in the sense of being biased as well as fragmentary.98 During his stint in the NCA, Jakes, now 31, found it difficult to dedicate himself to cricket for a number of reasons. Hajra was studying fashion design full-time from 1978 to 1980, increasing Jakes’ domestic Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 responsibilities, their second daughter Shireen was born in 1980, and Jakes began to take a keener interest in business as he realized that his playing days were limited: ‘At my age, and with my family and work commitments, cricket took a back seat. The young university students trained twice a day. I could not keep up’. Jakes played a few games for Natal B without exceptional success. And how did he find the experience at Greyville? The Whites were never openly antagonistic or racist towards me. It helped that most of them were young and at university. But it was difficult to fit in. We never formed the kinds of friendships that we formed with players from Transvaal and Western Province, like Goolam Allie and the Magiets who remain friends to this day. There 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 99

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 99 was a barrier between us and Whites. It was unavoidable I suppose, given the history of apartheid.

Returning Home Jakes returned to the NCB in September 1982, after three seasons in the NCA. Cassim Docrat, senior administrator in the NCB, rejected calls for Jakes to face a disciplinary committee. He said that: the opposition have been making inroads into our cricket … We have lost playing fields, clubs, and individual players, and if we do not persevere in our struggle to strengthen our folds we will be a dying organization within a few years.99 Jakes played for four more years until his retirement in 1987. These were extremely depressing years for non-racial cricket: By the mid-1980s there was disillusionment and lack of interest in local cricket. With all the comings and goings no one knew what was going on. We had to go to the airport to know for sure what the team was. It was a shambles. Even now, I cannot get over how poor some of the players were during the last few years. Some of them would not have made our club teams a decade earlier. We really scraped the barrel. This deterioration in non-racial cricket was reflected in Jakes’ performances. His averages were poor during 1985/86 (27.89) and 1986/87 (29.00), well below his overall average. His heart was not in the game, as the playing standards and administration of non-racial cricket sunk to low depths. While Jakes had always admired Howa, he believes that, by the mid-1980s, SACOS had reached a ‘dead end’:

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 It had no idea what to do internally. They were just stagnating and taking us backwards. Sport was only used to achieve political ends. For sportsmen, the choices were to play in depressing conditions, defect to White sports or give up the game, which some did. We lost a whole generation of cricketers who were not motivated by conditions but who did not want to go to the other side for political reasons. I know it was hard, but something should have been done to cater for our players. Our administrators did little to ensure that proper structures were in place to prepare for the second unity. They failed to place us on par with Whites so that we could compete more evenly when unity eventually came. How were our players expected to play on level terms after 1990 given the advantages Whites enjoyed? 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 100

100 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY While non-racial cricket languished, White cricket found ingenious ways to break the international boycott. Rebel tours were orchestrated by Ali Bacher and funded by businesses like South African Breweries and Yellow Pages. Teams from England, Sri Lanka, Australia and the West Indies defied the international community to participate in these tours, thus helping South African players maintain high standards by competing against international opposition.100 The NCB dismissed claims by White administrators that Black international players were breaking down barriers as ‘false. All they have ever done is to help in the re-shaping of apartheid.’ Most Black South Africans developed a deep hatred of South African teams and openly supported foreign teams. There was rapid political change from the late-1980s and particularly after the release of Nelson Mandela and unbanning of the ANC in 1990. SACOS, which stuck rigidly to its slogan of ‘no normal sport in an abnormal society’, lost out to the ANC-aligned National Sports Congress (NSC), which had been formed in 1989 to oversee sporting unity.101 According to an NSC discussion document dated September 1990, ‘SACOS’ actions are out of tune with those of the ANC, which was spearheading the mass struggles. Its ideological rigidity is a fatal barrier to progress … SACOS has been overtaken by history.’ SACOS was also hampered by its location in Coloured and Indian Areas and failure to establish a presence in African townships in the Transvaal.102 Following negotiations brokered by Steve Tshwete of the ANC and Roelf Meyer of the National Party (NP), the South African Cricket Union (SACU) amalgamated with SACBOC to form the United Cricket Board of South Africa (UCB) in June 1991. A disillusioned Howa told South in June 1991 that the unity was ‘cosmetic. Surely our aim should be to get apartheid removed in all its forms, and to concentrate on development instead of international competition.’103 It is ironical that while a cricket stadium is named after Rashid Varachia, who defected to White cricket during apartheid, in post-apartheid South Africa, ruled by a Black majority

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 government, there is no legacy to remind future generations of Hassan Howa, who fought apartheid cricket to the bitter end. South Africa entered international sport long before a democratic government was elected in April 1994. The NSC agreed to this to assuage White fears of cultural swamping by the African majority.104 South Africa undertook a tour of India in November 1991 and participated in the World Cup in Australia in February 1992. This was followed by a tour of South Africa by India in November 1992. Asked to predict the outcome of this ‘Friendship Series’, Jakes told the Tribune Herald: I cannot identify with either team. It is difficult to forget the repercussions of apartheid which left me without a chance to compete 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 101

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 101 internationally. Apartheid was destructive. I am simply a cricket stalwart now – I was born at the wrong time. The arrival of the Indian team has brought back old memories. It is opening up old scars … We were not given the opportunity – there was a disparity in coaching and facilities. I cannot forget – I just cannot.105 Conclusion Our access to Jakes’ story has been mainly from his perspective. This representation is ‘indirect and incomplete’ because it is based on the recollections of Jakes and Hajra and articles preserved by them. Huge gaps correlate with unhappy and difficult periods in Jakes’ life. Together with the writer, who is neither an impartial observer nor an omniscient narrator, they have given ‘significance’ to the selection of facts. Patterns in history are made and not found, according to Peter Novak, who continues that historical facts that ‘constitute the now absent past and which get into representations have been extracted from now extant traces of the past and combined through inference by historians into synthetic accounts that mere reference back to facts could not achieve’.106 Jakes’ story serves as counter to prevailing narratives about this period. The ‘Great Story’ tends to depict the situation as either ‘for or against us’. One was either for the ‘struggle’ and sided with Hassan Howa, or against the ‘struggle’, a ‘sellout’ and sided with Rashid Varachia. There is no space for alternative narratives to take cognizance of individual dilemmas and difficulties. But as Berkhofer points out, there is never a unitary metastory, metatext or metanarrative of the past, realization of which has important consequences: ‘No single meta-narrative organizes the Great Stories … This frees up historians to tell many different kinds of stories from various viewpoints, with many voices, emplotted diversely, according to many principles of synthesis.’107 The story of Yacoob ‘Jakes’ Omar is the story of a young man and the

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 potential of youth, of lost chances and denied opportunities at the height of apartheid social engineering that sought the total separation of Black and White. At the peak of his powers, Jakes was a stylish and graceful batsman, and medium-pace swing bowler. Tall, bronzed, handsome and dashing, Jakes was a household name in non-racial cricket, yet hardly known to White South Africans. As the editor of the Daily News commented, ‘it is one of the ironies of apartheid that this gifted cricketer from Durban is far better known on the fields of Lancashire than he is at Kingsmead’.108 Jakes was a celebrity ‘beyond the boundary’, whose potential remained unfulfilled because of his skin colour. Race is a key part of this narrative. The social structure in South Africa ensured that Blacks had to defer to Whites, that it was impossible for 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 102

102 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY cricketers to become symbols of national unity such as Donald Bradman in Australia, Dennis Compton in England or Gary Sobers in the West Indies. Individuals owed allegiances to factions and could not transcend social and racial boundaries. The tragedy of this story is amplified by the fact that Jakes did not get involved in any capacity in cricket after his retirement and hardly attends matches, despite invitations from the KwaZulu Natal (KZN) cricket union: I have no contact with cricket. My heart is not in it. When I sit there I get the same feeling that I was getting towards the end of my playing days when I was wondering: ‘What am I doing here?’ The international cricket ban in 1970 deprived White South Africans of the right to play international cricket. There is constant lament from them about the ‘loss’ endured by Barry Richards, , Mike Proctor and others who were denied international cricket at the peak of their powers. These commentators forget that White players had ample chances to earn a very good livelihood in South Africa, Australia and England, something denied to their Black counterparts. Further, many White players, products of privileged upbringings in White South Africa, experienced international competition in the 1970s and 1980s through County cricket, rebel tours and the ‘Packer Circus’ in Australia in the late 1970s. Cricketers like Jakes, on the other hand, like millions of ordinary Black South Africans, were denied opportunities and identity in White South Africa. ‘My only regret’, said Jakes, ‘is that we were never given an opportunity, whether we would have made it or not is another issue’. Their careers were sacrificed for the ‘future’. Yet, when unity was negotiated in 1991, there was a failure to take cognizance of this historical legacy, of the neglect and suffering endured by so many for so long. The old White establishment retained control of cricket. The historical legacy was forgotten in obscene haste as White players, products of privilege,

Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 monopolized the national team, lucrative sponsorships and high wages. Suddenly, White players, administrators and fans loudly preached the mantra of ‘merit’ selection. There are vociferous cries of ‘racist’ when this historical legacy is raised or policies mooted to achieve redress. There are many chronicles of players like Jakes. These hidden histories need to be recovered and acknowledged for South Africans to achieve meaningful justice, understanding and reconciliation.

University of Durban – Westville Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 52css05.qxd 09/10/200213:35Page103

APPENDIX YACOOB OMAR’S CAREER RECORD

SACBOC/SACB

Team Period Ma. Inns. No. Total Avg. Hs. 50 100 Ct. Balls Overs Maidens Runs Wkts. Ave. Bb 5Wi.

Natal 1971–73 6 10 2 312 39.00 118 1 1 6 232 29 6 93 6 15.50 3–13 0 Natal 1973–74 6 11 0 201 18.27 96 1 0 5 856 107 22 304 14 21.71 3–28 0 Natal 1974–75 5 8 0 211 26.38 131 0 1 7 164 27.2 7 43 3 14.33 1–3 0 Natal 1975–76 6 10 3 435 62.14 174* 1 1 3 762 127 54 209 11 19.00 3–21 0 Natal 1977–78 6 11 0 498 45.27 123 1 2 4 632 105.2 33 204 15 13.60 5–34 1 Natal 1978–79 6 10 10 381 38.10 149 2 1 3 458 57.2 13 119 9 13.22 3–26 0 Natal 1983–84 3 6 6 209 34.83 87 1 0 3 492 82 27 160 7 22.86 3–31 0 Natal 1984–85 3 6 6 267 44.50 88 2 0 4 378 63 16 150 10 15.00 5–42 1 Natal 1985–86 5 10 10 251 27.89 72 1 0 4 651 108.3 30 246 14 17.57 3–11 0 Natal 1986–87 5 10 10 290 29.00 107 1 1 2 582 97 29 244 7 34.86 3–41 0 Sub- total 1971–87 51 92 6 3,055 35.52 174* 11 7 41 5,207 803.3 237 1,772 96 18.46 5–34 2 North 1972–75 3 4 0 40 10.00 14 0 0 2 24 3 0 3 0 – 0 0 Rest of SABOC 1972–76 2 3 0 99 33.00 40 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Rest of SACB 1985–86 1 2 0 150 75.00 104 0 1 1 36 6 2 27 0 – 0 0 SACB 1987–88 1 2 0 33 16.50 18 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total 1971–88 58 103 6 3,377 34.81 174* 11 8 44 5,267 812.3 239 1,802 96 18.77 5–34 2

Source: Krish Reddy. Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 52css05.qxd 09/10/200213:35Page104

APPENDIX (CONTINUED) YACOOB OMAR’S CAREER RECORD

SACBOC/SACB

Mixed Cricket

First Last M. I. No. Runs Hs. Avg. 100 50 Runs Wkts. Avg. Best 5i. 10m Ct. St.

1976–77 1980–81 9 15 3 365 75 30.41 0 1 199 5 39.80 2–44 0 0 7 0

Source: Krish Reddy.

Placing Jakes’ Achievement in Perspective in SACOB/SACB History

1. Nationally, the second highest run-scorer was Khaya Majola of Eastern Province, with 2,735 runs from 85 matches at an average of 20.88. 2. In Natal, the second highest run-scorer was Mustapha Khan, with 2,269 runs from 74 matches at an average of 19.23. 3. Internationally, only Rohan Kanhai of the West Indies (188 not out) and Basil D’Olivera of England (182 not out) made higher individual scores than Jakes’ 174 not out. Jakes could have attempted to surpass Kanhai, but declared with Natal on 365 for four wickets. 4. Jakes scored the most centuries in SACOB/SACB history (seven). The second highest for Natal was Enver Mall with two. Nationally, N. Francis of Eastern Province and A.L. Barnes of Transvaal scored four each. 5. Jakes scored more centuries than the rest of the Natal team in SACOB/SACB cricket (seven of 13). 6. Jakes scored 9.2 per cent of all centuries in SACOB/SACB history (seven of 64). 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 105

RACE, POLITICS AND CRICKET IN SOUTH AFRICA 105

NOTES

1. Yacoob Omar explaining to a reporter why he refused to play in a mixed-race match against a touring team in February 1976. See Daily News, 5 Feb. 1976. 2. Even though the author’s position is that there are no biologically differentiated race groups to which we can attribute specific features, question marks have not been used for terms like race, African, Black, White, Coloured and Indian. Black will be used when collective reference is made to apartheid designations Africans, Indians and Coloureds. While some of these terms may not have a foundation in social science they are used here because they have been widely internalized by most South Africans and are used in political discourse and debates. 3. R. Guha, ‘Cricket and Politics in Colonial India’, Past and Present: A Journal of Historical Studies, 161, 2 (Nov. 1998), 157. 4. C. Linde, Life Stories: The Creation of Coherence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp.20–25. 5. Interviews with Yacoob Omar, 21 May 2001, 20 June 2001, 9 Aug. 2001 and 24 Aug. 2001. Where no other reference is cited, information was ascertained during these interviews. 6. T. Bennett, ‘Outside Literature’, in K. Jenkins (ed.), The Postmodern History Reader (London: Routledge, 1997), p.219. 7. T. Bennett, Outside Literature (London: Routledge, 1990), p.49. 8. Ibid., p.221. 9. Ibid., p.222. 10. K. Jenkins, ‘Introduction’, in Jenkins (ed.), The Postmodern History Reader, p.10. 11. Ibid. 12. Bennett, Outside Literature, p.224. 13. S.S. Friedman, ‘Making History: Reflections on Feminism, Narrative, and Desire’, in Jenkins (ed.), The Postmodern History Reader, p.231. 14. For a discussion of Black cricket, see M. Allie, More Than a Game: History of the Western Province Cricket Board 1959–1991 (Cape Town: Western Province Cricket Association and Cape Argus, 2001); A. Odendaal, Cricket in Isolation: The Politics of Race and Cricket in South Africa (Cape Town: C. Blackshaw and Sons, 1977); K. Reddy, The Other Side: A Miscellany of Cricket in Natal (Durban: KwaZulu-Natal Cricket Union, 1999). 15. J. Nauright, Sport, Cultures and Identities in South Africa (Cape Town: David Philip, 1997), pp.26–7. 16. Reddy, The Other Side, p.9. 17. B.A. Richards, The Barry Richards Story (London: Faber & Faber, 1978), p.23. 18. Ibid., p.48 19. Times, 23 Aug. 1969. 20. Post, 31 Aug. 1969. 21. Post, 22 Aug. 1971. 22. Post, 16 Jan. 1972. Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 23. Post, 9 Jan. 1972. 24. Mercury, 17 Feb. 1972. 25. Rochdale Observer, 9 Aug. 1972. 26. Rochdale Observer, 29 July 1972. 27. Reddy, The Other Side, p.58. 28. Drum, May 1971, 13. 29. Forum, May 1971, 12. 30. Daily News, 17 Feb. 1976. 31. For Jakes’ career statistics and comparisons with other SACBOC players, see the Appendix to this article. 32. Statistics prepared by Krish Reddy and published in C. Bryden, Mutual & Federal South African Cricket Annual 1999 (Johannesburg: Mutual & Federal Insurance Co., 2000), pp.309–31. 33. K. Reddy, ‘Yacoob Omar: The Epitome of a Professional’, Flipper, Feb. 2001, 18. 34. Sunday Time Extra, 30 March 1975. 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 106

106 CULTURE, SPORT, SOCIETY

35. Sunday Time Extra, 2 Nov. 1975. 36. Daily News, 27 Feb. 1973. 37. Sunday Time Extra, 2 Nov. 1976. 38. Reddy, The Other Side, p.101. 39. Daily News, 5 Feb. 1976. 40. Sunday Time Extra, 30 March 1975. 41. Sunday Time Extra, 26 Feb. 1976. 42. Sunday Time Extra, 14 Dec. 1975. 43. Sunday Time Extra, 16 Nov. 1975. 44. South African Cricket Board (SACB, affiliated to SACOS), Memorandum to the International Cricket Conference (June 1979), 19. 45. Daily News, 19 Aug. 1982. 46. Natal Cricket Board (NCB), Recommendations of the Committee Appointed to Investigate Ways and Means to Reduce Expenditure and Increase Income (1975), 3. 47. Ibid. 48. Sunday Time Extra, 6 April 1975. 49. For an insider’s perspective, see B. D’Oliveira, The D’Oliveira Affair (London: Collins, 1969); M. Bose, Sporting Colours: Sport and Politics in South Africa (London: Robson Books, 1994), pp.77–90. 50. D. Booth, The Race Game: Sport and Politics in South Africa (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1998), pp.85–24; Nauright, Sport, Cultures and Identities in South Africa, pp.124–56. 51. Nauright, Sport, Cultures and Identities in South Africa, p.140. 52. Booth, The Race Game, p.97. 53. Ibid., p.106. 54. Daily News, 6 March 1975. 55. Daily News, 4 Feb. 1976. 56. Leader, 28 March 1975. 57. Post, 25 Jan. 1976. 58. Sunday Time Extra, 25 Jan. 1976. 59. Sunday Time Extra, 1 Feb. 1976. 60. Daily News, 4 Feb. 1976. 61. Daily News, 5 Feb. 1976. 62. New Dictionary of South African Biography (Pretoria: Vista University, 1999), p.63. 63. Daily News, 13 Feb. 1976. 64. Daily News, 25 Feb. 1976. 65. Daily News, 12 March 1976. 66. Daily News, 4 April 1976. 67. Ibid. 68. Sunday Time Extra, 11 July 1976. 69. Cape Times, 24 Sept. 1976. Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 70. Tribune, 10 Oct. 1976. 71. Post, 27 Nov. 1976. 72. Daily News, 13 Dec. 1976. 73. Interview with S.K. Reddy, 16 Aug. 2001. 74. Mercury, 14 Dec. 1976. 75. Sunday Time Extra, 26 Dec. 1976. 76. Mercury, 2 Jan. 1977. 77. Sunday Time Extra, 16 Jan. 1977. 78. Post, 26 Jan. 1977. 79. Mercury, 14 Dec. 1976. 80. Sunday Time Extra, 13 Feb. 1977. 81. Ibid. 82. Natal Cricket Board Annual Report (1977). 83. Sunday Time Extra, 20 Feb. 1977. 84. Mercury, 23 March 1977. 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 107

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85. Reddy, The Other Side. 86. South African Cricket Board Annual Report (1979), 4. 87. Ibid., 8. 88. Sunday Time Extra, 18 Dec. 1977. 89. Daily News, 13 Sept. 1977. 90. Leader, 30 July 1978. 91. Natal Cricket Board Annual Report (1978). 92. Tribune, 9 Sept. 1979. 93. Leader, 13 April 1979. 94. Leader, 14 Sept. 1979. 95. Post, 23 Jan. 1980. 96. Natal Cricket Board Annual Report (1979). 97. Daily News, 23 Jan. 1980. 98. Friedman, ‘Making History’, p.235. 99. Tribune, 26 Sept. 1982. 100. Bose, Sporting Colours. 101. Nauright, Sport, Cultures and Identities in South Africa, p.154. 102. Reddy, The Other Side, p.194. 103. Ibid., p.176. 104. Nauright, Sport, Cultures and Identities in South Africa, p.154. 105. Tribune Herald, 15 Nov. 1992. 106. Jenkins, ‘Introduction’, p.18. 107. R. Berkhofer, ‘The Challenge of Poetics to (Normal) Historical Practice’, in Jenkins (ed.), The Postmodern History Reader, p.152. 108. Daily News, 6 March 1975. Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013 52css05.qxd 09/10/2002 13:35 Page 108 Downloaded by [UQ Library] at 22:36 21 February 2013