CEU eTD Collection R OMANI WOMEN In partial fulfillment ofthe requirements for the degree of Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology Social and ofSociology Department G ENDER Supervisors: Professor Judit Bodnár Judit Professor Supervisors: SOCIAL STRUGGLES Central European University European Central , Doctor of Philosophy E Budapest, Hungary Budapest, ’ THNICITY AND Professor Don Kalb Don Professor Angéla Kóczé S POLITICAL ACTIVISM AND Submitted to 2011 By C LASS : CEU eTD Collection acknowledgment is made in the form of bibliographical reference. ofbibliographical made intheform is acknowledgment except wherewritten publishedbyanotherperson, appropriate and/or previously materials contains no Thethesis in anyotherinstitutions. degrees any other for accepted no materials contains thatthethesis state I hereby Statement i CEU eTD Collection within social sciences. social within position marginalized their by diminishing field research the of profile the raise to aiming as aswell in of texts Roma academic representation of the in respect particularly anthropology, opted to take bridges empirical and theoretical gaps in the study of sociology and I have approach The conceptualization. lacks theoretical and is This area under-researched and rights democracy” banner underthe “empowering of Romani “human women”. and rights” women’s “Romani promote they which through activities and well level,as discourses local the as and transnational the issues”at “women’s observed closely my I research, As partof Hungary). local level (Szikszó, the and at centers) resource andinternational networks Roma various the level (mapping at the transnational project my mind,haveWith above inempirical concerns I undertaken outlined an research the Roma andnon-Roma activists, andalso within groups. their activism, NGOs, other amongintercations donors, relationship and thecomplicated by describing women’s of representation superficial the beyond go to aimed I level. biographical women’s political fromactivism and social status, structural through the discursivethe and narrow my study, I have focused on transnational and the local material (particularly manifestations of gender, ethnicity and classincontemporary Romani life.women’s To empirical Hungarian)through analyze Romani and explain to been has dissertation this of aim The understanding andcombating inequality. for purposes of identity of categories other with which intersects factor than rather as asocial isolated category is asan of treated gender politicalstruggle. Theconcept social activism and The academic literature on Roma/Gypsies pays only limited attention to Romani women’s ABSTRACT ii CEU eTD Collection Ramon Grosfoguel, interacting with and learning from many brilliantincluding colleagues, Etienne Balibar, At several key conferences and workshops across Europe and America Ihad the pleasure of process. writing who mein helped very generously Popa sometimes difficult Raluca Evans, the Emma Roper Feischmidt, Ágnes Daróczi, and many others. I also thank Eszter Timár, Viktória László, conversations with: stimulating Nidhi of Trehan,dozens Timeaenjoyed I Junghaus, Éva Kovács,colleagues and Martin Kovats,my friends Margit all thank to like would I Crucially, their on-going struggles, my life has indeedbeen significantly transformed. enriched my insightsthereby and of the paradoxical process, nature of research theirin the political and social participated activism. who As a witness to interviewees my all mention contemporary struggle of Romani women through discussions. I wouldin likeparticular to non-Roma activists, experts, politicians, decision makers who enriched my insights of the In Budapest, Brussels, Bucharest, Strasbourg and elsewhere, there were numerous Roma and invaluable. of the Internationalmembers also Romaniand Women Network. Initiatives TheirWomen contributionsRomani OSI of to my members research wereformer the particularly with, Romanithe and non-Romani from women various NGOs I discussed draftthe of this text I am also deeply indebted to friends and colleagues in the ‘Roma movement’. I am grateful to seminars. intellectual sparring, hehas offered me his supportsincetireless Ifirst attendingstarted his Kalb, Don supervisor me offered who feedback inspiring my critical, on My thesis: draft provided tremendous empathy and patience along the way. Iam also grateful to my second complete my work. She has stood by me on this long and lonely PhD journey. She has project from very the beginning andmade sure Ireceived the necessary andfundstime to First, Iwouldlike to thankmy first supervisor Judit Bodnár,who has been supportive of this advance for forgiveness.their study. There are undoubtedly some people that I will forget to mention, and ask them in numerous people and institutions who contributed directly or indirectly completeto my This dissertation would remain incomplete without propergratefulness expressed to Charlotte Bunch, and Margo Okazawa-Rey. Bunch, andMargo Charlotte ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii CEU eTD Collection Borbála Juhász, Lídia Balogh, Lea K for always being by my side: János and Jónás and Sz friends, whose patience has been tested beyond even what they could have imagined – thanks Finally, and most importantly, Iwould like to offer my love and thanks to family and in micro-regions. research two and thecomparative in out carry Szikszó fieldwork Institute of Ethnicgave and Minority thatStudies me support generous myto conduct would also like to extend my thanks to my employer, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, particularly to Viola Zentai who gave me enormous encouragement tofinish my PhD. I the Central European University. Iam also indebted to the Center for Policy Studies, During my research I had the opportunity to receive research, travel and write-up grants from Ę szeg amongst many other dear friends. iv Ħ cs Móni, Tóth Herta, Erika Sólyom, CEU eTD Collection AND SOCIAL ...... 38 ACTIVISM POLITICAL THROUGH COLLECTIVE POLITICALIDENTITY FORMING THREE: CHAPTER CHAPTER TWO: ‘OTHERING ROMA’: HISTORICAL, SOCIAL ...25 AND POLITICAL LEGACIES TRANSNATIONAL AND LOCAL PERSPECTIVE...... 6 ACTIVISM FROMA A STUDYOF POLITICAL MAPPING ONE: ROMANI WOMEN CHAPTER struggles...... 1 and social activism political Romaniwomen's andClass: Ethnicity Gender, Introduction: ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS...... ix LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES...... viii 3.4 Concluding remarks...... 55 3.3 Development of women’s rights in the Roma NGO ...... 47 activism 3.2 The rise of neo-liberal ...... 41 agendas 3.1 Emerging collective ...... 39 identity 2.4 Concluding remarks...... 37 2.3 Colonization and controversial Romani ...... 34 emancipation 2.2 The ‘civilizing mission’ of ...... 31 the Habsburgs 2.1 The legacy of the conceptualization of Gypsy identity...... 26 1.4 Literature Review...... 15 1.3 Research design and methods...... 9 1.2 Entering the field...... 7 1.1 Personal, political, theoretical...... 6 Outline of chapters...... 4 Researching in and across multiple ...... 3 sites FIGURES...... viii TABLES...... viii 3.3.2 Dialogical Character of Romani Women’s Activism...... 51 3.3.1 The emergence of transnational Romani women’s ...... 48 activism 3.2.2 DonorDependency––ideological and structural ...... 45 control 3.2.1 Romani subalterns in the NGO sector...... 43 2.3.1 Objectificationand racialized hierarchies within the ...... 35 movement 2.1.3 Race-biological language...... 29 2.1.2 Gypsy lifestyle, behavior and customs...... 27 2.1.1 Searching for a true and authentic Gypsy...... 26 1.4.5 Identity politics...... 23 1.4.4 Discourses of Development...... 21 1.4.3 Human rights and the role of NGOs in Eastern ...... 20 Europe 1.4.2 Race /Ethnicity, Gender and Class...... 17 1.4.1 Background scholarship from Romani ...... 15 studies 1.3.4 Issues, bias ...... 14 and dilemmas 1.3.3 Feminist activist participatory research ...... 12 project 1.3.2 Identifying the local research ...... 11 site 1.3.1 Data collection at the transnational level...... 10 TABLECONTENTS OF v CEU eTD Collection CHAPTER SEVEN: CHANGING WOMEN’S POSITION FROM A LOCAL PERSPECTIVE ...... 123 WOMEN IN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ...... 96 ACTIVISM BYROMANI IT “YOU CANFEELPERSONAL ACCOUNTS SKIN”: SIX: ON YOUR CHAPTER AND CLASS INEQUALITIES...... 70 GENDER, ETHNIC OF ANDDISCURSIVEMANIFESTATIONS FIVE:STRUCTURAL CHAPTER STERILIZATION AND EARLY MARRIAGE...... 57 ROMANI FORCED OF APPROPRIATION WOMEN’S BODIES: FOUR: CHAPTER 7.3 Participatory research to generate ...... 131 social change 7.2 Anti-Gypsism versus constructing politicized ethnic identity...... 130 7.1 Context of my fieldwork...... 124 6.7 Concluding remarks...... 121 6.6 Ethnic and gender identity politics...... 118 6.5 Mobility, mobilization relations...... 113 6.4 The pride and prejudice ...... 107 struggle 6.3 Racial community models concerning male and female relations...... 100 6.2 Emancipation and identity politics of ...... 99 Romani women 6.1 How Romani women are represented in Hungarian researches...... 97 5.9 Concluding remarks...... 94 5.8 Impact of intergovernmental activities...... 93 5.7 Discourses and policy responses by inter-governmental ...... 83 organization 5.6 Gender violence...... 81 5.5 Health issues...... 79 5.4 Lack of (access to) childcare ...... 79 facilities 5.3 ...... 75 Labor market ...... 72 5.2 Education 5.1 Interaction of poverty ...... 71 and ethnicity 4.5 Concluding remarks...... 68 4.4 ‘Saving’ Romani women: contradictions, contestations and challenges...... 66 4.3 Forced sterilization...... 61 4.2 Health and Gender...... 59 4.1 Eugenics: biopolitics in Europe...... 58 7.3.2 Gender dimensions of the ‘ghetto’ existence...... 137 7.3.1 Territorial difference...... 134 5.7.4 Organizationfor Security and Cooperation in Europe: gender issues are a security5.7.3 United matter...... 92 Nations: towards intersectional ...... 90 discrimination 5.7.2 Council of Europe: feminizing the domain of ethnicity...... 88 5.7.1 EuropeanUnion: addressing multiple discrimination ...... 83 5.5.2 Access to public healthcare...... 80 5.5.1 Discrimination in reproductive health...... 79 5.3.1 Lack of labormarket participation of Romani women...... 75 5.2.3 Drop-out rates...... 74 5.2.2 Literacy rates...... 73 5.2.1 Overall educational attainment...... 73 4.3.1 Sterilization recognized ...... 64 by Romani men vi CEU eTD Collection APPENDIX 1...... 195 Bibliography...... 158 Conclusion: Revisiting Romani women’s political activism and social struggles...... 154 7.4 Concluding remarks...... 152 Mentioned websites...... 193 Materials published ...... 191 via the internet General Works...... 158 Perspectives...... 157 7.3.6 Struggle in the educational ...... 148 system 7.3.5 The pathology of ...... 146 exclusion 7.3.4 Women in key positions: “Mother goes, asks forcredit – gets money ...... 143 forus” 7.3.3 Framing forced prostitution and ...... 140 trafficking vii CEU eTD Collection Figure 3: Romani neighborhood in a settlement located in Pest county Figure 2: The map of Szikszó (Gypsy Row and the Chinatown are indicated). Hungary. Figure 1: The 33most disadvantaged micro-regions (including Szikszó’s micro-region)in FIGURES Table 6:The highest level educationof intervieweesthe of according tolocality and ethnicity Table 5: Psychological and mental health incidence according to ethnicity Table 4: Ratio of wherehouseholds andis there along-term illness/disabled personin area family the Table 3: Marriage Types by County Table 2: Index of deprivation (0-5) Table 1: Table showing the household incomes of small areas and ethnic differences TABLES LIST OF LIST TABLES FIGURES AND viii CEU eTD Collection WHO VPN USAID UNHCR UNDP SZIROM SZETA SZDSZ RWI RPP RPA ROI RNC REF RCPP PER OSI OSCE ODIHR OCO NATO MSZP MSG MP MEP MIEP MDF KDNP JMM IRWN IRU INGO HRW GLS Young Democrats/Hungarian Civic Union coalition) FIDESZ ERTF ERRC ERIO EC EP ECRI CPRSI CoE CEE BAZ European Parliament Memberof the Parliament European Commission Open Society Open Society Institute International Romani Union Gypsy Lore Society Roma Educational Fund Educational Roma Project on Ethnic Relations Central and Eastern Europe Borsod Abaúj Zemplén county People Against Violence ( Slovak Political Party) RomaPolgárjogi Alapítvány Civil (Roma Foundation)Rights Council of Europe Memberof European Parliament Roma National RomaCongress National Roma Participation Programme Participation Roma Magyar DemokrataFórum(Hungarian Democratic Forum) World Health Organization Health World Országos Cigány Országos (NationalÖnkormanyzat Gypsy Self-Government) Roma Women Initiative Women Roma Roma Civic Initiative Human Rights Watch Minority Self-Government European Commission against Racism andIntolerance Jobbik Magyarországért Mozgalom (Movement fora Better Hungary) International Non-Governmental Organisation European RomaandTravellers (consultativestatus Forum CoE) with Magyar Szocialista Párt/Hungarian Party Socialist European Roma Information Office Kereszténydemokrata Néppárt (Christian People’sDemocratic Party) Magyar és Igazság Élet Párt (Hungarian Justice and Life Party) International Romani Women Network European Roma Rights Center United Nations Development Programme North Atlantic Treaty AtlanticOrganisation Treaty North Roma Cultural Pathology Paradigm Pathology Cultural Roma Contact Pointfor Roma Issuesand Sinti (partof ODIHR) Office of Security Office in of Security Europe and Co-operation Szabad Demokraták Szövetsége (Alliance of Free Democrats) (Allianceof Szövetsége Demokraták Szabad United States Agency for International Development International for Agency States United Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége/Magyar Polgári (Alliance of Szövetség Szegényeket Támogató AlapTámogató Szegényeket United Nations Highfor RefugeesCommissioner Szikszói Roma N ACRONYMS ANDABBREVIATIONS Ę k Egyesülete ix CEU eTD Collection activism from the local to transnational local scale. from transnational the to activism in translated and adopted modea contentious by who haveaccess political activists to locally have ideas that human imposed been rights it transnationally exposes the Furthermore, gender the embraces equality which by hasbeen discourse also adopted international Romani key women activists. approach rights-based human specific the that show will thesis This adequate legal remedy for Roma in case of discrimination and human rights violation. an andprovide population Roma of the rights human the to respect states nation European the European Union whomaster(EU) and apply human language the putpressureof rights on (OSCE),and in Cooperation OrganizationsNations the (UN),the Europe forand Security the United (CoE), Council as the of such Europe organizations Intergovernmental citizens. plighthumanas serious discrimination rights by violence againstand or them state the anewforpresent Roma their political to created leverage basedHuman discourse rights activism. political Romani of terrain Europe. andideological theoretical marked the neo-liberalism discursiveof trend Eastern This exported and Central in mainly EU, the throughout initiatives and projects Romani as formulated by influential NGOs influential by formulated as ‘democratization’based neo-liberal wholesale and principles adoption on rule-of-law of the itismovements, is in that ahuman rights embedded as discourse, Trehan (2005) argued justice social toother similarly ‘movement’, Romani the of characteristic The main traditional formsemphasis on of political struggles,in which men have taken a leading part. of perhaps asaresultthe in part in analysis, of their gender consideration neglected Roma the about ‘movement’written have who historians and scientists political most recently, Until Vermeesch 2002, Klimova 2004). local2001, Barany 1998, level and national international,(Kovats atthe making processes represent in political the arenaand publicdecision- opportunity ethnictheir interests to in Central and Eastern ThisEurope. new mobilization social presented Roma with people the 3 validity of the concept has to be analyzed concerning Roma political activism. which is introduced andapplied by top-downpolitical leadership. At some point in my research project the 2 subsequently mixing with European and other groups in diasporic contexts.(Fraser 1995) of commercial, nomadic, and other groups rooted innorthern India beginning in the tenth century and wordThe “Gypsy”(synonym ofRoma) is an English term used todenote ethnic groups formed by dispersalthe Romungro, Beas,Kaldreashi, Rudari, Kale,Sinti, Manush.Lovari, Romani is mostly including used asanadjective groups in thepaper. sub-ethnic of variety wide a to refer to academics and activists, by politicians, used 1 identity-based Romani decades, of emergence the pasttwo the and over transition post-communist In the wakeof political activism and social struggles Gender,Introduction: Romani women's andClass: Ethnicity Such as, theGeorg Soros-founded Soros Foundation network inthe Central and Eastern European countries. a concept is rather it by scholars; elaborated been not has ’movement’ Roma of the conceptualization The Note on terminology: This study employs the word “Roma” as a politically constructed umbrella category, 2 and their political mobilization (Vermeesch 2001, Kovats2001b,Acton 2000) 1 politics was one of politics accompanyingone of was developments the political changes 3 . This for hashadtrajectory the implications profound of 1 CEU eTD Collection This type of analysis of Romani women’s local and transnational activism offers a prime a offers activism transnational and local women’s Romani of analysis of level. type This transnational and local the at activism social and political women’s Romani theorize itacademic perspectiveandmakes possiblelanguage todevelop an conceptual to appropriate One of the unique features activism. social on and reflecting political my own through of examined be will this level transnational and local the researchbetween mediator the projectresources, as wellis as constraints in thatpolitical activism even for Romanimy women. In my researchanalysis“connections,” and“imaginings” 348),offers (Burawoy 2000: newpolitical opportunities, is “forces,” Kaplan 1994), and (Grewal rooted hegemonies” andscattered “grounded globalizations in a nativelandscape(Massey of The dynamic and playout its1994). effects where constituted is globalization where site as the but global, to the asacounterpoint be taken not should “matters” Local Appadurai 1997). also (Burawoy 2000; and internally situated differentiated localities, are unequally which scattered among connections characterized by transnational life.social understanding the have asmystarting taken, point, thatglobalization is I very scalehavea different on a local global and activism women’s Romani and transnational and bylocal thathuman rights equality discourses My dissertation gender will demonstrate various entities,by both withindomination and and outside Roma society discrimination come intoplay. intersectional where specific is women Romani of mentionedrepresentation andidentity As above, andparticipation politics. thepolitical social manifestation ethnicity,of and specific gender classwhichcreates strategies of political In my dissertationposition subject difficult their and I willmobilization which has never beendiscussedin public. political arguetheir about women Romani thatfor in the avoice mobilization and offer of Romani political case knowledge understanding the will deepen of Romani and social from status, structural discursive through and biographical level. activism Thisspecific political women’s politicalRomani Hungarian beon will focus main the analysis, my In mobilization regimes. economic and political therenon-Romani and patriarchal is a studies (Vakulenko 2007; Deckha 2004; Conogham 2007; Hannett 2003; Grabham 2006). Fernandes 2004), in sociology (Yuval-Davis 2006), in poscolonial studies (Arondeker2005), and in socio-legal science (Hawkesworth2003), economy in (Breweret al.,2002), in critical psychotherapy (Burman, 2004; academic contexts. To name only a few: interesectionality in political geography (Valentine 2007), in political(1989) and Duclos (1993). In recent years, engagingresearch intersectionality beenhas carried out invarious race approaches sociology was used by Anthis and Yuval-Davis (1983) and in critical legal theory by Crenshaw representational dynamics.The earliest applicationof intersectionality in critical race studies, specificallyconceptualized critical by criticaland feminists named became it to describeearlier, the various forms by anthropologist used been of had inequalities throughof intersectionality institutional concept the though Even 4 and the byactivists, is named asit words, in other intersectional discrimination, of manifestations aim underpin the I dissertation, to century twentieth empirical becomesthe Through material (Brienes 2006)ainmy of this reference thesis. late the of movements political within class, and ethnic gender, primarily identities, various of fragmentation the and analyze totrace attempted academy, which languagethe andmeaningof issuesof the race and gender relations. will employ theoretical frameworks and terminology from critical race studies, which sharpen and class of ethnicity gender, of features identities the explore intertwining the to dissertation the andtool throughout analytic be concept usedasacore will Intersectionality “double exclusion” 2 and domination by both Romani The new turn in the turn new The 4 . The thesis The . CEU eTD Collection and anthropological inquires to do fieldwork where I could meet women from the low social low the from women meet could I where classes andunderstandintersecting multiple, the and ethnic and conflicting gender power fieldwork do to inquires anthropological and In conducting interviews with the elite of Romani women, Iwas pushed by my sociological emotions regarding their struggles political (Chapter 6). opportunity for Romani to use women their own narrations and express feelingstheir and activism through biographical and personalstories, andtheinterviews provided an their political demonstrate interviews semi-structured These level). transnational atthe even with Hungarian Romani women who are (or were) active in political activism, (some of them level transnational and “official” interviews languages. Thus, semi-structured Iconducted the on focus a beyond go to crucial it found I level, transnational the at this, do To issues. Romani women’s on for Security inand Cooperation withEurope, a special focus on theirlanguage and initiatives such as theEuropean Union, Council the theUnitedEurope, of Nation and Organization the women. In addition, Ialso analyzed the discourses of majorinter-governmental organizations an produced overview gender, which demonstrates ethnic and inequalities class of Romani and data quantitative available the andanalzyed level I collected At transnational the settings. andpolitical social different of expectations the based on concepts transform and selectively appropriate women how activists frequently witnessed I andexperts. activists by areconceptualizedsociety” and slightly “empowerment” differently Romani women local NGOs. to variousdonors conferences andmeetings by organized to organizations, intergovernmental from localities, as followacross they that ”travel” concepts statements political literature, and intergovernmental organizations employ. In doing so, I build upon a growing body of politics, Ilook at the resources, concepts and ideas that Romani women, as well as donors In studying Romani women’s political activism andsocial in struggles globalizing gender sites multiple inandacross Researching of contemporary Romani women’s political andactivism social struggles. sociology, critical studies, (anthropology, human and gender rights), conceptually useful and understanding interdisciplinary a rich, establish to offers framework theoretical My experience. everyday andshapepeople’s meanings, influencepower construct social access andprivileges,relationships, which to affect have interlocking patterns that serve as a basis for developing multiple systems of domination and class are inseparable determinants of inequalities. Functioning interdependently, they The outcome of my research, as this will Roma community? be demonstrated in detail,transnational humanrightsand gender in discourse translatedandmodified a concrete local is that ethnicity,transnational levelregardingwomen Romani activismandsocial position?How the are gender following: arethe in forthcoming chapters to the seek answers Ishall questions My research primary level. local activism at transnational and Romani internalgain women dynamic of the of gender anunderstandingopportunity to How are intersections of ethnicity, gender and class manifested at the localand are ofethnicity,genderandclassmanifested atthe How intersections Resources and concepts like “gender,” “community like “community “civil andmobilization,” concepts Resources “gender,” 3 CEU eTD Collection Apart sterilization. conducting legacy coerced which anacademic to provided eugenics inEurope, from sterilization,fired has Romaniit how and movement, women’s global the to connect issues these how examine political I marriage. Specifically, and early sterilization byforced ofwomen’s bodies appropriation I willChapter 4 rights. discourse. women’s analyzeparticularly advocating rights, human organizations international by assisted is which activism, transnational women’s issues Inandits relation to therelated Romanidoing subaltern. Finally, Iintroduce the emergenceneo-liberalin Iproblematize development. in dependency a the policy donor the NGOsector of Romani so,to embedded movement rights’ the‘Roma forces.global Iconceptualize to strongly connected RomaniI willviolence womenintroduce risinghostility,see groups Roma, apolitical of which racism and activists as to response which againstChapter 3 receivethewill include some self-reflecting stories by told contemporary Romani women. history Roma. Totell I movement. story, this mechanisms the within internal oppression the characterize I andsketchthe Romani civil rights activism. Iwill expose various taboos and silentthe issues contemporary politicalthetheory discourses. Then, I provide a discussion thisdemonstrate Iusedifferent process, including academic andhistorical sources, developmentof post-colonial racism of First, I sketch the long term legacy of the conceptualization of Gypsy identity. To in Roma. case the this and between ‘others’, Europe of dichotomy creation the of (mis)representation of Roma inhistorical,Romani social and political discourses to contributed the appears thatthe of It structures thinking. generate thesehow and discourses women NGOs which are In activism. political transnational democratization, and rights human NGOism, civil on society, perspectives critical anthropological, and sociological critical race theories, interdisciplinary, thetheories thus applied representacrossrange of perspectives: gender, on fields and explain my personal relation to the subject of the thesis. My work is inherently for this instudy I lay down the context of my research, the theorethical underpinnings and the key concepts Outline of chapters understandof construction discursive, structural and autobiographical the Romani women. me They reflectuponmy to researchfields. enabled methods research diverse My selected more developed economically in an located region.)is other the while region, underdeveloped in an is one however comparable, are micro-regions in two the settlements of the structures the reason that the for Zemplén Abaúj Romani in micro-regionsdisadvantaged non-Romani selectedtwo the and of women quantitativeboth andqualitative analysis compared social the labor status and of of for socialconsisting research The change. advocate and inequalities intersectional their with. This research processenabledclosely construct them andshapeto language their activist I worked toexpose who women Romani core the of involvement the with project research knowledge in the community. Ihad the opportunity conductto a feminist comparative in it generates level local a way do atthe that research such Iwanted to background grounded in structures, specific localities. Beingafeminist ascholar and with an activist Chapter 2, presents the formation of a collective identity and consciousness amongst diverse continues to expose contemporary Romani women issues, particularly the particularly issues, women Romani contemporary expose to continues I will explore how historical, social and political discourses create Gypsies (BAZ) County and PestCounty (Chapter 7). (I chose these two micro-regions Chapter 1. In doing so, Iclarify the research methods, introduce the research 4 which Borsod- within CEU eTD Collection women political activism”. political women in gender politics. Ialso offer recommendations and predictions on the future of “Romanithe particularly in Hungary,alsoreflecting and upon potentialthe Romani of women’s activism Europe in society of contemporary civil gendered the politics attention to inadequate given lessons Romani the about women’s activism political andsocial struggle, addressingthe In level. local the at women and28) reconstruct differentthe reproduce and axesof positionpower subject Romani of personal connections how“global andthrough stories forces, (Burawoy imagination” 2000: expose will forces. I global/local of of reconfiguration the light in the research participatory women in a years Romani more with two experiencethan of mywork small and research feminist participatory HungarianIn Chapter 7, struggles. emancipatory city.social and political Throughoutand speakown their reflect for abouton is Romani women chapter an to tooffer opportunity this chapter empirical this focus of Themain inresearches. Hungarian representation Romani women’s I will analyzebiographicalin stories experiences and political activism. personal I willgivean of account the through explore Iwill which class, and gender race, of intersection atthe activism result of Chapter 6 the decade. focus on theirlanguage and initiatives on Romani issueswomen’s developed in lastthe forUnited in with Security and and Nations Organization Europe, the Cooperation a special inter-governmental organizations such as theEuropean Union, Council the the Europe, of major of discourses reviewsthe chapter of this second part Romani The against women. this chapter ethnicinequalities. which gender,andclass Romani data women’s demonstrates Chapter 5 of racializeddominance. relations of‘Criticaltheortical whichprovidesthe framework analysis Whiteness’ Studies of of “saving of brown script colonial the to similar is motive and representation of kind This oppressive. womenitdepict and as backward, primitive, serving to or culture of Romani ‘exotic nature’ from the illustrating mostly political generate concern, or media in the coverage international brown men”. In order to understand this process, I will apply the the Conclusion exposes the structural the through availableRomani women structural quantitativeexposes position of explores how “Romani woman” emerges in the discursive fields of political of fields discursive in the emerges woman” “Romani how explores gives an account of gives an account of structural the inequalitiesinstitutional of racism and sexism I will present my research findings based on participant observations, participant on based findings my research present Iwill I revisit the hypothesis and the main arguments of the study, drawing some 5 In addition, CEU eTD Collection Romani women and men in our societies, which create different sites of power or resistance. non- and Romani lives of shape the to operate domination of forms systemic stance that critical a on relies thesis the of arguments underlying main The politics. mainstream the emancipate political Roma to hold agreat potential political andtransform people activities marginalization in local from a Romani politics level,to transnational the subversive their despite continuing Romani women’s shallandargue that exploreparadox this I located. progress of experience is thecontradictory discourse human rights neo-liberal with experience and myThrough I arguethatdissertation this disparity Romani of and non-Romani women’s oppression effects of improved legal and status declining quality of life have differentwomen given? where paradoxical these to responses of Whatkinds political fragile moreand threatening? become thewomen have legalseen enhanced,their status whileformany Romani women lifedaily has transformativewomen’s lives have duringimproved in significantly the lastEurope twodecades,and all many of my activist fellows furiously findto answer to: how do we explain the fact that many understand racializedand the gendered subordination of workRomani alongsidewomen. I power and expose to theories postcolonial and feminism race critical as such frames, theoretical of Romanithinking” new stimulated and sensitive issues Romani amongst activists, which invited new a seed develop gender acontested to perspective This in Romani movement. “new the way of offered which women activism, political Romani of context political and social the analyze to activism and women Romani level regarding personal the on also and atthestructural manifested are inequalities.is This dissertation seeks toanswer howintersections of gender, ethnicity and class multiple with experiences understand to lives,our language a conceptual our and develop structure issues that economic and social, political, untangle complex the to struggled have understand positions our vis-à-viscommunities ourown and the non-Romani population. We to have striven we activities, Roma related andnational international invarious participate andhierarchy With of offeminist-mindedpower a number Romani are enacted. who women, forms multiple where asasite woman”, position,”Romani see my to havesubject own come gender, ethnicity, and my classwhichstructure of life as Romani well as and life. non-Romani women’s I intersections namely location, political specific the reflect do they However, me, personally. at directed not were attacks these many times, am I sure that attacks. andpremeditated exclusion of discrimination, I wasthetarget felt that whenI activism and violence. Overtheyears, Ihave duringhad many encounters in myparticipation Romani women,including myself, countless,harbor stories unspoken of discrimination, exclusion, woman, a seasoned political activistfor Roma rights, a scholar, and afeminist. Many Romani myilliteratea Romani adaughter of My backgroundgrew out parents, of as dissertation political, theoretical 1.1 Personal, LOCAL PERSPECTIVE POLITICAL FROM A ACTIVISM TRANSNATIONAL AND MAPPING ONE: CHAPTER A STUDY OF ROMANI WOMEN 6 CEU eTD Collection environment to their advantage their to environment actors, as well Romani political process, democratization With this (Sigona2009:3). Trehan and corner” as many in opposite neglected otherthe went communities Romani of conditions (material) and social economic the while reforms, law’ of ‘rule politicallyand legislative via agenda enhancement rights political active politicians,groups were“focusing and donors onan American-led ‘democratization’ and acivil and have learnedHowever, to use Bárány 2006). expense ofeconomic andsocial Pogány 2001; rights( 2004;Veermesch the at the rights political and civil on internationalemphasis putting well as movement political Romani critiques Pogany Furthermore, new2003; haveTrehan 2001) political discourses in evolved the growingaddress Kovats 2003; Roma Guy andto anti-Gypysism, to situation.( the and 2001; of ofmillions status socio-economic deteriorating tothe asaresponse regimes emerged of minorityandlater on equal opportunity discourses human andAfterrights 1989, rights, the rights based discourse stress that the policy-making elite, 6 2006) 5 and becomeof regime, recognized forming humanrights issues,the apart and gender a created political for opportunity Romani make women to their heard.Women claims rights which isequality discourse, thegender resources international One most remarkable of the (Ladányi-Szelényi states 2006 in Central European and Eastern Romanicountries, intheEuropean particularly citizens increasing social exclusion, pauperization, racial discrimination and terrritorial segregation of recognized thatone mostof the visible by-products of phenomenonhavethis been the of (Sigona Many researchers consolidation 2009:1) neoliberal andTrehan intheenlargedEurope. policies and affirmation an brought has restructuration political and economic new socialist and andcrisisdefining economic growing inequalities countries this period. NATO (North as well in the disintegration enlargementYugoslavia Europe, of as Eastern of 1990s,the the inWestern, systems welfare of post-WWII restructuring with neoliberal the states its satellite economic, political and social transformations following the collapse of the Soviet Union and remarkable haveexperienced societies European decades contemporary two During last the thefield Entering 1.2 Romani face. that women discrimination/oppressions structural and intersectional the to responses more appropriate and create theorize to opportunity an offered activism women from become Allinone another. personallamentations which political theRomani these sexuality or gender, class, ofrace,ethnicity, discourses isolate we cannot identities, where of we complexities various who constitute categories of political these Moreover, sense stand. we are andwhere the to on so and language religion, and class, social and economic gender, systems of power socio- createlong a have political that struggle and a legacypolitical domination of in sites Europe whichinterrelated are continue control division other and to shapeinstitutional exploitation the lifeclass sexism, choices andracism, that of formativeRomani hypothesis the women. on based is Thesethen, study, My categories such as race, ethnicity, Forsimilar examples internationally, see (Merry 2006) Iván Szelényi and János (Ladányi in of Roma segregation territorial and exclusion social the about more Read Atlantic Treaty Organization) and the European Atlanticincludeformer Treaty the European Union Organization) and to 5 ). 6 . 7 This CEU eTD Collection e5048fe380d3f55b6da30b13a5 http://cps.ceu.hu/romapolicyfellowship_resources.php?cmssessid=Tf1b587168444c140a50c9af5adda001d5cf81 Women in Europe existing the Despite anomalieslives. in their the Hungarian NGO andstructure minority self-governmentclass and system,gender number a of Romani ethnicity, how specifically, more understand local Oneof oppression. experience, my concerns Romani women’s to was daily life bynarratives and hardship indaily uncertainty of gender deprivation, accompanied economic pervasive managerin where Romani local various Iencountered communities and project trainer, as a facilitator, work community started to Hungary, I to my After return confidence forpolitical activism. of source be Thiscan expose a their to experiences. marginalized group from women significance I hope ingender andethnicyoung itthat inspiring relations forwill also be haveapolitical stories these Nevertheless, as psychologically. as well intellectually experiences work on these memany yearsto took It activism. political in Romani the to expose existingthe racial and genderrelations that visible produce andinvisible hierarchy dissertation the under apseudonym.with My encounter racism andsexism have the potential and sector my in Ishallmovement. integrate stories Romani donor of sexist male centered operation the the and NGO the of dynamics sexist and racist the observe and witness directly the was I years for two NGOhadof “opportunity” Brussels-based whereI funding director the to advocate. rights human disenchanted a as Brussels left I when in 2004 planted local activism, women’s Romani level atthe manifested were and transnational regarding are is, class and intersections that of gender ethnicity, how The idea project, of particular this to a uniqueproduce entry research point. combined affairs gender Romani marginal the and activism political Romani transnational of contestation or womennegotiation transformation, expose and one local the to level transnational issuesmeconnect the to encouraged statementyour them.” This amongst fieldwork andcarry out detached on fromtransnationaldifferent their communities.you“What wantdo with the heardfrom of myprofessors: I often local one community. their level issuesfrom to global the messages gender totransmit regarding few attempted You have very in Hungary particularly women, Romani of participation transnational active the Despite Romaniscalesto go back to thewomen particular Roma/Gypsiesin of the Council of Europe. activists,a Romadiverse community theymanner. are a small Thereby, elite group, the who newlyhave become emerged 7 international level. In1999,her report an at Roma communities tothe related issues concerns and gender articulate first to was the instance, for members community, of the of leading one Bitu, the OSI). Nicoleta EU, CoE, the international of influence the human via level rights national advocacy and network international and the on inter-governmental even visibility gain organizations (UN, level by to become onthe Romani of beginning women started the active transnational 2000 90sseveral inlate women Romani as a the of that Iwouldconsequence 1996:12). addthat and leadersinmacro activities”sphere of politics,are but (Silverman state autonomous in the invisible are “paradoxically women Romani context, in aBulgarian it put as Silverman activism; women Romani greatly enhanced society civil emerging regional the and by gender discourse countries. in accepted anddonor International organizations CEE NGOs Nicoleta Bitu’s report was the first policy documenton Romani Women “ ” (Bitu 2003) (Accessed on2006.10.24) 7 was supported and adopted wassupportedandby adopted SpecialistGroup the on 8 The Situation of Roma/Gypsy CEU eTD Collection local level. local the at activism women Romani of transnational effect the about conclusions draw specific where Iwill inthe lastchapter, my findings to empirical becontrasted will These hypotheses class. on based activism transnational and in local involvement 3. Unfair discrimination andviolence Romani women treatment, against determine supposedly depends on classthe belonging andtranslation of capacities activists. principles andtranslation human equality gender of rights of local 2. The conceptualization commodity by political parties and international organizations. political as a be used as well women, as Romani of participation political the strengthen the at contested and localnegotiated transformed, and level transnational the at generated is which level1. There is amarginalized new (genderequality) in discourse emergingthe Roma movement namely: by Romaniin hypotheses have I hadseveral been which of course researchprocess, the the tested womengender equality humanrights womanbe activists, and for personal determine tofight Romani to trajectories activists.amongst Romaniwomen their access affect torightsandpoliticalactivism? What kindof women Romani level inrespect andsocialposition?How differences of activism do class How intersectionsethnicity, gender are of andclass Moreover, atthelocalandtransnationalmanifested followingI formulated the questions: research the women”. Romani banners of“empowering the under democracy” gender and “Romani and “human women’s rights rights” which activities,promote through they and discourses asthose as well level, local the and transnational the issues” at “Women’s equality myclosely observed of I Asresearch, level.part centers) resource andinternational networks localthe level Hungary)(Szikszó, transnational level and the the(mapping various Roma an undertook mind,With at empirical concerns inmy I research project discourse outlined above the designand methods can1.3 Research havelanguage of or andthe transnational human activism adopted rights discourse. gender is there that anumber fewto led byin of very areconnected Romani NGOs Hungary,women by it Romani led women, could be is deal qualified to with gender issuesnotwithstanding fact the organization if the that presumption is a there NGOs Roma Amongst scale. global and global the befrom observedthrough Romani activistsas whoactwomen ‘double’between agents local the ideas translating in role can critical The local a 21). specific crossroad arena from localand global up’(2001: and down arena ‘play who activists, women as Romani such these intermediaries, of work the on observation an made specifically, Merry Engle Sally human and genderequality inrights contextualization specific Anthropologist, communities. study to valuable base forms human rights a anthropology on the of literature The growing level. at local the as‘negotiators’ and recognized communities in their leaders have become women ? 9 CEU eTD Collection countries. which made them capable communicatingof with their Roma fellows from European various involvementmainly depends upon languagetheir capacity ineither Romanes,English transnational or their Also, movement. Romani transnational in the involvement and on women emancipation 35 and50,they the between of reflections Romani rich offer could undereducatedlow-skilled and parents, bornthus before 1970making them of age the with intellectuals generation first most were of interviewees Since the rural areas. my interviewees was that they should come from various age groups and from both urban and local governments orRoma civic organizations in Hungary. An important factor in choosing of these Romani women assume(d) leading roles in political parties, state institutions and them in their office and home and had several informal conversations with them in cafés. All participated in “deep hanging outs” (Clifford 1997:188)with my interviewees, byvisiting places, as well as in their homes ( Appendix 1). In addition to these interviews, Ialso for analysis) of these actors on at least three different occasions at their workplace, in public and public life. I conducted a series of semi-structured interviews with twenty (used eleven and in inarena at both national international political (or political the leastthe participate) European various (from activists women countries), I Romani specifically focused on Romani women who transnational liveof in Hungary and assumecircle roles the Within remained spaceand same)over the 2001;Helms time (Markovitz 2003). women Romani transnational see how the to as well resources, conceptual and materials of people, strategies, flow explore the meto enabled process research media This coverage. related as other as well on and emails narratives, via forums Icollected these personal materials, discussion 2001). (Warketin Internet confrontations activities, building self/identificationsalliance in discussions, participated often them,materials, their conceptsandstatements (Wedel Appadurai I 2001; 1996) Moreover, also established networking strategies with highlythese mobile Romani women, tofollow local dynamics and position themselves strategically in gender and Roma related discourses. I andRomani women internationalused these asevents an negotiateopportunity to within global- representationstheir experiencesand gendered roles, their organizational struggles. Ialso observed how and on views revealedtheir policy- women where of settings, inacademic andacademics decision-makers community the from politicians with interactions women’s Romani witnessed ofanalyzed I documents, reportsand delivered statements Network. by organizations.these On instances,several I Women self Romani International and Program Network Women Institute, and others informal meetings bythe addition, Iparticipated organized Open Society and informal European changed Commission and the Organization for Security inand Cooperation In Europe. by the forums international Council related organized the Nations, United of the Europe, (or andmaterials.various gender reports other Ialso attended of documents, qualitative analysis institutions.these Thiswas byarchivesand complemented work comprehensive the of issues women Romani to responses policy and discourses the and participation women’s women of networks Romani informal and formal Ianalyzed Europe-wide sites across Europe. and therelationships friends with from variousand colleagues visitscountries, andbrief European to operation related ongoing toRomani monitoring women transnational activism through events the of fiveyearsclose mainly of over collected levelwas transnational for thisatthe Data study of European institutions Datacollection1.3.1 at the transnational level with a specific emphasis on Romani 10 CEU eTD Collection community expectations. 8 in Pecs work field unsuccessful of year a half after emerged activism political and social The choice of the Hungarian town, Szikszo, Identifying1.3.2 the local research site as the research site to study Romani in local interactions contexts. their of and a range transnational women’s field witnessin the andto time, activitiesfollow over Romani women’s selected it the made to possible involvement my long-term Also, them. with interact professionally and personally other the hadto on findings. theopportunity several addition, I my handand occasions In on on research participants, women Romani mentioned above the of members family and This study is, therefore, on the one hand based on my interactions with the colleagues,friends characteristics of feminist participatory researches. participatory feminist of characteristics the Iwill Below discuss methods. using ethnographic some project research collaborative in be cannot itSzikszóbut Ishall rather dubbedas term as afeminist participatory ethnography, project research the commitment, political and involvement my personal and limitations due tothe various believe that my research.I Ire-designed original project, research in the the researcher of participation active an of advantages and importance the recognized (Burawoy and Verdery 1999; Clifford and Marcus1986; Marcus Fisherand 1986)Having involvement. and my experiences on personal andreflect inproject research the myself place to my advicethe professor of took I my perspective. to activist-scholar appropriate not was which trajectory meresearch off the took andalso myproject research towards myattitude it because moment transformed very enlightening for this grateful In fact,Iam Michael Steward in Hungary (1996) or Paloma Gay y Blasco (1999) in Spain. by was madefor example that one the like a classicaldo I couldethnography not context researcher.This wastheturningwhen in point I recognized that specificthis geographical me from peopleexpectations than hadtotally academic white different a non-Roma meenter allowinglocal her to community. Second,asIam Romani a committed activist, notto open levelwas local and transnational between the asamediator who acted person writingfield notes and so on, butit didnotwork out in my casefor various reasons. First, the is whoethnographer interviews, justdoing anconducting observation, participatory elegant of ‘real’ imitate role the the to Iwanted history, activist havevery strong I that a fact the Despite project. research the whole from myself detach tototally Iwanted because Roma elite, but also the most marginalized local providesjust fieldwork meet an not to with very opportunity articulated transnational the group. My first attempt in Pecs failed the Ialso that believed local into context. the partlyis and equality translated gender rights I institutions. activism of Romani inwomen the howcommunity thelanguageand international of human educational and authorities local as such was particularly interested in howinstitutions, the class dimensionlocal affects the access to specific rights andto political relations community and wasinterestedin studying the participation of Romani women and their government. I wanted examineto the formalestablished and informal hierarchy in Roma the asin self moresuch NGOand minority the tangible,Roma are inequalities of intersections the where institutions and forms social specific are level there local the at that assumed Pécs failed forvarious reasons, but one of the lessons I have learned is that my expectations have to meet with 11 8 . I CEU eTD Collection herself on the same critical plane as her subjects, “[t]hus the researcher appears to us not as us not to appears the researcher “[t]hus her subjects, as plane critical same on the herself infeminist inquirer research bestplaces the claim that andthe (1987) (1987) Smith Dorothy with in (1981)callsthem the process,HelenRoberts “reflexivity”. this SandraHarding andengages subjects other andthe herself between distance the narrow to attempts researcher When the bymany researchers. feminist andappreciated Similar issues are recognized several raises which deservereflection. my wholeprocess, research the to through issuesrole(s) pertaining project research the into immersion my research, feminist and anthropologist critical Relying on experience. my personal my alongside of data, primary source arethe NGOmembers and from NGOs stories writings, experiences, narratives, Personal Feminist1.3.3 activistparticipatory researchproject the of in be six. chapter will presented interviews analysis the also and experience fieldwork my All school. local the at assistants became teacher’s women fiveRomani my assistance, with Also SZIROM. NGO, called authorities tool describe to structural their when funding forposition they apply negotiate with local or to addressRoma womentheir in two socialmicrowith regions. thesituation. Thelocal results projecta collaborative research my out in carried of product community, we presence the of Romanithis Inresearch addition, women have been onused thelocallywe establishedsocial as a status a Romaniof Romani women’s women compared with non- process which improve the situation of the observed marginal or subaltern marginal subaltern groups. or observed the thewhich improve situation of process anthropology, which explicitthe supports involvement of researchers in any of social kind project research my of as apart engagement activist explicit an with went there asI facilitator community alsoa justwas not a researcherbut I more complex. became my consequently process, role manifests in their social and political activities. Since I truly positioned myself in the research My mainfocus explore how gender,was to ethnicity theirlives structure and class and men. asRomani interviewsRomani with aswell women, these andconversations structured multiple women Iconducted establish with semi- coreRomani this group. arelationship decisionaction, into looked simply theeyes of group this of threatening people. Thisprompted my to mobilizedwho theRoma community and, the similarly Gandhi modeto of peaceful, passive do my Romani was a by afew organizedRoma women, group courageous turned that out resistance researchit However, local shopkeepers, notabilities etc. including and such asteachers,people priest, among local the was by local This supported various actors Roma population. group paramilitary these racist withviews, strong demonstratingparamilitary anextreme-right against group Guard], women and hence my first trip to Szikszo to advocacy, and activism 11 has beensupported by EU the Structural Fund. Consultancy and Foundation for Roma Civil Rights. Igenerated various Roma related projects at Szikszo which 10 ge=/public/hirek/hir.php&id=16844 http://www.mancs.hu/index.php?gcPage=/public/hirek/hir.php&id=16844http://www.mancs.hu/index.php?gcPa 9 Narancs was in whendecided August2008 I readan article in Hungarian Magyar weekly the called of Szikszó choice level. The andlocal betweentransnational isamediator interviewees the Since my project in Pécs had to be aborted, I looked for a specific community where one of This article call my attention to choose Szikszó: There are several excellent essays on engaged anthropology in the book of book the in anthropology engaged on essays excellent several are There From December 2008 I also integrated in my project a role of consultant with the consortium of KAI 9 where Szilvia Varró reported the march of march the of the reported Varró where Szilvia 10 . There is a well-established socially and politically engaged brand of brand engaged politically and socially is awell-established . There /edited by Victoria Sanford and Asale Angel-Ajani (Angel-Ajani,Sanford 2006) (Accessed on July 2010)12, 12 Magyar Gárda Engaged Engaged observer :anthropology, [the Hungarian [the 11 As a by- Asa CEU eTD Collection (2007:303) „ Participatory Actionand Research and Feminism”. (Nagy Hesse-Biber2007) research inschool and community-in organization-based or educational setting.” Lykes andCoquillon pedagogical practices, including Freirian the problemSpecifically, posing, system.” decoding, and educational concientization inthe dimensions informclass–based participatory and racialized, and actiongendered, the example, for about, consciousness thatraises praxis develop to sought have which perspective Freirian on the based research participatory feminist The Freire. Paulo leader political and activist, educator, Brazilian 13 1991) „Situated Knowledges:The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilige of Partial Perspective (Haraway 12 1991:183-201) production of knowledge is understood as located or ‘situated’ in a specific context (Haraway specificWithin (Harding:1987:9).interests” fieldFeminist all of desiresand the Studies, with concrete, individual historical butas areal, voice authority, of anonymous an invisible, the further chapter. the in detailed be will which community local in the change social some produced fieldwork my assessment, this on Based structures. power transform help itshould where level social wider activists’strengthen should and can it where level, local the on second, and consciousness; confidence critical develops itorganizations where level individual an on change social prompt to has it First, and levels. improve on three produce progressivechange social participatory hasto research (1987:241), the research, which should a challenge provide Accordingthe Maguiretool to existing to inequalities. livingfrom benefit should women particularly subjects, the conditions that a way in research conduct we should that researchers, social offeminist other like many believe, I local research. the subjectsIn involvement the Szikszó, of Romani inmy wasabyproductwomen project research of my and third,social changeprojects. to collaboration on the elements feministmethodology of by connecting acommunity’s participation and activist radical most of one the exemplifies project research participatory The project. mainly mylocal buildcharacterize fieldwork ona“problem-posing”, “consciousness” raising researches feminist participatory Moreover, academy. the outside and within both methods science social conventional Heidi states feministGottfried (1996:9) activistthat research alternatives to offers activists. women local of involvement the inproject with mindthat knowledge toproducealocal that necessitates inevitably situated inthe Romani research local women the mutual in with engagement experience research and the theory, between for connection intimate make the to aswell. women Iwanted open local Romani become can it that way in a location’ of my ‘politics construct to attempted I of which I am part of. astory only produce my subject, research of give depiction an objective Icannot researcher immersed have we knowledge asubjective production imply which will always dimension. asa Iacceptthat contrary, the on position, ‘objective’ distant, no is there production, thisknowledge conceptualization of Accordingto monster’(Haraway belly 1991:188). of the famous2010). Thereis phraseusedbyHaraway, says ‘inthe a wearealways that which is researcher the that positivism alwaysinthemiddle stressing of analyzed worldthe (Lykke with other feminist with and isillusion.Haraway Iagree an Haraway ‘good-trick’ to the According knowledge. scholars whobodyless argue objective andproduce position contextless, acompletely detached is take be ableto he/sheappear to and for researcher the a whereas ‘politics “objectivity” of belief scientific the of to refers location’ and with With ‘good-trick’, trick’ she (Haraway 1991:191-196). term the of theirpositivist epistemology of critiques of The most explicit political forms of participatory and action research are situated within the legacy of the Donna Haraway was the first feminist scholar who articulated the ’situated’ knowledge in widly read article; 12 . The ‘situated’ knowledge builds on the critique of what she calls the ‘good- 13 (Brydon-Miller, Maguire,which (Brydon-Miller, McIntyre 2004), and 13 CEU eTD Collection (Kóczé 2010) labor market and income-earning opportunities of Roma women in two micro-regions) inKutatasi Beszamolo, munkaer research manager and the team leader was Angéla Kóczé. “Nehéz sorsú asszonyok feketén fehéren: Roma n Roma fehéren: feketén asszonyok sorsú “Nehéz Kóczé. Angéla was leader team the and manager research inMay 2010. The research team consisted of Fruzsina Albert, Bea Dávid, Éva Havas, Angéla Kóczé. The 14 (1991)and Abu-Lughod suchasLila “halfie” anthropologists, or “native” There areseveral Igathered. interpretation data and the myaccess, affected position since myownsubject in My my certainly researchprocess the participation and naturally questions positioning, responsibility protect to them and avoid abusing ourunequal research relationship. use is Ifeelname, itto their me real some my granted permission my fact the that of subjects real interviewee usingtheauthor’s refername, andlater tothem pseudonym.under Despite by publishedmaterials produced the whenIcite there areinstances because uncomfortable, inpubliclywhen Ifeel public arenasor availablematerials.At point, this referring to really sensitivevery use names individuals referring issues.However,real Ido when appearing to life and stories their whom I talk about with interviewees those caseof inthe pseudonyms use choose to I place organizations, and nameof the the while preserved Ihave my data, up Inwriting activists. women of circles various within andapproaches concepts of meaning shifting the explore to sites rich were These beliefs. religious and language-skills status, socio-economic various with women Romani between interactions the about information much offered meetings level. national atboth andpublic Such European workshops in andthematic participating discussions by variousdebates, conferences, attending allowed observation which methods, suchasparticipant gather andalso richdata use anthropological me to experiences, my own on heavily rely to needed I level, transnational the and at local activism their and status social women Romani about written much not is there Since Issues,1.3.4 bias and dilemmas identify problems specific and raise their and self-esteem speak ability out. to situation, andracialized their gendered about validate knowledge their commonsense them to research enabled intheir local and the society. Theparticipatory opportunities community conscious ways of theirrelating unequal personal problems to and distribution power of research skillsacquire to weretrained from SZIROM Romani women the project local level.During the and they becamethe at inequalities various of manifestations on the focuses which research of the segment one conscious of menwith Romani presentIn this and with women. Romani dissertation I will only another their issues and inboth decision-makers. Moreover, counties weconducted2focus discussions, one group were thaught genderRomani men, aswellan interviewsadditional 20 structured local with policy- and and race interviews Romaniand 20deep-structured women, non-Romani Wewomen with conducted to include membersin households, thegiven all which altogether resulted in1250responses. quantitative andqualitative analysis.We questionnaires distributed to248households aiming as the research Borsodin this Abauj integrated and was Zemplen Szikszo County County. Pest and County (BAZ) Zemplén Abaúj of Romani women coregroupthe of Romani women activistsfrom Szikszó compared the social labor statusand and non-Romaniof with involvement the I conducted project research comparative The feministparticipatory women in the selected two micro- regions of Borsod- This research was supported by the Ministry of Social and Labor Affairs. The research report was published was report research The Affairs. Labor and of Social Ministry by the supported was research This Ę -piaci és megélhetési lehet és megélhetési -piaci Ę ségei két kistérségben” (Women with a tough fate in black and white: and black in fate a tough with (Women kistérségben” két ségei 14 settlement. The research consisted of both of consisted research The settlement. 14 Ę k CEU eTD Collection community, for example from sexual representations to matrilinearity, some of them certain described rolesgender in of social and domains theirsome families,very extended limited matrilinearity, to representations sexual from example for community, anthropologists and historians 2010).Although, (Kóczé2008;Kóczé literature organizations inacademic incivic leadership theirand women of Romani aspects socio-economic the to references few very are there Furthermore, ineven studies. but academic discourses andsocial political in only not invisible largely bfghtyhgyjyteen have women Romani recently, Until have given Background1.4.1 from scholarship Romani studies attentionsub-chapters. following in the present shall I which and toGender Class”, /Ethnicity, “Race namely “Human categories, three Rightstheunder be structured will and my research Role of the NGOs placein Eastern Europe”circumscribing the main theoretical and starting points “Politics of my study. The theoretical discussions scholarship, fields of of of of a number level.local Ipresent and Identity”, transnational globalized of Romaniregarding Romani women social and activism political atan and unbalanced dynamic A key aspect of this study is tounderstand the intersections of race/ethnicity, and gender class women in 1.4 Literature Review a traditional Southeast Asian cultures andAsian cultures USLatinos. Southeast 15 subjectivity, and acknowledges narrative inevitably emotion, the nature of social analysis idealmale, whiteit observer andmiddle-class and God-like with andreplacing a model that objective onadetached, based science social white male-centered in model of the reformulating influential be also may work my contribution, theoretical my beside that I hope engaged scholarship and the world of everyday life” (1993:671) in our (1993:671). Asbelong “Wetext haverepresent out: to shepointed world the simultaneously we of to those with relations” of “quality the on be should focus the that argument Narayan’s with therefore in I agree Szikszó? from Budapest nativehow Iam myself that foreignanthropologist? isHow (1993:671).Inaccordance, onefrom abroad?” Iaskedfrom isnative “How native a notion whenasking, 672) 1993: (Narayan paradigm “insider/outsider” of whole the critiques who Narayan Kirin with agree I truly However, interviewees. my particularly had this privileged position when Iwas able create anintimate to relation with or standpoint process.I in theresearch creatively knowledge usethis andshould special double consciousness his/her of be aware should researcher the that believe I be essentialized. not should researchers of the position these however Ithink is that true, this In many respect individuals 1998; (Abu-Lughod Altorki 1988; Baca Zinn Kondo1986; 1979; Kumar 1992;). researchersof are studyingdifferently who as opposed to those positioned agroup Researchers belong which to often agroup they studying haveclaim they anadvantage that my1998; for andHarding1991).both an advantage disadvantage (Hartsock research. The fact that as a Romaniforproject howtointegrate my own connections andrelations into matter. subjectthe woman, I will alwaysDorinne Kondo(1986)whose approaches and genreof writing offered models for my own be a part of the resulting analysis, could be One of the most influential ’native’ anthropologists is Renato Rosaldo who has written on 15 15 . CEU eTD Collection and Their Journey hand to theorize and address specifically the political involvement of Romani women and on Roma the of and class and gender ethnicity, of women intersection the problematize to other the Romani of involvement political the specifically address and theorize to hand Romanifail human Even gender reports, andethnographies, rights studies related onethe on (1999:2-30). as of agroup Gitanos the status identity identity alsoand tothe difference, theand personal isto central bodily and practice sexual morality, sexual y Blasco, Guy to According life. daily management her, of according the sexual role occupy inwhich to a prominent desire, Gitano Paloma Guyy Blasco explained (1999) Gitano what discourses and practicesdo havewith to which in partly, respect of women,bodies their and 1997:204-232). theirsexuality (Stewart body”, the of “shame the on chapter aspecific dedicates by He Roma. ‘weltanschauung’ an alternative of preserving importance symbolic roles the and gender transmission, cultural proletarianization, as(sub) issuesuchproblems with takes Hungary and in socialism under Vlach Roma life of the time,covers at that perspective anthropological Roma from distinguishing practices of to thepersistence as“outsiders”, pointing very status to their scholarship, anumber of anthropologists the strong attributed sense of identity Roma group As issues.trendgender inRomani aresultof dominant perspective the of culturalist Silverman 1996a, 1996b,2000)is ascholar(1981, whoalways givesspecific attention to integration. labor force-market of effects and on school focused primarily on problemsthe ofyoungincluding women, reproduction and the knock- behavior in by analyzing Gypsydatacollected Jánky (Jánky 2005) representative 2003. half political the after changes had altered, Béla Jánky also examined Roma reproduction Having raised questionhowthe lifethe chances of Romani inwomen the firstdecade and a their social and economic are positions the key factors in their behavior.instead reproduction communities; Roma marginalized of children of number in the a role play not does communities. Roma marginalized in children bear to willingness the influence on isethnic an there waswhether Hermainresearchquestion groups. on, JuditDurst(2001) studied theformation of behaviorsreproductive ofmarginalized in Later system healthcare (Neményi 1999). Romaniwhataccount women the on experience scientific an produce ethnographic to attempted scholarfirst that Maria wasthe Neményi social literature, Hungarian In women. Romani against discrimination racial the of dimension 17 such asthe European Monitoring Centeron Racism and Xenophobia,(EUMC 2003) 16 communities specific traditions and customs particularlythat affect Romani liveswomen’s inin some countries or 1995, specific Williams(Okely 1997, Lemon 2002, Stewart 1982)relating to issues, Okley 1997; some inLemon 2002). Therestudies certain anthropological are references research social oriented has policy recently Only very aswell. literature socio-economic of kind be in this to tend neglected women Romani of conditions particular The 2004). Kemény-Jánky-Lengyel 2004; Ladányi-Szelényi (Kertesi 2005; inequalities foron research Romasocio-economic Guy 1998),whichis in2001; Tong also true caseofsociologiststhe built who base a strong issues shed lighton rolethe of inwomen representation political (Acton 2000; Barany2001; Moreover, noneof andsociological anthropological the dealing with studies Roma political attention has been given to the participation of women, or lack thereof, in political process. See for instance Isabella Fonseca ‘ s book which is rather a journalistic work. a journalistic is rather which ‘ sbook Fonseca Isabella instance for See Such gender related studies beenhave conducted primarily by local NGO-sand international organizations, Gadje , (Fonseca1995) (non-Roma) through history through in(non-Roma) stateand policiesresponse to (Okley1983; 17 . For instance, Stewart’s instance, averybook, . For new Stewart’s and refreshing 16 16 begun to explore the gender the explore to begun Bury Me Standing, The Gypsies She argued that ethnicity She argued that CEU eTD Collection dynamic of political participation of Romani women at the local and transnational beof racial the analyzed whichneedto inlight level. themeaning ofethnicity and race, deconstruct define attempting Wacquant and to 2002,) 1987; Anthias andYuval-Davis 1992;Gilroy literature sociological in (Banton andHartmann 1998;Cornell academic references 1998; several There are discourses. academic legal and by political, constructed were they make up a racial idiom and lead to the question of why are there such racialized acts and how can andused together terms which racism, segregation racial racial discrimination, prejudice, There is now a whole family of expressions and concepts attached to Roma, such as racial 19 Public Statement by the European Roma InformationOffice 18 number of Roma, whose growth is seen as a social threat” the to reduce attempt in be aracist sterilized to continue women Romani undocumented. is being sole Roma, andforwounded of the reason killed are attacked, Roma that the source only not is “Anti-Gypsism that stated Office Information Roma European authorities. the example For ofnational and discriminationinternational relevant by addressed and be recognized to “Anti- of Gypsism” notion the pushing been have organizations rights human Several andunwanted. marginalization. whichmost agroup Europe’s remains and of discrimination, becamehatred Roma atarget term 1989,which “Anti-Gypsism”. feelingafter became anovertly as activists expressed As with the ethnic Thisdifference ‘racialized’ andSleeper,2004). and(Rekosh discourses academic past, it kills. ethnicother in and groups Europe how Roma issuesbecame ‘racialized’ in political,legal The numberpolitical hierarchy. lookatquestions why Roma Iwill to pertaining are from distinguished of and economic in means a social, ethnicity whatRomani conceptualize to is worth itwomen, In order to understand Race/Ethnicity,1.4.2 Gender and Class the “gendered”participatory fieldand in work localthe and transnational Roma community. dynamicjustice movements. in the grand anthropological narrative, ofparticularly in the struggle of women of colorin social theresource an important andvictories could represent contradictions insights, conflicts, stories, political‘movement’in participation spite of that of theRomani missing perspective of Romani women, particularly their provide an answer to this phenomenon, I have traced back the theoretical dimension of racism dimension today. As stated by theoretical Etiennethe back Balibar: traced have I phenomenon, this to answer an provide of racist movements and ispolicies, or ita politically tacticalmotivated adoption? In orderto wewitnessing be anewhistorical are similar. The question upsurge therefore should raised: is in content buttheir substantial in countries, different Romaagainst form acts maydiffer to See more elaboration on this phenomenon “Is there a ‘Neo-Racism’?” (Balibar 1991) (Balibar ‘Neo-Racism’?” a there “Is phenomenon onthis elaboration more See My statement was made in Europeanthe Parliament in December2003. ”Europe’s most unwanted” (2003), interbreeding or invasion) and which are articulated around stigmata of otherness (name, skin (name, otherness color,of religious practices) stigmata around articulated are which and invasion) or interbreeding to need (the purify the body,social topreserve ‘one’s own’ or segregation ‘our’or identity from all forms of mixing, prophylaxis of phantasm of the are elaborations which intellectual many representations so and discourses in exploitation), and humiliation intolerance, contempt, Racism - atrue ‘total social phenomenon’ – inscribesitself inpractices (formsof violence, In my own dissertation research, I propose to fill this gap with extensive 19 (Balibar 1991:74). 17 18 . The current racist discourses and CEU eTD Collection which reinforcing the racist discourse in the academia. the in discourse racist the reinforcing which role of IQ in American society.I discuss this work in Chapter Two as an illustrationof race-biological discourse Curve,co-authored with the late Richard Herrnstein 1994in (Herrnstein,Murray 1994), which discusses the 21 Lewis. Oscar in the ethnography 20 and race class (AnthiasandYuval-Davis 1992). between connection the addressing work Anthias’s Floya and Yuval-Davis Nira in the issues forthcoming chapters. Roma ‘racialized’ discourse scientific how expose to attempt will I Therefore, 2001a, Steward 2001b; Ladányi-Szelényi 2001), because one of themain of because one 2001b;Ladányi-Szelényi 2001), 2001a, Steward 1990; (Aponte Steward criticized been scholars have byleftist Underclass theories widely poverty a notion of by the areencapsulated issues Manyof these employment. steady criminality, the devaluation of education, and soon — over and above the relative absence of cultural structural reproduction features of of poverty and dependency — singlemotherhood, The first wave of underclass Myrdal theories(1963) andJulius Wilson (1978; 1987). used Gunnar (1961), Lewis of Oscar theworks particularly theories, underclass Anglo-Saxon behavior as poverty.builds study János–Szelényi on betweenIván ethnicity Ladányi deep rooted The and a demarcating high the correlation demonstrate to attempts it since ofintersectionality, elements somehas criteria by segregation Romaof waswritten Ladányi –Szelényi(Ladányi This study –Szelényi 2006). involving theIn Hungary of Roma. economic the asastarting-point, position debate takes, class-centered Usually,the “upper-class,” the living,one to adhering standards of of of and capacities Weber’s to income-earning class1987) stresses (see Wilson approach closer the conceptualization A second living. of levels demarcates and most determines strongly class ground-breakingthe means of production or, more simply, one’s relative control over societal resources, hence groupings of population.the In Marxist “class” discourse, isdetermined by one’s relation to studies on social exclusion and territorial theorization injustice theorization of andthepoliticsstructural of difference. the of development tothe contributed class betweenraceand relation of the conceptualization representational phenomenal form”or (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992:71)The is,as its race) (that else requires something becoming, therefore and inof always the process consciousness, presumablyunlike israce consciousness, neveratthe pointof butbeing, Anthiaslived’(Hall et al.1978). and Yuval-Davisinterpretation “classof isHall’s phrase that by ‘race is captured in and famous the isthat which modality powerful the class phrase canbebest which structuralization, isin asclass race structuralization, formation and in class important as is race that (1980) view Hall’s Stuart of development a as seen offers a challenging asPaul meremanifestationsGilroy of (1987) than empirical data, further and class goes reformulation al. the correlation of Europe(Kertesi UNDP 2002), ethnicity at Ringold Eastern 2005; 2003; of Roma by ofeconomic disadvantage hasbeenin supported empirical data widely Central and structural the the though Even poverty. own linkstheir for victims the blame they isthat betweenschool race and class. His position can be Charles Murray is a conservative political scientist He is best known for his controversial book The Bell The term "subculture of poverty" (later shortened to "culture of poverty") made its first prominent appearance 20 , which has been by animated Murray Charles Five Families: Mexican Case Studies in the Culture of Poverty Class 18 , in broad terms refers to the various economic various the to refers terms in broad , “ lower-class,” “middle- class” typology. class” “middle- lower-class,” 21 among others. among (1959) by anthropologist theses culture of of this of CEU eTD Collection theory and methods of intersectionality now can be found in a wide range of contexts, of range a wide in found be can now intersectionality of methods and theory the to adhering researchers However, studies. inlegal by (1989) Crenshaw coinedterm was later the abit and (Anthias andYuval-Davis, 1983) in race studies, critical intersectionality of of application the attempts early some Thereare practices anddiscourses. through inequality institutional of interrogating the reproduction process as interconnected a fluid furtherprovides for complicating tools understanding our of politicalthe andsocial activism intersectionality their ethnic exclusively the perceived through category. analysis However, Romani viewedmost of category asacentral have not gender activism andscholarsof political activists since timely, is activism political Romani in intersectionality of application Hence, the 1989). (Crenshaw movement black in the politics identity mono-focal the challenge to attempt asan late 80s, in the started intersectionality of development The intersectionality. called approach is feminist anewly there emerging class, and gender race/ethnicity, the encapsulating theories andpostcolonial feminism of race critical in context In addition, the women of color, offer a unique contribution to writings about Romani women. and Concepts from theories about/by literature anthropological indigenous, African-American and women patriarchy. internal their and movement gender white the with conflict in been who have women color, of about references historical areusedas discourses and theories These women. byRomani articulated problems and concerns the with feminists resonate The indigenousexperiences women, of blackwomen, women third world and post-colonial to challengepossible it the essentialist making view activism that all women political are and oppressed social in and the samerights way. to access in role significant a at local level offered anexcellentopportunity investigate to how classthe factor plays a out carried Fieldwork does. elite the way than indifferent a oppression contextualize gender hierarchical relations among Romani women from lower classes and the way they womenprogressive ethos of Western feminism (Mohantyexperiences, 1991. 51-81). Moreover,colonization’:contrast principally political the to immaturity third-worldwoman of with the based on Romani how feminists working withininvoke thesocial science, thenarrative of ‘double native andforeign (Suleri patriarchies 1992: 274).Talpade Mohanty shows(Mohanty 1991), imperial andideology, andboth par excellence casualties –andtheforgotten of conditions inwomen under imperial conditions.the Such a theory postulates ‘third a dogmatic arguing that colonization’ of inevitably world’elides ‘double the onracialpolitics focus women as victims - empiricalan interesting from theoretical contribution feminist postcolonial theorists (Spivak 1987), predicament the with of Romani women, especially similarities have at the could local level. which Furthermore, activism my work embraces political women’s indigenous based chapter using activismI am human literaturealso(ed. Wing 1997). anthropological on rural-rights by written on feminist diverse whichprovidethickand theories women color, book of edited ofis in acritical these beappliedordevelopedmy further There thesis. women race can thisbeen have who and by oppressed Theconcepts and subordinated Western academia. by developed theories, women indigenous color, of women by written are they because dissertationinteresting areparticularly studies these In my by of are used research color. women that and theories includesconcepts the It class. genderand between race, theintersection examines race that theory critical of sub-field is the Feminism Race Critical women. indigenous and world third I theoretical isdiscussions Critical RaceFeminism taking issue with struggles the black,of will in class race/ethnicity, and gender incorporated that theories Oneof the structuralization. theorize took logical nextthe steparguing gender, too,is that factorin animportant social who feminist scholars, invitedof attention the interrelated, race andclass are The theory that the 19 CEU eTD Collection policemen and other officials, prosecution of those responsible for attacks against Roma, and the like. (Bárány like. the and Roma, against 2002) attacks for responsible of those prosecution officials, other and policemen Hungary.Their determination has led to dismissals and criminal proceedings against corrupt or abusive for Peace and Human Rights in Slovakia, and the Office for the Protection of RightsNational Project and inEthnic Bulgaria, Minorities the Citizen’s inSolidarity and Tolerance Movement in the Czech Republic, the Union 22 for structures on state havebeen asRomani andpoliticians leaders faced.dependent Just well- these of intellectualsmeaning knewlittle day-to-day about the problems thatmany most Romani people minorities, for justice about views progressive their Despite societies. in their andsocial exclusion racism eradicating of serve thelarger interest to behalf Roma of could befilledby andissuesa dynamic civil sector, that of justice should betaken up on rights human Roma’s of Eastern Europe played akey establish role to human NGOsrights with focusthe on violation in and Central movements in early 'democratisation' tirelessly regimes hadparticipated and paradigm. had Many anti-Communist who unpopularity under totalitarian dissidents, risked The mostis by 1990sandearly dominantera,the characterized 2000s, humanrights the 'democratising' theregion (Forbrig, DemesandShepherd 2007). days of violation; (3) from late 2000s: social inclusion.and economic Liberalintellectuals in earlythe the transition three on based dominantfocuses: (1)1970s-1980s:self-determination; (2) 1990s-early 2000s: humanrights society civil Roma emerging the of phases three distinguish shall I activism. extolled1971 in London is as considered founding the momentinternational of Romani the political (Marushiakova and 2004; Klimova firstPopov 2002)butthe World held Romani Congress in the virtuesThe roots dependantcultural, on political, orientations. philosophical and ofof Romaa stronginstance, understanding one of civilis society thatthis isagroupof organizations heavily political For people. located differently to things means different “civil concept society” of the that civil NGOit has become members However, public evident as byits (Fowler 1997). purpose determined societyactivismset of private, voluntarily formed,non-profit oriented organizationsand that servecan some private or rights, gender andbe ethnicits identity across time and space. Civil societytraced may be understood as a potentialEdwards andinvestigated Hulme (1995) how civilsociety fosterand NGOs humanto attempt back closely attachedto to the theoretical the is discussionfor discourses rights-based on of these ‘non-governmental implementation The world. of the parts in various early struggles organizations’ (NGOs). 20th inparticular and political and concepts institutions aremobilized contextualized human rights centuryby research carriedWilsonand inRajagopal (2001) which out (2003) analyzingthe way and transnational rights the local level.genderisat and currentanthropological There equality some human of conceptualization and adaptation the expose further shall I research, application (Cowan, human universal of my Dembour andrights Wilson2001).Through There has been anthropological attention given to the process of adaptation and local Human1.4.3 rights and the role of Eastern NGOs in Europe shall provide a frame of reference and analytical tool for examining my data 2003; studies Grabham (Vakulenko2007; Intersectionality Conoghan 2007;Hannett 2006). (Arondeker2005)andsocio-legalsociology studies 2006),post-colonial (Yuval-Davis feministcritical (Brewer economics 2002), psychotherapy (Burman 2003), Fernandes, 2004; 2003), political science (Hawkesworth including 2007), geography political (Valentine By the By 1990smid the national human rights NGOsemerged in Central and Eastern Europe;such asthe Human 22 . They believed that vacuum left the sector byashrinking state 20 CEU eTD Collection Nancy A. Naples and Manisha Desai (Desai, Naples 2002). 26 reviewing the accessionof candidate countries with large Roma populations Committee on the Elimination of DiscriminationAgainst Women within the EU or to the European Commission 25 2011) : http://www.eu2011.hu/news/romastrategia-egyontetu-tamogatas-szocialis-tanacsban website Commission’s European the on Accessed of Roma.” situation the improving protection of fundamental rights, notably by combating discrimination and segregation, the areas: is essential four on for improvement concentrate of to education,have employment,strategies Roma health care National and housing Roma. conditions.of the The situation Conclusions the point outimproving that for the Roma integrationstrategies or integrated sets of policy measures within their broader social inclusionpolicies, 24 http://www.romadecade.org/about (Accessed onJune 05, 20011) website: Secretary’s Decade on the Accessed 2005.” 2, onFebruary Bulgaria, Sofia, in Inclusion 2003. Prime Ministers ofin theHungary, first eightBudapest, in participating held Roma on conference governments regional signed ahigh-level the Declaration Future," the for of Challenges the Decade Europe: of Roma discrimination, and gender mainstreaming. The idea of Decade the emerged from poverty, "Romaof in issues an core Expanding other the account into take to governments commits and housing, and health, employment, ofeducation, areas priority the on focuses progress Decade The such way. review quantifiable to and and Roma of a transparent in welfare the improving toward progress accelerate to society, civil Romani initiative that brings togethergovernments, intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations, as well as governments to improve the socio-economic status and social inclusion of Roma. The Decade is an international 23 in NGOs their orrural Romani women poor success incorporating lack their of for NGOs arealsocriticized English Romanes, by and supported various western philanthropic organizations, Roma 2010; 2009) Upon Rostas emergencethe of a classof speakingmostly urban NGO leaders, kind new a of dependency creating for Romani ’subalterns’ within civil society. (Barany 2002; Trehan 2001, effectively project leadership paternalistic driven elite mainly a of parts NGOsare these that claiming in theregion NGOs Roma of the critiques There areseveral international conventions human rights abuse, submitting so-called shadow reports to internationalin OSI reverse comprise of strategic litigation1996. The to patterns activities ERRC of bodies monitoring of abuse rights Roma, European Roma the (ERRC) RightsCentre wasfoundedhuman with financialthe support the of specifically combating NGO international leading the example, For Framework Strategy Inclusion Roma of Decade the as initiatives a plays and international such level, in role key transnational the at leadership and representation Romani the facilitating directly at aimed programmes its own operates andorganizations, activities Roma-related institutional financial supportfor organization in region OSIprovides and 1989.The after the The Open Society Institute (OSI) funded by George Soros became a hegemonic philanthropic continuing their work. withinfinancial supportbothunderin andRomaniactors communism post-Communist times, the NGO sector have also become dependent on major philanthropic donors for Governmental Organizations (NGOs), by which they became social agents in the fieldAt beginningthe funding of generous 90s,post-communistthe ensured countries for Non- of Discourses1.4.4 of Development Similar critique has been articulated against women NGO leaders in different contexts in an edited book by book edited inan contexts indifferent leaders NGO women against articulated been has critique Similar such as the Committee on the Eliminationof Racial Discrimination, the Committee on the Rights the Child, „The EU’s Roma IntegrationFramework Strategy will provide a framework forMember States’ national by European commitment political anunprecedented is 2005–2015 Inclusion ofRoma Decade „The 26 . 24 . 25 ; and organizing various forms ofhuman education.rights 21 ( Accessed June on04, 23 and the EURoma CEU eTD Collection internet: 27 industry” “Gypsy the Indeed, World2000). (Barsegian Third workingby actors inso-called industry thelevels developmentsimilaritiesand of rule” “mechanisms on some to cultivated Duringimagined” (1995:39) the and beeven could saidor things only aspaceincultural “created certain which that historical project rooted, post-Coldcontextually a as development international mainstream describes hegemony,of in concept Gramsci’s Escobar as adiscourse applying sense and a Foucaldian War, western is articulatedlegacies closely through of colonialism (Bhabha 1990).Exposing development which,in andshape manyprocesses locations the given development world order, discourses aid highlightRecentstudies factdevelopment the that on geopolitical (1995:9). region to post-socialist andefficient forover” exercising this producing about, apparatus power knowledge 1945-notafter only the notion produced World”,“Third of butalso an “created extremely originating in the global North or West-and primarily,Anglo-American, with industrializedpost-Soviet nations Escobar, reproduces a of Escobar1995; power inlineasymmetry Ferguson(e.g. 1994;Appadurai 1990) and politicalmodels andphilosophy. Several scholars argue that developmentdiscourse regionswho cultural viaWestern European “Roma issues” conceptualize Western experts developmental particularly nature of giving andreceivingaid, in they claim power contextof the sharedsuch interventions. creating andinterveningin world”the (Escobar 1995:22).Since Western definedonors the emphasizeesmoney, intertwine representation and power “powerful andproduce truths and ways of Escobar, Accordingimplementation dissemination 1995:6-12). to knowledge of (Escobar and in the role playacrucial differentials power spacewhere cultural an encompassing that is “development” For Escobar, manylevels. in on Hungary, particularly socialist countries, development“ThirdWorld”. Escobar’s is work applicablethestudy to of developmentRoma aidin post- Western by countries in America Latin hasinfluenced makingofimaginativethe such geographies as intervention the development how exposing by discourse countries developing in intervention working theoretical for framework analyzing the local andeffects politics international of and from imported Escobar developedthe Arturo laid world. in the groundwork providing a processes minority issues frequentlyand applied andimplemented technologies and techniques - for ‘experts’. That is, Roma became the same developmental basis of industry is,for That Roma as basisin ‘experts’. the same industry became of developmental Europe objects generating and fields of became project research Roma communities that argument industry for planners, and experts civilservants” (Escobar 1995:46).Similarly,Kawczynski basis becamethe an […] of local services and extension services consultancy conferences, programs, “academic of research Western of theobject hunger as and illiteracy its poverty, Kawczynski’s statement on “gypsy industry”, when Escobar argues that the Third World with iscoincides toinfluencesense, argument with reality.Rudko power that havingthe Escobar in used aFoucaldian by “discourse” with non-Roma, the beenmainly constructed hasRoma andcontrol. on 1984)Inmy discourse the arguethat I shall power (Escobar dissertation of as adiscourse beseen should isdevelopment that argument main theoretical Escobar’s of local impacton giveglobal communities. andnewunderstanding auniqueperspective neo- the can 2003, 2005;Fridman 2003), which Harvey, (seeDavid liberal 1996, of NGOs with critique integrated if especially NGOs, Roma of life social the in apply to relevant still is somemodification 1995;Sachs1992) with critique (see The Escobar post-development economy. global the into entrance an as system market free and rights human freedom, cultivated in so-calledthe ThirdWorld. Manyinternational interventions expounded ideals of of field workingagencies inthe western Roma development,attracted of models which were Rudko Kawczynski used this term in the article „Politics of Romani Politics” in http://www.reocities.com/~patrin/politics.htm 27 , as Rudko Kawczynski, one of the prominent activists described the interventions the described activists prominent the of Kawczynski, one , asRudko ( Accessed June on4, 2011) 22 Partin . It is accessible ont he ont accessible is . It CEU eTD Collection minority whereminority studies in by United States, racialized particularly the (is identity oppressed Richard Rorty is However, there newly (1998, 1999). a trendemerging inthefield of politics,Nancy includingEric Fraser Wendy(1996), Brown(1995)or Hobsbawn (1997) liberal criticize progressivescholarsacademic world. numerous who There identity or Anglo-Saxon in the criticized widely been has politics identity that mention to have also I resistance. their expressing Roma ‘movement’ and interdependent from “menled”the local‘movement’, to grass-roots and rights human global the with interactions from their character”, “dialogical a has struggle the in participation society, andarticulation women’s their of in political realm.Romani media the and civil the as such society, the of segments various of domain in the conducted others’ recognition,signifying recognition struggles are characteristically innature discursive He (1994:32). asidentity argues that is“fundamentally dialogical affirmedthrough character” between the connection identity Taylor explains politics difference. the risehasof identity to given gender) (ethnic to and attached importance whilethe humanrights, and ideaof universal rise tothe recognition by indeed,animated need,the demand for the The importance recognition. of gave equality in “The Politics Recognition”, of terms of One identity “a of on firstthe authors Charlesin Taylor hispolitics, (1994), influential essay on crucialtheir and neglected political mobilization taking upagender consciousperspectivein theirmovement analysis. Roma the feature about written have who historians and scientists political most of human frequentlywithin intra-group groups tothebuilding upof contributes tensions. Until life”recently, whichignoresfrequently orintra-group differences.conflates Ignoring gender and class differences is of it is that politics identity basedon movement social the of One characteristics the of understand issues core the of ethnicity- and gender-based political activism. to framework aconceptual offer identity andpolitical representations of Theories politics identity politics. transnational prevailing andstrengthened this activists Roma united racial discrimination result, a As integration. of policies paternalistic or discrimination systemic the united the ethnographically The basis Romani different subgroups. theirof unification was Romathe identities.identity-makingethnic In process andnon_Roma extended activists the transnational Roma production of unprecedented an decade, Ihavewitnessed Over past the Identity1.4.5 politics rights-basedthe and developmental problems approach to of 'social exclusion'. “Roma of NGO-ism” development the which wasinterrogate looking for critically immediatewill I and research, my popularIn remedies democracy. of form based on the adoption of below' 'from participation an canhelpnurture active civil society a and consolidate genuine NGOs in have working on Roma issues, Europe Eastern belief that the supported largely development' “ ( Pinnock1999:15). Western donor agencies and makers policy in Central and issues in embarkingEurope Eastern on policies 'participation',of 'self-help' and 'community 'developing' world has proved to be a suitable model for those practitioners working on Roma the to its “application andtechniques believed that Westthe that Sheargued Europe. Eastern Kathy Pinnock also used the developmental framework in Roma related work in Central and their justify supposedly actions existence.continued own their andthat totheir objects support offer real or employ theyinvolve, howeverrarely projects, producing in they that never stop and research ofnew goods forms the reports, documents the Third World has become for Western hegemony. What is common in both industries is explores the emergence of recent political movements political recent of emergence the explores 23 CEU eTD Collection commodity of Roma issues in the ‘movement’ needs to be critically analyzed in the academic in the discourse. analyzed be critically to needs ‘movement’ in the issues Roma of commodity well as from the perspective of women’s participation The conceptualization of Roma and the reconsidered and examined through neo-liberal,the human hegemonic as rights discourse, participation,be Klimovaneed (Kovats2001a;Barany to 1998; Vermeesch 2002; 2004)also The developed1988). andusedforRoma political concepts and theories whichwere who individuals study biographiesthe Kenniston of the Klatch (e.g., McAdam 1968; 1999; large-scale at patternslook of contentionwho across nations scholars and movementsclassical (e.g., those Tarow of 1989; Tillyworks 1995 ) to those incorporating levels, at different movements analyze who people of insights and perspectives together bring to need I movement. this the of are what and premises change social meaningful bring movements these how has, it form the takes it how and why Romathe ‘movement’it emerged, howis conceptualized asamovement, why of peculiarity the understand to and approach academic movement social identity-based the revisit be itin to my will necessary research considerations, theoretical Based onthe above genderor asa movement struggle.separate articulated thegender dimension of issue asanintegrated their struggle intheRomani exposea new to identity.important ithow Romani political be Inaddition, will women movement Romania strategy can subvert strategy the constructingof identity oppressed of to the ishow logic this from which arise could questions the of One they establish. articulations identitiespolitics.ideas, Following their deeply constructed onthediscursive depend of is,asLaclau form The“articulatory model” a rights. andMouffe argues, hegemonic of idiom usingthe asRoma inEurope a narrative situation the construct of to allowed activists gender and classterms. Theseforms of subordination developed various discourses which This inhappeninghas ethnic, been existingthe of subordination through racialized relations subjects. political as emerge to communities Roma enabled which well, as movement political identity. This kind of articulatory logic has been applied by the transnational Romani over-determined relying byothers on articulationthe of fora possibility construction the of social with movements (Mouffeassociated 1993;Laclau 1996).Theirthesis is identities thatall are relational and identities collective including problematic, are identities all that point astarting with Laclau (1985) Mouffe by and works foundational aresome there Moreover, their practices. through politics of questioning representational aconstant sametimeproposing the while at limitations, its and identity of character multifaceted the exposed move Butler theoretical within politics by constrained very from the of itstructures power which seeks With this emancipation. representational of limitations is, within and is feminism, the fact category that on the and produced women that of this politics contradictions the on rests Foucault from departure of point like Butler1993), whose Judith (1990; further developed byothers has been theory Foucault’s onhim performs subject herself.the or that of subjectification of power-practices through mechanisms of discipline and normalization, asmuch as practices exercise the linked to andpractices discourses through subjects of theproduction underlined Michel Foucault(1973; 1979) being the most influential inscholar this area. His work identity with of conceptualization the on understanding a great haveoffered Poststructuralists Hames-Gracia, Mohanty and Moya, eds. 2006) Alcoff, Martin (see politics”. “identity of becomeafocus inthe construction groups), 24 CEU eTD Collection academic discourses. academic the how and identity image “othered” of historically Roma is and reinscribed andconstructed perceived in Gypsy of conceptualization the on analysis an offer will I chapter this In to also and maintain‘other’ the the European to hegemony relation overin the ‘European identity Orient’. European the of creation the to important contributed to the creation of the dichotomy between Europe and ‘others’.thinking. The(mis)representation of This historical,Roma through social and discourses political dichotomy is of structures generate discourses these how and Gypsies create discourses andpolitical social will the‘European eventoday. exploreOrient’ howhistorical, constructs I and governments institutions Roma knowledgebyacademic scholarship, this the that produced about chapter centuries wasan in through ideological IwillEurope, auxiliary ‘power’. colonial in of argue power. Said points out the extent towhich ‘knowledge’ about ‘the Orient’, as it was produced isknowledgeitis innocent not (Foucault 1969), strongly connected with operation of the Edward W. Said’s foundational work on orientalism appliestheFoucauldian that insights Trehan 2009) and (Kóczé ” Europe’ ‘New in the movement rights civil Romani of the soul forthe struggle the justice: social 28 SOCIAL POLITICAL LEGACIES AND CHAPTER TWO: ‘OTHERING ROMA’: HISTORICAL, In this chapterI incorporated some parts of the article I co-wrote with Nidhi Trehan “Postcolonial racism and texts produced out of it.” (Said 1978:94) materialweight, presenceor originality not of the agiven author,is really responsible for the knowledge and reality produce atradition,or whatMichel Foucault callsdiscourse, a whose can notcreate only knowledge but also very the reality to they appear describe. In time such […] the authority of academics, institutions, and governments [...] Most important, such texts 25 28 CEU eTD Collection Roma. The language iscalled Romani noun language.the from derived adjective the is Romani etc. Kalderas, Sinti, Gitanos, as such groups, ethnic different 30 focusing on Romani issues, Nidhilike Trehan activists or Angela and Kocze (2009). scholars even or (1992) Fraser Nancy as such theorists, critical amongst recognition gained (1978). Whohave and allsupported understood the historical common of Roma withroots Kenrick andIan Donald (1995),Angus (1992,1997) Hancock (1995, 2000), Crowe Fraser as David a number scholars, such to of Weermesch refers 2006:14) migration.” (Wermeesch bounded butnowfractured community and historicwith common roots common of patterns labels Roma identity as of a Roma conceptualization first The perspective. aunique identity represent of Romani The various conceptualizations Searching2.1.1 for atrue and Gypsyauthentic discourse. political and in asocial relevant more is which language biological race use will on issuethe ofbiological kinship. In my insteadconceptualization of biological I kinship as a historical diaspora, the second focuses on the lifestyles and behavior and the third centers which defines toRomani approaches three identity. conceptualization first The defines Roma activism.havefollow to schema I Wermeesch opted the conceptualization of Peter (2006), various scholars’ whichwork a“transcendental”can offer basisfor Romani political historical of identity process construction needI toconceptualize Romaniidentity through tounderstandcontestidentity. anti-Gypsyism this to Gypsy stigmatized Inorder the and 2006; Klimova 2005)This was event first the Romani political mobilization, aclear attempt having been bynegative previously overloaded and romantic connotations.(Wermeersch imageintroduction category change Roma, was of a politically to the the constructed of the term adopted where they inHence, April leadersfirst1971 Romani organized the World Romani in Congress London, andothers romantic outsiders. (Willems 1995; Trehan and Kóczé 2009) merely as a ‘Gypsies’discourses(Fraser 1992,1995;Kohn The word in appears 1995). imagination the group of social and narratives were and academic social historical, and invarious persecuted They stigmatized phenomenon. born newly a not is it outcastsconcept, ‘post-colonial’ or modern’ and scapegoats,Although Clark anti-Gypsyismis European 2004; Hancock 1997). contemporary ‘post- a or exotic welfare dependentstoculturally of people.andKóczé 2009; groups (Trehan distinct in more tolerantimaginarium, images,many Romaniauthors, identity has been socially fabricated and recycled into the European as exotic entire sub-discipline of studies’ ‘subaltern and Spivak (Guha 1988).More recently, concept of the structures of politics; it started to be commonly used inpostcolonial studies in the 1980s, where it inspired an(2001) Italyin 1930s.in the In Gramsci’s thisreading, term refers tocertain groups who outsideare formal 29 offered an them centuries, the only in Over Roma footnotes”(1997:vii). havebeen and misrepresented it,Willems any“reader put who ofEuropean searchinghistory goes for Gypsies willfind mainstream historical narrative from school history books to everydayThe historytalk, or asof Wim European Romani ‘subaltern’ 2.1 Thelegacy ofthe conceptualizationofGypsyidentity The meaning of Roma is human being in Romani language. Roma is both singular and plural embracing plural and singular both is Roma language. Romani in being human is ofRoma meaning The Iused theterm ‘subaltern’, which refers to the marginalized positionof Roma. Itwas first used by Gramsci otherised where Roma have come to occupy various subject positions from and from thieves positions various subject occupy have to wherecome Roma identity in social and political discourse. As it has been pointed out by Rom 30 , to describe to (Fraser1992:317).Certainly,themselves this 26 29 has become within invisible European the historical diaspora , namely, “a once subaltern has CEU eTD Collection use it asaspecial characteristic of Gypsies which “should be respected and even promoted as Romani lifestyle, Romani identity (Weermesch 2006: 15). romipen people have a distinct interpretation of the world which iscalled of world the interpretation adistinct people have Roma is that school this of of representatives the arguments the Oneof etc. cleanliness, also focus on common cultural practices, such (1991), Jean-Pierre Liégeois (1994),Andrej andas Mirga Lech (1994)whose argumentsMróz characteristics of religion, customs, of matters of rules behavior lifestyle, and customs. of characteristics the on rather but itself, origin common the on not is focus their commondistinct Indianorigin agreewith thesis.Romani However, the even ethnicity and contains some information about their activities. 32 left Indiawho with cast, their military campthe followersi.e., duringof Ksiattrya, the first members fewwere ofRoma centuries of ancestors the the second that states millennium. which theory specific northwest arrived and India Europe induring thirteenthe century. groupOut ofthis IanHanckok (2000)hasa 31 on issues of focuses identity second conceptualization the of Weermesch’s (2006:15)schema, Following Gypsy2.1.2 behavior lifestyle, and customs biologist Ritter Robert (Willems 1997:196-292). criminological and eugenicist of work the in particularly non-Aryans, biologically-criminal shows how the Gypsy Lore Society in Gypsies nineteenth century”(Acton 2004: 109).Willems and late alsothe to early twentieth applied influenced racism scientific of vehicle main “the as the regarded is widely treatmentit as be not underestimated should Gypsies of of Gypsiesrepresentations wider on in influence Nazi Society’s Germany Lore Gypsy The as . Gypsy: ‘true’ in the ideaas entrenched of the describing (GLS) Society Lore Gypsy The describes Willems origin. anIndian on based culture Romani distinctive idea of support the to center a resource became that communities theacademic is of 1888 one some specificity create an orientalistic image of Roma. The Gypsy Society Lore image Gypsy of The Roma. an orientalistic create ThisEuropean (Okleyculture perspectivebasis offers1983: 12-130). portray agood to and effectlarge same of from number of a putting people category and inthe alienating them be especiallyhence shouldtaken perspective thenot because diaspora for granted, ithas the language andRoma and between Hindi the linguistic thatthereisaconnection prove real Wim WillemsOkley’s (1995). concern linguisticwas thatthereisno sufficient to evidence The perspective historical hasbeendiaspora mainly criticized by Judith Okley and(1983) Romanithe language and Hindi 2000). 1995; (Fraser Hanckok Eventoday, the Gypsy Lore Society attempts to influence academic discourse onRoma. Theirwebsite in region Punjub from traveled that population of a descendents as Roma view scholars ofthese majority The remains of Gypsy culture, searching to achieve this end as romantically inspired ‘archaeologists’ for the traceslast of apeople they saw asvanishingromantically (Willems as 1997:172).end this achieve to searching the culture, Gypsy of preserving on remains intent was publicists […..]GLS road. of the aristocrats into grown had print in who were assumed in social, moral of and racialGypsy development studies cannot bemistaken.the were,respects They for interested however, primarily in ‘true Gypsies’ importance to whose be farwriters of superiorsuccession a to yielded otherhas society travellersThe and . Certainly, according to this stance, Gypsyness is one of the essential components of isoneof essential the components this Gypsyness to stance, . Certainly, according lifestyle andbehavior. lifestyle 31 as an is category, usedvariousin ways.objective one hand, the On activists and all of them base their argument on the linguistic connection between connection linguistic the on argument their base them of all and Some well-known scholars and activists, like Ian Hanckok Ian like activists, and scholars well-known Some Scholars representing this school accept the existence of existence the accept school this representing Scholars http://www.gypsyloresociety.org/ 27 32 established in England in in England established (Accessed on June 25. 2010.) Gypsyness , romanipé or CEU eTD Collection 251-295) criminal population in population criminal breaking Kóczé inpopular Trehanand2009; Kohn 1995).In1878 the ground- (Trehan domain 2009; work on ‘Gypsy thepolitical medicalsphere and discourse, even the documents, professional and educational crime’,into policy havefiltered ideas “scientific” These ‘socially or inadaptable’. backward’ Cesare ‘mentally of crime’, “Problems ‘Gypsy Gypsies”, suchas the concepts problematical Lombroso was the first to single out Roma as a 34 aboutmore it in Stephen Jay Gould, 33 made against agroupof Gypsiesin Hungarianthe district of inHonth summerthe of 1782 outthepointed ambiguities around the infamous caseinvolving allegations of cannibalism vastly criticized byWimWillems(1997:25-26).In Willemsin1997, anextensive analysis 18 Lombroso developed his ideasfollowing Heinrich sensational Grellmann’s and popularized development’ (Kohn no1995:185) that can one put upwith them. characterize Gypsies asbeinglowincapable ‘so morally andso of cultural and intellectual to first was the Roma, Lombroso of since innate criminality with the any discourse Probably,itmost pervasive ideawhichstigmatized the was Roma for and centuries saturated criminal race, with its and 2006:19citedvices”all passions in (Lombroso Trehan 2009: 49). 19 is agrowing bornof late pseudo-academic scientificthinkingof the approach socio-political out the and there Roma of customs and behavior lifestyle, special of notion the on Based notion the under of Gypsy lifestyle. abnormal the normalize to be unintentional, might which attempt, dangerous has been simply theGypsies. amongst revived This mightand be should regardedasa lifestylewhich is nomadic there suggests that atraditional thedocument Europe, and Eastern perceived as a complex symptom of social, economic and political restructuration being of 2001). Instead cited inKovats in 1995:13 mobility Centralnormal (Verspaget Gypsies” of pictures ofconjure mustin not increasesince 1990 up mobility arguingthatby “the Verspaget Geraldine a “tidal released in 1995 signed areport of wave”Europe countries. TheCouncil European various western of Gypsiessuch policy dates back tothemid-1990s whenmany andRoma migrated soughtasylum in sweepinglifestyle, the behaviorutilize and circumstances and overdiversity their simplify to desire the andtheHowever, customsWest; it may European inherent of alsosomedisposition Itin countries. sort to refer of Roma Europe. ofis Gypsymerely diasporas it certainlyways, buta tothegeographical distribution in various population refers this of return tooften the surfaces on report 1993, The inJanuary accepted in policy-relatedThe notion of Gypsy lifestyle become a core concept in the Council of Europe’s report. It was even intraced documents. policy-oriented documents. which be clearly can circumstances overall simplify modes of these representation Moreover, One preservation of stereotypical thinkingRoma about asinherently nomadic andmarginal”. “offera (2006:15), asemphasizedbyWeermesch of cases these sorts academic approaches, a valid andlegal life”way of (Clark1999 cited inWeermesch 2006: 17).However, in most Gypsies are ‘ are Gypsies The original sourceRead discourses. academic of and political the social, European’s the storyinfluenced Roma on idea Lombroso’s The is in the book of Karoly Vajna, th th men and 31 women admitted were thatguilty they as charged. gruesome The news received reported been missing authorities,however,to had the and were noeyewitnesses.there During their one hearing 53 No them. eaten and disfigured have to then were travelers, they robbed have to because said arrested were They involved. were persons thirty-three One-hundred-and century study Gyspsystudy century cannibalismon (Willems 1997:25), whichwasscrutinized and 20 and early true Europeans’ true th centuries. These pseudo-academic views make use ofa make range views use of Thesepseudo-academic centuries. L’uono Delinquente . The concept of concept . The The Mismeasure of Man, of Mismeasure The Gypsies inEurope [ Criminal Man 28 true European true (Gould 1981). Hazai Régi Büntetések ] describing them as a “thoroughly (Verspaget 1993) declared that 1993) declared (Verspaget can beincan variousunderstood 33 , (Vajna 1907, pp. 34 . CEU eTD Collection newspaper 1992 István Csurka ‘Setting Straight’ in an entitled the published article Record the issue espoused by politicianspopulist in after Soon particular. democraticthe in changes, Augustpolitical a current into evolved has criminality’ ‘Gypsy of notion the Hungary, In hand other the is conceptualizedas genetica biological issue.and criminality’ is on onehand the toRomani attributed lifestyle,behavior and culture, whilst on prejudices ‘Gypsy Roma. against for deep-rooted foundation popular statistical providing a in centuriesandhad for presenteveryday ahugeimpact on discourses vernacular,the Notions like‘Gypsycannibalism’ through ‘Gypsy ‘Gypsybehavior’deviant to crime’ were onJune 24, 2010) Csurka. Foundation in1992 within the Hungarian Democratic Forum as a reaction to the fascist article written by Istvan 36 2002. ’Ellenségdiskurzusok: Csurka István retorikája’, in (Csepeli and Örkény 2002). 35 of hierarchy racial theory concept biological and the does not deserve the same treatment as “normal” citizens by state the citizens as “normal” treatment same deserve the not does regarded Roma andbiologically asasocially unadoptable dysfunctional population, which He Forum. Democratic Hungarian the coalition, ruling member of the a andassuch parties Igazság és ÉletPártja inferior to mainstream “white” society. Those scholars who produce this mode of race- mode of this produce who scholars Those society. “white” mainstream to inferior they are and therefore distinct andracially arebiologically Gypsies idea the that on rests imageframework of yet main conceptual focus distorted of another Roma. The this produces of concept use opted the findto (biological kinship)toosubtle therefore andschema. I have hisconcept identity,from In theconceptualization Romani of Weermesch the depart Ishall (2006:16-17) Race-biological2.1.3 language campaign and was gainable to support of the a number of public intellectuals andjournalists reinforced the concept of ‘Gypsy makingitcriminality’ of its epicenter the ongoing political party national the campaignthis election 2010,during the reminiscentregime. closely Nazi of In activities political and a rhetoric with Parliament Hungarian in the group political political party, bythecurrentextreme-right been reiterated has recently framework, conceptual thatadhere by deviancy-oriented tothe supported those Social first CsurkaThe conceptandon Roma byIstván Darwinian distorted applied Gypsy in aninstrumental manner toachieve theirown political aims 1999). (Póczik areusing Jewish elite andthe political discourse) in acoded (Jews social-liberals how about way inahighlyPóczik concealed writes associal-liberals. Jewsarecoded extreme right, of Hungarian the rhetoric In the theories. conspiracy Jewish like reinforce Póczik, school, responsible for social their According Dupcsik, own representatives ofthis well-being. to the Romani approach. (DupcsikRoma mainthesisis ofthisschool 2010:244)The that themselves are deviancy-oriented the representing historian, and criminologist Póczik, Szilveszter in187; Kriza as by scholars aclever guise, 2002)Thissuch rhetoric wassupported Imre Furman, who was one of the leading Roma rights Borbála Kriza gave an overwievdefenders of the anti-semitic and anti-gypsy inrethoric Hungaryof Istvan Csurka in Borbala Kriza established the Liberal Forum each other’s heels the accusations assumed grotesque proportions.(Willems 1997:25) prominentattention in newspapersthe and during the courtwhich sessions followed on rapidly http://www.mr1-kossuth.hu/hirek/itthon/elhunyt-furmann-imre-jogvedo-volt-politikus.html Magyar Fórum race-biological language [Party of the Hungarian Truth and Life, MIÉP], one of the governing the of one MIÉP], Life, and Truth Hungarian the of [Party purporting authentic neo-fascist claims, such as Jewish conspiracy Jewish as such claims, neo-fascist authentic purporting , to demonstrate how such mainstream discourse 29 35 . Csurka was a member of the . Csurkawasamemberof Jobbik, currently currently largest third the 36 . (Kohn . (Kohn 1995: 186- (accessed Magyar CEU eTD Collection the race argumentin order to gain votes and support from those whobelieve use alsotend to language, politicians race-biological constructed academically the Alongside that Roma are centuries. the inform and andover reiterated overt a covert has Thissupported been this view argument. to arecentral characteristics objective inherited of notions the and ties blood of importance Therefore, following Mayall’s analysis about the insidious race concept, it is clear that the in following way. “Gypsy-race” the of emergence concept aboutthe the wrote He representations. and discourses languages, through late century the twentieth the to from eighteenth constructed been has identity racial Gypsy how about extensively writes inprocess, mostcases theinferiorsimply status reinforces of Roma. DavidMayal (2004) The use of race-biological arguments, Iwould argue, contrary to the Romani identity building formation may effectively support importantpolitical ends (Spivak 1987). identity of acts these collective anddistinctions, erase significantdifferences that groupings even that out though such asterms “indigenous” similarpeople or labelsin resultpointed problematic andunstable Spivak movements. in political together band they which through may asidetemporarily differencesput group toforge in asense order of collective identity “strategicmarginalized waysin essentialism” subordinate referstothe or which social groups distinguished based cultural US- theorist Gayatri The andSpivak postcolonial term (1987). the bya which introduced was through concept the essentialism”, “strategic postcolonial term seen be can attempts His bonds. genetic and practices cultural common history, common on Roma identity basesof hisconception Hancock recognition. of political getting he account, endeavoredinto to prove on an academic politics basis, Romani that Roma are adistinct ethnicin transnational group with the aim involvement personal Hancock’s Taking (Weermesch 2006:16). underclass having been excludedisolated from or themselves from mainstream society an or are barely vagrants but aseparate ethnic constitute group, not Roma do espouses that his With Eastern argument,Europe. he refutedthe which claim, genetic kinship assimilation a critique Hancockoffered argument, this Through 1992:134-35). people”(Hancock genetically related of assimilationthe courseRomani scholar, arguedthateven havethough Roma diasporas non-Roma mixedwith over of their policies supporta distinguished Ian political to order the theirHancock, emancipation of group. journey Some from Romani thatRoma activistsintactpolitical argument usethe genetic have kinshipin over-dominant India,customs. “it has and behavior lifestyle, framework of Gypsy totheconceptual connected isclosely most cases not in leadthe andGypsy therace-biological lifestyle,in behavior language customs.Infact, distinct tosocialist the dissolutionbiological usuallyalso language, believe historical inthecommon of roots population this countries of the Roma of as Central and distinctiveness.(Mayall 200:118) earning of mode their a living lastly,and, butperhaps most centrally differences, tothe race concept andabelief in physiological behavioral and cultural language, distinct and origin foreign clearly defined boundaries. Their separate racial identity wasconstructed around notions of peculiarity of theGypsy people, identifiable readily from non-Gypsies by rigid, visible and the and primary significance of physical characteristics, difference. Emphasis is given to the distinctivenessof acquired and permanence and importance the purity, of blood notion explicit,always behindevery description of not the and ‘real’ Romani the lay Gypsy ‘true’ in abelief the Although century. nineteenth of the course the during developed were which The idea the formed that Gypsies embodies aseparate race features allthe ofracethinking 30 CEU eTD Collection medical practice to show how race science, i.e.eugenics racescience, how show to practice medical Romathe issue (Kohn Also,1995:180). there are plenty of examples inthedomain of Nazi. preserving only those who conformed38 to a Nordichttp://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1141/is_n11_v30/ai_14760056/ stereotype. RomaNational were Catholic Reporter, one mistreated” Janhated, are 14, Gypsies ofworld, 1994 the by “Across theHarry article the in James statement CargasgroupsMeciar’s on Accessible reference also is onThere the singledInternet: out by the 37 AP 6 September 1993, BBC Monitoring Service, Summary of World Broadcast, RTN 8 September1993. lack of wasthe as an on account amorepossibly rational solution, to absolutist’ ‘enlightened of Joseph often andher son,Emperor referred II (1780-90), Empress MariaTheresa (1740-80) mission’ ‘civilizing the colonies, their to them deporting by problem’ ‘Gypsy the of With the exception of the western countries like Britain and Portugal, who preferred to get rid level. local a at necessarily enforced not however, was, which Romas, all of extermination Christian the brinks wenttothe orto order, andordered norms, VI(1711-40) Charles Habsburg Empire.As a reaction Roma’sto lack of inclination to adhere to the rule of law and backera date toof in Europe Central largeRomani communities roaming assimilate forcibly or Romas ofthe ‘problem’ the deal with to first attempts serious areas. The Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and northern Serbia with many Romani communities living in these and the Banat (Romania), Transylvania Poland southern Ukraine, Republic, and Slovakia, Austria, ofItaly,included Czech the parts The present-day Hungary, EmpireHabsburg ‘civilizing of is, mission’ that of the Habsburg century, Empire, whicheighteenth marked the of the identitynarrative of Roma most significantly. historical the to turn now shall narratives can andidentities, doconstruct including the identity “thecategory of Gypsy” I the on based current historical, and scientific socio-politicalthinking.demonstrate how historical To firmly is “Gypsy” of construction identity the above, demonstrated have I As ofthe Habsburgs mission’ 2.2 The‘civilizing needs. for educational children with in of special Roma system special catering school the anoverrepresentation created and professionals by educational up hasbeentaken argument, in therace-biological backward’,embedded ‘mentally concept of the notingherethat worth reproduction patterns through sterilization beinwill discussed it forthcomingthe is chapter, attitudes of doctors towards Roma. While the issue of medical professionals’ intervention in term the useof the namely, third claim, His Slovak partof society. not the Roma are society, therefore into integrating of the term concerns point second threefold.Meciaridentified First, the problematic section society of as an ethnic group.His was phrase pointed this offensive outthat who - political discourse racistillustrate rhetoric to used Meciar’s also -who Kohn Marek with Iagree Slovakia. of population Roma be the to implicitreference his understood everyone made that clear it organizations rights human population’. curtail reproduction of ‘extended the socially andmentallythe backwardunadoptable Slovakia, in the Eastern SlovakAgency,in Meciar hisfor September Movement 1993,when Democratic the addressed party, town of Spisská Nová Ves, Prime Ministerthe andMeciar, of said isVladimír Slovakia. Europe that Eastern and One it of hisin Central was most politicians outrageousnecessary racist explicitly statements to was reported by the CTK News most of the One society. in their crisis social and theentire for economic factor causal the Eugenics was the racist pseudoscience used by Nazi Germany to eliminate all human beings deemed "unfit," deemed beings human all eliminate to Germany Nazi by used pseudoscience racist the was Eugenics 37 Even though he used coded language, the immediate reaction of international of reaction immediate the language, coded used he though Even ‘mentally backward’ ‘mentally ‘socially unadoptable’ 31 alludes to the race-biological component to to implicate that Roma are incapable Roma implicate are that to 38 influenced theway and thinking of (AccessedJune on 25, 2010.) CEU eTD Collection authorities responsible for the implementation of these decrees did not fully comply with the with comply fully not did decrees these of implementation the for responsible authorities 2004:1-4). concernwithout for corresponding the of negation identity their core and beliefs (Buti of civilized’,‘becoming being with emphasis placed on Christians’theirbecoming but ‘good in1970s), although for manner) a muchmore expressed general the and widespread purpose care (usually day and boarding schools, whichwas inexercised Australia right uptothe indigenous children forcibleunderwent removal from theirfamilies and were inplaced foster colonial mindset in such places as the United States and New South Wales (Australia), where of a site colonization. identity from lands,Austro-Hungarian even body as Romani the was ‘salvaged’ andbecame Therefore,public discourse which had not considered Gypsies asequal citizens. a conscious the with in accordance laws wereenacted discriminatory of series a when Empire, Habsburg effort wasRomani issue evolving predominantly during into matter apolice thefinal decades of the made on the part of the Habsburgs to eliminate Romani 1870s, ensuring children’sthe isolation from the ‘contaminating’ influences of their ownpeoples (Buti2004: 4). 41 of ‘civilising’.in need and flawed, deeply alien, as culture Romani viewing despite Roma, of humanity corporeal the accepted least at they as contemporaries, their among ‘enlightened’ relatively perhaps were Hapsburgs the terms, place (including deaththe penalty)order intodissuade Romafrom evenentering these lands. Thus,in relative 40 costs. maintenance their for directly farmers the pay would counties 39 progressively harsher (Kállai 2000: and Törzsök 9-11;Kemény 2005: 15-17) became decrees these Nonetheless, discouraged. was ‘Gypsy’ theterm useof the inintroduced Spain, while Roma.decrees and to Inaddition,trades membershipto upof similarly theguild opening for example above, As the andincluded, measures appearedinclusive in initially these demonstrated nature, provision by demonstrated way the Gypsy childrenescaped from custody back totheir parents. of land for 19 early the by –explicitly became apparent policies soon Romani settlement, ofthese the failure However, abducted. werebasically children whichsome 18,000 of result the permission from mainly supervision, homes,separated families and infoster their as understate placed a be children ageof 5 to the over to andordered Gypsies between marriages decree outlawed conduct artisan Thefourth villages toregisterRomajurisdiction. and andsettlements under their ordered andwear prohibiting Roma totheir traditional and use dress exercise formstheircommunities, conventional of to by banningtheirleaders authority over (1767)affectedThe third Roma’s order identity cultural hierarchy and traditional communal very necessarily keen. not were military commanders on which service, military compulsory inThe secondenacted (1761), order midstthe Seventhe of ordered Years War(1756-1763) rule. Habsburg the affected and thecontinent particularly swept through of series the wars that of account on land, the farming peasants particularly manpower, of as lack aswell the period, during Europe asa this largely tothe economichardship overwhelming response enacted of horses ownership and as wagonswell as to reinforcepermission, the without former. domicile From therespective perspective their leaving of from thethem Court, this was whileprohibiting church landowners, services forsettle, the and do pay Gypsies taxes, to ordered (1758) first The Roma. concerning edicts four enacted Theresa Maria Empress empire. war-ravaged fuelledof and by colonies need toenlargethespherealso the ina of contributions economic Boarding schools forNative Americanchildren hadbecome more commonthe in United States by the late In some areas of Europe, it was a crime merely to Romani be a Gypsy/Romani, andchildren harsh punishments were putwere in to be placed in foster homes with peasant families from the age of four, and the 41 Fortunately for some Romani families living under Habsburg rule, local 40 This ‘civilizing mission’ had strong resonances with the British Romanies were to be called ‘new Hungarians’ or ‘newpeasants’, or be Hungarians’ called ‘new wereto 32 Romanes th century - which is well- is which - century , their native language 39 with the with CEU eTD Collection attributed in part to antipathythe towards the Romani language during timethe of Habsburgs.the 42 society. narrativespernicious in‘Gypsy being reproduced of contemporary otherness’ European ruled time reflectedpervasive the belief in‘deviance’ and‘inferiority’ Romani Habsburg within society, Departmentof Nonetheless, Gypsy Affairs 15-17). in1787(Kemény 2005: policies of the the a to theHabsburgs,imperialitfrom and disappeared the closurethe agenda with of beliefthe legislative declaration: by the late 1780s, thethat ‘Romani issue’ was nolonger of official interest Romani mired level negation a‘failedexperiment’, atthe andremained Thus, cultural assimilation of areas. local continues intheir them implement to not chose simply councils governing significantto haveremoval of Romani children from restriction.theirfamilies and placementin fosterrepercussions homes proved beto a competition from artisans.Romani conflicts Social surroundingand costs financial the In thefeared bymembers was for Roma guildrejected who membership desirable objective, end, even new Inaddition, settlements regulations. investing inRomani was notfelt necessarily be a to though for the RomaniRoyal Courts verifiedcommunities these resolutions, as the Central East European region. European East Central the InHungary today, 15%of than less Romanies speak adialect of Romani language,the whichcan be 42 These ‘civilizing’ impulses towards Romanies have been historically inscribed in inscribed historically been have Romanies towards impulses ‘civilizing’ These 33 CEU eTD Collection Romani activism within the European Romani politicalwithin activism today. landscape European the ‘Orient’), in the to relation attitude a neo-colonialist of existence aboutthe doubt no be vis-à-vis then can there Westerners for superiority of position resultant is the factor common ‘Orientalism’as EdwardW. talks about Said asdeploying whose avariety strategies way of same the (in power political and economic of relations asymmetrical maintaining of way human subjects perceived to be ‘infrahuman’. Furthermore, andthose classes subaltern comprising if state, the to isinternal assuch one‘colony’ The ones. looks at colonialism as a and over weaker states groups bystronger military power and political economic, ongoing exercise of an as but past, in the event or conquest specific a as just not sense, broader a in canbeunderstood ‘colonialism’ of term the The application movement. with Romani tothe regard ‘post-colonialism’ and ‘colonialism’ terms the contextualise to important is also It today. Europe are pervasiveRoma throughout that vis-à-vis tendencies ‘civilising’ the to level,despite national atthe differences these reflect continues policy state how to as and region, the of parts various in differently perceived between civilisation and stable boundaries and the institutionscivil of society’ (Wessely 1996: 13).Thisdichotomy by adopted define andpeoples all identity ‘to nationsEuropean assertthe Central of lacking their identity; national and of that nations Western such foras France and the United Kingdom appellation as aself-confident Moreover, Elias1996: 13). out points divergencethe ‘civilisation’, inthenotion usedby of inWessely 1978,qtd. (Elias ones” “more contemporary primitive” earlier or to societies itself superior believes centuries three or two last the of Western society inwhich everything The Civilizing Process, interwoven, and to what extent this creates a double burdenof ‘otherness’ forRomani subjects. prominent Romani such scholars as IanHancock Ken and Lee ‘Gypsylorism’) termed have and Balkanism are ‘Balkanism’ (TodorovaIt 1997). to remains termed be exploredhas how Orientalistthe Todorova view of Maria Romanies (what some historian the what or ‘backwardness’, atavistic an from suffering people 43 countries. byWestern assistance In this theregion context, is often of as beingconceived implicitly andinneed‘backward’ of which has been by overthe overrun regimes neo-liberal influenceof policy past decade. the formovement human the is of rights inthe Gowan replicated Roma, This 1996;). dominance space markedby profoundthe forces influenceof capitalist (Chen & global 2005; Churchill The post-socialist as Central and Eastern Europe, a beregion, can viewed a as colonised emancipation Romani controversial and 2.3 Colonization Furthermore, continental Europeans, particularly those who reside in southeastern Europe, are framed as framed are Europe, southeastern in reside who those particularly Europeans, continental Furthermore, in which Elias asserts that the concept of civilisation “sums up civilisation conceptof thatthe asserts Elias inwhich Kultur offers anintriguing offers why clue to as Roma people havebeen 43 WesselyElias’s Norbert 1978study cites ground-breaking ‘Kultur’ , usedinitially in Germany and then subsequently 34 CEU eTD Collection objectification of Romani representatives. Romani critics claim that rather than being than rather that claim is the critics Romani representatives. Romani of objectification organizations rights human pro-Roma of work the of outcomes unintentional the of One way: following in silence own their commented activist women A Romani Institute. by theOpen Society such as organizations pro-Romaphilanthropic the of employment in course the even practice colonial tacit the discovered women whoalready activists Romani with particularly conversations several had I movement. rights civil Romani some of which becan canbe viewedas even techniques, identified colonial within the that are its result. society broader within relations asymmetrical the ofRoma andthe by status economic dispossessed And,intensified further is and as affairs, weRomani in will pervasive and visible is see, Objectification diffuse and pernicious subtly racist practices, at least argues, AsRichardSchmitt asanobject. of someone merely than conceiving process ofmere (Cesairestatus is This amore objects conceptof objectification 2000:42). complex ‘thingification’: the processby which the subjects of colonialism are reduced over time to the was followingAimé Césaire, hadpreviously who colonialism equated with what he called what does racism what does Frantz Fanon’s approach to racism in our research,we might ask the same question as he did: racist. Applying are not they working rights’ that ‘Roma inthesphereof are convinced advocates human Manynon-Romani rights being structure. power by neglected a self-perpetuating clearly are they as be exposed to yet are movement Romani the within dynamics positions by theirnon-Romani patrons by inthose Roma hold who powerand many who, have beeninstalledcases, in power these discourse mechanismsoppression within movement––with the ‘silences’the that permeate its entails a withpainstaking engagement various taboos justice social and racism post-colonial of A discussion Objectification 2.3.1 within and racialized movementhierarchies the (Interview with J. T.who has beenemployed by the OSI, 2010.12.10) I When interests. cannot successfully confront orovercomeof personal conditions these isit always atraumatic experience. dynamics strange and mistrust, jealousy, racism, with confronted interests. [….] Anyway,working Ihave since been in movement Romathe asan personal activist I am regularly beyond look and taboos about talk to will the has anyone Hardly quo. status pitiful, full of personal interests and jealousies. is Everyone so preoccupied with their own on Roma issues on the internationalinfluence as well ason great nationalthe a level. have While they the life wehave here is power; so in growing is organization The job. particular that we are employed by them, [….] even The thoughpeople are scared to talk thatabout theirelegant we racist acts. In fact,[as they expectRoma] us to gratefulbe are qualified to fulfill that relationship. (Schmitt 1996:36) them of theirfreedom, butasacarefully orchestrated refusalofsystemic and genuinely human [o]bjectification , much of which is exercised by non-Romani human rights entrepreneurs, but also but entrepreneurs, rights human non-Romani by exercised is which of much do to peopleto do is not best understood either turning as intopersons or deprivingthings, as ? Fanon’s own answer was brief: racism objectifies racism brief: was answer own Fanon’s . Several critical aspects of of internal the Several power aspects critical 35 within that are characteristic of internal of are characteristic that the Romani civil rights arena . Here, he CEU eTD Collection been accused of being criminals or thieves, sometimes with the assistance of the same Roma Romani community who have fallen out of favor with the established power structure have membersvarious of colonized (2) of infantilization Roma: on the commented Czech member of the Parliament former activist, Romani Monika Horakova work. of professional as capableas thelatter are not formerthe that whoassume movement, inthe by non-Roma arepatronized activists Romani they that incapable would of be of language.gaining mastery French the Similarly,many examplethe it of French,ofwhom (white) Black the was assumed bythedominantgroup (1) movement: Romani tothe inrelation here mentioning worth are Algeria French in colonial by from mentioned Fanon his experience of own practices objectification A few characteristic case and proceedings, is very afterwards.little follow-up conducted victimsmissing the during is for often in respect evenbasic since region, entrepreneurs the points correctly as, inmyview, (2006) Bukovská areawhere, Thisisanother litigation procedures. out, Romaniesthere even risk becoming local or nationallive which many theirlivesinextremewill continue to poverty and some exclusion. Indeed, scapegoatsis if there is a backlasha after proceedings, of theoutcome over aslittle control exercise currenta purposes, litigation’ resultfor ‘impact of case a victim for test aspecific seeking out researcher lawyeror by initiated an NGO often lack of ethical responsibility on the part of human rights beyond the scope of chapter.this from ahuman rights abuse. There is avast literature onthe subjectof ‘victims’ and victims’ agency, but thisis 45 parasites’. the are 44 victims rights human Romani)The the imbalanceabove insight about in of power relationshipthe non- between (usually lawyers and their Romani clients emphasizes the subaltern lawyer Bukovskánotes professionals arena, inthe (2006) Barbora that: human rights them’.nothingbuta projectto position ‘we are Kozma, Blanka by international succinctly a Roma intellectual Put and entrepreneurs. human rights professionals legal of hands in the ‘experiments’ as treated been frequently of Romani humanthe work rights tinyof others––a of Romanigroup elite notwithstanding––and have for they becomehave subjects movement, in rights human the participants received asactive The term ‘victim’ can be problematized, however, it is used here generically in reference to a person suffering person a to reference in generically here used is it however, be problematized, can ‘victim’ term The She also mentioned how difficult itwas forRoma in Hungary to assess ‘who are our genuine friends, and who parents. (M.H.2007.07.23.) as long as we remain in position of the little child who never contests against the in an organization which supposes to work for Roma. […..] We are good in their eyes […] We always have catch to up and skills develop our continuously in towork order We are always kept in the position of the child who never ever able to become a senior. Denigration Infantilisation Kairo 2006.) Kairo in speechatconference theirBukovska’ takeover automatically (Barbora problems. as specialists as in advocates hands” longer istheir no “fate their language, legal with Oncevictimslitigation. areconfronted and legal complicated a mysterious procedure decide on advocates rights human after strategy tacticsand to regard with position asubordinated thelawassume of nounderstanding or little with often uneducated are victims [who] hands ofelites––lawyers, inthe agenda [the] […]litigation concentrates : As Fanon indicated in his research,it is nearly always assumed that : Roma are perceived tobe, and are thus treated as, children. Fanon refers to 45 who, from the outset of legal procedures taken up on their behalf, their on up taken procedures legal of outset the from who, groups are groups ‘defective’. Likewise, leading members of the 44 In a rare reflexive piece on the interventions of legal 36 CEU eTD Collection create a reality for herself, and can she speak on her own behalf? herequestion: arhetorical along issues with and core of power Adopting justice. melet Spivak’s classic language, raise of questions of commodification agency,Romani and the subjectivity affairs, and culture The issurrounded byincreasingly post-colonial advocacy problematic of Romani realities quo of justify non-Roma dominance. status the always in (nevera continuous mode ending) of‘catch-up’ in andempowerment to order Whereas in has imitation Roma an are power based upon of legacies. reality discursive domination they of patterns as seen be can elite rights human non-Roma the with symbiotic relationship and intertwined complex, their with along Roma, of activism political The status of Roma. subaltern the preserved which by techniques colonial tacit aresupported discourses Theseracist political discourses. nevertheless withremained in us formsthrough diverse historical, academicand even has in groups, been theideaand period, condemned colored andimages post-Holocaust the Despite the fact that the concept of race, and its usein relation toRoma or any other minority 2.4 Concludingremarks some important grassroots some importantgrassroots organizing hasbeen betrayed several byhertimes fellows: Roma One of the most courageous Romani women activist from dissent. Hungary stifle to who have serving been doing similarly movement, the within marginalize them lineserve to invisible have Romathis crossed who outspoken on attacks and character Theaforementioned dissent. raiseis not to public there atendency governments, benefactors philanthropic of hands inthe rests generally projects Romani for funding the further exploration in connection to Romani ‘yes men’ or ‘Uncle Toms’. mutual dependency and desire contained within relationship;this this tension surely merits others, has referred to the existence of a tension between colonizers and colonized and to the who are beneficiaries of their patronage. Postcolonial theorist Leela Gandhi (1998), among within the movement itself better analysis understandingto inorder internalizedour dynamics the of oppression andof both further of process these deserve auto-censorship, as well a surreptitious persist, to continues narrativesandinsights ‘silenced’ deepdenial the these of In short, 2009.08.23) have I become me. oftired always havingdefendmyselfto prove and Iam that a capable humiliated person. (V.Z. they […] integrity personal and my professional offenses and me damaged against accusations false Their cry] to started [she project. the in damage significant a intervention with the encouragement and support of powerful non-Roma informal which activist an caused made They […] work my transformative of jealous become ’friends’ Roma Roma and non-Roma[ ….] Well, as well. to workI had towith defend Roma myself can becomeseveral antimes income just generationbecause some ofproject my for some of the can the Romani subaltern Can speak? Romani the subject finally . 37 Furthermore, since Furthermore, CEU eTD Collection young generations comprehensive of Thus,Roma amore activists. my of purpose present answer how this question the discursive informs/shapes politics of both of old work the and explore to to ethnicidentity, attempt and and gender approach of toward roots proceed ideological the the I as concern my be will Europe Eastern and Central throughout initiatives and of affairson of implications Romani trajectory state this the of The projects agendas. force international a by always different assistedand organizedaround as organizations’ political activism women Romani transnational of evolution and emergence the outline contentious in and locally rights-based adopted a ideaswere translated imposed transnationally mode by womenpolitical leverage by and was internationaladopted key Romani women activists. Yet, the activistsnew became a discourse equality gender of activism, a Roma as In thecontext force. progressive ofactivism gender of differentcentrality the movements: social other with one trait share does important generations.movement Roma the however, distinctions, contextual the Notwithstanding In this chapterRomani political activism (Kóczé and 2009). Trehan I will of andideological terrain theoretical the has marked brieflyagencies of these trend discursive (OSI).Theimported Institute Open Society Soros-funded George Worldandthe the Bank, as formulated international byinfluential agencies dealing the question ofRoma, with such as principles, “democratization” and rule-of-law a neo-liberal of adoption the wholesale on based discourse rights human a in is embedded movement the is that movements, social justice to other in comparison “movement,” of Romani the The main characteristic and (Trehan private state actors the 2008). both prevalent ‘Gypsy problem’ discourse by exposing discrimination the contest andto a ‘criminalsubculture’ to Roma asbelonging andof vilification the racismchallenge to began on theRoma, for part of rights civil promoting movements emerging newly in the dissidents late 1980s, in ‘transition’In Romani liberal the days early the of activists, with along ( Kóczé 2008) versionof my article ,“Ethnicity and Gender in the Politics of Roma Identity in the Post-Communist ‘Newthe Europe’(Kocze ” and Countries”Trehan 2009) and secondthe partof chapterthe is built upon theextended Trehan “Postcolonial racism and social justice: the struggle forthe soul of the Romani civil rights movement in 46 political struggle in men which have taken Asa leading part. described by Vermeesch: Peter conjunction of ethnic and identity,genderin the as a resultof part traditionalthe emphasis forms of analyses on in their consider to failed mobilization political Romani its the and about “movement” written have who historians and scientists political most recently, Until ACTIVISM IDENTITY POLITICAL THROUGH SOCIAL AND CHAPTER THREE: FORMING COLLECTIVE POLITICAL This chapter is contingent upon my two articles. The first part is based on the article I co-wrote with Nidhi defending and cultivating shared identity. shared cultivating and defending but as a conceptual term denoting the totality of activitiescarried outin contextthe of understood as aclearly defined and collectionbounded officially of recognized organizations, more nuanced understanding of conceptthe of a“movement”movement] itself: [a not must be Romani movementin Central and Eastern Europe iscomplex and diffuse,” thus necessitating a 46 (Vermeesch 2006:9)(Vermeesch 38 CEU eTD Collection Politics Reconsidered, 47 oppressed groups by particularly forchange social of explored knowledge is a identity resource been that namely, recently, has which idea is an there States, United the in particularly of studies, field the minority In communities. Roma subject, political new a of construction the for basis the and difference of of politics object the became elite political Roma young emerging newly The anddiscourses. practices institutional serious through difference ethnic construction of 90s, particularly in wewitnessed the post-communist the countries, unprecedented according toa very different regime of representation of sameness and difference. In the early they who were andhow totalk about themselves and including knowing non-Gypsies. others Theyjustdidit trouble no had ethnicity”. Gypsies local “Roma changes, political commonly the before more even Presumably, or, communities” “Roma term the adopt to international national and Newspapers and public anddocuments began discourses. political in term Moreover, the Roma accepted becoming(Vermeersch 2006). was widely neighboringNational and 2001). Ethnic Minorities)(Kovats Similar processes were emergingin autonomy and cultural the for context legal politicala new countriescreated Parliament Hungarian the protection participation inminority in Forinstance, 1993intheeraof Hungary, Central andin Eastern Europe. policies minority of as development political and legal by the wellof supported was formation national in identity ethnic collective of this process addition, andBarany 2002) In Klimová-Alexander 2005; respect ethnic minorities ofRoma. identity 2004; collective (Pogány diverseconsciousness groups andamongst of in and public the officially, (Actboth - violence and racism hostility, LXXVII rising to legal responses political the of One on discoursesthe Rightsand politicalof identity collective Emerging 3.1 since recognition the fall of life. their govern of that oppressions theinternal and Roma external various socialistemancipatory tool for Roma/Romani women in their struggle to contest grabs—aforpower real dressingwhetherit window can politics—or provide apractical the structures of regimes a by strategicnationally legitimizeinternationally weaponused and to powerful groups their simply is law rights human whether remains, questions the hence women, Romani of - has human institutions and arerights reshaping discourses been the specific local inequalities structural is in it However, theequality Romani notobvious international still context. howthe spread of formationof frameworksgendered influencesdiscourse social life the an in group, of oppressed and caseRoma,this andwhattypes ethnicized how terms, in socio-anthropological examine, of is to analysis a offered by human rights discourse could allow activists to claim gender to ethnicity identity)(ethnic as a predominantframe of reference for political mobilization 1990s, aconsiderable leaders, number of political political parties and interest groups turned After thebreakdownof end atthe communistbeginningthe regimes 1980sandthe of of the meetings. international appear atvarious in the second addition, In communities. Roma of concept the and Roma of ethnicity the articulated largely half of the 90s,transformation in the post-communist an bloc, entirely new identity regime which emerged, a politically active Romani women identity regime started to There is a wide range of excellent works on identity politics. See for instance the edited volume edited the instance See for politics. identity on works ofexcellent wide range a is There 47 (Alcoff, Hames-Gracia, Mohanty, Moya 2006) . Similar process is taking place that embedded in social and political and social in embedded that place taking is process Similar . 39 Identity CEU eTD Collection the independence of local independencethe of NGOs (Trehan 2001). necessarily driven,donor and the consequent dependency seriously andaffects undermines are projects of as the majority non-existent almost are based organizations voluntary developed Western from CEE countries, membership-founded and differently NGOs. In where The NGOsector Romatobe issues addressedin started 1990s, of beginning the the differently in CEEcountries (Fowler 1997). is conceptualized of concept citizenship privileged the and that democracies Western be by emerging differencehistories partly of democracies.explained particularthe can The with incompatible in needs the is newly of almost appliedsociety inWestern democracies Whoidea of civil the argues that (1992). by Arato discussed werewidely transition period peculiaritiessector and contradictions third wasthe period transition in post-communist the agents activemost of one the countries, be regarded of this partly The of development civil society in and NGOsCentral and Eastern countries can European newly as emerginga political civil and Commission 2004; Report Ringold-Mitchell and Orenstein 2003;Ivanov 2002). ideological society violencephysical more than before the post-communist transition (cf.period European in responsethe post-communist and even discrimination prejudice, of expressed Program, become victims Roma publicly to the situation releasedby European the Commission, WorldBank and the the United Nation Development of Roma. inter-governmental reports to According andhousing. inareassuchaseducation segregation In CEE unemployment, long-term impoverishment, declining living as conditions, well as increased 2005; ThisSzelenyi-Ladanyi 2004, etc). most is manifested in starkly mass their the onslaughtendured of political the economic transitionand in Central (Szalayand who Eastern Europe victims pertinent most the of one are Roma that documented well now is It economically and socially a dramatic and ongoing decline” both (in of haveactually undergone communistEastern Europe theCentral CEE) and states Daroczi suggested, “the living conditions and life chances of most Romalevels people in the post- of terms in formal governmental policyandhas initiatives, other led attention historically which to unprecedented political ofincreasing attracted have RomaRoma hand, one the On phenomenon. politicalpolitical The regarding aparadoxical processes above Roma outlinedrecent present activity 2001). legislation introducing(Sobotka anti-discrimination (Kovats the situation Roma, includingof international minority ratifying standardsprotection and accession. The EU powerfully pressure on Centralput Eastern European and governmentstoimprove Eastward EU the to 2003). and organizations rights human international from pressure On themarginalization, Roma arenowgaining political in attention duepartly Europe to ongoing other of After centuries Roma communities. of generation” “token first as a characterized hand, are often people these institutions, parliamentand governmental find to to access however, failed largely (Vermeesch 2002, Barany in1998), whilein others spite of some activists Roma beingable politics inelectoral identity ethnic on based unification political countries, as Agnes varied sometimes puzzlingoutcomes.Roma Inmany produced mobilization political and Asaresult, maltreatment. and discrimination marginalization, ethnic-based against fight 50 March 21,2004. 1996) (Comaroff 49 ofRevolution.” Age an in of Difference Politics 48 identification and Third sector comprising public interest foundations and non-governmental organizations, (NGOs). organizations, non-governmental and foundations interest public comprising sector Third Brussels, Office, Information Roma European by the organized workshop atthe Daroczi by Agnes stated As More about the identity politics in different contexts see John, Comaroff.“Ethnicity, Nationalism and the 50 addressing social and economic exclusion and human rights issues (Arato 1992). The issues(Aratoeconomichuman rights exclusion addressing social and 48 . In the case of Roma, this identity based politics created opportunities to createdopportunities based politics identity Roma, this of . In case the 40 49 . CEU eTD Collection employing the term ‘neo-liberal human rights’, I refer to the phenomenon whereby human concernsrights within and campaigningoperate a global whereby capitalist system, thus––perhaps and phenomenon the to refer I rights’, human ‘neo-liberal term the employing In its trajectory? current to alternatives arethere and consequences, are its What reflect? ‘Romani movement? rights’ What order is it(re)producing andwhose interests does it in manifested the approach human is rights neo-liberal How the beaddressed. need to the to contemporary in Romani movement followingthe rights approach post-socialist Europe, questions rights’ human ‘neo-liberal the explain and of sense make to attempting In Soros’s with George affiliated of Europe,in post-socialist consensus and policy oneneo-liberal corollary overwhelming of a time at emerged movement of this development, as I shall rights’ ‘Roma movements,for the‘Roma2005; rights’ 2001).Unlike theseother (Guilhot Ost 2005;Trehan movement demonstrate, transnational the of trajectory was current the on theimpinge inevitably global that forces hasconnectionsto countries, post-socialist particularly its Europe, of neo-liberal agendas 3.2 Therise Kemény 1995). limited,bring highly unnoticeable changeatalocal almost level. (Havas, Kertesi and subsidies absorbed by organizations topof at the imaginarysocialthe mayonly pyramid society infollowsand elitiststructure most organizations, grantsand an also top-down whereby majority from Roma of segregation ethnic in results ultimately this that out pointed and ‘Roma-specific programs), ‘rigid (e.g. Hungary, ethnic against coupling’ arguing also warnedcompelling against two the intheNGOvis-à-vistrends sector issues Romani in In 1995, three respected social scientists, competingsometimes foreach other thelimited with opportunities. Havas Gábor local , the level inKertesifunction usually at abalanced mode by reinforcing and using each other’s resources or self-governments minority Roma Gábor and NGOs However, system. and political general Kemény István, into the integrate fail to hence and systems representation political own their segregate to tend Roma self-government minority the through that fact the against warned who activists (2001) and and extensively Kállai by criticized social scientists(2005) Hungarian and self-government system. The political influence of was this structure analyzed by Kovats the from fact in that Hungary stems a special institutional channel up in was set 1993, namely, also minority the activism political and public Roma Hungarian of character special The (Trehan non-governmental 2001). sector totheor delegated private have been tasks and cultural whilstsocial sphere, in the economic limited its responsibilities and has decentralized state 1980s,the late the since fact, itself.In policy state on influence government-friendly agrowing organizationsthese have way the becauseof NGOs, butalso Heavy is of not onthestate significant state’s only support donors. the because of reliance others pointed out the multistage interdependency of the third sector from the state, as well as and With(1999) respecttoHungary, aswell aswomen’s Wizner economicones, rights. several issues includingand represent social, cultural NGOs. These organizations Hungary interestingis an country with regards to developmentthe of civil andsociety Roma human rights through the interventions of human rights entrepreneurs, particularly those particularly entrepreneurs, rights human of interventions the through rights human Open Society Institute 41 . marketization CEU eTD Collection unable to devise more radical means for their human rights advocacy, alternative means and means alternative advocacy, rights human their for means radical more devise to unable considerations: constitutional European reform, elections,etc.––Eastern be activists seem to andwit,marketdemocratic pro-free procedural variant‘democratization’––to of particular tend tobelimited orientations political toone whose foundations American-basedon financial severedependence aware of the contemporary neo-liberal (Trehan2006).Being by ethos informed discourses rights human of model the of acceptance implicit in an resulted well asThe feeling of powerlessnesstheir and lack of agency on the part of easterninability European activists, ideals. as mainstream social movements, having lostinitial their edgeradical and criticism sharp towards to construct new the of constituencies the into turned and ‘tamed’ have become NGOs contemporary that that claims she Moreover, agenda. this implementing for mechanism important asan seen alternativewith an emphasis on parliamentary ColdWar,the arguing ’New strategy Agenda’ the combined neoliberal economic that Policy democracy. human after Agenda’, whichcame criticizes Policy ’New book in the of (2003) her Mary Kaldor rights. paradigm discoursesneo-liberal prevalent Based the to resistance minimal on only with her Western their benefactors, analysisof motives the about doubts grave thehad they when NGOs even networks; camedonor to beand a language commensurate adopt human rights withpractices philosophy of and theirEuro-Atlantic states believed to of whythey reasons formerpost-socialist were compelled dissidents the of in rights networks regionthe 1990s(Trehan the throughout human 2006). There wereseveral and cogent communities human epistemic American of dominance material and ideological rights, religious bodies among other actors in society. in actors other among bodies religious and organizations membership-serving associations, business cooperatives, workers’ unions, labor parties, 52 onthe work of OpenSociety Institute and its affiliates. See (2005)Guilhot forfurther details on Soros’ ideological development. See 51 1990s. on ‘civil society’ extent, theneo-liberalTo agreat hand-in-handdiscourse approach with works dominantthe in Eastern Europe, Roma non-Roma. between and of power relations asymmetrical which began development Romani of subaltern communities increate and post-socialistto Europe, reproduce permeate 2005; the Trehan 2007). OSI’s activities, which focuses on promotion the humanof andrights NGO sectorideological in frameworks, thethus has a powerful earlyimpact on civil society ‘Open a policy infact agendabasedSociety’ post-socialistEurope, promotes particularon in the region (Guilhot global NGO sphere today. Guilhotare characteristicutopian withindivisiveness ––that theapproaches the movement within of and Trehan argue that hierarchies creation and case,the of this particular of consequences––in revealing unintended OSI, while attempting clearesttendency most shows the todate to struggle Romani civilrights the that would suggest create an I in United States, the andthere-building of democracy including HIV/AIDS prevention support ofnumerous progressiveNotwithstanding campaignsglobally, OSI’s generous backbone of the ‘movement’ for the rights of Romani people in post-socialist offoundations.network Europe. of Romani NGO andfor promotion support wasresponsiblethe Hungarian-American billionaire GeorgeSoros initiativesChurchill 2005;Guilhot2005; More than Trehan single 2008). any other philanthropist, through the (Chenunwittingly–– & neo-liberal order become of economic appendage an global the work of the Open Society Institute (OSI), a global ‘Civil society’ generally incorporates NGOs and non-profit organizations, and broadly encompasses political The writings of Popper and Hayek were strong influences upon Soros, who was a student of Popper’s at LSE. 52 The visible absence of alternative trajectories to this approach is a result of the of isaresult this approach to trajectories alternative of absence Thevisible 51 The organizations by fundedand form supported OSI currently the 42 www.soros.org forfurther details CEU eTD Collection movement’ (Kóczé 1999:69). the non-Roma who work with us is how to work for Roma rights without controlling the hierarchies. racialized to immune not are society civil Romani comprising organizations as world and coalitions academics of activists (Trehan makers, 2001). policy In addition,white international privilege and is also prevalentnational in the NGO comprising established was constituency elite an NGOs, these for constituency grassroots a of place In NGOs. national constituencieslack grassroots in and, many cases, cooperate superficiallyonly localwith and in region generally the communities on Romani diverse focusing organizations Well-funded Romani3.2.1 in subalterns the NGO sector Trehan 2001; Oprea 2005). dismissal of Romani agency and resistance by withinelites movement(Bukovskáthe 2005; is forby the thisauthors- out some -aspointed emancipatory Partof reason the politics. humanneo-liberal advocacy inhibits which the rights, of Romani rethinking grassroots and of monopoly current of the because be explored are yetto order current the to Alternatives and for this: explanation compelling Acton offerNicolae one Gheorghe Thomas Roma. for movement rights human in the NGOs––engaged represent who and those leaders traditional community leadership––both theRomani characterizes also quo the status lack ofeffective resistance (Vesely to its‘manageable’ 2005). The sponsors by perspectives ‘multiplicity’ensuringhuman rights the that wouldaltogether remain of Romani invite many being NGOs and based grassroots participation on selective criteria, 2004. Romani Inclusion: 2005-2015’,which was launched with conferencea donors in inBudapest World the between Bank and the Open withSociety Institute, initiativeone such beinginitiatives the ongoing‘Decade of of collusion interesting in an resulted this Recently, region. profoundfor implications trajectory the Romani of and initiativesprojects throughoutthe The above discussed severedependency on US basedfoundations and theirideologies has liberal (Harvey project 2005). According its to prevailing logic these principles inare no withincommensurate way neo- the affiliates. as such OSIand its the organizations non-governmental byinfluential formulated as concepts ‘democratization’ and liberal of rule-of-law adoption strategic on the based decade in for structures of reforms of past havethe region legal/juridical the the partly been rights’. For a further discussion of white privilege, see McIntosh (1988). McIntosh see privilege, of white discussion further a For rights’. 54 society’ (1999: 7). society out ofaccount; butbeing powerless unorganized and they could hardly be considered part of civil 53 methods that are not reliant on the dominantmodel of corporatist human rights. Strategic management posts are disproportionately granted to non-Romani professionals inthe field of ‘Roma As Canadian political scientist Richard Cox asserts ‘Corporatism left those who are relatively powerless in same concepts of human rights and anti-racism that operate in international organizations and organizations relations between existing states (Acton and Gheorghe international 2001: in 57). operate that anti-racism and rights human of concepts same [I]n seeking legitimacy for their struggle, Roma politicians havenochoice lockontobut to the The politics surrounding thisinitiative Decade areinstructive with failingOrganizers to 54 As in ‘one Isuggested my one of of biggest works, previous challenges facing 43 53 Movements CEU eTD Collection which includes many Romani-related projects. Romani-related many includes which society’, civil of ‘development the for earmarked funding have region the in programs Phare EU the Indeed, number growing the encompasses of also Romani-related but offices andprogramsphenomenon, from Sector culture Third to a educationsolely to minoritynot is rights in the state industry’ sector ‘Gypsy as well. The 2000. when actors within the movement and the strategies they adopt begin to manifest the manifest to begin adopt they strategies the and movement the within actors when fieldincreasing humanmust serious rights, beasked the within professionalism questions of Kawczinskyusing ‘Gypsyindustry’. Rudko word phenomenon, many with Romani intellectuals cynically referring toitas ‘ethno-business’ or Western through foundationsled toan private has adjoining, even dysfunctional money intoregion the of influx generous The human of rights. of marketization impacts the ‘Romani rights’makinghence the jobs academic work, government or sector, join private the otherwise sector a field attracting alargewith number of highly qualified totheNGO professionals sector, whowould a good ‘career potential’. This was one of the corrosive jobless’:Erlanger, Stephen Gypsies ‘Czech KnockHarderClosed onthe Doors’, who speak no Romani making a living by helping a people they do not understand, whilepositions. Gypsiessimilar in themselves London or go York 56 New in working those than account) into parity international NGOs in the region areproportionally higher (taking the cost of living and purchasing power full-time HungarianNGO worker basedBudapest over in may earn $500/month. salaries The withinsome 55 higher and still if isforeign professionals, one (Trehan2001) a worker local of those than higher times several be to likely are foundations, in directly workers by international sponsored region, the especially private NGOs within salaries generous and offering was field inthe enhance professionalism wasto Theobjective rights. seen as anrecruitment effectiveIn the early days of post-socialism,way NGO entrepreneurs in the region andto abroad believed that achieveeffortsprojects. rights human or this development wereRomani resulting critical into relation asawhole, particularly sector the within asymmetries existing then exacerbates in that the to NGOs often grassroots with have NGOs.This elite funding relationship the adependency salaries attract footing,the as basedon an unequal aregenerally of partnerships partnerships. These ‘strategic’ NGO peopleposition by reaching outtocommunity-based organizations andby forming alliances and to thetheir dominantposition thelegitimatewithin ‘Romani industry’, they rights seek thisthen to established have NGOs fieldelite once that is development A concomitant movement. of development leaders,havewith be we of foundRomani thisforemost one to the concerns their about discussions in various Nevertheless, be of NGO/INGOpublications. into the found plethora and human This on literature of butitisRoma,type inmainstream surfaces critique rarely radical likely NGOprojects: planning to the relation of Roma-related of fewthe Romani members of city Budapestthe council, thefollowing offers insightin movement. Blanka Kozma, director of the Romani Women’s Association in Hungary and one influences The elite composition circles also of construction the withinNGO of the priorities Monika Horaková, Romani Czech MP claims that ‘there is too much Forexample,Hungary, in paternalismteacheremployed a by state the $150/monthearned onaverage in2000; whilst a … with too many Czechs thisday. (Conversation with Blanka Kozma emphasis 2008.02.12. added) we are notadanger to theEU to develop the situation, butto capacitation, it’snot aboutour development … maintheir aim notis tohelp Romani society or [T]hese projects not were designed ourfrom perspective, it’s not aboutour empowerment and …this was the motivation [in the past], and it continues to be to be to continues it and past], the [in motivation the was …this prevent them from[Roma] goingtoEngland or Americaso that 55 44 . By the late 1990s, this produced theeffect of produced . By late1990s,this the 56 While one should certainly not lament New York New Times , May , May 12, CEU eTD Collection both dissidents and Roma––takes place on several fronts simultaneously: not only against the against only butnow increasinglynot state, inhibitstructures against that Romani participation in the simultaneously: fronts several on place Roma––takes and dissidents both theirminoritieson insubalternity. other, the common struggle the asdouble region–– Their in theWorld Third onthe one handin isolated termsof positiontheir relatively globally, and those to are comparable society civil within andintellectuals advocates Romani Even active communities. in Romani interventions well-meaning their from result that distortions and inthose World 1995), but so-calledthe Third they dynamics (Biró tend tooverlook power the and their forbetween communities Romani Romaadvocates drawparallels Some European (Trehan 2001). communities depressed from local, economically priorities different may have agendas local undermines neo-liberal autonomy subscribing as the andof to initiatives donors NGOs Autonómia Foundation of compulsory ‘volunteering’, and membership feeswere deducted fromsalaries’, the ‘legitimate suspicion against voluntary action, asduring 40 years [under communism] there was the practice 57 donor-driven, necessarily being projects of majority the non-existent, foreignmembership-fundedsustainable without organizations whilst arevirtually assistance, NGOs for their own survival. AsIexplained above,most NGOsworkingin fieldthe arenot philanthropy foundationsvia private and local Romani inNGOs turn rely on elitethese on Western and INGOsarereliant hasin NGOs elite which emerged dependency majordependent on forA philanthropiccontinuing donors pecking their of work. order support, sodid withinin post-socialistactors Romani become times, the NGOsector financial for structures on state dependent historically andwere leaders If Romani politicians piece NGOfundingthe of (Kovats2001;Trehan2001,2006a). pie in participation in togetamuch-neededa widerange ‘paper NGOs’andprojects of order based on neo-liberal principles has forced many Roma to ‘clutcha marketeconomy to from transition the resulting Roma majority of at the straws’, of circumstances leading to their socio-economic the of deterioration profound myview,the In asithas evolved. NGO sector eager acceptance by younger generation (in the 20sand their inequalities within 30s)of the resignation on the part of older Romani activists (in their 40s and above)some scholars and have (Stubbs ‘NGO-ization’ 2007).Forone called isthing, a increasing there tacit oreven orwhat NGOsector, of the the proliferation view of more critical shall a I take development, fieldsof (Pinnock and 1998).With ofhuman rights duerespecttothe ‘integration’ for thefuture by prospects communities’ non-Romanispaces notionsofferingresistance to of survivalimportant strategy Romani within anavenuecommunities, for strengthening these Some scholars Donor and control3.2.2 structural Dependency––ideological have suggestedin working area. the thatshall I Europe. continue belowby looking this hierarchicalenquiry atthe further of NGOs dynamics the inpost-socialist work rights human of marketization and bodyinstitutionalization of growing the with has issuesassociated raised The abovesection imperative (2004). projectsand lawyer scholar DavidKennedy suggested rights that reflexivity the‘human within human rights community’is American prominent Indeed, serve. to meant are related they people and communities the of priorities of sightthe losing order, economic a neo-liberal of imperatives to Roma is part of an The lack ofvoluntary The ofmembership these organizations was explained the inearly ofpost-socialismdays by . 45 57 1990 Annual Report which however, which , CEU eTD Collection Aladár Horvath, then director of director then Aladár Horvath, human In sector. a forumrights Central the at European University in Budapest publicly theirincreasing frustration with monopolythe these entrepreneurs wieldwithin the voice representatives Romani times, At sponsorship. rights global human to access easier by the power ofUnion resulting in voices Romani that at thelocal ornational elitelevel are being largely usurped human and Council the likeOSCE, European Europe the andintergovernmental of organizations rights entrepreneurs, by governments ‘partners’ aslegitimate accepted NGOswere rights human many elite that makesBukovská (2006) aninterestingwho pointwith regard to the question legitimacy,of noting have superior networking NGOsector? the skills Roma within of and emancipation development for the are priorities the what should decide, and decides,Who who assist, to and or the generalpublic? seek to they Romani communities whom are Romani and non-Romani NGOs ultimately responsible? To theirpolemic donors, to the raises serious ethical questions that Romani activists have now begun to raise. To directors of the directors Regional Participation Roma Program ‘The Politics of Kawczynski, RomaniR. Politics”See tremendous. possible––is alone let conceivable, even is this people––if whole their indeed, Romani intellectuals carry theirin attempt to represent themselves, theirfamilies, theircommunities and, inhibits Romani participants from participating fully the in decision-making process Certainly, the burdenmost 58 as ‘law neo-liberal paradigm from the (e.g. drawn are usuallyburdenedpreconceptions with above,As demonstrated the proliferation of ideologicalUS-funded NGOs,whose orientations in this active (Trehan states Union area, propelledof by accession 2008). European the post-socialist become recently only have networks advocacy rights human British or French, German, By contrast, in Europe. cause rights’ inthe ‘Roma stake controlling establishment’s rights human American by the 1990swascharacterized the that can see one Retrospectively, while Romani of arefew and farbetween. legal those theirorigin committees, advisory of members as well as INGOs and NGOs domestic of as trustees act and/or boards various personal their many on promote members, use re-appear whom careersof friends andfamily leveragethe to elites rights human circles, institutional these inside is that non-Roma, Of equal importancesupposedly the emancipatory representing interests hisof own community. to thebeen had asked speak to first emphasizing his ownmarginal position above even asocialwithin field entrepreneurs that was rights human non-Romani the because outlined irritated visibly was Horvath problem that the majority of NGO activists are movement: taken up byelitemost entrepreneurs, humanrights of Romani,whom inare not the Foundation),national ininstance,for a Hungary, NGO arguedthat the achievementof their including own emancipation, those within large. civilsociety at Some Romani intellectuals inthe regionwho believe that the hierarchical structure of the NGO sectortoday CEU) Future of theRoma Movement Rights organized by the European Roma the Center Rights at movement,while we, get Roma, to somethingsay inthe end. (Horvath, 2001,Workshop on we are from a normal situation:wehave several non-Romaexperts discussing the future of the The Romani Movement hasalong way to go. present This discussion itself illustrates how far European Roma Rights Centre Rights Roma European Transitions within the , September 1997. Mr.Kawczynski was at that time director of the . Roma PolgárjogiAlapitvány Open SocietyInstitute-Budapest 46 (Roma Civil Rights Civil (Roma , as well as on the board of colonizing is role colonizing in 2001, 58 This CEU eTD Collection http://cps.ceu.hu/romapolicyfellowship_resources.php?cmssessid=Tf1b587168444c140a50c9af5adda001d5cf81 e5048fe380d3f55b6da30b13a5 Women in Europe 60 human rights NGOs such asHuman Rights Watch, which is closely affiliated with the OpenSociety Institute. 59 salvation’), many cases prove to be harmful for local Romani-majority relations, or court trials not always resulting injusticetrials court or relations, Romani-majority local for be harmful to in and prove cases victims many the for results desired obtaining always not interventions legal with rise the on is actually majority population andthe Roma between social instance, the distance For clear. becoming arenow of approaches these and weaknesses oversights fundamental the decade, past Roma over integration the forthe of launch programs ambitious mediaof andthe inin and awareness the rights thebehalf publicsphereRomani seeming rise the plaintiffs, of However, lawsuitsbeforebrought despiteon number theincreasing of the courts civil rights in framework which progressive agendasofintegration and civil areespoused. rights broader a be within concealed Roma’ appearsto of ‘management This potentially unstable. manage––orbe communities pacify––Romani perceived marginalized dangerously to and 1999, Bitu’s 1999, Bitu’s report In Romacommunities. tothe the related andconcerns issues genderof articulated who community, member leading a Bitu, Nicoleta including level, a transnational at active who became women Romani several were there 90s late the In level. national and international andinter-governmental organizations (UN,CoE, EU) started togain visibility both on the beginning thehuman influence international rights network of of 2000, with advocacy the Romaniadd that Iwouldin activities”like (1996:12). bythe autonomous to women, invisible“paradoxically andwomen,are in of spherethe macropolitics, state butare leaders civil societywomen activism gained throughtheinternational discourse andthe impetus gender emerging in the region, Romani countries. intheCEE by organizations and donor NGOs accepted recognized and as SilvermanWomen’s also pointedrights outand in genderthe NGO activism intheRoma rights Bulgarian of women’s 3.3 Development issues, context, as parts Romani of the human rights regime,undeserving group. became aparticularly considered being Roma with firstplace, in the areunwarranted policies graduallyprograms at theto react by now beingfavored negatively,bysuggesting are eitherRoma government that expense of begun have integration,for post-socialist societies initiatives ‘Romani-specific’ in regardto non-Roma citizens,assist litigation not in victims 2006).Moreover, does regaining their Romani dignity (Zoltan or by roots of inequalities many structural orthe popular prejudice embedded insociety.cases, In implying that affirmative-action type their with encounter andhuman rights gender equality transformed, or negotiated principles detached from localtheir fellows as very few ofthem are connected to levelsboth making local community. their Transnational within issues Romani women activists,equality stillgender a small and elite group, are rights usuallyhuman quite global on messages transmit to able are activists women Romani very few participation, transnational active this Despite Council the Europe. of This become a funding document forRomani womenactivism. Nicoleta Bitu „ Thisis a model espousedby ERRC’s former director, Petrova (2003), oneand of legacies the of international 59 reflects the interests of those Euro-Atlantic elites who are attempting to are attempting who elites Euro-Atlantic of those interests the reflects 60 was supported and by wassupported adopted Specialistthe on Roma/Gypsies of Group per se , since a primarily litigious approach does not address the ” 47 Accessed on2006.10.24 The Situation of Roma/Gypsy CEU eTD Collection on discourse the shape to level Romaniinternational the on role decisive most the is playing Parliament, women. Sheelected is a member firstthe twofemale MEPs in Romani whowas 2006:114) .Lívia2004 (Veermesch Járóka, ofdirectly the 1998. Asit, Hungary Vermeersch put headlinesgained international being for a country with Women’suntil and keepherseat wasable (SzDSz), to Free of Democrats liberal Alliance the party, Rightsfrom Committee andAntonia had of from listthem Hága,who 1994.One beenelected was awoman, the of the list politics.in the ofEuropean InTherethe Hungary, wereright-wing women’s representation. to attention specific three Roma Romani leadershiptrainingpolitical inCzechRepublic,MPs Bulgaria, and a Hungary with Romani in the populistHungarian internationalthe level. Rumyan2000, Monika Horakova, In Russinov, andmyself organized women at of politics Roma newgeneration of the arepresentative wasconsidered National She of Deputies. becameparty Czech Chamber to the Union,elected was Parliament Freedom the of representative Horakova, Monika FIDESZ one between Revolution andthe in1993,only RomaCzechoslovakia of dissolution representative, one of 1990 Kesaj Fairy Foundation Romani tothe Good the of Minorities Ethnic the for Bureau most Defense Legal the of Director Europeanand alsoprogressive as is as Koptova againstknown in1990forViolenceKoptova waselected People (VPN). the Director herselfassociated with biggestRomani Anna the party, Romani (ROI). Initiative Civiv of the High Samkova publicly Furthermore, representative. asaRomani forcesand, wasperceived assuch, School forAlthough SamkovaRoma isnon-Roma, she is inthe wife of a well known Roma activist, Ivanof Vesely, mainstreamAnna Koptova. Kosice. and representative, (OF) Forum asaCiviv was elected lawyer,who rights Afterhuman a Klara Samkova, Roma, identified as who elected women were two Czechoslovakia, in elections the 1990 the In office. political for Velvet contested candidates Romani women several academic andpolitical ithasthan From 1990 to2004, attention previously acquired. In Romanisuch a context, in women’s participation electoral muchpolitics moredeserves their for basis ethnic political the favor organization.members these that fact the by questioned however, is, politics in Theeffectof electoral Romani the anddiscourse. participation international political the visible political channels topromote andmainstream recognition Roma issuesin nationalthe most of one the to hadaccess system electoral European or national in the who participated Romani candidates Roma activism. international for alliance a strategic identity. These MPsbecame ethnic their on solely based Parliament European the or national the of member of strong political lobbying, severalRomani gainedactivists anindividual party tobe ticket a Asa result systems. electoral mainstream play arolein to aspirations having even of which Thus, political Romani gaineda forefrontparties in “movement;” position Romani the some their political wasbyestablishing claims ethnically-based parties. (Veermesch 2006:102) discrimination, andmaltreatment. One way in which activists hopedtofind for publicsupport maintainit for them theirpolitical possible struggleto againstethnic-basedmarginalization, made action and sites for political offeredidentity-based politics 1990s. In caseof Roma, the identification and after mobilization political for reference the of frame apredominant as breakdownethnicity ofA considerable number of leaders,political political parties, andinterestturned groups to the communist regimes in The3.3.1 emergence oftransnational Romani women’sactivism Central and Eastern Europe in theCEE countries whose scope of activities include Romani issues.women early in the fewNGOs very are there manner. Therefore, indiverse scales at different contested 48 CEU eTD Collection [f]unding has shifted from material assistance to education and human rights work.” rights human and education to assistance material from shifted has [f]unding fundingand in “Western Glenn Roma programs the for 1990sincreased [and]emphasize them. AsMendelson against violation rights human decrease and Roma level of education to improveatmeaning aprogram the situation toimprovelevel,Roma, that, of thepurport they strategy status-raising a employ countries in post-communist working NGOs that Western found Glenn K. John and Mendelson E. Sarah movement, Roma the on organizations Western of impactof assistance the the Examining conflict. of ethnic reduction the as well as democratic institutional media, independentdevelopment, civic andhuman advocacy, rights of various aspects on all working countries, European other and Kingdom,United Germany Western non-governmental organizations (NGOs)and from donors, Unitedthe to the States Since the endless democratic.” (Roma Quarterly, Rights 4 No. :14) 2001. of the Cold are people--they the to less accountable are they paid, are self-appointed, inNGOs; better they they are work into drawn are ones War bright the politics: era,in Romani now crisis is a “there notes that in Gheorghe Nicolae 1989generation. older the than politics Roma post-communistshaping in influence more constituents. Despite criticism,this cosmopolitan,these highly qualified Romamuch have countries severely criticized by olderthe generation of Roma elite for being favored bynon-Roma hosted inintergovernmental suchThisCenter, is organizations, or as theCouncilof group Europe. a number of by such Western European Roma Rights the as OSIand supported donors, organizations highly salaries,high work atNGOsoffering namely, to qualifiedpeople Romani started English-speaking, when diversified further became movement in the politics Romani constituents. based political in was particularneighborhood this party obviousall to political the aRoma- establish needto The Roma. are all mayor and council, local the MP, the Skopje, Orizari always municipality there in in wasalargeespecially Suto the constituency Roma where Macedonia, caseof the In marginalization. rather than empowerment political form of asa be construed can strategy formpolitical of this countries, Insome Democrats. Social the strategy: their instead of on Roma the relying constituency alone, they established analliance with changed they election, last the In now. adecade than more for existed has which NGOs in post-communist countries “Democracy Assistance and NGO Strategies in Post-Communist Societies 62 2001) (Gheorghe Roma,” for Deal of aNew Search “In Gheorghe, 61 in isFor instance, Romania there Roma anethnic-based political ( party inprominent Bulgaria andRomania wherethereis a stronglegacy of ethnic political parties. idea areparticularly the baseethnicity. They of on that theiragenda of political Roma parties support (theland) identity, theirnational underpinning recently hasbeena proliferation there which While conceptof the are organizedaround Roma havenotraditional ethnicity.geographical parties political Roma in than politics, mainstream in visible more are women Romani arena. political European in the exception, than rather norm, a politicians undeniable the most changes, ismaking notable which of female the Romani of presence some made MEPs Romani female two these issues, women’s Romani to different approaches their With affairs. family in intervene should one no that arguing planning, on views Romani women. Mohácsi believes indifferent workingagainst violence domestic and infamily slightly has Mohácsi, Viktória Demszky, Gábor of place the took who multiple forms of discrimination against Romani women. However, of Romani women. Thishearing discusstheforum provided a to policiespublic secondconcerning Romani MEP explore situation the in 2005to November Commission of and European the experts representatives activists, women Romani several for hearing a public initiated she where Parliament, Sarah Mendelson and Forthe discussionon the productivenessJohn of Romani political parties, see the interview with Nicolae K. Glenn’s work describe in a most persuasive way the work of the Western 61 49 Partida Romilor 62 Yet, ,” ) CEU eTD Collection Societies Carnegie Endowment Immanuel Wallerstein, inhis 1995book NGOs. Western-supported of a constituencyanomaly asan to unaccountability the cites also who Gheorghe, Nicolae constituency,limited apart from Odinkalu’sa numberof assessmentparallelsdonors.” of that constituencyroots […],thusthey not requiredbesupport are accountabletoany to Organisation: “Anumber of financed by NGOs Westerndirectly donot enjoy donors grass- (2001:138) quotedChidi human lawyerOdinkalu, rights London–basedthe of Interrights without Trehan subject, 1999).Onthis local (Pinnock communities needsof addressing the real population, Romani the onto ”sustainability” and rights,” “human “empowerment,” mostly Wizner, such because Nidhi it popular and Western concepts enforces as Trehan, this funding strategy is criticized by various scholars, including Kathy Balázs Pinnock, discrimination that are different from those suffered by Romani menelaborated andin non-Romaniterms of the uniqueness of their experience,i.e. as an experience of the forms of and ethnicity their based onboth face double discrimination, Romani women women:it recognized that was precariousof light on situation the violence. castsomeracismRomani did This andapproach and family lack planning protection programs, enforcement existingof legislation, of and problems of health of lack rate, unemployment high education, of level low the as such Initially, issues Romani women’s were framedgeneral incorrespondence to Roma problems, such public concerningsignificant as those ethnicity, gender, discourses, public policy. and to and issues identified Specific by connected Romani weregradually women’s activists which are still supporting and conceptualizing Romaniwomen’s activism rights in Europe. discrimination and violence Theissues intheRoma gender-based communities. gender-based of became of equality a receptive morecreate specific issues gender the for audience helpeddiscourse to a priority Roma violenceThe framing broader againstpopulation within the based aspecific of rights for certainlevels deeper violation. of donors,Roma their of population and toprovidelegal adequate wouldthat remedy Roma protect rights from andfurther human the for such respect emphasize to EU the of asstates member new thethe OSI, EU, Security inand Cooperation (OSCE) and Europe the European Unionand andit(EU), pressurizes COE, all (COE), United Nations fororganizations such as theCouncil (UN),Organizations Europe of of them by state. the The language ofhuman rights is by governed intergovernmental against asperpetrated discrimination—specifically, of form serious issuesas a theirpresent anew which Roma political created leveragethrough could basedhuman discourse rights liveRoma who inCentral Europe. by and South-Eastern Introduced Western countries, “athome,” but rather focus on political change in the post-Soviet Rights countriesHuman Watch,Medicines donotheed duMonde, similardiscriminations and others) andviolence and the International, plight of (Amnesty Europe Western from of originating host a organizations nowadays consequence, a As rights. human ensure to needed they felt liberals for whomWestern group became atarget groups, andmarginalized most discriminated needed to be affirmedphilanthropic organizations were“peoples”for they looking new whose rights, thought, in thefrom his were emergingblock.analysis, these to Soviet According dismantled the emerging inthat notably those countries, most inother human for astruggle started rights instead “newbut democracies.”that liberal international donors optedRoma not to talk about human out internationalblock Hepoints by “democratization” of the organizations. post-Soviet the people,rights in their own countries, being one of the (February 2000), , 62. (Accessed 21, April 2008) Working Papers their gender. Nowadays, Romani women’s issuesmost Romaniwomen’s their gender.Nowadays, often are , no. 8: no. , Democracy Assistance andNGOStrategies inPost-Communist After Liberalism, 50 connects philanthropic activity to activity philanthropic connects CEU eTD Collection of Romani women, but they also constitute a challenge to the broader patriarchal power representation patriarchal broader political of the to lack or challenge a constitute also they trafficking, but women, Romani of prostitution, marriages, forced women, Romani womennot only of issues, suchastheforced address activists sterilization contentious progressive The of Romani discourses and ethniclinked theirgender,oppression. social to The foundational inequalities of Romani participation inwomen’s forms various political are Dialogical3.3.2 Character of Women’sRomani Activism allowing in turn develop withinthem itself. agender-based discourse to Romani movement the internationally), and Europe within (both issues their to visibility brought political nevertheless has it women, Romani of well-being material the changed substantially has not assistance all in2002.Eventhough external Public this Care” and Health to Access entitledUnder of auspices thelandmark the IRWNWomen report COW, produced “Romani of Romani women, whichfocus has been by consistently encouraged Councilthe of Europe. ishealth the focusof main The activities IRWN (RWI). Women Romani of Initiative the that Romani Women’s (IRWN) Network with a leadership being andmoreolder traditional than Europe, Romani from women activists 18 European launchedcountries theInternational improve the human in to leaders,an rightseffort women young Romani of committed group acore and catalyze of Romani women.established Women Romani the Initiative (RWI),whichhas sincedevelop, worked link,to In 2003, with the existingin powerstructure maledominated Romaitself. movementassistancethe 1999, OSI In of the Councilwomen’s rights. Itis noteworthy that, at the conference, someof Romani women challenged the was uniquefocusedbecause it onsensitive issuessuch tradition the of Roma cultureversus from Themeeting by Europe. Central particularly and Eastern Hungary,delegates attended Women in Romani Budapest, of In organizedConference anInternational 1998, OSI with women other activists. contacts foster and information exchange to anetwork up set to them allowed it and, such, as level, international an on issues women’s Romani of recognition political first the was it Relevance to Combating Racism and Intolerance human right situationof Roma inEurope. Theirreport was instrumental. 63 women. Romani of concerns specific the to less attention itpaid i.e., general, the in againstRoma that discrimination and educational hardship economic hearing emphasized notes Intolerance and Racism Against Commission European the by issued report inviteorganizations to Romani bring and women activists to visibility theirissues, to the rights encountered by Romani Althoughwomen. it was firstthe attempt byintergovernmental The purpose Men. of hearingthis identify wasto and andconflictsproblems concerning equality human and Women between Equality for Committee Steering the of part as Strasbourg in Women” Roma/Gypsy “Hearingof organized Europe the Council the Septemberof 1995, in later, Oneyear in Europe. Romani women situation of the to specifically referred materialof first “Manifesto the of publicly Women,”Roma/Gypsy the printed that Seville,in Spain, 1994. One mostthe of striking of results Congress this publicationwas the Roma/Gypsies Against organized by Commission European the Racism and Intolerancein Romani women’sissues firstgained in visibility at public aCongress discourse on EU the fellows. non-Romani and Romani-male their both of subjectivities of specific ethnicity, andclass identities, gender, rendering them from different the women. Indeed, Romani women’s subject positions are forged by variables at the intersection EuropeanCommission Against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) played asignificant role inexposing the (ECRI 2004), 51 Activities of the Council ofEurope with 63 Nevertheless, CEU eTD Collection 65 womenin MarylinLake’s “Women, Black, Indigenous: Recognition Struggles in Dialogue,” (Lake 2003) 64 movement. Roma male-led the with interdependence its and regime the rights with human global interaction its both by influenced is resistance of expression and visibility its because recognition, thus the recognition struggle of Romani women has a “dialogicalBased onCharles identity essay Taylor’s is(1994:32) affirmed whensignify others character” with the effect of an occlusion of Romani women’s identity and activity. with a dominantWestern historically attitude to subaltern and indigenousgroups peoples 1988; Mohanty 1991). Hencein thisinterest problemsthe of Romani the women resonates (Spivak interests political party own and economic pursues its Romas), whiletheinterested Mohanty, isby (here civilize the“savage”population this Chandra informedinterest a Western urgeto of kind and Spivak Gayatri as such scholars, feminist postcolonial to According organizations. international and bydonors in least at rhetoric, much more appreciated, is Romani concerning women However,theleading “gender equality” discourse a taken part. arguably as a result of traditionalthe emphasis on formsthe of in struggle menwhich have in theirgender analysis— and of aconsideration eschewed Roma of mobilization political the movement Roma the about writing historians and scientists political most recently, Until of andcomplex strategies broader empowerment. discourses a differentproduces subject for position Romani women of driving the impetus these of Each ingeneral.societal hierarchy to and Romani communities of structure “Romani women have to choose choose betweenethnicity and “Romani haveto their gender.”women statement: make thefollowing leader could Roma educated evenahighly surprise that racistmovements as autonomous or, at best, parallel dynamics. feminist andanti- Thus, usually torecognition discuss struggles identities, academicapproaches it should not come as a of andgender ethnic for theactualization iscritical character” “dialogical While this example,For way. same the in women and men Romani affect not do discrimination and violence ideologies of thisline of recognizesracial Romani enquiry Applied the context, that to when genderdiscourse. equality Romaniin becomingconcept decisive a approach “race-class-gender” multi-tier hence the category, include classasathird to enhanced havebeenrecently theories intersectional feminist women vein, this In approach. “intersectional” an and pursue discretely whentaken these discourses inadequacy of recognize the precisely to but approach), (an“additive” together patch them were then and separately oppressions gender examine raceand isto not Crenshaw, according to rapedwhite—tends togroundmovement” the women’s (CrenshawThe 1989:139).solution, during race— a particular areof who bywomen asexperienced just assexism strategies, antiracist of parameters determine the to gender—male—tends are of a particular who of color the people by as experienced that“racism Crenshaw argues Women Color,” of Violence against Kosovomy to Intersectionality, heressay“Mappingdiscussion. Margins: Identity the and In Politics, relevant highly a context in intersectionality political of concept the deploys crisis, thus Crenshaw Kimberlé Critical race theorist of color. women concerning movements of other context the workingwithin activists and byscholars criticized particularly the are additive approaches instead another.These or reinforce,divisional but one exclude, abusestatic this dangersof the highlight wasintersectional theories Feminist thesecategories. of separation approachleadership argues forbetween andgender the male-dominated of ethnicity, movement the andshows lackthe intersectional of instead of thinking: analyzing the dialogical relationship emphasize that racial/ethnic, gender, and class subordination do not It was told by Iulius Rostas, at the meeting of the OpenSociety Institute, Budapest, September 2005. Asimilar of line argumentation been pursuedhas with respect gender the to issues concerning Aboriginal 52 65 This example This 64 . CEU eTD Collection Finally, while challenging racism, sexism, and the universality of human rights discourse, Roma women contestalso haveandto patriarchal deconstruct rights structures withinpower human the of universality the and sexism, racism, challenging while Finally, in general. feminist discourse within “dialogicity” or diversity creating of instead discourse” “additional an and generate alliance solely withoppression women of color wouldwomen reinforcethat affect the marginalizationcanfeministmovements. By establishing with dialogues marginalizedthese groups, Romani them.gain of Atwomen broader norms of totalizing the in resist this and process, andproduction, a cultural their the usefulof colorsame time, such Blackas the “ThirdWorld” and recover feminists whoto endeavor their histories lost basis it of forms fundamental is as imperialism importantracism, modern-day toand classism, of factors develop recognize globally to movement feminist largely middle-class to the of and white failure be the discloses color of aware women of strategies sisterhood on emphasis This thatWestern feminism. challenged already have who creating color of women other with dialogues alternative for an contestingRomani women who resist the universality of feminist theory and politics sometimes develop by the Western humanthe and gender rights discourse.specifictheir In and this context,own struggles inindigenous terms, specifically in experiences terms from aredistinct that proposed those own it is their useful articulate to noteto need that women’s Romani highlights translation” forms ofthe social, cultural, and gender experiences of Romani women. The call for such a “politics of nothowever,in be asimplebut shouldof linguistic exhausted act should translation, reach of this discourse, translation Theproper actions. inlocal andcontextualized into translated they need toethnographically investigate and analyze processby the human which arerights resist for Romanihappen, and have women this room to polarizethisdiscourse,but still to English activists. speaking conceptual languagefrequently most in rendered English confidently and most by used must a through human “machines,”usethehuman rights activists Romani discourse, rights gain recognition visibility If to they and political want context. anddetermined culturally into socially their andsocial political rights ideas the of and translate their struggle articulate legal dominant tools framework political human to offers rights that and Romani women issues thatissues such as early poverty. problem childbearing broad the to of deeply These rooted are rarely affect withinpatriarchal attitudes majority theirtothe contemptof from communities own groups, white, from andcontempt, resistance of scales facemultiple activists women here.Romani example middle-class different from of that white women.Political recognition andqualitatively violence participation related isa good also is experience their but etc.), feminists.community, their and the inboth system judicial support of lack attention, media less (e.g., rights human their More of violations suffer importantly, third—class),the Romani more not only women issuesconfront quantitatively when they however, add easily which may one (to groups subordinate leasttwo at of intersection the at Positioned society. same in the girls white to happen they it when than support iscommunal and theattention media less substantially elicit events these that and practices, these punish rarely teachers that negatively influence the education and personal development of Romani girls, the report state theseexperiences Whereas premises. based andsexist on ethnic concurrently harassment teachers, and classmates by harassment sexual sometimes and physical, verbal, face collectedby isRoma European the Rights Center inevidence Romani girls that particular a Roma. as identity her against but rights, human (Accessed October31, 2007). cleansing,’” of ‘Ethnic aWeapon as Rape “Kosovo: Report Watch, Right Human women. 66 predominantly and even officially regarded This was one of the first human rights report which recognized the gender and ethnic violation of Romani violation ethnic and gender the recognized which report rights human first of the one was This 53 not primarily as an attack against a woman’s 66 Furthermore, the plethora of testimonies gender oppression. There aregroups CEU eTD Collection population is seen as a violation of general Roma rights and not necessarily that of women’s of Romani that activists, both men and women.necessarily not and rights Roma human rights. general of violation a as seen is population control Roma the to effort because an only that and sterilization, forced of issue to the discuss solely them allowed male) (all leaders violence—Romani domestic and unemployment, sterilization, involuntary agenda—namely, the for issues three identified had women eventhough Romani that, recalled Racism. Shesubsequently Against World Conference Association of in Roma wasa Slovakia, delegate attending intheRoma group the 2001UN Women’s Participation inPublic Life,”( Mihalache 2003) Andrea betrayed bymale Bu or activists. discouraged, with orcompete marginalized, them are structure male existingchallenge the power withoutmen byRoma aredominated inorganizations keyinternational of Roma representations anyRomania. from male Roma another Rostas, Iulius by led is which (RIO), gender Office Initiative Roma the and Bulgaria, from male Roma balance. a is Russinov, Rumyan Director Deputy whose and maleRomania, from Bercus, aRoma programs Individual forEducational Fund (REF),whichfinances governmental initiativeseducational and policy and the integrationled. ofmale-is also Slovakia, Romania,Serbiaand Montenegro, Macedonia, storiesRepublic, Hungary, Roma in Czech the Croatia,the Bulgaria, as Countries, such European South-Eastern and Central several educational indicate by initiated and OpenSociety the Institute World the Bankwith from commitmenta political system, whose that president those is Costel Romani women who bringing visibility to Romani issues is the is issues Romani to visibility bringing 70 Roma Office Initiative at (accessed August 28, 2007). Roma Educational Fund 69 (Accessed August 28, 2007). 68 (Accessed October31, 2007). 67 from is leader Germany. a maleRoma discrimination” of fundamentalexercise freedoms”“struggle [their] and to racism humanrights and against and effective the promote “to aim the with groups Roma diverse together brings which organization an international (ERTF), Forum Travelers and Roma of European the President instance, the ledby For men. Roma are of Romani“movement,” the which arepart level, international atthe andorganizations institutions Thekey gender-based resistances. justin power—not community—is theon Roma always intensificationthe dependent of issue, the of beleadership by interrogated then scrutinized needs to dimension Romani andMale that women. gender the to attention paying without intervention any or statement leadership. If leadershipmakes a Romani with interdependence male-constituted the implies activism women’s Romani of character” “dialogical The itself. “movement” Roma Andrea Bu At the moment the Executive Directorposition is fulfilled by a non-Romani women. Read more about the Read more informationonthe Roma Decade at the http://www.romadecade.org/index.php?content=1> at be found can Forum Travelers and Roma European ofthe Statutes The 68 As an appendage to the Decade structure, there are two key Roma the institutions: key there aretwo Decadestructure, the As to appendage an þ ková is leading Romani womenactivist from Slovakia, qtd. in: Isabela Mihalache, “Romani 70 This type of This is of type gender-sensitive considered rebellious bymany discourse at (Accessed 28,2008); June readmore about the Decade of Roma Inclusion(2005–2015) of Decade 54 69 These examples show that the political þ 67 ková, the President of of PresidentCultural the the ková, The most significant project for , aproject CEU eTD Collection what Stuart Hall has termed ‘multicultural drift’ in the UK. 71 in resulted a countries post-socialist for the EU accession Moreover, semi-literate). and rural (usually representatives their and local Romani communities Roma)finally, and (urban, educated eastern by followed entrepreneurs, European human rights American) be (primarily Western to ladder tend of the very top the at elites advocacy the today, movement the within non-Romani specifically, More elites;community’. rights the order inhierarchy, social spacessuch even seemingly progressive as ‘human contemporary the then moves humanity’ of Romani whocontinueEuropeans, occupy bottom to the rung of a racialized down the been has quowhichmarginalization consolidation the ongoingresult ‘infra- to of a status obscures and inadvertent one include inclusion, social for initiatives well-meaning of sites Romani that be may to Although these appear citizens. Romani linked issues to specialize insocial elitespolicy departments ministerial various and minorities national and ethnic for offices minorities, extensive state institutional machineries,institutional including state frameworks for by is supported view latter 1998).This Kovats (cf. difference’ cultural of andpreservation liberal most itsrise variants––took the ‘ethnicization’––in of of the shape of a ‘celebration one whilst Romanies, including groups minority visible of anumber towards symbolic, and The Europe. resurgence isnationalism of linked rise violence, tothe of extreme physical both and in Eastern regimes socialist Romani successive under thathadaccrued communities non-Romani between solidarity social fragile and incipient the was ‘transition’ the of casualty emergence of full-blown nationalism as well Romanias the rise of ethnic visibility civil in the region. is in periphery. the marked case justicesociety particularly civil to the within of the This One rights movement.hegemonic neo-liberal thereby order, political relegating issuesof egalitarianism social and aglobal within subsumed werethen practices human Therights discursivethese that chapter collapse discourseshuman rights and insocio-legal practices.concomitant suggested Ihave this of socialistsocialism subsequentmembershipof (and European the Union) a created spaceliberal for state of ideologies state of diverse disintegration countries, the European central eastern structuresand For resulted in 3.4 Concludingremarks the re- developments within the contemporary human rights movement for movement Romatoday. rights human contemporary within the developments in of paradoxical, sensemany above, the to makecases Iattempted chapter sociological rooted whoin have ‘Eastern taken thoseAmerican advantages materialjust dominancethe philanthropists of of (e.g. resource up the Romani entrepreneurs.rights Thepostcolonial racism embeddedwithin thishierarchy is aresult, not otherness’ cause),Romani organizations isnow usurped by powerful the interventions humanof neo-liberal but also autonomy indigenoushave thatorganizations the these Isuggested also wereformed. of ofand, symbolic civil rights Romani first since the ever years, more than for twenty lines along these in powercontradistinction configurations and continued structure it, fluidity within remain butbasicthe contours of its recognizable to differentiation is considerable there sealedas hermetically not is hierarchy racialized This that are tointernal withincolonies Europe. it, ‘Westernmarginal economic and political position of Roma, whose communitiesnormality’. continue to subsist as In this The development of the expanding institutionalizationof minority policies inpost-socialist Europe is akin to de facto 71 centre and periphery within Europe itself, thus exacerbating the already the exacerbating itself, thus Europe within andperiphery centre 55 CEU eTD Collection government offices and other institutions). I emphasize institutions). andother offices government empowering themselvesthereby subalterns, as encounter in they the relations diversityneo-colonial the challenge of contexts that encompassRomaniacknowledge be begin taskwill this they only Europeans, when achieved and to their daily lives (schools, while theentrenched mutual need apprehensions be and suspicions urgently toovercome. For workplaces, Romani neighbors willbeacknowledge to and humanize lives theircommon and realities, fronts. multiple on waged being is currently movement Romani the of soul the Onefor struggle The crucial task over the next century for Europeans living side by side with their W.E.B. Dubois’ classic study classic Dubois’ W.E.B. levels canbe detected. various contradictory between reinforcing the where or contextualized,relationships and and easily beobserved most can of axes oppression where domination matrix of the and of can character” activism Romani be made visiblemore through women’s transparent both sites of domination and of potential sites 1978:95). The“dialogical resistance (Foucault as all function levels that can these isassert we is resistance,” there a power, “where there has been lastdecade.Mindful the developed during Michel Foucault’s of central proposition, institutions have andinfluenced Romani rights dominated activismstructure of women’s what and resistance human neo-liberal how examine to level transnational the with be can extended levels These institutions. social of level systemic the on and gender), and class, communitytestimony, or level group the social (the shapedcultural contextand byethnicity, experiences and resistance against oppression on atleast three levels: the level of personalaxes To candidly themultiple address faced levels of domination by Romani women along the internal hierarchies and by modes major the itsof andactivity: contest subordination. women’s activism isinformedmovement’s by peculiar the between position external the and own movement,be can male-dominated leadershiptheiridentified againsttheir resistance through within continuous position women’s Romani hand, one the On work. immediate their of outside whilebeen have forcedallow to their women be own agendas to influenced by abovecertain political and factors Romani level, international the on alliances find to and recognition and on the Romanispecific to inwomen countries. post-communistthe Inorder gain to political space otherlanguageequality” that ignoring underscoring and structurally the relations unequal power hand feminist own their idea hand,“gender mustagendas, contend the of universalizing other whileonthe they with further to tool thea progressive as language rights human use can they one the hand, on specific themselves: women Romani the for site contradictory a offers women Romani “dialogical sameviewof the and expandregime. However, human equality togender inrights the order uphold Romani havewomen who beenvictimized byethnicity, classoppression, and gender, These organizations human rights. particularly advocate rights, women’s that organizations international by assisted is activism character”transnational women’s Romani of emergence The of Romanifor decades,possibly come. centuries, to oppressed people, is emancipation multi-generational struggle,a anditlikelyis remain to so of of ethnicity, andsocial gender, wouldclass, one need toexplore Romani women’s The Souls of Black The Soulsof Folk 56 (1905), it is clear to us that for an next century because, in of because, spirit the century CEU eTD Collection activism: the gender dimension in Romani politics” 72 explaining of ishowtoavoid activists how better, trap ‘culture’ their the condemning or own disability, Toconclude etc. Ishallargue real the that question challengeand for Romani intersectionality of class vectors inequality other ethnicity, gender, andof such as age, the whodemonstrate feminists by approaches critical espoused to thenbecontrasted will feminism within discourse liberal Western mainstream This World. Third the in women other atsaving intervene “savetheirsimilarly to to Romani and are compelled attempts women” Romani culture aspatriarchal backward/primitiveand (cf. Oprea2004).Thus, white feminists sees gazewhich ‘white’ asanimperial discourse feminist liberal Western mainstream perceive who and activism, political Romani in international involved actively women The basis of my argument will be the analysis onthoseissues marriage.in issues’,discourse of identified particular, as‘Romani women early a number of discussions I had with Romani feminist Western liberal intervention of Ishall the examine of chapter, this In thesecondpart countries. in into implicitdiscourse racist European mutated and enhancedthe also population control has vieweugenicists of the Europe contemporary (Marks1995). In hereditary due to defects ills were manyof society’s of causes the that and forced sterilization) breeding,of (including improvedcontrol be through racial could idea thatqualities on the of ideas centered eugenics which ideology ispervasiveness ahidden of the still of eugenics inEurope operation. The understandhow thiscommunities. to In ispossible,order mustclearly we the recognize violation of reproductive and rights measurescontrol to effective birth rates of ‘undesirable’ tothe connected intimately isaquestion sterilization Coerced sterilized. been who have my Icarriedof amongst projects research andRomani Romaniwomen activists out women first on elaborating one I shall focus onfurther for Inthepresentchapter, activists. research to issues multiple includes women Romani of sterilization the of recognition political The movement, and how it has fuelled Romani political discourse. violence. Ishall Specifically, examinehow issuesthese connect totheglobal women’s whoothers”, become legitimizedan targetof outspokenly oppression, and discrimination “intimate theEuropean constructed inequalities intersections ofvarious shall arguethat I women. minority of ethnic in context the under-theorized and which areunder-researched of both marriage, early and forced sterilization issues of the I interrogate In this chapter, of forms bodily difference. gender andother on their justifying inequality “exotic inferiority, social otherness”, and powerhierarchies based RomaniEurope body women’s is emblematically positioned as a siteof power-discourses exploitation,inferiorization, birth exclusion, control and Throughthehistory violence. of mass rapepractices of power. (Davis 1997) From the sexualization offemale body in advertising tothe of Feminist scholarship on linksinvariably body the women’s embodied with experience women in wartime,MARRIAGE women’sSTERILIZATION FORCED BODIES: AND EARLYWOMEN’S bodies FOUR: CHAPTER APPROPRIATION OFROMANI have been subjected to processes of This chapter isthe reformulationof my article “The limits of rights-based discourse in Romani women’s 72 (Kócze 2009) 57 CEU eTD Collection Trehan 2006). groups and reproductive rights: coerced sterilization andfemale genital mutilation inEurope”,(Crowhurst, rejuvenation derived from theories national and of social evolutionthe emphasize and which heredity.countries Crowhurst European Isabel in and widespread Trehan become Nidhi thoughts “Minority and concepts Eugenics regimes. communist European eastern and central WWII post within practice contentious this showed they also but Europe northern and western in sterilization coerced the exposing they article In the Europe. sterilization was adopoted 1933 in Germany which was the strongest and most visible1929, Sweden and Norway in Finland the1934, and Danzigpublic 1935, Estonia 1936,domain and Iceland in 1938.The in law on implementation. In Europe the first sterilization law their and was passedSwiss in in 1928. Subsequently,sterilization on laws inDenmark various of enactment the discourse, American)scientific and European( within established became thinking eugenics (pseudo)scientific how that described They countries. European 73 (Kenrick and1995; Puxon,1978, Friedlander, 1995; Trombley, 1988;Willems, 1997). through bodiesthe of women Romani has beenacontinuous effortEuropean through history “gardening”. Thelinks between and practices eugenic controlling Romani population Romathe during theSecondWorldWar canallbe modernist reduced to visions of eugenic consideration, Zygmunt Bauman (1989) argued that atrocities committed against Jews and is nodocumentary evidence tosuggestthat Holocaustthe wasdriven by solely eugenic the World War, eugenic rhetoric became even stronger and took up a racial tone. Although there forintroduced example in Hungary and Romania between 1938 and 1942.Facing the Second in 1940s the exception Europe. the This ideology was than confirmed by a series of anti-Semiticrather raciallaws norm, the became nationalism biopolitical and eugenics whereby nation of the the biological definition about fortalked eugenics advocates how extensively meant topurify itssociety of members. unwanted (2010: Turda 115-116) discusses regulate also social legalize individuals,butthe selection of procedures to worthy those not only intervene to wassummoned to of sterilization legalization in of the process state the groups mentioned on abovethe sterilization practice eugenic to began Switzerland countries, such as Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and European western twentieth century, early recently.the By was discovered quite others, on persons with mental disabilities, various Gypsysexual groups, ‘deviants’, criminals and 2010:1). Thepractice of eugenic sterilization groups deemedon various be to‘unfit’, that is theory of human improvementgrounded almost exclusively in ideas of race and class” (Turda eugenics movement,transnational the on statedbook a that: “Over authored the pastwho decades, Turda, eugenicsMarius was seen women. as a biological Romani of sterilization The history and the theory of eugenics should not be ignored when we discuss the coerced inEurope biopolitics 4.1 Eugenics: violence ? Romani the havegenerated which realities and forces structural are the is:what question fundamental definitely is fora struggleRomaniit women’s beheard voices to in but publicsphere, the the time, same the At marriage. early as such women, against work which oppression centuries internalized in of oppression Romaagainst of have forms certain resulted Crowhurst Isabel and Trehan Nidhi gave an overview onthe eugenic history of involuntary sterilization in the 58 73 . The CEU eTD Collection 3.pdf http://www.soros.org/initiatives/women/articles_publications/publications/macedonia_20051101/nwp_2006030 highlighting key human rights issues facing Romani womeninMacedonia. For full text see: technical and financial assistance from UNIFEM’s Bratislava office, submitted a parallel report to CEDAW UN’s CEDAW, Roma the Centre of Skopje (RCS), ERRC, and OSI ’s RomaWomen’s Initiative (RWI),with Macedonia” (October-November 2005). Priorto the Januaryof 2006 review of compliance Republic Macedonia’s the the with in Women of Romani Situation the “On in violence domestic to areference is There 78 77 at http://roma.undp.sk (accessedDecember on 22, 2008) those of sub-Saharan Africa in terms of illiteracy, infant mortality and malnutrition. The full report is availablethat between4-5 millionpeople in the Central and Eastern European region endure living conditions close to and where Roma areoverrepresented, where and Hungary southern northeast of regions life. in their point some Romani women suffer ascomparedRomanilarge theirregarding status, men.Forinstance, to health numbersof physical or sexual status of inwomen various communities makesviolence them more vulnerable and defenseless committed gendered the andmoreover, similar inRomani communities, phenomena indicate studies by an intimate maleplay. at powerstructure men, asymmetrical of an exposing from that position partner at health vulnerable women’s note WHO’sapproach distinguishes is the that It to interesting 1) project(2006: summary 76 Sources: Ladányi János (1996: 32), cited by Rebeca Jean Emigh, Eva Fodor, and IvanSzelenyi (2001). population intheir survey.See population. Interestingly,Szelényi Treiman and used a non-stratified, proportional randomgeneral samplethe ofthan the ofunemployment rates higher display and educated less larger, are families Romani that 75 (2008). (2006); Ringold,Orenstein, Wilkens (2003); and Council of Roma Europe – European Travelers and division 74 that states (WHO) Organization The World Health women. Moreover,ethnicity gender,and class mortality amongst and Roma illness of than rates amongst higher other populations. significantly shows data available Europe, Across 4.2 HealthandGender See World Health Organization (WHO) at http://www.who.int/gender/genderandwomen/en/index.html Avoiding the Dependency Trap : . Szelényi Treiman’sand study, ”SocialStratification inEastern Europe after 1989”provides suggesting data Recent studies onthe healthstatus of Roma include: Delphio Consulting (2004); EuropeanCommission population. Lack of vaccination and nutritional deficiencies are detected in the case ofchildren case the in detected are deficiencies nutritional and vaccination of Lack population. The incidence of environment-related illnesses ishigherfor Roma for than thegeneral rate for Europe’s Roma is population 10years approximately lower overall than the average. [the] health status of Romais farbelow the mainstream society in Europe: the life expectancy health and healthcare gives often this men an advantage - in the economic, political, andeducationalbut arenas, also with to surprisingly, regard Not men. than resources fewer and power less control typically [… ] across continents andcultures, established gender norms andvaluesmean womenthat 76 . 77 78 http://archiv.soc.cas.cz/SSEE/SSEE.intro.html Some studies insuggest atrend inthe Hungary underdeveloped The RomaThe Human Development Report, UNDP, 2003. The pointsreport out 75 have profound impact on the health status have profoundimpact status health of the on Romani 59 74 According to the European theEuropean AccordingCommission’s to (AccessedFebruary on 26, 2009) Ethnographic . CEU eTD Collection According to lateAccording Tracy the to andmost during 1970s studiesSmith, the 1980s, privatized. and/or arediminishing systems welfare where neoliberal perspective serious structural and policy changes – paradigmshifts mightchallenge- which the current i.e.workforce, Realizing themuch needed tax anagingpayers for would Europe. this require university,the young a andgrowing population Romani could strengthen future the ifbenefit from investments However, to early childhood the serious offered educational of population poses a threat to society (Trehan and Crowhurst 2006). Therefore, 2006). society currently Crowhurst andpopulation athreatto (Trehan poses history, century Romani a beliefincreasingEuropean basedon ‘undesirable’ the that impacts wereseverely violated rights duringtwentieth health. the Romani reproductive women’s significantly which exclusion economic and social their of analysis substantive inferior,imageperpetuated offering sociallythe any Roma, ‘undesirable’ without of These kinds 183-196). of indirectly, -directly adequatehealthcare (1997: studies receiving or inequalities, such as illiteracypoverty and from preventing this population accessing and structural for addressing‘lifestyles’ than healthrather problems, andculture deep-rooted insensitive empirical Romani approach to health,women’s which blametended to Romani Stoeckle (Thomas, Doucette, Thomas, Stoeckle. 1987) Stoeckle. Thomas, Doucette, (Thomas, Stoeckle Also the work80 donehealth institutions (EUMC/Council of Europe, 2003,) by(UNDP 2006, pp.92-93). Thomas 79 James D., Margaret M. Doucette, Donna Catanzano Thomas and John D. Bulgarian formation Hungarian political party such thechauvinist right-wingas extremist groups, about Romani healthcarewomen’s issues in some unfortunately itareas, is coming from is some demographicthere If inthe concern Roma changes population. discussion about even a constructive is not There level. national the at healthcare to access andlackof needs However, to date there is no adequate policy attention given to Romani women’s particular societies. praised within European about but whose fertility, high about not is question the words, other In so. do to women Roma France, encouraging French,i.e. have whitewomen insteadto children, of “discouraging” in pro-natal policies to government however, approach, thiscontrast explicitly discriminatory of the communityRomani women– perceived in assumptions Romani that reproduction less-than-humanwomen’s isand fertility rate in higher relation non- to they gender basedare subjectedtodiscrimination belonging. class and on Moreover, terms and as basedethnicity, their on todiscrimination quality due isitpoor of health usually care, receive a drain on society. show do whenRomani that women reports Several health to care. limited access severely One can According to the report,debates, focusing on issuethe of vulnerablethe health status of Romani women (2003). the main cause surface to reports ininternational of gender-related one Xenophobia first ofthe published the poor health status and In 2003,the Council EuropeanMonitoring the on Racism Europe of Centre and of Romani women is their which - amongst Europeans - solely affect Romani women’s health status. particular reproductive health such problems, miscarriagesas sterilization, lowand birthrates also are There segregation. territorial andsocial severe ethnic asanoutcome of rather 2007: 74-103;Virág 2003).The fertilityhigh is explainedrate by not cultural butphenomena, (Durst ago years ten than mothers earlier becoming are girls Romani adolescent year every She She referred to following studies:the (Barsocas, Karayanni, .Tsipouras, Baibas, Bouloukos, 1979) Papadatos Various sources referto the complex healthproblems and discriminationfaced by Romani womeninpublic fertility? If fertility? If we talked aboutwhite middle-class fertility,women’s arise would be 79 . The core problem here is the European perspective of the ‘undesirability’ the of perspective European is the here problem core The . Attaka – fearout of of supposedly losing theirown white nation. 60 80 Jobbik adhered to an adheredto or the CEU eTD Collection were named “insane” so that society could get rid of “troublemakers”. See further See “troublemakers”. of rid get could society so that “insane” named were Norway, “[Romani] childrenwere takenfrom theirparents, womensuffered from forced sterilization, people an “asocial way of life” well into the post-World82 War period.” According to pp. 31-36) Ulc,theand Otto ’Integration ofWorld Gypsies’ inCzechoslovakia’, (Ulc 1991,pp. 107-17)Council of Churches, inSee also McCagg, W.D. “Gypsy Policy in Socialist Hungary and Czechoslovakia, 1945-1989.” sterilization. Several lawsuits were initiated regarding alleged coercive sterilization of sterilization coercive alleged regarding initiated were lawsuits Several sterilization. discriminationphenomenon limited Slovakia to (2006)also alone. ERRC published areport on the an is women isolated not of Romani coercive sterilization implied the As already above, as the CzechRepublic and Hungary. against sterilization just Romani in not inof but women many Slovakia countries aswell,such other Roma in public healthcare with a specific chapter on coercive and their advocates, and their their responsibilities by the reportanddisparaging harassing andintimidating Romani women from attention deflect to attempted authorities for example,Slovak developments, many other extensive influence onSlovak political insidediscourse and of outside country.the Amongst had an report The medical records. to anddenials access of matters inhealth misinformation verbal and physical standards abuse bymedicalstaff, of racially discriminatory care, women widespread and reveals of patterns discrimination in including hospitals, public Slovakia Freedom in Reproductive Assaults onRoma Sterilization andOther Body andSoul:Forced of report the publication the with agenda highinternational the rose on sterilization Coercive sterilization Forced 4.3 II, socialist War blocWorld after Even territories. inthe asforpractices example sterilization Romani against discrimination women continued, Nazi-occupied in allies local its Nazi the of and hands the at regime extermination eventually and labor, forced internment, sterilization, forced years, to weresubjected Roma (Lewy2000:38).In subsequent “undesirable” Gypsies [ of sterilization forced the law permitting passed a coe.org/ccdocuments.nsf/index/plen-4.4-en.html report, 81 ‘ term the with communities topreventorder spreadthe of ‘disease’theirRomani byreproduction; they to referred The Nazi as viewed Roma regime a diseased tobewhich needed in sterilized population ingrounded a historical legacy of previous discriminatory policies by European the states. reported human rights violations, such as the coercive sterilization of Romani women are http://www.reproductiverights.org/pdf/report_slovakiafolloup_0603.pdf OtherAssaults onRoma Reproductive Freedom inSlovakia”, see full report at: 83 Lewy (2000: 39) notes Sweden,that “In large-scale sterilizations were carried outthose on accusedof leading See further on sterilization policies of the socialist countries in the Helsinki Watch/Human Rights Watch There is a summary There isasummary governmentof the Slovakia’s response Soul: Forcedto “Body and and Sterilization Struggling forEthnic Identity: The GypsiesofHungary, in 2003. The report cites andin sterilization forced coerced of Romani 110 casesof report 2003. The 81 but also but in Westernsome of European countries. the 83 makingan initiator of the report Europe-wide onthe discussions ziguenerplage , accessed on2007-05-12 ’ or ‘Gypsy plague’. On July 1933,Germany ‘Gypsyplague’.On ’ 14 or 61 (Helsinki Watch/ HumanRights Watch. 1993).. Zigeuner 82 ] and others considered http://www2.wcc- ( McCagg 1991, CEU eTD Collection Hungary had violated the Convention on Elimination All of Forms of Discrimination against CEDAW sterilization. concluded that In theillegal 2006, CEDAW Hungary to concerning against filedcomplaint joint a NGO, Hungarian adomestic Minorities, Ethnic and National for Defense Bureau Legal ERRC andthe remedies, domestic all available Havingexhausted evidence provided by healthpublic andmedicalexperts professionals. expert the judgment, simply dismissed inreachingits Court, Hungarian be The reversed. operations, in other words, there would be very little chance that Ms A.S.’s sterilization could experts,health to According any compensation. to entitled not therefore shewas detriment, lasting “reversible provided sinceA.S operations” and noproof that Ms had hadsuffered she that as fully are such, as sterilizations, that conclusion the instances -reached separate -in two court well In for2001, herattorney filed civil but Hungarianthe hospital,a claim against the damages as the UN’s CEDAW, female sterilizations that stated report the Furthermore, are not fully reversible hersterilized “without full and informed consent”: Hungarianthe provide compensationto government for appropriate Ms.A.S.whowas Elimination All Forms of of WomenDiscrimination against in(CEDAW), which 2006, urged on the Committee UN’s tothe torespond failed authorities Hungarian the revealed that Onemost of startlingnews the subject piecesof emerged on inJuly this 2008 whenit was and Slovakia. http://www.errc.org/cikk.php?cikk=2637 failure to provide Ms. S.withdue compensationfor the act violated international human rights law.” See informationshe could concerning understand implicationsthe of procedure. CEDAW the thatHungary’s ruled Ms. S. had beenadmitted to hospital following a miscarriage and was sterilized without being provided with against Women inconnection with the sterilizationof a Romani womanwithout herconsent inJanuary 2001. CEDAW condemned Hungary forviolating the Convention onthe Eliminationof All Forms of Discrimination Warsaw,in there was “animportant breakthroughat an international level August in 2006 when theUN’s 84 Romani in women theformer socialist including countries, Hungary According to ERRC’s statement at the OSCE’s HumanDimension Implementation Meeting inOctober 2006 another (Danka baby. 2006:35). to able be not give birth again upon leaving would the hospitalshe when she that asked the doctor when she learnt could try to have only She operations. of both completion the and hospital Hospital records reveal thatseventeenminutes between passed the ambulance arriving the at the hospital and was inastate of shock after learning herthat fetus had diedinher womb. related documentation in this regard.about other She forms of contraception. This washad revealed from her testimony and the lack of any lost a great deal of blood by theshe was givennoinformation about the nature of timesterilization,its risks andconsequences,or she reached of the word “sterilization” (Danka 2006:32). become to wish pregnant.” I do nor After again, this, sterilization birth give to wasintend performed. not I do However, Ms A.S. did sterilization’. not‘my know the meaning request firmly by doctorthe on the same page: “Having knowledge ofdeath the the insidefetus my womb I asked signedahand-written thecaesareanwritten toconsent andshealso section statement to immediately performed in order toremove the dead Whilefetus. on the and thatexamined. Itwas diagnosed herthat had fetus diedin womb,the thatwomb her had contracted thefluid; thiswas accompanied heavyby was bleeding. hospital, She taken where to was she placentaconfirmed was that she January lost pregnant.her2001, shefelt On 2 painsshe and amniotic Ms A.S. isaHungarian of citizen Romani origin. On 30 May 2000, amedical examination had broken off. She was told that a caesarean section had to be (accessed2007.05.07). on 62 operating table, she was 84 , the CzechRepublic, , the CEU eTD Collection Slovak feminists viewed them as ‘traitors’ to Slovakia. In addition, some Slovak leaders Slovak some Slovakia.addition, In to viewed as‘traitors’ them Slovak feminists jeopardizing Slovakia’s entry EUinintothe Bukovská, According 2004. evensome to this issue. the on Slovak attack nation. sayingSlovak Many it citizens protested, was not that right the raise time to political highly a as seen was issue sterilization the in Slovakia Moreover, “unfair an been compensation” have would this that grounds the on located, is department gender the where performed. idea by This wasstrongly contested Ministry the Affairs,of Social and Labour reverse ideacame financing sterilization the to victim’s absurd of the the upwith operation apology. apublic receiving Before anyfinancial compensation, Hungarian with the Ministry of Justice happy been simply have would and time, of period long a over compensation 87 Budapest,August 12, 2008. 86 groups. vulnerable from clients their 85 violation, rather they relegated it to the field of ‘Roma issue’” articulate They Romaninot women’s thisissue rights. reproductive did [rights] asagender defend brave to enough not were “Slovak feministnotes organizations that Bukovská, Human(Centre andCivilRights) for of in director As the former nor Hungary. in neitherSlovakia groups, advocacy from not receive enoughpolitical sterilization support genderdid Romani of women inRomani forcedwas raised, Europe against women sterilization fightagainst the issue the of andmeetings workshops atseveral factconferences, international the Despite that case. in such as MsA.S. particular this for individuals nor in Europe, Romani communities in for justice notnecessarily result does Romani is women recognized institutional highest levels,at the the against sterilization of issue the when instances inthose even that illustrates case This for herrights advocated originally receive appropriate support from any advocacy organizations, depressed,during which becametime didnot she not She sterilization. seriously subsequently evencoerced her from by thoselargely who hadprompted husband, her from divorced A.S. Ms Meanwhile, the government and received symbolic amount of money. by A.S. wascompensated in the victim Finally,illegal sterilization. 2009Ms compensate of and steps necessary take the to authorities CEDAW urgedthe Convention, the violated in2006Hungary even though that stated campaign the of spokesperson sterilized. The compensateIn 2008,ERRC Romanihad acampaign organized to who been women her withoutout havingmade afully informed choice.” forprocedures familyin planning toguard order against such interventionan being carried Article by protected applicant“has aright the Committeethat stated the risks.”Furthermore, many 10 be to intended islow reverse(h) on and depends sterilization of successrate is surgery the to irreversible, that “sterilization that stating byERRC/NEKI offorth put arguments the upon the Conventionbased was conclusion CEDAW The of MsA.S. sterilization illegal of the because Women to specific information on sterilization and alternative Author’s interview B.with Bukovská, Budapest, June 28, 2008. Author’s interview and advocates legal between imbalances power and tensions the about piece excellent (2006) SeeBukovská’s with G.J., a Gender Officer in the Hungarian Ministry of Social and Labour Affairs, Poradna’s 86 . efforts to publicize sterilization abuse were seen as potentially wereseen abuse sterilization publicize to efforts 85 . She desperately . Shedesperately government’s financial the for waited , a Slovakian human rights NGO lawyer, Barbora lawyer, NGO rights human a Slovakian , 63 87 . act of recognitioact of Poradna n itself CEU eTD Collection that themalethat fully leadership didnot support Romani inwomen todiscuss their attempts fact the be Despite applied. should can and approach anintersectional where racial discrimination gendered of examples extreme most the of one is sterilization of issue The Romani a community as whole asit generations. future effectively destroys (in wars, aboutthrough Romani women,rapes, of malethe Romani activists. Romani women’s sterilization,is Iwould argue, predominantly but as minoritybutAccording to Romaniin women participants, this was women’sthisconsidered an insolent statement bymany casebodies arethrough also the sitesterilization), of ethnic cleansing it is also up Bucková, spoke and exposed internalan dynamicgender an within Roma: assault A memberAfrica in 2001. Roma the of theconference,Andreadelegation attending on the Discrimination, Forms of Related Xenophobia (WCAR)inDurban,South and Intolerance Racial Racism, against Romani Conference as World the such women, at relation to in thinking intersectional regarding developments havebeensome In thepastfew years,there to poor mental health and abuse bymedical andprofessionals stateauthorities. vulnerability their increase and healthcare, to access women’s Romani on impact devastating poverty have genderdiscrimination, can anddeep-rooted a racial with dynamic, combined a specific underline that reports reality in human the above rights All illustrated cases the Sterilization 4.3.1 recognized by Romani men is aviolation ethnic both with and components. gender problem that asanintersectional issuesterilization the andconstruct of feminists Hungarian also could this beCertainly, a analysis. in-depth failure more require would which territory intersectional on the partto prefer they use exclusionary such categories Rather, as either ethnicity, gender or ignoring whilst the class. of and ethnicity international gender, on based violence intersectional of instance as an elite forced sterilization issue to of the inconnection acritical approach construct to effort organizations, madeconscious no feminist hadorganizations Moreover, rights been reproductive violated. in the campaign such by organized in forERRC HungarianJuly 2008 involved Romani women whose even not were organizations as feminist Hungarian ERRC, issue’. a‘Roma solely as to reach In Hungary, in Romani women sterilization the of constructed was similarly discourse public out to Romani women. as on same manner in on ethnic hadSlovaks the been performed if sterilization reaction Church’s the see to interesting been have would It issue. this on silent totally were who - pro-lifepolicies pro-natal positions and advocate of strong generally a CatholicChurch - thatof Slovakonethe Roman of disturbing denialswas noted that Bukovská most the also Poradna 88 all were foreigners, women and thus Romani they the did of not understandbehalf on Slovak social advocating reality activists rights human that claimed By they‘foreign’, were referring to the New York-based Centerfor Reproductive Rights, whichjointly with not necessarily women’s human rights” (Interview with Mihalache, 2001). an effort to andcontrol reduce the if seen Romaviolation population, ofRomaas a and rights Romani leaders (exclusively men) were only allowed to speak about the forced sterilization, as published the path-breaking advocacy report. 64 88 . CEU eTD Collection are notRomani against andvulnerable.violence most Hencevarious typesof women discrimination culturalturn againstcenturies themselves phenomena of in forces domain life. These social of willa different become new oppressors oppressed of oppression(s) and the throughoutside carriedworld,them. like Inan oppressed group the Roma -whohave been racialized andminoritized social orwithin againstfacingbeen hostility for centuries has and(Roma), the outside world andits which oppressive imaginarium of the acommunity between and thosedifferential collective power is the here noteworthy is political What in the communitymemories negotiationsof candivorce. lead procreate easily ability to lost wife to the the whoof communities and oppressed a communityare particularRomadivorce isin his to to Indeed,this ‘traditional’ many not perse, wife. other can thus later on,decided and depressed completely hebecame his newsthe wife’s sterilization, about - therehusband received for her example, when A.S., Ms of case In the competences. reproductive is a highfutureabout Romani souls creating aninevitable competition with Romani men above probability decisions authoritative institutions render state/health These power. reproductive from their men Romani deprive institutions state/health the be that can sterilization of reading Another that those focus of central the movement. justdilute the thus oppressions, internalized) who areissues critical (and andinternal suchasviolence then, gender perspective other domestic which ethnicity, discourses.According of this dominatingRomani-related gravity to is centre asthe defined their to loyalty the on other each towards solidarity and agreement tacit their base political activism from in engaged all Romani comes presumably factthat the activists men ‘Romanidisputed Romani between and tension This women nation’. political Romani of the reproduction of limits the because it Romani population thewhole women threatens sterilization the Certainly, difference. national/ethnic of signifiers privileged are the andwho culture and cultivate who transmit groups, ethnic/national boundaries of bear being the burdenof of as ‘mothers nation’, the being well reproduce the as those who Women identity. many of collective in repository asasymbolic women processes ethnic and national other about picture a classical is This process. identity-building political contested sterilizationcondemn To significance. political own their of foundation as normative be the an must extreme form of discriminationabout the internal fragmentation,itgender could “Romani destroy solidarity”,political which is to tocentral is fit which the sexuality it their and perfectly women control processes is to interest men’s that into (1989) Anthias the pan-European of sterilizationnationalization those male activists Romani to whoencouragedRomani women to talk exclusively aboutthe similarities issue share which positions hold movement at political Romani inthe WCAR men Many andin Durban. ethnicization context. Thissocial their in resonatesposition with oftheir generates subject totheir disadvantage connected economic responses political,even thegroups. claims Thus,of Yuval-DavisIf theythe UN allowreport and partlywomen respondsto talk to the claims of Romani women activists. The in as report: women they the of state Romani discrimination intersectional the recognized social, internal oppressions or domestic violence in an official report from the Conference, the UN These women live at the crossroads of gender and racial discrimination (UN WCAR 2002). Australia, aDalit woman living in India, afemale asylum seeker in living England and so on. her family because of hergender.The same can said be of an aboriginal woman living in hostility. She is marginalized within her community because of herminority status and within Asmember a of Romani the population, shehasfewadvocates andis the oftarget constant per se per , rather they should be viewed as the outcomes of 65 CEU eTD Collection and their distortions requires interrogation. various impacton internal the cultural patterns violence, and face communities oppression extreme whenever and place, first in the exists phenomenon such why comprehend better molestation marriage Romani girls from in early was an effective way 1865), protecting of context which and rape by a as theirpartly legacy several yearsthe of hundred of slavery in Wallachia Moldavia and until (practiced persist communities Romani owners particular within marriages child Similarly, ororigins. owners’ sons inwomen the society, myths whichHindu acknowledge sati venerated itsand interrogate (Oprea 2005b).discern the contemporary cultural relevance of this ritual,In one must be cognizantthis of the role of 1989;Sugirtharajah ‘chaste’) 2003). However,Thapar to arecontroversial 1994; (Oldenberg way, one can sati of andsignificance (meaning Attitudes origins of the regarding course Indian history. husband's funeral as originated tovarious pyre, a partial invasions andwarsin response the common amongst Rajputs and a few other groups) of a widow immolating herself on her of oppression are expressed as cultural of are expressedascultural oppression practices. forms internalized where context, cultural from another provide example an like to I would marriage. received bythemediainclude thefollowing: sati, veiling, dowry arranged death, and which arewell women color issuesconfronting1992). The of whitethe audience(Mohanty culture is distinct, alien, exotic, and oppresses women, thereby confirming the expectations of their that if illustrate recognized issuesthey colored are women’s that This viewpurports As Loomba (1998:218)states: they victims are simultaneously male of oppression of by and objects compassion colonizers. “saving brown fromwomen men”.brown This construction of brown women that suggests oppressive. This of kind representation motive from and is colonial known the of script itdepict primitive, servingasbackward,to and of nature’ ‘exotic the or Romani culture mostly illustrating political generate in concern, media or the coverage receive international which toRomani women issuesrelated gender particular are there from sterilization, Apart andchallenges contestations contradictions, women: Romani 4.4 ‘Saving’ claims. political for basis and frame is dominant most the as discrimination) maintained racial thus (and Ethnicity interventions. political their of focus the lose protect their from andreproductive own by they power, not their perspective, so, doing do recognize. sterilization is Thereaction maleleadersof to ameasureto Romani defensive to is crucial located are males Romani inwhich matrix oppression social hierarchical responsibility and one’s volition one’s and responsibility manifestationswishdeny individual ofvariousAlthough oppressions.not to I do untranslatable cultural essence of of particular cultures. cultural essence untranslatable or same-sexmatriliny, immolation, widow relations polygamy, excision, clitoral (to Veiling, take differences. justcultural and essence a few acultural such examples)both symbolize to come are sexuality of interpretedpatterns as symptoms of the[F]or both the colonizers and the colonized, women, gender relations as well as to notact 66 as a violent aggressor, an awareness of the Sati , the ‘traditional’ Hindupractice (more CEU eTD Collection girl’s Romani community. Romani girl’s by the act andtraditional criminal anoppressive as marriage arranged the media depicted framework ofaccession, forwithin EU whileTheinternational Romania’s preparation the media from debate emerged huge12-year-old Aheated Romani Romania attention. girl drew marriages gained frontline in visibility European politics weddingas the ofMiss Cioaba, a was stimulated by the media. UNICEF and Romanithe Criss. This wasreport inspiredby harshpublicthe debate onearly marriage which Early Marriages within Roma Communities in Romania” 90 The most insightful NGO’s reportearly on marriage. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3159818.stm 89 in Romania, Communities Roma within marriages early ontheissuesIn 2009 NGO,published Criss, of Romani Romani aBucharest-based areport solethe affecting factor (133-148). their experiences” ‘Romani buttochallenge of asbeingoppressed, theculture’ mono-focal conceptualization deny “not to women Romani [were] profoundly was by communities. Oprea’spointthat their political discoursewhich Romani portrays women as culturally and traditionally oppressed challengepublicized images to wedding theprevailingin of Romani the media women and In amore example nuancedintensely usedthe andthe occasion analysis, Oprea(2005) the of another encourage to episodewas in effect the vilification“the of press, Romani people”.British Thatthe is for one way of story seeing it. the on reporting journalist inaccession mounted an 2007, inquiry 2004).According(Macrae toMacrae(2004), a harm”, from theRomanian EU prompted Romania’s wellawareof authorities, which be “removemarried] Ana-Mariacalled Romani girl to due to [the Romanian police the upon British MEP and the EU’s Special Rapporteur for Romania, Baroness Emma Nicholson, who issue of the process, accession EU in of the context In 2003, the in media attention Europe. receive widest the to which continues with an emphasis on the youth of the bride, is perhaps the most visible ‘cultural phenomenon’ With totherecognition regards of issues,Romani women’s marriage, arranged especially communities. external and towards internal mode their reactional or in arelational developed been have they rather but development, of reading a fixed different not sculptural essences’ are cultural a because ‘untranslatable these stories, offer would explanations Such context. political and cultural social, why,how, did andwhatWorld Third (Roma People toin included) react a specific localized on much reflection is nor there never contextualized, almost are practices ‘cultural’ these backwardness ThirdWorldof peoples butonly included),(Roma because of discussions social and image of cultural the legitimize society clearly of the attention capture that rather thanandAnia that (1998)they Loomba Thirdsuggests World women adiscursiveoffer ‘site’ the subject This mode of by asformulated women of of (1995) representation Anne McClintock color, of certain cultural-historical debates. Most of the time, those issues and early marriage, and attempts to analyze this phenomenon through various casestudies. through analyze tophenomenon this andattempts marriage, and early marriage forcedmarriage, arranged involving minors, marriages distinguishes types of three report The activism. political Roma of context in the issues sensitive on discussions ‘Gypsy CoupleChild Separated’, 2 October, 2003; BBC online, 89 The debate in the European Parliament was initiated by the (Accessed 5 May 2007) 67 “Are Rights of Childthe the Negotiable? TheCase of (Bitu, Morteanu 2009). Bucaharest, supported by the 90 contributing toestablishingformal Romani arranged early arranged CEU eTD Collection 92 91 leaders. Romani potential women brainwashing by movement Romani the ‘invading’ for feminism liberal Western criticized a as whomade attack traitor some anoutrageous Romanion Moreover, men culture. Romani Eminova viewing even some with women, Romani traditional including leaders, Romani by supported Women’sOSI’s Network Program.was project highly This by criticized was campaign arelated and cult thevirginity on project aresearch she on, conducted Later Spivakliterary (1988),aleading feminist inand post-colonial her scholar, on writing set of cultural practices thatareusually invisiblenamed. andnot (Frankenberg 1993:1) The a it“standpoint”, and is a simultaniously race privilege”, of advantage, of location structural at the ‘different’ and According ‘racialized’ other. to Ruth Frankenberg is “whiteness a dominance tomake visiblehowtheunmarked is ‘white’ norm instead oflooking constructed, The work ‘Critical Studies of Whiteness’ provides the analysis of racialized relations of “subaltern”a gendered in European societies. our European public is “otherizing” Romani women and making them an“exotic”either otheror the marriage, and early forcedin sterilization of expose course the that is to It important 4.5 Concludingremarks argumentation can be used, which wouldnotin samethe instance condemn Romani culture? and framework of what kind theoretical theseissues- about cantalk activists women’s workshops for Romani inwomen her community,recalled that In 2001,Enisa Eminova, anoutstanding Romaniwoman from Macedonia, to organize began intervene. to masked asa“social mission” become which then advances imperialistic and hugeof desires women”,colonial part a isfor “savingbrown manifestation these used asapretext the of argumentation, practices Spivak’s Based on Other. colonized the upon pivoting clearly phenomena cultural as like sati interplay that forces exclusionary structural facing of Instead with Other. the onto projection and excuses, internal psychologicalfindingscapegoating, analysis, byadenial of guilt, characterized of the (asin Freudian on elaborated wellmechanism same as the conquest colonial as the identifies internalized) Spivak oppression, it is easier to interpret practices pyres funeral their husbands’ upon themselves immolating widows of 1829) until (“officially” in India practice Read more about more Read Author’s interview with S.J. on (Accessible at particularly debasing: a humiliating virginity test on a Roma woman's weddingday. about How doing talk. something practical advance to women?...the rights ofthan Roma [O]ne tradition stoodoutmore as do to determination their from apart agenda, no had group […]the (1988:296). seduction’ is partof the same formation that constructs the monolithic ‘third world women’ the masculine imperialist ideological formation that shaped that desire into ‘the daughter’s sati http://advocacynet.org/resource/492.Accessed on July 23 by Oldenburg (1994). 91 , argues, that 28 July, 2006. 92 The fundamental question is again how Romani 68 , 2009) sati , the CEU eTD Collection power to control and govern their bodies. their govern and control to power masculinist for object primary the becomes difference embodied women Romani line, this becomes the primary site for the operation of modern forms of patriarchical power. Following Through the practice of early marriage and the virginity cult of Romani women their body tolegitimateorder differentregimes of (Foucaultdomination 1978, 1979,1980, 1988). concern was to problematize how bodies are arbitrarily and often violently constructed in theoristscontributed who to philosophicalthe and political of understanding body.the His is Foucault oneof significant most Michel the sterilization. of forced the the theorization underlay which body the on intervention theoretical feminist of range iswide a There process of conjunction of whiteness and intersection of gender, race and ethnicity. the illustrates sterilization TheRomani publicdiscourse. women’s in location European non-Roma “whiteness”, in relation to Romani women, constructs their political and social 69 CEU eTD Collection http://www.coe.int/t/dghl/monitoring/ecri/library/publications_en.aspat: be viewed can (Accessed All reports March approach. 12, 2009). intersectional ofan value suggestions and proposals. Third Reports on Austria, Belgium, France, Germany,include andwhich Norway states, comment onthe member CoE in intolerance and of racism situation the on (ECRI) Intolerance and 94 2009) Race/Ethnicity, Gender,and Class in Current Research and Policies on RomaniWomen in Europe 93 This chapter of my dissertation is a reworked version of publication:my discrimination, ofdoublemultiplenature and into extent or the language,national in nationality, ethnic allow gender, investigationor for origin, to and order religion, should color, data include disaggregated that recommends Intolerance (ECRI) Romani Against 2008,2007).Although, women European and (EC the Commission Racism of situation statisticsthe on islack aof disaggregated there indicated, on issues Roma a more complex analysis. Ithas beto noted again that, as numerous reports and policy papers collection in first data is step andethnicity providing thenecessary Disaggregated on gender processes social create that structural inequality. underlying of analysis further for need the out point to necessary Also data. and inequalitiesfocus by on of sex. women I of differentRomani using statistical aspects race basedon exclusion systemic the normalize that processes of structural consists sexism inequalitiesinstitutional of racism and sexism Romani against women. Racism as well as give account structural the of firstpart to an is,therefore, of The purpose of the chapter this policy. inpublic particularly differences, believes thatthe best pursuesocial way to and political isequality toignore group such as Roma.standards and ways livingof members that permanently ofhistorically normalized disadvantage excluded groups, The capacities, socialized labor, of languagedivision position, in social differences of equalityThe ignores 2009). discourse equal the deepmaterial (Young on andequality opportunity tends paradigm andinadequately equality of inclusion sexuality are bythedominant perceived to indentify and ethnicity, inequalities structural the of gender, class that arguesalso Irish Marion Young equality with samenessinterpret statistical data. thereby poor analysis data, to of andlacklack capacities including of of researches disaggregated expose various forms of intersectional discriminations. to evidence statistical use andtheorize to areunable experts) There andgovernmental as NGOs are various reasons for this, political activism of this segment of society, very frequently Romani women activists (as well the of With regards to inequalities Romani gender,women. andethnic class demonstrates The first partof this provides chapter an onavailableoverview quantitative datawhich INEQUALITIES MANIFESTATIONSOF ETHNIC GENDER, AND CLASS STRUCTURAL FIVE: CHAPTER AND DISCURSIVE employment, access to healthcare and vulnerability to violence. Hence, in the first part of of the part in first the violence. Hence, to vulnerability healthcare and accessto employment, Romani women, aswell as gender between Romani andgaps women men in education, Nevertheless,Romani women with that of non-Romani women, orRoma men.availablesample- based sociological surveysdata and studies that allow fordoes comparisons of the situationindicate of significant disparities between Romani and non- See for example, country-by-country reports of the Council of Europe European Commission Against Racism Against Commission European Europe of Council of the reports country-by-country example, for See 93 70 Missing Intersectionality: 94 there are still very few very still are there (Kóczé CEU eTD Collection be applied, to ”bend” it to better fit with other issues, and to “stretch” it to meet emergent needs. political actors engage intrying to ”shrink” the meaning of intersectionality and limit the areas inwhich it can 95 marrieda youngat Romani more than areundereducated, age,have child, one women who the is inandgender household located the whether of breadwinner, urbanfamily, the a rural or area. the in children of number the head, household the of achievement educational household, headof of the status the such employment asthe factors, various to correlates ishomogenous. poverty Household ‘Romani not of thecategory women’ Furthermore, andSzelényi for Roma (Emigh,Fodor, adoublewomen” disadvantage creates ethnicity and“the gender”in poverty and interaction concludes that between gender andrace and Szelényi(Emigh, Fodor, and of concentration” astheexplanation this social, areproposed causes not when biological, in poverty concentrated are women “when occurs poverty of feminization and gender struggle around is aclassificatory these arguethat there authors way;.The infollowing processes between interconnections and links potential discuss publications subsequent of concept” to the “understanding of the racialization of poverty”. The authors of the survey and as is an “analogous thefeminization poverty similar, understood though of processes: distinct, as two poverty of “feminization” and “racialization” about speaks analysis the Szelényi categories, isseparate gender which areemployedand aswhy race 2001). However, and wellasensuingpublications (Emigh of are usedinthesurvey, as analysis ascategories Race/ethnicity status. and gender andemployment achievement educational irrespective of non-Roma, than Roma for higher was poor being of probability the that was survey (Ringold and Tracy 2002; Emigh Oneand Szelényi of 2001). overallthe of conclusions this Slovakia –in of quantitative livingthe a comparative assessment conditions ofRoma poverty five – across inCentral Bulgaria, countries Hungary, Romania Europe and Poland, of dimension ethnic the addressed University of Yale Department Sociology the at Research on Romani A women.household survey outin carried 2000 by for Comparative Center the afocus integrate that analyses and collections data of edifying areexamples there but scarce, is still Europe Southeast and inCentral women Romani of situation specific the on Data ethnicity and Interactionofpoverty 5.1 gender and ethnicity. a comprehensive notion of multiple inequalities to focus only women ‘shrink’on two aspectsthe Roma/Romani potentials of containedof situation ininequality, the the concept of intersectionalityimproving at aimed and mostpolicies often that divert from however, argue, also I more generally. Romani women of situation the to approach policy andthe policies these situation of Romani women, how and indicate an intersectional approach would improve this whatwemaycall“positive” initiatives Iwillfocus section on policy the addressing and initiatives on issues Romani the women’s in developed words, lastdecade.In the inother Organization for Security inand Cooperation with Europe, a special focus languageson their organizations Unitedthe theEuropean Councilof and Union,Europe, such the Nations as the In the second part of this discrimination.chapter, I will intersectional to thepotential has been drawingdocumented, attention areasof review women Romani of disadvantage comparative the where main areas the the explore Iwill chapter discourses of major inter-governmental Similarly, Lombardo and Verloo (2009) argue that across different political contexts, various social and 95 2001: 7). The paper also addresses “the interaction between also “the addresses The 2001: 7).paper 71 2001: 22). CEU eTD Collection See also: Commissionof the European Communities (2004). Lisbonon 13 December2007, visit: 97 February 26, 2009). 96 Goals, Development Millennium UN the of objectives primary the of one is education Romani non-Romani and EUMAPwomen (e.g. 2007).Raising thelevel and quality of between those or menandwomen, Romani between differences the educational exploring also withfew studies non-Roma, betweenRoma and in education discrepancies remarkable employment andopportunities of reports However, numerous studiesRoma. highlightthe increasequality equal access will the is notion education that to widely It accepted a 5.2 Education communities. own in vulnerability their gender-related face poverty also greater experience levels of highest absolute the who women Romani that conceivable is quite it this, from Following areas. urban Romani women live in risk face than are unemployed,social rural and of a higher exclusion areas and poverty who are better educated, have one or no children, earn income, or live in also one of the priorities of the Lisbon Strategy is needed. urgently further gender-sensitivefindings suggest, inthisfieldof availablecurrently studies research of would adequatedescriptions asthe situation Romani However, women. the of provide internationalTherefore, set could engagements indicators, which encouragepolicymakersto education indicators. inclusion/poverty and social key achieved shouldpriorities through of strategy,this which be the o agendaandconstitutes the high on remains reduction poverty the of through 2020 Strategy. I adopted Europe the Commission 2010) economicrecently crisis, European (June current the dynamism at the heart of the EU’s activities. In addition, as a continuation and reaction tothe young demographic and people integration of vocational social placeand issueof the for aEuropean youngof whichaimsCouncil adopted to European which, the people, pact launched outcomeEuropean mid-term LisbonStrategy,the processof an review as Council a fall howshortof results inMarch expectations, On account have2004,the continuedof to training systems in by Europe 2010. For more on the LisbonTreaty, signed by the Heads of State orGovernment of the 27 Member States in For more on the Millennium Development Goals, see: mproving educationlevels and promoting inclusion social in particular http://europa.eu/lisbon_treaty/index_en.htm 72 http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/ 97 with respect toimproving the education and (accessed February 26, 2009). quantification of the quantification of (accessed ne of the five the ne of 96 and CEU eTD Collection (UNDP 2006:33 low and are – five respectively” and female illiteracy broadly two comparable rates percent, and male in which communities, majority of case inthe substantial less “far is in literacy gap gender observes that the same The men” UNDPreport 33). (UNDP2006: Roma percent of among 22 illiterate illiteracy compared 32percent women: of are rates women Romani to high “most through found noticeable ineducation were Europe genderinequalities that Research carried Literacyrates 5.2.2 out by UNDP on thedifferences. gender to attention situation further without children educational special focusor attention Romani to isRomani attainment hencethe of on girls, of Roma how they toequal contribute opportunities. However,notspecify this initiative does targets, in eight infrastructural developmentand other in field the projects should of education demonstrate countriesinline with mandatory the Equal horizontal Opportunity objective -that all general in a – integrated requirement Funds for Structural the Authority Managing the beneficiaries, of Southeastfirst round of EU Structural Funds allocation, when Roma were often left out from the groups of the negative experience on building the Hungary, In perspective. lack gender education Here I shallin levels andhigher education. vocational enrolment for targets of setting in the analysis provide gender integrate should policy-makers an example educational system develop for programs that Romainstitutions education.Moreover, and toin the policymakers raise awarenessamong gender isto organizations intergovernmental and demonstrategovernments for tasks urgent the of one boys, and girls Romani of that as how as well non-Romani girls, of Romani and experience theeducational between differences the development Given aswell. countries European in pattern isother asimilar educational there Presumably, policiespercent lived in surrounding villages. 17-29 didcomplete elementary not school, 30.7percentof whom lived inthe city and 46.4 in the field thatstudy shows in region the of of Ózd, 37.2percentRomani between women agesof the of hiscarried byFerenc presented in who out Babusik, research northern Hungary The (2002). womenwas of Romani achievement educational on the The impact of rural-urban divisions percentofmale17.5 had parentswhofinished vocational school. school. from Only female of Romani vocational5.8 percent school, parentsgraduated comparedwith grammar or vocational in level, school high the at of especially men and achievement women Romani educational overall the between difference significant found and students of Roma ofagroup parents of achievement educational overall measured the Farkas (2002). andmen byFarkas betweenRomani educational women Péter attainment were reported includedIn analysis,not a country inthe Hungary,discrepancies in significant2006 UNDP 1 in 20 womenfrom majority communities)” (UNDP2006:29). with in five menfrom one Romaalmost communities) athird (compared and illiterate is with complete primary (compared education of not Romani women do “Threewomen: quarters findings,other compellingly thereport summarizes severe the educational of deficitRomani many in (UNDP2006).Among countries oftheregion position ethniceight of this group Europe, Displaced inSoutheast by The 2006 report Program UNDevelopmentthe (UNDP), Overalleducational5.2.1 attainment . ). offers a comprehensive socio-economic analysis of the 73 At Risk: Romaandthe At CEU eTD Collection as Romani girls are kept from attending school due to marriage. to due school attending from kept are girls Romani as private among origin ofRoma students is disproportionatelyof pupils number The on. high so as and authoritiessports try to keep “troublesome”professional in Roma pupils out involvement of the classroomillness, or can request this status for theirchild if the child is unable to attend school forsome reason like for instance 99 Demographic and Social Characteristics of Population,the cited in EUMAP (2007: 98 and majority Bulgarian Bulgarian 2001 the women. Accordingcensus, women to Roma Bulgarian between literacy in differences significant shows Bulgaria from gapin the literacy for Romani rates iswomen notonly a gender, an butalso ethnic one.Data face,because Romani women multiple of the indicators disadvantages aregood Literacy rates boys, much more so in traditional and socio-economically marginalized (rural) Roma (rural) marginalized socio-economically and in traditional so more much boys, indicate that studies in Some ethnographic or analysis. the data, in either the Romani students gender of the opportunitiesnot indicate the ratesdo school in-depth mostdrop-out Unfortunately, on analysis. studies for precludesmore a data lackmore Romaniin of specific gender Romani discrimination of girls, which intersectional potential of example one is but in Hungary girlsphenomenon student private The to attend schoolitis not used to refer to Roma students, particularlyare youngto Romani girls.lowerthose countries where thanthere isno such status at all,or if there is a privatefor student’s status then Romani proxy indicator for education experiences youngof Roma in women in Hungary,butnot getting Romani girls outof school when marry. they number of can students private The be a obligation of ensuringis compulsory education, frequently used as a technical solution for of child student,” “private status the of a Hungarian practice awarding the educational professionals, example, to For according system. education public from the withdrawal Romani pupils of the support Certain practices less likely haveto continued on toupper secondary school (Ringold 2001:26). whilenumberis thisin only 11 percent caseof the men.Romani were Romani women also women hadneverin beenenrolled dropped had school out beforefourth finishing or grade, Romani of percent 29 with men, Romani than school attended have to likely less much study in conducted 2001 in in eight settlements Bulgaria found that Romani women were An qualitative earlier of Roma students. larger group fewer) the among are opportunities (Muslim) and class religion further based differences gender, on are there evidence that provide statistics (in rural areas, povertyas among thanin percent) Muslim These Romani girls (21.2 nationwide majority populations. rates are higheras well percent), rural Muslim Roma (25.6 arehigher rates among drop-out self-reported the than in the city and42.8 percentamong BulgarianRoma.found in Thissurvey also that overallpopulation the employment and among Turkish-Bulgarians, among 21percentBulgarians, years 19 were:3.9percent According 2007: 36-37).thisratesfor pupils survey, to between 15 and agesof the drop-out in between rates drop-out Bulgarian Roma, Bulgarians, and Turkish-Bulgarian disparities (EUMAPpupils significant shows Bulgaria in Relations Inter-Cultural and Studies Minority example, published Forby in(EUMAP for 2007). 2003 data Center International the average national the than lower ismuch in school spend children Roma years of number inproportion of that pupils averageRoma pupils the number total clearly the of demonstrates and rates the drop-out available dataon countries, European Central In mostand Eastern Drop-out5.2.3 rates percent(18.83 for Romani 2.29women, compared topercentfor non-Romani Bulgaria women). in women non-Romani among than higher times eight is women Romani among The possibility to become a “private student” is a particularity of the Hungarian educational system. Parents The most reliable data produced by the National Statistical Institute (NSI), Census of the Population- 99 which releases both the school and the parents from the 74 40). 98 the illiteracy rate CEU eTD Collection of of Roma men, while inHungary, for“the employmentrate Roma is women 16 percent 34 percent to injob, contrast never heldapaid have percent and 66 areunemployed women Roma of percent 80 in Bulgaria women, are individuals Roma theunemployed of percent inequalities.”also“pronounced shows thatin The gender Czech report 90 Republic the for signaled available the evidence andthat 109), Commission 2006a: Roma”(European the conditions employment and unemployment of breakdowns gender available “few were DisadvantagesEuropean Countries,Exclusion for Groups in Thirty Employment, and Inclusion Social publishedAnother report, in by 2006 European the Group Commission’s Experton Gender, 2006: 49). (UNDP a“double face disadvantage” Romani women concludes that report the findings, significant differences for Roma, but alsofor the majority show this for study, population. collected by sex, which were rates andemployment unemployment Based on these Data on includingit employment. covers, fieldsthat policy the each of data on disaggregated UNDP the on Roma andtheDisplaced inSoutheastEurope (2006) includes gender by out unemployment. Astudy carried or Roma employment, while perspective researching agender integrate studies recent Most unemployment. Roma in differences on gender data were among theRoma than (non-Roma) majoritymost communities. Despite the fact that, at the time,comprehensive these studies Wilkens 2005).Both studies found that unemploymentwere significantlyrates higher among in the the Unitedthe Worldor Development (Ringold,Fund Bank Nations (2005),Orenstein, and region, it released by Europe inmarketand Southeast Central characteristics labor Roma concerning is worth to international mention development the community agreeing overwhelmingly on point,this asillustrated by with reports Roma, of integration greater the for means thatis aprincipal Employment they lacked Lack 5.3.1 of of labor marketparticipation Romani women 5.3 Labormarket the for rate henceRoma ethnic further analysisgroup, complex andmore arerequired. approaches drop-out ageneral of basis the on merely be understood cannot factors various moreimportantly, Even address drop-out. educational school issueof these the policies when intoaccount be should taken aspects fees.All these “hidden“school clothing, or helpdesire to the family by income, inability the generating provideparents to of appropriate fulfill duties, marriageandchildbearing, expectation early such asillness,the household to may educational bethat by problem caused a number of andgenderfactors, social, economic pupils)irregular andMoreover, class. school by studentsattendance isRomani amassive further differencesbased on gender, ethnicity,and/or religious affiliation (such as for Muslim significantas there are among rate collect students, Roma data general the on to drop-out researchfrom is showssufficient further thatit andRomania The Bulgaria above-quoted not explained thatagirl’sin success life very depended much on a successful marriage. future a as seen familiesMoreover,breadwinner Romani mothers (SurduandSurdu 2006:46). their of also traditionally are boys because girls, than rather boys for education of levels in higher Romani women out basedfavored researchwhich was carried said thatthey 2005, community a in Romania instance, For communities. integrated socially in than communities Gender Inequalities intheRisksofPovertyand Social 75 underlinedthere that CEU eTD Collection women thiswere employed in2002.Moreover, two-thirds surveyshowedthat of Romani nationalpercentage atthe level and higher–27percentwas almosttwo of half all times thecorresponding Yearbook, Statistical 2003Romanian the Accordingemployed. to Romani interviewedwomen, during a2005 community study,research beingformally inRomania conducted Research and elsewhere. focus group discussions with Romani women, based on a58-item interview guide (Surda and Surdu 2006). survey of womenRomani between the ages of 18 and73, based on an80-item questionnaire; and a series of 102 March 12,2009) http://www.soros.org/initiatives/women/articles_publications/publications/macedonia_20051101 November2005, at: Joint Submission: Shadow Report: On the Situation of Romani Women in the Republic of Macedonia aimed to document the situationwhich of Romaniresearchers, women womenRomani by 11 out in carried was Macedonia. which See:on a research Roma based is report Centre The Women. of Skopje, NWP, ERRC, jointly provided ashadow report to the United Nation Committee on the elimination of ProgramDiscrimination (NWP) of against the Open Society Institute, with the support of the UNIFEM regional office in Bratislava, 101 Romani women’s labor-market position. 100 social protection. employed with benefits,social and 34percentwere working on blackmarketwithoutthe any self-foursocial benefits,percentwere firms employed without five percentwere inprivate institutions ascleaners, inpercent were employed state eight were unemployed, 51 percent Womenagainst showed that out of 202 Romani between women agesof the 18 andyears, 54 of theElimination Discrimination on Committee tothe submitted Macedonia Republic of for Research a2005Shadow ReportOn Women out carried inRomani Situation the of the Beska, and 1997). Layhar Petrovska- social (Najcevska, protection without in market worked informal the or servants, only Romani two women hadever formal jobs, while the rest hadbeen employed as domestic activity. from motherscitiesin differenteight werenot engaged any From ofincome generatingsort the wholeresearch carriedby found out (1997) 94 UNICEF inMacedonia that out of 96 Romani group ofshows that half of Romani Romaniwomen are at home on childcare, or work in the household. Earlier mothers of Romani women were employed in formal jobs (2004: 13). that 32 percentRomaof 18percent menand about thatonly Hungary, (2004)estimated Babusik were interviewed Forin example, member nowstates. EU thatare countries European similar inCentral forvery is situation The below(UNDP 2006). 20percent countries are European some Southeast the research, According the2006UNDPstudy employment forrates Romani above, to outlined in women workers. amongdomestic women are overrepresented for granted and in majority the caseof women’s and women, domestic Romani roles aretaken reproductive valued less than mustRomani be understandwomen inorder marketto analyzed theirlabor position. Justas paid work. However, work 2005: 1).Accordingonly” (Tóth toTóth,both productivethe and reproductive roles of the difference as formal‘economy’ onthe economy,and -onlyfocusing interpretingpaid and work ‘work’ is thatof interpretation anarrow reproduce to continue they in that perspective gender lack the Romani women bewomen continue invisible to surveys most in most and andpublications, secondly studies “Romani that “Firstly,” argues she women. of Romani marketdisadvantage labor severe the for reasons be two could there that Tóth argued Herta advocate rights human and Sociologist respectively). and63percentcase of (57 percent non-Romathe population in the lowerthan significantly of both are forwhich men,rates Roma percent 29 compared to The Romania research sample was composed of 717 respondents. The research was conducted in two parts: a parts: in two conducted was research The respondents. 717 of composed was sample research Romania The In 2005, the Roma Centre of Skopje, the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC), and the Network Women’s Babusik’s work is one of the very few representative sociological surveys in Hungary which offers data on 101 These findings resemble data from other studies conducted inMacedonia conducted studies from other data resemble Thesefindings 102 shows similar tendencies, with only 11 percent of of 717 percent with 11 only showssimilar tendencies, 76 100 In addition, the same research (accessed , October- , CEU eTD Collection is available at: 103 health, education and accessto of in respect also but Women inbetween local “inand Men spaces, to that public concluded authorities, relation populationthe Agency National Romania upontherequestof forthe of Opportunities Equal of sample a representative on conducted of discrimination perceptions of asurvey Namely, life. in public face women Romani that discrimination of forms multiple the of evidence or style of herdress indicates research from belonging. ethnic Recent Romania provides further appearance physical woman’s if the harsher even be can hiring in discrimination women, hire aparticular person (Lakinska, Memedov,andDemir In 2004:20). casethe Romani of name, surnamefor Macedonia, the a Worldneeds assessment Bank According to sector. employment the and ethnicityin Romani women obstacle for isafurther Discrimination work. toaccess gainful prospects of jobLow educational isattainment notthe factoronly that influences negatively Romani women’s seekersEUR amonth earned by Romani men and 220EURby significantlynon-Romani women (UNDP 2002) had income, andonthe theiraverage own 78EURpermonth, they earned compared to169 affects of them percent 15 whatsoever, only while formal education form of notreceived any had decisionsread and Asmany write. not could44 percentRomani women as 51percentof Montenegrin to hirebeen employed.or Of the same sample of Romaninot women who were interviewed for this survey,to hadnever percent while 54 were housekeepers, 30percent another wereunemployed, women illustratingof suchlinks, survey the foundmore that than 20 percentof Montenegrin Romani correlates labor inactivityof withlow unemployment or levels meansJustof education. asa published by UNDPin the vulnerability 2002 onsocial ample evidenceprovides for Lack with of opportunitiesemployment isoftenassociated low levelsofeducation. Astudy exceptionally are high – between 70 and 100percent(Ringold, rates Orenstein, Wilkens and 2005:38-39). unemployment Europe, Southeastern and in Central settlements Roma regions orcareerpaths. of segregated change their Particularly in andethnically work socially groups of Romani women are employed inlow-skilled jobs limitedand have opportunities to Aside from relativelythe small population of Romani women with higherlarge education, ingeneration Roma. family their extended university-educated of were unemployedor long for periodsof Thesetime. women usually representa first families, inwhich their had low parents educational levels impoverished as and worked unskilled workers from came interviewed I women Romani Most background. class from social arising their difficulties with as well as discrimination, ethnic with intertwine disadvantages Hermsen,In (Cotter, Ovadia, Vanneman and caseof the 2001). Romani women, gender laterin on career a person's worse become disadvantages levels these andthat lower than at hierarchy of the at top the arestronger disadvantages other) gender (or implies that effect” in the same way as that of valuedis not experience work non-Romaniand their knowledge that claiming attheir workplace, effect” women or Romani men.Most of the educated The Romani women notionalso reported that they faced the so-calledof “glass “glass ceiling sector. non-governmental from the ceiling werecoming of complaints thesetypes of The majority salaries were lower than those of non-Romani women or Romani menemployed orcivil respondents complained inpublic,private sector, several times thattheirin similar positions. interviewsDuring whohave women Romani myown with are degree and auniversity employer. their with agreements verbal informal on only based percentof said employedwas Romani women employmentthe unofficial, and undeclared 54 This that revealed also research andmore workers. thanonethird unskilled workers were education. In addition, from the group of employed Romani women, almost higher secondary andhadinor women livedcompleted urbanareas were employed who half were skilled Data on 12 Central and Southeast European countries available from the UNDP Vulnerable Groups Dataset, Groups Vulnerable UNDP the from available countries European Southeast and Central 12 on Data http://vulnerability.undp.sk (accessed February 27, 2009). 77 Romani women , poor women and 103 CEU eTD Collection in an activity, including agriculture. Moreover, in 1992, Council Directive 92/85/EEC on the protection of protection the on enacted. was workers’ 92/85/EEC pregnant Directive Council 1992, in Moreover, agriculture. including activity, an in menengaged and women self-employed for treatment onequal and schemes security social in occupational men and women for treatment equal on the adopted were directives two In 1986 security. social in treatment equal employment and occupation.In 1979, Council Directive 79/7 ECwas adopted on implementing the principle of 75/117/EC was adopted in 1975, followed year one by later Council Directive 76/207/EC onequal treatment in the European Community’s first legal provision on gender equality. The first equal treatmentwork Council or work forDirectiveequal equal value, for pay representsof equal principles a core namely, value relevant, most of ofthe One the EU,of employment. which field was the in endorsed men and women in the Treaty of Rome as 104 women. employed to protection legal offerlegal areseveral thatlegal andEU benefits. There provisions access to social protection limited their on reflects women Romani of majority the for employment formal of Lack 2007: 136)”. women with disabilities determination in other individuals. inother determination dismantlesuccess donot structural ofinequality, the patterns although inspire may they upward mobility dissolve ofinequality.does not thesestructures stories of individual Isolated somethat individuals, inthiscaseindividual Romani women, succeedincrafting paths of that disadvantage are durable,although they may and appear permeable attheindividual The factlevel 1998). (Tilly advantage of patterns are inequality of structures age-based or based, class- gender-based, inequalities. Ethnic-based, basis structural of form which the status, because it disabilityenter gender, social or group, a certain belongingclass, age of ethnic group, their to to opportunity the have never perhaps will employment formal of system the excludedfrom some are who mean individuals that effects These intersectionality. structural Equal treatmentregulations should of recognize theeffects structural inequalities and inequalities. ethnic andclass gender, least at interplay looks at of the that one intersectional causes analysisthe inequality,of of causesshould be an these address deep-rooted gender to be reformulated should regulation treatment implies,equal asWalby If, European Union. women’s experience of paid work is notcompatible with that of the majority of women in the studies on participation the of Romani in women markets, formal and labor informal Romani inequality”cause of [gender] 2004).As (Walby inbrief Ihave shown this of review available treatment that“equal mainstreaming, argues on gender law. theorist Walby,leading a treatment Sylvia laws take the mayregulation beequal in of inadvertences equal theresulttreatment conceptualizing male-patternThe exclusion of (European lifeCommission exploitation” 2004: 33). to of vulnerable very are asthe they and leave, themajoritymedical and pensions normbenefits, andof Romanido maternity suchas notprotections, arangeof from excluded arefrequently ineconomy the grey womentackle from jobsthefour in ‘grey’ the in tosupporteconomy order families. […]Women the primarily working deep-rootedprotection women in manyare instances the inprimary breadwinner a family, often working atthreeor offered (ERRC)under and the European Romathe Information EU Office European Commission and Consultancy, preparedbyFocus Roma (ERIO).Rights Centre European This report states that “Romani for wellbeing the inof theirfamilies arerecognizedcommissioned a 2004 by report the participation of Romani women in the ‘grey’ economy and the importance benefitssecurity protection highlylimitedandlabor only for working The women. of informal jobs ensures whichprovide nosocial not contract, sector, aformal informal does employment framework. legal from benefit of EU most the to employed,have little they also not are countries If Romani women do have some of income, this is usually coming from the The The EuropeanUnion introducedhas anumber of important regulations addressing issues of equality between are perceived as the most discriminated against groups” (NAEO discriminated against asthemost areperceived 104 Since the majority of Romani women from European 78 CEU eTD Collection number of reproductive health problems are Romani specific to women, forced with a that year and every mothers Romani become adolescent girls of numbers significant women, Romani of lives reproductive the affect risks health of a range life, in their point some at partner male intimate an by committed violence sexual or physical suffer women example, experts’ statements and ethnographicfieldwork show that large numbers of Romani men. For Roma in with comparison disadvantage a relative putRomaniwomen at factors majority the populations in countries.European Moreover,anumber of health and gender communities.Ethnographic the studies substantiate existencein of ingender health imbalances Roma Available data shows higher Discrimination 5.5.1 in reproductive health rates of illness and mortalityHealth issues 5.5 among Roma than eachyear). guardians confirm parents needtoreapplythat or status to their local issuedfor of aperiod andlocal relevant year one (meaning regulations authorization 6 exhibits exhibits strong German influence. small percentage of the group remains unsettled. The Sinti speak the Sinti-Manouche variety of Romani,105 Sinti, is whichone of sub-ethnicthe Romapopulation inEurope. Traditionally they were nomad, today only a limited incrèches (highly children kindergarten and 1 caseof the Romathe population), welfare a may be benefits infantsforin on andongoing basis regular provided enrolled child receiving live in school families and attend whoregularly children disadvantaged for meals free decade, past the over Decrees adopted Government of series a with accordance who cannotfamilies Roma of particularly cases, many still are there of Hungary, in case the meals, as affordThe report for alsomonth childcare private Commission 2005: 39). (European these highlightedapproximatelyamounting public for month 690EURa around to childcare, and110 EURa costs thatpresumablyafford most disadvantaged families cannot costs the institutionsof these even (European in system, childcare available readily and thoseis an accessible in there Germany fact that the Despite countriesopportunities is beingfortheir responsible all domestic and work the childcareactivities. employment accessing in women CommissionRomani for where obstacle important an additional, that parents only opportunities foralso Sinti and Romani (EUMAP/ERRC women The highlights 2004). report pay 2005:for housingschool and lack of education are among the factors40). contributinginaccessible and remote report, the to toAccording lowemployment opportunities. to women these employment At theAgainst aseriesWomen listed appeared offactors tobelinkedthat of with limitedthe access same ofDiscrimination Elimination on the Committee Nations United tothe was submitted time, situation Romani the on andof Sinti ShadowA Report 2004 in 5.4 Lackof (access to)childcare facilities th grade primary school grade school primary students by localthe which government, ishowever, subject to 79 105 women inGermany, which st to CEU eTD Collection http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/protocol/decisions-views/Decisionpercent204-2004percent20- onthe Eliminationof All Forms of Discrimination against Women2004), at: http://www.ochrance.cz/documents/doc1142289721.pdf at 2005), Republic Czech of the (Ombudsman Measures Remedial Proposed and Law the of Statement Final percent20English.pdf http://www.soros.org/initiatives/health/focus/roma/events/romawomen_20080703/errcbrochure_20080703.pdf women(ERRC 2008),at: 106 hospitalizations and, medication especially (2005: 28). exams, medical all almost for fee participation required the in affording problems serious facing healthcare are state to haveaccess who Romani women that reported Macedonia Centre of Skopje, NWP, andERRContheSituation Romani of inwomen theRepublic of of levels low poverty, education inadequateand housing andlivingconditions. Theby Report Shadow Romathe unemployment, to linked directly are status health poor and healthcare and benefits social to access Lack of wellbeing. to obstacles greatest the of are some many limited For Romani topublichealthcare inEurope, and benefits access women social Accessto 5.5.2 public healthcare often outpace those of non-Romani women 2003; (EUMC UNDP 2006:92-93). institutionshealthcare and toslow efforts high birth amongrates Romani women, which by bias in sterilization, arecausedracial from non-consensual risks, particularly reproductive to due many andclass based belonging. Moreover, ontheirethnicity,discrimination gender, quality poor of is usually it healthcare, receive do they when and healthcare showedaccess that Romanihealthcarefrom poor report to (EUMC2003).The sufferwomen and Xenophobia Roma. andEuropean initiativethe onRacism2003, upon In Centre Monitoring of CoE the genderappear in topics related tointernational on debates abuses anddiscrimination against first was of one the of Romani issuewomen health status of the hereOne hastorecall that (EUMC), Czech the Republic. a report Hungary and particularly, Slovakia, of insomecountries RomaEurope, Central communities andwomen manifestation of asa againstRomani sterilization still racism gendered occurring was compiled on the access of Romani women to services, in the previously cited previously the in services, 107 mainstreamed measuresbynational policymakers 2006). (Magyari-Vincze governmental and risks or addressed with public arenot targeted issues lack these services, health access to of health major problems, health as identified are women Romani of issues gravest no and in mostcases the fact that the Despite out health services. to fall be toafford access able longer to likely very are society of segments vulnerable most the Consequently, reform. areunder systems healthcare where public countries European inmostthe of visible The following reports discuss forced sterilizationof Romani women: Coercive Sterilizationof Romani There are several exerts from interviews with Romani women who not afford to have access to health to access to have afford who not women Romani with interviews from exerts several are There the Public Defender of Rights in the Matter of Sterilizations Performed in Contravention of Contravention in Performed of Sterilizations Matter in the of Rights Defender Public the (accessed February 27, 2009). 106 Shadow Report by Romathe Centre of Skopje, NWP, and ERRC (2005:28). 80 ; A.S. vs Hungary, Communication 4/2004 (Committee 107 These problems are current and arecurrent Theseproblems : ; CEU eTD Collection development of Romani girls, the reports state that teachers rarely punish these practices, and practices, these punish state teachers rarely that reports the girls,of Romani development of Discrimination against Women. and Women’s Space (2006) on the status of Romani women,submitted to the UN Committee on the Elimination 109 http://www.gvnet.com/humantrafficking/Romania.htm 108 premises sexist and ethnic on based simultaneously teachers, and by sexual classmates harassment sometimes and physical, verbal, face who girls, Romani of lives the in discrimination intersectional by show ERRC the collected of testimonies plethora the Furthermore, HRW 2000). also 1999,see (ERRC community Roma annihilate the effort to alsoa calculated but rights, late 1990s.Throughoutthe conflict, was rape not only againstan attack human women’s instance, cases documented ofrape inRomani in women Kosovo the conflictduring the for Centre, RomaRights The European of racism. manifestations rather as but violence, forms of asintersectional treated not often are conflicts of armed in and context the rape torture sexual women, Romani against violence intersectional of forms violent most the of Some 2003). 2006b,communities,2006, Bitu extensiveParliament research (ERRC andnoton European NGOs, butunfortunately they are based mostly from on variousanecdotal evidence only The mainly and from forcedcome prostitution on trafficking of Romani women available reports intersections. their and class gender, ethnicity, as such categories, analytical trafficking missing. isstill Suchahigh vulnerability degree of usingshould betraced non-Romani women. However, systematic research on vulnerabilitythe Romaniof women to women’svulnerability risk higherharassed for betrafficked, abusedandand than ismuch to Romani inequalities, due dynamics ethnic,and class to the that, of gender Weexpect can countries. EU inthe workers forced sex of make majority upthe of their country regions andfrom certain countries country.itidentify, Nevertheless,isimportant forinstance, to why from women certain thegiven of situation economic political the and discrimination gender of of degree the identifying indication measures. givesyield an At least, thecountries the departure of appropriate not would and effects causes, root its of analysis in inconsistent result would ultimately problem the of dimensions class and geo-political-economical ethnic, the ignoring inUnion. theEuropean Totreat this asmerely a function of gender discrimination, while asforced European prostitutes been from towork and Southeast Central countries trafficked have girls and 1990s, women early the Since person. trafficked background of ethnic the numbers of trafficked persons are very limited. Moreover, from these studies we do notknow the of estimations and extensiveresearch based on are few studies trafficking, subjectof the literature on is a although countries, there growing European from Central and Southeast the Romaniagainst women Inthecase racial gendered. as either or traffickingthe of of women violence understands instead ofone that intersectional approach, an usingwomen, Isuggest violencemechanisms againstRomani of and tounderstandcomplexnature the In order 5.6 Genderviolence In particular, see oral statement by ERRCthe (2007) and written comments by the ERRC,Bibija, Eureka, at: available is Slavery Modern-day and Trafficking Human on of sources collection A 108 109 . Whereas these experiences negatively influence education and personal and education influence negatively experiences . Whereasthese (accessed March 12, 2009) 81 CEU eTD Collection Romani Women and demonstrating extent of the problem of non-enforcement of discrimination. existing of against regulations non-enforcement of problem the of extent demonstrating and Women Romani against violence toexpose anddiscrimination degreeof the reports using shadow NGO of yearsin in couple active last the has been particularly Committee Romani The women. Discriminationfind Women ondiscrimination andviolenceagainst evidence against to In thisusually in form the insultsof about 'Gypsy'the origin of victim".the furtherraciston grounds, womentreatment the degrading officialsto enforcement subjected case,law cases], [34 "[i]n these report, the 20 of Accordingto officers. by law enforcement the against committed violent acts them found 34 of hadreported victims The that also the study report reportingthey had that most endureddomestic violence, often at the hands husbands.theirof domestic more vulnerable with violence, were particularly of to two-thirds than them was invoked by the UN Committee on the Elimination of about the situation of Roma. situation the about 111 Report by the Roma Center of Skopje, NWP, and ERRC (200)5. 110 roles.”subordinated/subjugated parents, especially by by 41suffered school treatmentreported discrimination theirstaff and unequal other the selective15 classmates, their of hands the at promotion harassment of acts direct 30experienced their teachers, of Roma boys, by casesof discrimination “57 [Romani reported women] report, the AccordingRoma. to and relegation of Romani 237interviewsconducted Romani agedidentifiedwith women 14-65,who themselves as girls to team research The system. in educational the harms related and/or discrimination experienced more in trained that Romani Macedoniafound women half than of Romani the women An NGO report when white girls than inhappen they to samesociety. the support communal which and attention media less substantially elicit was events these that based on community action research carried out by a group of Namely, UN the CEDAW’s Concluding Comments on Women’s Rights in Hungary (2007) express concern One of the first shadow reports to the UN was prepared by Macedonian Romani Women activist. Shadow 110 111 The same study found that Macedonian Romani women 82 CEU eTD Collection objectives agreed upon within the framework of the European Union. 112 vis-à-vis andcapacity building the rapprochement set of gender equality legislation and policies, and so are candidate states through institutional a adopt arerequired to states Member andintegration. enlargement of process European the The of development in gendered policies cannot be EUmemberstates from the dissociated European5.7.1 addressingmultipleUnion: discrimination women’s issues according toits institutional mission and framework. organizations, eachof whom havingits ownspecific emphasis and understanding of Romani last decade, Romani issues havewomen been stressed by chiefly intergovernmental and agencies also aglobal connected forumInthe Romani activists to women’s 42-49). rights (OSI 2004: international and intergovernmental vis-à-vis lobby to Romani activists enabled rights which women’s level, international the on player strategic a as role significant a had organizations,such as the Open Society Institute (OSI). The OSI Network Women’s program by promoted inter-governmental other organizations and alsoby Western philanthropic haswidely been also equality, which gender the notion of strengthened accession process fulfillconditions. TheEU requiredinternational to candidatecountries the pressure on for andclaim andput Roma legal protection human to rights organizations advocacy for Roma leveragepolitical significant gave criteria TheCopenhagen Member States. rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection minorities”of in order tobecome EU must countries candidate have institutionsof guaranteeing democracy,achieved “stability the minorities. agreement, for of the According isrespect to andprotection for countries acceding agreed upon a set of political criteria for EUaccession, of whom one of the most cited criteria political activism gainedmomentum Europeanat the level. In1993,in Copenhagen EU the As detailedin previousthe in chapter, latethe 1990s and early 2000s, Roma transnational organization byinter-governmental andpolicyresponses 5.7 Discourses European Parliament initiated a background study, which explored the economic aspects of economic aspects the explored abackground study,which initiated European Parliament In 2005, the Committee on Women’s Rights andGender Equality (FEMM Committee) of the concerned narrowly with marriages. early were which Parliament, European the of discussions the in previously gave on perspective issues amoreRomani comprehensive than women’s had appeared (Kóczé 2003). in today by Romani Europe” facedwomen discrimination inclusive toencompass languageand discourse specificthe problemsmulti-dimensional of the same speech,about it, my I messagerequested issue marriages of child came upduring MEPsaskedmyopinion theand discussion when was that “no human“that Equal of rightsOpportunities RomaniParliamentto speakabout European the issues. The women’s theviolation European canmarriages be justified women’s asarranged about discussions andextended media coverage a widespread the of time Atthe tradition.” in Romarights In communities, accession. fornetworks EU developold Romani from girl Romania. The emergeddebate in I framethe of Romania’s preparation was invited a more in case politics. Such was the European of frontlineMs Cioba’s a12-year visibility wedding, by the issuesgained women Romani specific of process, Committee EUaccession the inAttimes, context the on Women’s Rights and The aquis communautaire represents the set of principles, policies, legislation, practices, obligations, and obligations, practices, legislation, policies, of principles, set the represents 83 aquis communautaire. 112 This presentation CEU eTD Collection multiple forms of discrimination towards Romani women. According to Járóka, a member of FEMMCommittee, member the a Járóka, to According women. Romani towards discrimination of forms multiple pay hearing discuss in provided the aforum possibility to tothe to attention policies public Romaniexplore2005 to thesituation Romani of women. hearing The attendedby was several womenAs afollow report, calledin uptothe FEMMforthe apublichearing Committee November activists, in countries. of Roma respective the situation general women,nor didit thegender challenge roles showedbutrather Romani of the women, expertsThe background study provide notdid knowledge anysolid onthesituation of Romani and representatives of the European Commission. strongly thedifficulty emphasized in onRomani acquiring data issues. states: It women The Italy, Portugal,Romania, Poland, Slovenia, Slovakia, Spain, andTurkey. Sweden, report The Germany, Austria, Bulgaria,CzechRepublic, Hungary,Ireland, the inwomen fifteen states: Romani of analysis limited very a with Roma of condition economic and social the on conditionthe 2006b)Romani Parliamentof women (European introduced the notion of multiple-discrimination. The EU has its thelastdecade, agenda Throughout EUhas been the issues broadened on gender equality and a leading approaches. intersectional of integration the favorable to become increasingly has Specific initiatives on Romani women are part of a larger policy approach at the EU level that action.intoconcrete been translated specific measures it. to Todate, Resolutionthe on Situationthe of attaching WomenRomani hasby not example for reality, policy a Resolution this make to Commission the from programming the level inand also on EU social However,policies. it face would requirefurther steps women Romani discrimination multiple the address to Commission European Union may Parliament2006a). ThisResolution astrategicfor(European offer tool the Women in European the Roma aResolutionof on Situation the adopted European Parliament Based ofonthe onthe results Situation Women, Report the Romani of 1 June on 2006 the communities. Roma various in the inequalities gender internal of analysis didprovide not anyfurther report the explicit hearing, butunfortunately the during topic Romani women and denyviolence can Járóka, to against contribute to which,according communities,” patriarchal their freedom of also normsin“traditional thereport challenged Moreover, gender choice.European countries. Notably, violence position understanding of incomprehensive variousRomani structural of the women against women situation Romani of women,The asinitiated byJáróka. report contributed toa more was an onthe commission a report for decision to the ajustification The 2005hearing provided but also the most forgotten and forgotten most the also but consensus withinRomani group the that women were themost discriminated against, a was by There Roma. faced obstacles the overcome to in order were required results tangible more and policies new that agreed Committee FEMM the of members 2006:3). available”(European not Parliament this topic […]Social, political and economic on studies women and genderissues are beis considering expected to overall lack ofcomprehensive the wide-rangingthis to yet data uncertain, and thin is rather information available the is that women Romani on The first conclusion knowledgewith regard to obtained inthis research empirical study European-level withoutEuropean-level delay (Járóka 2006 (Járóka invisible, minority; andthatactionmustinvisible, betakenat minority; 84 : 4). . The report gives The report an overview CEU eTD Collection Discrimination between women and men in employment, in men and women between Discrimination http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=IP/10/225 website: Commission European the on accessible 118 Access to Employment, Vocational Training and Promotion, and Working Conditions, 2002O.J. (L269) 15-20. 76/207/EEC on theImplementation of Principlethe of TreatmentEqual For Men andWomen as Regards 117 O.J. (L39) 40, derogation194N, in incorporated by 1994 O.J.(L1) 484 (hereinafter EqualTreatment Directive). Womenas Regards Access to Employment, Vocational Training and Promotion, and Working Conditions, 1976 116 Occupation, 2000O.J. (L303) 16 (hereinafterFramework Directive). Directive). Equality 115 Racial (hereinafter origin) ethnic and ofracial irrespective persons between 114 Council Directive 2000/43/EC, 2000 O.J. (L 180) 22 (implementing the principle of equal treatment establishing the EuropeanCommunities and certain related Acts,Oct.2, 1997,O.J. (C 340)1 (1997). Treaties The Union, on European Treaty the amending Amsterdam of Treaty 1999. 1, May on force into came originally promulgated as Article 6a of the Treaty of Amsterdam, whichwas signed on October113 Treaty 2, Establishing the 1997,European Community, and Nov 10, 1997, O.J. (C 340) 3 (1997). Article 13 was delivering and social territorial cohesion.” and competitive economy; and Inclusive growth, fostering a high-employmentknowledge innovation; and low-carbon, promotingSustainable growth, resource-efficient a economy and basedon developingan growth, economy mutually priority areas: Smart reinforcing interlocking three on rests and decade, next the over economy market social Europe's Lisbon After solutions thatacknowledge the strategies multipleStrategy for andprovide the inequalities. intersectional comprehensive, more of elaboration the on depends women Romani for the EUend, that single-axissufficient are strategies as achieving not thegoals of Lisbonthe Strategy developed grey economy.the step outof To them participation to market and enable Romani of women a newremains anillusion programs targeted unless are developedincrease to formallaborthe 2020 communities, be fulfilled hopethat they would whilethe EU inthecaseof women Romani strategy are 2010. Although vary Europe, in targets the metonly often these throughout rates majority which tomoreby than60percent inemployment number 70 percentandincreasetheof women “setshighly outproductive a in byinvesting increase and competitiveness European society.Strategy seeks to a knowledge-based vision One of the aimsLisbonfor Strategyis toare increaseeconomic growth, as wellthethe as socialoverall and environmentalLisbon EU employmentsustainability.Since EUhas itsthe March formulated policies2000, inline with of objectives ambitious the The Strategy, women. rate Romani of todisadvantages the redress to interventions which and includethe more comprehensivesets notion of a frameworkpolicy terms. Inthefollowing Ishallarguethat initiatives European should goevenfurther for (2007), themultiple in of Romani must bearticulated discrimination and women addressed action All for Commission European the theYearof followupof Opportunities Equal 2006b),and until 2010.According tothe Roadmap for Equality between Women and Men 2006-2010 (European The main provide fornow levels therespective diverse of rather grounds. protection goals of the Directive, Equality orientation. sexual and age disability, belief, or religion origin, ethnic or racial Treaty Amsterdam lists grounds of eighton is (1997) which discrimination prohibited: sex, of Articleaddress 13of women.policy intersectional tothe the status Romani social tools and gender equality and these stillprobably provideinclusivemostpolicies language the and anti-discrimination on policies implement and adopt to organization intergovernmental the recently published document on National for recently the on “An EUFramework published Roma Integration document The EU 2020 Strategy should be harmonized with the European RomaStrategy. The EU 2020 Strategy Directive 2002/73/EC of the European Parliament ofand Councilthe Amending Council Directive Council Directive 76/207/EEC on the Implementation of the Principle of Equal Treatment forMen and Council Directive 200/78/EC forEstablishing a General Framework for Equal Treatment in Employment and 114 the Framework Directive Framework the 118 The EU 2020 Strategy Theloosely is EU2020Strategy with connected 85 intersectional discrimination 115 and the Equal Treatment Directive on Directive Treatment Equal the and ( accessed onJuly 06, 2011) 116 which was amendedin 2002, when when devising 113 The Racial 117 CEU eTD Collection February February 27, 2009). 2006). Available online at: 121 involvement of civil society 10) active participation of Roma. of transfer evidence-based6) dimension policies 7) gender use ofof the EU instruments awareness 8) 5) involvement of mainstream regionalthe for and local aiming authorities4) 9) approach constructive, pragmatic and non-discriminatory policies 2) explicit but not exclusive targeting 3) intercultural 120 roma-integration-strategies-2020-communication-european-commission-5- ( accessed onJuly 06, 2011) 119 in ethnic this case thatsome groups, for example)anditrecognizes (only approaches gender, In above,the “double discrimination” is used, which is one step beyond single-ground that and and states minority women) ethnic immigrants against in particular discrimination, multiple Combating 1.6: Area (Priority policies” (European Commission 2006b).The Roadmap includes intersectionality a focus on indevelopmentexternal andequality elimination promotion of gender stereotypes; gender of representation in of decision-making; eradication forms all of gender-based violence; independence men; for women andof andreconciliation professional life;equal private priority actionareas for EU on genderfor equal 2006-2010period: the equality economic actions and re-affirms implement theneed to existing ones. The document “six outlines new proposes Roadmap The multiple discriminations. to includes attention that EU initiative for Equality between Women and Men 2006-2010 (European Commission is another 2006b) from Apart plansthe for “equal for all”,opportunities European the Commission’s Roadmap and differences in particular affectcontext. European the groups inequalities, which multiple of recognition the meant nevertheless use its plan, the in elaborated Although conceptwasnot Romania.the initiative of suchas as countries, this insome part was a focus of the EU strategy for the year andOpportunities forAll the major theme of all activities implemented The respect. and recognition representation, year rights, of the were: for All. of of Opportunities roll the Equal Year European the out in 2007with fore cametothe of EU agenda the equality and gender The anti-discrimination firstthe Roma meeting Platform on 24 April 2009 States to use is thereframework gender, onlyonereference to namely Commission Memberwhen theask 10 Common Romaapproach to integration byusingfinancial EU supportby end of 2011. Inthe Basic Principlesfurtherdevelop acomprehensive to adopt or to MemberStates encourages Commission on Roma European The of situation Roma. devastatingrespond current tothe seeksto EU Framework Inclusion 2020 -Communication (5April2011)” Commission European the Strategiesof upto which were presented at See Decision on the European Year of Equal Opportunities 1) comprise: They 2009. for of8June conclusions Council to the annexed All were They (2007) - Towards a Just The text ofSociety Communicationthe is accessible on: http://www.eu2011.hu/document/eu-framework-national- (May theireducation access to lifelongand learning (European Commission 2006b: 10). rights and civic participation, tofully use their employment potential of gender equality inmigration andand integration policies inensure order to women’sto improve promotion the is This requires discrimination. double sufferfrom often emblematic. They women immigrant and minority ethnic of situation The counterparts. male their than off Women groupsareoften membersworse for of inclusive all.disadvantaged society [t]he EU is committed to the elimination of all discrimination and the creation of an made intersectional thinking more visible, as multiple-discrimination as visible, more thinking intersectional made http://ec.europa.eu/employment_social/eyeq/index.cfm?cat_id=EY 86 120 . 121 The four mainfour The objectives European Year ofEqual 119 (accessed . This CEU eTD Collection gender equality policies. However, her focus on specific groups obscuresfocus on specificthewaysin groups genderwhich However, her policies. equality mothers, widows, orvictims of domestic violence.These are also ‘classical’ target groups for women, and focuses even more specifically on those Romani women who are unmarriedIn the above, Devonic acknowledges the particular social and economic situation of Romani EmploymentDG and Men, Social and Affairs,Women declared between that Equality on Unit of Head Devonic, Fay Forum, Roma women in EUfocusingthe ontheir double discrimination. In a speech givenatthe2005 of Romani situation of specific the aconceptualization alsooffered officials European urge recognition women. only Romani the of specificof the disadvantages to I wasnot one multi-dimensional faceddiscrimination by women inRomani present-day Europe. toencompass developinclusive problems specific the languageanddiscourse amore of At that point, I also specifically requestedWhen I gave a speech in front of the European Parliament in 2003,my own formulation was: discriminations. that has mepersuaded class that thecan of significantly change manifestation orgender-based ethnic- feminism race in critical training my later but discourse, thein rights-based recognized Europeannot was such Class as discourse. in anti-discrimination accepted was widely which rhetoric aconsciouswas not skip decision discrimination, justto class-based butrather following the women’sit then, Back baseddiscrimination. ethnic genderand articulate to attempted who feminists amongst term well-known a already was discrimination Double discrimination. gender-based rights facedRomani weaddedthe it and what wasmorewomen that than discrimination ethnic networks felt I definitely but women, Romani of position subject thespecific capture to and knowledge lacking concepts timeIwas the because at double discrimination, theterm used responses. I doublerallythe for policy Romani face, discrimination women hopingtargeted to support well in order to draw attention to a hitherto ignored reality.With other activists, I spoke about sameAtthe has been double discrimination widely as time, used byRomani activists women are mutually constituted. intersect capture how fails genderand The notion ethnicity and to discrimination double of ifadditive. as were separableand they them –andtreats andinequality ethnicity gender – multiple of of notion is concepts than narrower andintegrative more encompassing the double discrimination the However, inequalities. multiple experience women, immigrant and minority discrimination or intersectional discrimination. It captures only two axes of other hand,other by oppressed patriarchal their own 2003). community (Kóczé are inliving on Europe bymajority onehandthe targeted hostility, racial on and the fact that they fact they that belong toaminority exacerbatesgroup theproblem (Devonic2005:7). victims for prostitution and trafficking. These phenomena affect women in general. The These live women often insituations poverty extreme makes of which idealthe them violence. victims of domestic widows, mothers, for unmarried case the particularly is This are unemployed. women of Romani percentage Asignificant discrimination. victims of if Romani are the double women one and consider that en we even greater challenge a quite is This life. political and social in economic, represented are Roma [w]e must eliminate all forms of discrimination against the Roma and ensure that the face they thus simultaneously; background ethnic based on Romanitheir genderand discrimination women experience often 87 double discrimination double . Romani women CEU eTD Collection Moreover, this “sensitivepioneer papertalks about issues,”such violence,as domestic national who elaborated policiesgovernments aimed atimproving situation the Roma.of by of lack understanding onthestatus gender of concepts of Romani the data women, points, suchas by lackof the important prepared several raised Bitu issues.Roma The report reportthe is very descriptive and was provocativeconsidered and progressive inthefield of documenton Romani issues,women’s with preparingBitu the document.Thelanguage of SpecialistRoma/Gypsieson in on, acomprehensive Later CoE Group requested 1999, the level CoE. at the andmechanisms the of resources existing gender-related the about awareness andraised their concerns particular articulate mainstream for genderThis framework. forum equality provided to Romani women event a inbeintegrated neededthe to issues Romani women’s to attention message the that Committeethe about fordiscussion situation in the (BituRomaof 1999).The meeting women” Steering wasconvenedby the Equalitydimension new a introduced hearing “the that argues betweenparticipants, Women aboutand Men of raiseto awareness first attempt thethe in1995, asa women Romani of hearing organized CoE a Council situation of inbecome international genderequality active the inintroducing concept Roma activism. The Europe and conveyedTheof Council Romani of Europe (CoE)women. was one Council5.7.2 of Europe:of feminizing the domainof ethnicity the veryYoung first inter-governmental Romani activistorganizations (European 42). inCommission States” 2008: Member the to Nicoleta only a fewprogrammes thatdirectly situation address specific the Romaof and girls women thiseven day“[t]here to that are Brussels, washeld on 16 September 2008,recognized which Bitu, thrive as equalsinUnion theEuropean is very long. still ThefirstEURomain Summit one ofImportant challengesthe remain, however, and and 2007: 25). with Lombardothe (Verloo each other” road ahead to secure that Romani women intersect etc., class, gender, canrace, of inequalities which atvarious the point on the focusing of instead for comparison, norm asthe one dominant appears as the another, what taking to as compared inequalities typeone treats of that logicanalysis of bipolar asimple “overcome opportunity good for Romani women and pro-Romani women equality advocates to the debate towards more complex ways of thinking.institutions have nevertheless provided policy frames important and steer theoretical ideas to Initiatives at the EU level have created thata specificallyMeier and2009), Verloo conceptualizationthe intersectionalityof by EU officials, and within their by As illustrated example above-quoted the andconfirmed byrecentanalyses(Lomdardo, understanding of victims for prostitution and trafficking” (Devonic the situation Romani that “often livewomen in situations of extreme poverty make which ideal the them of Romaniprostitutionlinks vulnerability Romani women’s to andpoverty trafficking to arguing only, women isdisadvantages limited. multiple the whospeakabout even byobservers is pointoverlooked, often The latter The of EURomani women. lives of Romani of the context social wider the shape they because alsobut mothers, women. For example, experienced suchasthose by Romani configure disadvantages, very unmarried specific in the not only and because they Thus, intersectionsethnicity are relevant of class occur. the gender, same speech of discrimination situations particular in which context social present amore widely create quoted above, level and also on a social-structural inequality ethnicity axesof and class.These operate Devonic the social position of the majority of Romani women is shaped by the intersections of gender, 88 2005: 7). CEU eTD Collection interlocutors between their communities and majority societies, a position which reinforced which position a societies, majority and communities their between interlocutors seen as were mothers andRomani women Moreover, divisions. sub-ethnic can override womenethnic in different across toforge groups attempting aRoma national identity, which Roma and community. used discourse by CoEtransformed The Romani intoa symbol family women uniting of of identity the with along guaranteed is continuity cultural where in Romani domain private women the centered in Roma forare cause the Europe. mobilized CoE The definesdiscourse Romani asubgroup women as of Romathe be population, needs to which dimension. ethnic the on focusing particularly is one-dimensional, CoE the by from different of that non-Romani women. The conceptualization issuesRomani of women’s quantitatively and structural qualitatively, position the isRomani of women significantly whichwomanhood, unfair both seems andunworkable. AsIhave arguedabove, they and push tried to issuesRomani undertheconvenientumbrellawomen’s of orglobal a universal women non-Romani and them between or women, Romani amongst economic differences and social the to reference any make not did CoE the of level the at discourse The thanjustice. rather Romani women of positions “peacemakers,” The society. and their communities between as “mediators” seen reflectdoes it that inequality.women are causes is Romani of social-structural emphasize thedeep-rooted, not upon conceptualization this of shortfall The the tradition. and culture of traditionalissues as issues solely diversity and minority treated makers policy CoE’ illustrates, above the as However, gender role in which they seek reconciliation, women: Romani of roles in the and action in governmental communities, broad changesneeded in theunderstanding CoEsupported Roma were that Network, belief system Attheonsetandof (deBoer-Buquicchio.2003). ethnic andsocial origin” the nationality, their of irrespective women, all for issues priority are discrimination against fight the or education care, health to asaccess such issues analysis, final the international and national with solidarity of bonds establish to aim the with (INRW) Women Romani organizations of Network creation of the CoEsupported International the report, follow-upto the As a of non-Romawhich Romaniprevent from women accessing public health care. women. placed enough emphasis Theon economicthe injustice and racial and genderdiscrimination, understanding are they kick-off nor neitherHowever, deliveredatthe conference for. report, speeches the caring the those of benefit the for health own their sacrifice of who INRWcommunities their of heroes was that “in often neglect theirhealth”Generally, own (2003). pictures Romani report the women as and well-being families’ their for responsible face”,as Romaare “traditionally they women of CoE, explained 11-12General Deputy September Secretary MauddeBoer-Buquicchio, (Strasbourg, 2003), that health publiccare to access and women Roma on conference a Council of atEurope report one of the on Romani Women’s Access Care toPublic Health main emphasisThe CoE, in cooperation of with theOSCE and EUMC, alsoreportactivists. played a key role in preparing was a report on trafficking hadby andprostitution,been neverbefore which of persons discussed Romani “the harsh realities that directlythat affect, Romathe community (de Boer-Buquicchio2003). in all decisions interlocutors asfully-fledged aretreated Romani women ensure that to make efforts you toomust today, conference are attending this who representatives governmental As the for society. and community between their as bridges act canlonger no simply play the role of sisters, wives andmothers, but that they must also they that They are aware living culture. existas a continue to Romacan culture so that current realities, to values adapt Roma traditional required to aretoday Romani women 89 (EUMC 2003). At the launch of the of launch the At 2003). (EUMC CEU eTD Collection previous chapter. previous with the sterilization of a Romani woman without her consent in January 2001. This case was introduced in a 123 http://www.errc.org/cikk.php?cikk=2136 122 especially advocate The for rights. Romani women’sconcerning reproductive rights, successful date, to and avenues responsive most the UNmechanismthe wasoneof To states. these upon enforce recommendations their to limited has power very Committee the However, forced countries. European andEastern Central inthe various women Romani sterilization of about community international the of awareness the inraising steps important In thefield of reproductive of rights women,Romani CEDAW the madeCommittee mediaattention strong usually receive recommendations Committee CEDAW law. international with comply to states in urging leverage political some have they CEDAW, for mechanism have notan does enforcement Committee the factthat the Despite organizations. women’s and rights human local with jointly ERRC by prepared were reports These and Slovakia. Spain, Serbia, Romania, Germany, Macedonia, Croatia, Republic, Czech ofthe process reporting of the aspart Committee, tothe submitted women were Romani women. of situation the analyzed specifically which CEDAW Committee, tothe country reports In theyears,In recent anumber of NGOs working on Romani issues women’s havesubmitted last fewConvention. years, Romani women’s rights advocates enjoy great access to thisseveralForms monitoring process. ofshadow was established in 1982Discrimination to monitor compliance with the Convention on the Eliminationreports of All against Women is one of the most activeon bodies on Romanithe women’s Within therights. United system, Nations UNCommitteeon the Eliminationthe ofDiscrimination The Committeesituation Against of Romani women. disadvantages andeconomical social the of WomenRomaniworking paperspecifically issues highlighted related toRomani butfailedwomen, toanalyze (CEDAW), ofinternationalsubjects trafficking” (YeungYuen Sik 1999: 35).Itis important thethat widelywas information “youngthat women forced Roma intoare luredor prostitution, upas ending referredsexual violence and sterilization of Romani women. The same section alsonoted to that section issues; refers this with gender document, therespecifically engages is that section there only one important to this In Rights. Human of asProtection and Promotion the the on Commission Women’san UN-level. issues at of acknowledgment Romani women’s first included the and of Roma the protections A working paperpreparedby Y.K.J. YeungSik in Yuen 1999 on humanthe problemsrights The paper Uniteddiscrimination 5.7.3 intersectional Nations: towards was initiated ethnicity. of domain the “feminized” simplistically rather bybut the not understand Romaniand interrogate issueswomen’s from intersectional an view, of point UN Commissioneconomic distributionboth inside and outside Romacommunities. Indoing CoEdid so,the structuresand divide,power deeply unequal social the and private the and gendered public their women, did Romani discourse not challengeon boundaries, the whicharereproducing symbolic gender the of disadvantages the on focused Humanthat organization intergovernmental Rights,communities within and was Romani Although women communities. their firstthe CoE the achieve needjustice for Roma to “female the downplayed and roles” stereotypical Sub- To illustrate this, in August 2006, the Committee condemned Hungary forviolating CEDAW in connection For the full texts of the above-mentioned countries’ submissions, visit: 122 (accessed February 28,2009). 90 123 . CEU eTD Collection about Romani women’s agenda amongst global women’s rights advocates. raiseawareness greatly to and contributed to issues women global the Romani women rights mechanisms connect forum The andprovided andinstruments acritical Nations to itsUnited 2007). to introduce legal and policy measures preventto their social and economic exclusion (Kóczé representatives state Romani andencouraged girls against systemic gendered discrimination specificallyforms of discrimination and violence against girl the was invited child. I speakat to panel the on the situation aninteractive panel initiatives all toeliminate 2007, hosted on expert key policy discussion of RomaniStatus girls. of Women. In Inmy 2007,speech, The 51st Romani I CEDAW. emphasizedsession women’s of the bringlawscompliance hassometo with states into and encouraged reporting their process Commission,andexplored girl’s keepthus conscious states of legal for accountability their discrimination thewomen.against The heldissues from its and of infavor of recommendations public pressure canmobilizepower were the Committee 26 February taken upto 9 byMarch the UN Commission on the 91 CEU eTD Collection for example, in the field of political participation of Romani women both as voters and as and potential voters candidates. as both women Romani of participation political of field in the example, for isthere still more forroom efforts address to Romani issueswomen’s research,and initiate OSCE mission and arrangements. institutional However,even within its scope, narrower to the connected are strictly issues that to confined narrowly are rather women of Romani (CPRSI 2006).OSCEactivities Romania toaddress situation the and SerbiaandMontenegro human beings in Romain communities followingthe countries: Albania, Macedonia, issuestrafficking of to related research sponsored (ODIHR) Rights andHuman Institutions for Democratic Office OSCE’s the of Program Anti-Trafficking years, the In thepast movementof people andgoods, to counter transnational crime. freecan control security the that border an assuch effective requires Human trafficking is“high for groupthat prostitutionrisk” vulnerabletotrafficking sexualservices. and other example, For languagein focuses is arein a discourse. the oneRomani their of that women Romani issues arewomen seen thisthrough specific lenswhichreflecton upon their of their conceptualization OSCE therefore the of main concern is a issue Security matter. In most OSCEContact Point fordocuments Roma and Sinti Issues (CPRSI). activities related its of As part implementation. without to commitments rhetoric yet example of another into Roma,to address gender turning in of danger is Action Plan the Romani women, of of situation the clearassessment the issuessituationa require background identify issues study to specificthe would affecting Romani women. absenceof a the In are Plan Action OSCE the of conceptualizedofimplementation the However, 14) Roma, (ibid: schooling” the OSCEhousingand health care, accessto them with “byproviding needs these as to urged aresponse maintains a security “theon in needsof Roma and situation” and andpost-crisis crisis and Sinti children women a special implementation focused The Action and (OSCE2003:2). all Plan of alsopolicies programs” office calledparticular situation of Roma into and Sinti women should accountin betaken design the and the ImprovingSubsequent modifiedin developments Action for and, 2003the this perspective, Plan the and societies SituationRoma communitiesmajority withoutbetween seeking justice and an intermediating end of todiscriminations role auxiliary against an them. women Romani attributed of Roma OSCE words, In other also prominent. issues are health, wheregender specificareaof the and for as”reconcilers” Romani women constructed OSCEdiscourse initial Sinti the CoE, caseof the withinAs in 127). be enhanced(ibid: should healthcare providers” and Romabetween communities theThe health. “as intermediaries way in attention Romani capacities to the and draws women’s which report education of OSCE context the to related section short very a in once, Area only women emphasized mentionsat includingmore issues, attempt sinceRomani women’s than Romani an report the situation in was and 2000).This the OSCEArea Roma of Sinti step first nothing(OSCE that “thea specific in a first forstep took In 2000,theOrganization Security toinclude and Cooperation Europe discussion of Romanisecurity matter women’s Organization 5.7.4 for Security and Cooperation in Europe: gender issues area issues with the elaboration of its report on the 92 CEU eTD Collection (2006). 125 the applicant countries of Central and ofCentral countries applicant the 124 PHARE have evaluated researchers ensuring Romani The women that enjoy equal rights. independent European Commission and date to measure conducted byintergovernmental to towards of theorganizations outcomes supported actions been have evaluations few very However, interventions. specific for need as the wider Europe have recognized, at least politically, the plight of Romani women and the majorMost intergovernmental in aswell Central organizations operating Europe, and Eastern activities ofintergovernmental 5.8 Impact institutions they were employed at. Therefore, one of the lessons learned in the context of this of context in the learned lessons the of one Therefore, at. employed were they institutions of inRomani children However,kindergarten. Romani facedwomen hostilityin the increased and theparticipation also areas, inrural of especially Romani women, employment integration improved in education system.Romani of children the Thisthe program toimprove the kindergarten assistants, i.e., asnannies,work women to trained Romani that funded aproject PHAREprogram the women. for In 2001, of revitalization roles traditional targeted built theRomaniIn fundingsupported women which on PHARE Hungary,projects, evaluation of the work of health mediators in Finland, Romania, and Bulgaria found that conducted anOSI However, bewomen. should mediators that reasoned Ministry health, the wasreproductive mediator of the main responsibilities the of one Since Romacommunities”. achieve a womenspecific onlybehind hiring andFamily).Thereasoning Ministy the of 619/2002Health of of Decree objective,in the 11 Article with (in beaccordance health should women asmediators nominated those communities, “promoting mediation needs of inRoma health toaddress thespecific order that, The program decided theprogram an Mediator health within publicsystem Romanian profession (OSI 2005:19-20). official the health wasofAugust 2002, Ministry the issued Family of and Health adecreemaking Health Roma thatwomen theand cooperationin purpose Romania, in children withHealth of Romani Ministry the by CRISS,initiated was a program Roma The NGO. mediator. As health a the resultof of the atsuccessthe of thethe programprogram in levelargue, has a ofwasdimensionmay in which,one Romania, project Roma of example a PHARE-funded One particular to of empowerment ofRomaniimpact on lives programs. arethe(few)women’s targeted Romani women in hadadirect can beits ashaving cited that ofinterventions examples only women,concrete the implementation, Romani on Roma for impactof programs the about knowledge systematic of absence In the is that of genderthese addressedthe evaluations in for dimension programs Roma.PHARE-funded Some evaluations include: EMS Consortium (2003),Guy and Kovats (2006), and Human Dynamics et al The PHARE program is one of the three pre-accession instruments financed by the financed instruments pre-accession three of the one is PHAREprogram The violence, amajor unaddressed health forconcern Romani women (OSI 2005:5). Some Romanian RHMs haveexpressedin aninterest learning address howto domesticminorities. sexual Romani and users, drug Romani disabilities, physical or mental needthe of doubly such marginalized groups, Romani as women, Romani with persons [i]nmanifestations, its Romani mediation health current adequately not does address EasternEurope 124 financingRoma for example, programs butnone of in their preparations for joining the Union. the joining for preparations their in 93 European Union European toassist 125 CEU eTD Collection specific support forefforts to empowerdisadvantaged groups, including Romani women. 126 OSCE –demonstrates transnationala significant address political on agreement needthe to CoE, UNand – EU, the structures inter-governmental major level the of atthe women taken In sum, Commission. European the of approach thein the inroads significant above review has inmadeIntolerance in concept 2001,the also Durban ofmultiple-discrimination of discourses and Related UNWorldthe Xenophobia Discrimination, againstRacism, Conference Racial and initiativesConference onWomen in Beijing in 1995 andby transnationalthe movementanti-racist at UN’sFourth atthe movement women’s international bythe formulated Initially actions. to improve gradual integration conceptof the multiple-discrimination of into policymaking and concrete the situationorganizations can change (as in the case of OSCE) and in theyears come,to of we may expect a RomaniNevertheless, care. and solely reproduction for benaturally responsible would women norms thatprescribe the CoE,havegender and reinforced gender reproduced or Commission stereotypes toooften European suchasthe intergovernmental organizations, of Roma programs, In thecontext it is alsoin citizens of an era of post-identity (Verloopolitics” 2006:224). participation and representation the of a rethinking and theory, seenintersectionality “whatthat is needed is the development of complex methods and toolsit,put asVerloo words, Inother informed various inequalities. between differences and the relationship by thecomprehend isitto necessary language, amore sensitive tocreate order women.In Romani discourse inTo date, policy-making,European very limited is attention paid to structural the position of researches. oriented policy and academic the in both lacking still is women Romani of theeffort tointegrate gender, ethnicity and class in data collection and analysis of the situation of systematic the role However, Roma women. of disadvantage’ ‘double the discuss commonly in recentstudies gender andresearchhaveintegrated collection More on Roma, and data of thedevelopedininfluential academic projects, suchas household the University. surveyatYale intergovernmentaldevelopment community, was gender-blind. Gender-sensitive analyses of Roma poverty were Central and and Eastern Europe, was orcommissionedconducted by international the mostconclude, focused of To Romawhich on on of situation early research the inEurope, 5.9 Concludingremarks majority and societies. communities own their influence could that actors political potential as women Romani such issues and an reproduction women imagewith as careand created ofRomani step of away because itfrom was abletoassociation was very stereotypical the progressive equality andpolitics publicfrom service, local central levelsto of Thisgovernment. project European South-East countries. of The toimproving projectgoal this related primary gender in (SPGTF) collaboration 2005andwith OSCE. Between 2007,theprojectin continued Women “Roma programs the 2003project Romani for was women exampleof Another targeted Can Do measures on the laborIt,” market and maintain an inclusive workplace for Romani women. accept active to for employers andemployees was theneedfor antraining project anti-bias which was implemented by the Stability Pact Gender Task Force Parts of the Phare program were continued by the EQUAL Community Initiative (CI) in 2004-2006, such as 94 126 CEU eTD Collection limited in a way that clearly reflects upon discourses. upon institutional theirin own clearly limited a way reflects that However, language the Romani on byinter-governmental women used is organizations andmedia statements. reports conferences, in various the expressed commitments beyond political shape, taken also have initiatives Some women. Romani of disadvantages the 95 CEU eTD Collection mentioned by me: Higonnet 1994; Henderson1995. international literature both in social sciences and feminist literary criticism. Of these the two aboutmost border-crossing important women and women’s groups. ( Bakó-Tóth 2008)Border-crossing has a very broad and accepted in female society 129 which subject the canconstruct their gender identity butstrict the repetitionof norms (Butler 2001). determined gender role identities through citing the of strict rules. This does indicate a kind of freedomby 128 világa hangját, annak muszáj szólnia”: Roma n 127 and and has around breakdownthevisible invisibleborders and wallspower constructed geographical mobility, butalso in a metaphorical sense, since they have tocriticize, question and social true of their because crossers” “border as be considered can activists women opportunityforus” a status-changing,socialmobility political roleoffers “[…] that out pointed also interviewee as one hands. in The interviewed inwomen I crossers” can study the allcasesbeconsideredas“border analyzer’s in the is always which reconstruction of ‘power’ the through histories myHowever, Ishall arguethat andspoken reconstructs also analysis givesnewmeaning to it my and perceptions. reflects own interviewees that me the and relationship between anasymmetric creates conducted have I interviews the of analysis the that I am aware the are These questions thatmust beraised andthoughtthroughmethodologically in every social research. background? institutional what with and position what from is speaking, Who scholarship. feminist and studies in Romani out pointed as both from absent are experiences their and areunderresearchedandundertheorized the‘Roma activemovement’, are politically within for theRomamobile date realization upwardly these community. To who women, Romani voice in social discourse is an important political act, it is notsufficient for proper political receivedreal not in recognition Although political appearanceof the the sphere. this symbolic have still they years, inrecent women Romani to voice asymbolic given have politics that fact the Despite local level political activism. national and all of transnational, spaces three subject “Romani the interactions appearsthroughher activist” woman andpublic in activities the intersection of whose atthe andclasscategories play gender into brings andethnic, and roles public performativity their of course in the narratives their constructed they that was observation space. My political discriminatory hostile and in otherwise and activists a politically allowedmy interviewees toopen up to me abouttheir experiences as Romani women interviews were conductedwith these inRomani women activists an environment that also analyze how Romani women relate to their ethnicity and gender in public life. The who are intent on bridging the transnational,national and local level political activism. Iwill was derived from interviewssemi-structured withI conducted Hungarian Romani women biographicalthrough stories and personal inexperiences political activism. My empirical data political activism at the intersection of race, gender and class. Iwill attempt to explore In this chapter, I shall explore how “Romani woman” emerges in the discursive fields of POLITICAL AND ACTIVISM PERSONAL SOCIAL IN ROMANI WOMENACCOUNTS BY CAN FEEL SIX:“YOU CHAPTER IT ON YOUR SKIN”: Avolume edited by Boglárka Bakó and ZsófiaEszter Tóth in2008 entitled ‘ Iunderstand this as Judith Butler’s term forgender performativity; this means that gender roles establish This chapter is an extended and reformulated versionof my article whichwas written in Hungarian. “Aki érti 128 . Based on the data, I argue that politics of power reproduces, reconstructs reproduces, Iarguethatpolitics power . Basedon of data, the ’ was published inHungary, inwhich numerous excellent writings can be read Ę k a politikai érvényesülés (Kóczé útján” 2010) 127 96 whatevercivil or publiclife, even party Borderless women: Excluded . Thatis, Romani 129 CEU eTD Collection Romungros and(ethnically Budapest mixed) groups. According findings tothe of study,the Oláh Roma, Beásh Roma, Roma groups: following Hungarian in herresearch the on histories Romani the of women Neményi She(Mária compares four1999:161). basic models focuseslives andreproductive on the andhealthcare”, mothers birth-childcare –Gypsy births and deaths,includingmortality, infant is high. Mária Neményi’s study,“Pregnancy- which shows agreat similarity societies oftraditional to the Roma characteristic demographic demographic the model. to refers phase first The type. another becomes state 132 131 2005). (Havasi encroached severely was income Office researcher,states that although the numberof poordid changenot between2001 and 2003, but their market labor to linked closely is exclusion,group whichthis of affected income The the Roma moststates). drastically afterthreatening the systemhealth or change. Évadangerous Havasi, ruins, a Centralin Statistic and those living in “deep poverty” suffering from lack of the most basic goods (e.g. they starve, their homes are 130 “traditional societies” model that of so-called the isvery similar to model The Roma demographic national group. a certain in and interested has for thegrowth, issueofwhatthedemographicalways been is population Romani has women been Sociology, behavior. theira scientific reproductive as discipline, into. looked are strategies, done integration identities, Roma’s successful research or elite’s the Roma little in which very is There eye. scientist’s social the catch not do often disadvantaged, Those Gypsies, social who,through mobility avoid circle the sociallythe of deprived and date. issues to of these intertwining an provided the of analysis has not research mainstream national called of illiteracy. Thismechanisms responsiblefor regional poverty, segregation unemployment, and the resurfacing research, however,isitif no wonder most in of socialthe is and archivingthe interested research understanding lacks an ethnic, poverty gender after politicalthe changes, and weredenied knowledge andbasic human rights. and class aspect, of as group indeep into trap the latter fell they the areover-represented people them. Roma just as thehave who so- those whowere denied levels, and those knowledge andaccess to “normal” human subsistence between one the was changes, political the after society, Hungarian in breaks mostobvious of Andthe one the society. into excluded the and fallen the acceptance of the integration, social emphasis on great which places discourse, social political present the by was “prescribed” It emphasized.most were Roma ofsocially disadvantaged problems the Gypsy in groups socialthe Amongststructure. social integration and social issues,equality of thestate examined years hasprimarily 15-20 in last the on Gypsies Research Hungarian are6.1 HowRomaniwomen representedin Hungarian researches hallowed ground”(Henderson 1995:2). met arenot since crossers “border but with punishment,they recognition have onto stepped and social As argues, tocontinual attacks. politicalHenderson theywereoften exposed these conventions of because that said they interviews the During conventions. political and mentioned in my face often study crossers as border orhave faced voiced and social unvoiced refashioningboth bordersthe behind and All the structures the borders. Romani women who wishes to cross the borders must also reckon on border crossers takingthem.Higgonet Margaret (Higgonet1994:2-3),a feministliterary part scholaranyone saidthat in WarrenS. Thompson demographer describes athree step process which during one type of stable population Székelyi-Örkény-Csepeli-Barna 2005. Margit Feischmidt 2008; Anna Kende 2005. poor the within is that changes, political the after increased disparity income researchers, many to According 131 In recent years the overwhelming theme of sociological research, and writing on writing and research, sociological of theme overwhelming the years recent In 132 , the main characteristic of which is that the proportion of 97 130 So CEU eTD Collection Kovács new This of in Roma writings women the Éva concerning modespeech appear of critical, discursive story. life individual articulated and experienced acontinually of basis the on mostthe believable individual identity an of be studiedcan through “Inarrative”,the that is, with approach, post-modern Accordingthe within andbetweenthem. to elements contradictory sometimes constructs, discursive several as appears but identity, a single not with interaction andothers issubject changeto in continuously and time space. The through identity postmodern is appears identity that is which of characteristic main the identity, conceptof and dynamic by morediverse werereplaced the postmodern identity concepts andrigidin researches static Accordingly, (Baumann some Roma of the related 1992) structures of discourses the themselves andthusthey historicalchange.are andsubject to internal the rather universalto but and objective, or bad, arenot false,is good or what true establish criteria the usedto suggests that Postmodern theories for granted. thought taken are often the selfandlanguagethat knowledge, power, beliefs truth, traditional concerning in deconstructive as much as they seek distanceto usfrom and make us skeptical about are discourses Postmodern changed. slightly have Roma on identity research social theories, fewandinfluencedby post-structural ‘80sandpost-modern ‘90s last Over years, the the body. female Romani the and betweenracism interconnection the expose not While Neményi,and women’s Durst Jánky studied Romani behavior,reproductive they did community. level reproduction of will be relatively high when a morecompared to integrated Roma a young ageand their at birth womenwill give the that thechance greater is,community the the and and aRoma moredecreased. Sothe segregated levels deprived not young have number mothers of reproductive the integration, to recourse no is there where prevail, conditions labor force-market education and worst places inwherethe while those noticeably, system and the labor force allow for integration, both education the the in placeswhere numberthose that Heconcluded integration. force-market labor of teenage mothers has dropped problems ofyoungincluding women, and reproduction the knock-on effects of school and study introduced two theses. By the first thesis she criticizes the late modern multicultural approach, which,appeared in Tabula 9/1in 2006. Kovács focuses the onfunctional indivisibility of narrative and practice.The well. as 137 issues on Romani researcher ofthe some on influence some It made degree. significant 136 educational and employment prosperity. 135 134 133 half decades after the political changes had altered and in in of one lifefirst the a how Heanalyzed Romani chances women the 2003. collected representative examinesdata Béla Jánkyalso Gypsy reproductivity Roma on drawing subtly. very –albeit interviews Mária intertwining andgenderissues Neményi writes heran of of ethnic analysesof during for behavior theRoma from reproductive WhileDurstde-ethnicizes practices. inof local byRoma than a given cultural social Roma community structures and economic and the fixture by morestate much is dominated the behavior reproductive found that Roma question,isthe there whether an bear onwillingness ethnic influence children.to JuditDurst studied theformation of behaviors reproductive marginalized of and groups raised knowledge greatest the in of child wasobserved group. Budapestthe rearing the reproductive behavior of the Oláh and the Beásh differ culturally from the majority, while Éva Kovács: Mari and her “Gypsy-ness” – or the site and force of narrative in ethnic research, a study which astudy research, ethnic in ofnarrative force and site or the – “Gypsy-ness” her and Mari Kovács: Éva Post-modern theorists such as JeanFrancois Lyotard and Judith Butlerchanged the notion of identity to a BélaJánky, 2005a; BélaJánky, 2005bconnected the reproductive behavior of Romani womenwith women. of Romani This is a pseudoname behavior of the settlement.reproductive the on contribution significant a made (2001:71) Durst 137 , Kata Horváth , Kata 138 and Cecília Kovai Cecília and 98 139 , as well as of Boglárka Bakó .135 Jánky primarily focused on the on focused primarily Jánky 140 , who also who , Lápos 133 Durst 134 136 , CEU eTD Collection 140 is anindivisible part of the individual’s gender bodily that appearance.” “believe who anthropologists cultural those against argues author The situations. life and narratives 139 establishes the emergence of sexuality, gender, and ethnically qualified familial relations. 138 indivisible. all are deed, cultural the and & performance doing” and “saying that argues she thesis, second By the critiques. essentialist and colonial enforces to her, according activelydo themselves andrepresent own experiences. express their while In words, other in speak about and reflect on their own political and social emancipatory struggles, they can and women in Roma andwhich interviews, is works that inartistic in discourses, artistic research, artistic and centering of writings Roma andworks as women, around given the they areregarded objects scientific in all is that discourses, scientific in social while However, discourses. artistic and scientific social both in appears category identity an as woman” “Romani women ofRomani politics andidentity 6.2 Emancipation of construction. possesses power the who other the gazeof the deconstructs and exposes and theorists critical black and postcolonial of concerns the to resonates a introduced new which Kovács, hence, ethnic perspective basedidentities. and class invisible power relations. Gypsy women in the paintings she analyzes weave social,representation gender, visual colonizing and tangible between because observable itthe draws aparallel sexuality right constructed from were 1850s the until first half the 20 the of is Kovács’study privileges. not only mapsbecauseimportant it how “Gypsy” genderand invisible and their researchers and with creators non-Gypsy the “force”about-turn an and appearand scientists andsocial Gypsy creators means that That side. other tothe crosses the Eastern European position andself-reflection beginwill change will if observed“Gypsy”the social Central- the that fact the to attention draws Kovács also Eva groups. colonized of their own in therepresentations done havealready positions, artists European Western as scientificself-reflection, practice observer their change to scientists, social non-Roma covertly, more and, Europe of Eastern artists non-Roma the challenges the openly Theauthor modern Europe. of ‘primitives’ expression her use to or, groups colonized the become have Gypsies how chosen, studieswhiteagainst society’s anddesires fears. Kovács also shows, through picturesthe she has bodies modernity,are projected and howthese in masculinized feminizedEuropean and of ‘Gypsy” ‘black’bodies how are attention to level asitis draws visual level.Kovács textual the at sotangible not is atthe still Roma on people, research describes and girdles which “glance” representations in their observing scientists their work, by taken social role constructing authoritative) The (mostly 2009). (Kovács reasearch. in social visual representations as the observer when isshe arguesthat as important just toproblematize andanalyze theposition of the the1850s picture from until the of halffirst the20 Éva Kovácsdriven in her most exciting life. and inpublic women inspiringRoma of formation with study, narrativespartly baseidentity my argument approaches studying on when and thethese approaches models genderthe of Roma communities individual narratives.through Ishall Boglárka Bakó (2008) She is also using Romani women’s narratives in her works. Cecília Kovai(2006) studies the constructionof gender relations,gender through roles various spoken Kata Horváth (2008) in this study authorthe is curious whether thediscursive constructionof colorskin 99 th century Black bodies, whiteBlack bodies, bodies:TheGypsy , opposes social scientists’ work scientists’ social , opposes th century, but also CEU eTD Collection scared that their stories will be public and recognizable even with pseudoname. with even recognizable and be public will stories their that scared 141 higherstudies. or school education secondary childhoods in one place and only moved away from their original their of spent interviewees.them Most community of the rolehistories in career an important the to complete Family, socio-economic status, linguistic and cultural identity of the given community plays relations andfemale male concerning models community 6.3 Racial are activists active agents,butalso, through women personal inter-groupthis framework, andinterpersonal Roma links. in which narratives, spoken construct only not they intervention and Through personal biographical sociological dataaswellprofound constructs. psychological contain interviews The process. formation identity their influenced factors what and roles public Roma women’s understandingof better a details provide should the of analysis the and organization thematic while the interviewees, the of multifariousness reflect the also details Interview women. Roma rolein motivation of the important can play an that ones interviews, the analyzing when units create thematic triedI also to the of anddifferences. similarities themes, major along these interviewees responses the analyzed have I politics. and life public into drawn were they which thedegreeto was interviewees the between difference A in significant engaged politics. interviewees way was the on the Iconcentrated factor important Another not. Roma or andif partners interviewees they was hadhusbands, interests were the did, whether they their influenced had individualfactor on a greatdegree.Asignificantit identity political participation to and whether was question the earlier, discrimination such experienced was viewpoint whether they experiencedconstructivist identity discrimination an from issue due totheiressential race andAnother gender had. identity. they If capital they hadsocial integrate and whether they maintain traditionsstatus, or try with to overturntheir strategies them, of identityand with formation, what kind i.e. of theirsocio-economic with communities, whether orintegrated livinginsegregated interviewees were they aim to assimilate or I was most concerned in my analysis with the degree of family integration, that is whether the the rest either remained single or found a Romani partner. non-roma, while to married thirds are two ,interestingly, and intellectuals Hungarian Roma of generation first the from come them of Many different. isquite Their status class social politics. party Hungarian in role a political played or NGOs national/international workin3) worked (exceptinterviewees or a high inposition major related Roma elaborate their views on gender related issues which are silenced in the movement. Almost all they can offer ina way that these interviews I structured as well. level atbut transnational the level, local a space not a activism.Some of only key at them inRomani areactive political who were/are players for these semi-structuredwomen interviews with twenty Romani towomen from Hungaryexpress (I analyzed elevenissuestheir andconstruct their asan discourse In doingactive agent. Ichose toconduct that, theirgive forspeakintendAs afeminist Romani about researcher I to women opportunity an to thoughts on political discourse. their own shaping active agents activismthe first, others choose the themesand linked to Romani women, the second sees Roma women as Unfortunetly out of twenty only elevenwomen allowed to write down theirstories. The rest of them were 100 141 ) CEU eTD Collection which mother’sthe non-Roma played grandparents abig role. identity didnotstrike her asachild”. her:“ to according In child rearing. In most cases, the grandparents lived with the family and they played an important role in lifecan make for thefamily. abetter Katalin’s under very strict rules, see their country relatives as freedom-giving, all-embracing, accepting reports: as Katalin communities all-embracing, freedom-giving, as relatives country their see rules, strict very under to their childhood circumstances. Those who spent their childhood inverifiable blocks in socio-economic the capital, status which is important to them, but how they relate completely is itnotthe From emotionally perspective today’s circumstances. present viewtheir through interviewees’ relation topoverty, inmost cases, was a beautified, surreal element, which they both the identity The role of grandparentsthe inmany was akey cases which element, had agreateffect on formation of the interviewees and the way they took up public roles. The community, about the solidarity amongst women, when they almost fetishize the local rural local the fetishize almost they when women, amongst solidarity the about community, their from taken presentmode non-Roma of community. nostalgic speakinghave their Their about rural they patterns behavioral and customs those of sense own their make own identities, while reflecting on the rural community helps them recognize, reconstruct and their for a strengthening source their roots for theyconsider several interviewees the reasons; motif recurring a in of most narratives. Their biographical the be for pastseemes important to is always countryside, in the located is usually which community, “real” the to back Going good childhood, that the grandparents, parents and children were really close.” (Interview with (Interview Mária close.” really were children and parents grandparents, the that childhood, good […] I think, I am being precise when I say that I come from a poor family. But I think I had a moved in with us there..” (Interview with comparedflat,was but, tobefore,great forward step a my it according parents.to Granny two had nothing in common, and I Vaskapuremember street, [where] wemoved into a slum […] As my dad, I always put it like this, hewas the sky, while mum was the earth, but these hearsay, from my mum and yearsdad, but don’t remember in There’s it, the family,well [… ]dad was wonderful […] awonderfulasa man. They lived many for it dumpwas before I was wherethree years old. we were born… effectively a few barracks… at least I know from Katalin and it stayedwith me and Idon’t understand whatwe were doing here in Pest. (Interview with one fed her children, looked after them. In that linked-up life wasthere only beauty, pleasure, But there the women came together, spoke whowould about cook what,one if wasill other the you can gooutside door,but standthe at attention, as all mustplaying done be inside house.the different, so was It you know,isolated from the Gadjos, not toldin summers. house that where…the Mum always said, littleone I spent where site Romungro the at happy unbelievably was I 2008.11.02) parentsmovedBudapest’s to poorest districtfrom countryside,hopingthe they that 2008.10.12) Mária’s My father wasMy father integrated into her verymaternal family well, ashis ethnic case, however, only her father was a Gypsy in the family, but She also talks about a tight-knit family structure, in Katalin 101 2008.10.12) CEU eTD Collection community, perhaps because they outnumbered local local men. they because outnumbered community, perhaps also talksShe about how womencommunity. had her of to take on formalmembers and informal female with roles associated affinity with powerstrong inher the expresses power female traditional emphasizes she community, her own about talks instance, Erzsébet for When careers. andpublic their political into herimage carried andhave family of their center the ofmyfigureMost grandmother havein and interviewees or mother a very supportive strong careof forrun theagricultural childrenwork. andtake the care home household,the to were at women only the week duringmeant the that however, commuting, capital. This the werecominghelpespeciallyworkers modernize migrant fromthecountry’sto North-East, as A number significant of inBudapest. Roma men, from villagestotheir workplace small weekly commute menwhohadto Romani lifeof the instance, depicts for “Black Train”, alive. She had not only economic ties, but also lovers outside the Roma community. One of One community. Roma the loversalso outside but ties, only economic not She had alive. to According Baba Ilona often a very powerful Romani woman. public perception, internal the “hidden” drive of extended families Roma orcommunities was to Contrary community. their to regarding decisions power economic and political various influence significant bear grandmothers wise well-established, old, particularly community, of female members a given that reported also interviewees Other matriarchy. Romani communitiesSo, likeone the in was firmly basedraisedErzsébet in of which were power the cities, throughincluding the difficulties territorialof and social mobilization of based rural bigRoma into such Roma, the problems of social profound the expose to results andresearch their expertise films as “Gyuriresearch on Roma, such as CséplIstván Kemény, Gábordocumented this era,working with closely Hungarian Havas doingwell-known sociologist apioneer and Zsolt Csalog. Schiffer relied on companies.film maker, Schifferwasadocumentary inindustrial András who state job theexpansionsinopportunities Budapest of 80s dueto families 70sand the whocame to identity. cultural their lost and Andrásscattered are groups Romani where Schiffer’scities based Romani culture, standsin to sharp contrast marginal,the rootless in existence big the documentary film captures this experience of those Gypsies and Gypsy community of 84, only two remained. (Interview with became feminized. In World War II the and women men the help and by assistancevery waswere strong.Itworked asonehuge controlraised family, systemsand value were taken orphans all to key, work were camps. cooperation and Of the cohesion adultas men,matriarchy, in a I come from a completely, openly matriarchal Gypsy community; in my village there was money in the pot. (Interview with only asbuyers, butasimportant contacts. We could borrow money fromif them wehad no Union, which she then in sold variousmarkets. She had individual buyers too, whoemerged not My Gran skated on thin ice. was She someonewho, at the time,gotgoods from the Soviet ) – played a key role in family relations and keeping the family together: family the keeping and relations family in role a key – played ) infamily –whothey rememberscalled Granny her grandmother ( that the Ilona , her grandmother operated an entire support network to keep the family keep to the network anentire support operated , hergrandmother Ilona 2008.01.19) Ę ” and “Black Train”. The documentary called 102 Erzsébet 2007.04.17) Mariska CEU eTD Collection learned female behavioral patterns through her relationship with her father. This female role female This and existence,father. in her relation with to the dominant father,relationship her entails beauty through and danger: patterns behavioral female learned their for responsibilities. father’s the always fearing are “honor” and away girls shutting of traditions however, communities, patriarchal In activism. political inlocal be likely aremoredelegated to more and thushave they educational opportunities women community, the system of social isthe matriarchy away,where In even. intercourse education,house-labor (cleaning thehouse ie.of Gadje,the non-Roma) and sexual community members can become a link to the non-Roma world through marketmore exchange, likely to existin those communities that are open to the non-Roma thosewhothan my up in grew matriarchy Basedon interviews,a patriarchal community. is world. organizations Female rights civil Roma dominated male in figures leading become to likely more Generally, in my sample those women who came from matriarchal communities were much mother urged her to get married, that is, to make use of her “aesthetic capital”. sexual objects. Accordingly, in have historically that literatureRomani women and been asattractive represented paintings is individual. family inline This factthe the the of capital” with the“aesthetic and becomes as beauty of strength looks interviewees good often appearsasasource the of However, the and study. traditions concerning girls’granddaughters. and women’s roles when she community, the their through and resistance of wereable they “uplift” to theirwas andnorms daughters the restrictive firstthe opposing girlstrongly were family who the of wantedmembers female to go the when were cases There identity. own their on impact have adecisive and interviewees mobility.A mother-figure, could strong therefore, mobility ensuretheupward of the social become ensuredinvolved their someone or who married upperclass the with from to family also becomethe local a waypriest, for customers,the her andintellectual Ilona’s heardabout originally grandmother from qualities social who wasmobility at that Astime they the were lover the of onesthe whograndmother. were able to Usually,get women in the […], My father always said that he works at night and sees what’s going on, what women and menwomen are what like, on, and howgoing they what’s treat women.(Interviewsees and night at with works he that said always father My […], worried about everything, notonlywe would that date, butthat something badwould happen Even as a little girl I was very feminine, as my sister was, but they really feared for us. They demand respect, and for girls to get married with respect? (Interview with (Interview respect? with married get to girls for and respect, demand years old know how to act in every situation, to fit in, stay away from men who in general decision […] Firstly I wasdistant city where I became school a grammar and collegea student,wasn’t butthis aneasy girl, there are greatgrandmother too,even dad, whowasdangers abit doubtful buthad courage the to meallow to the for a girl. How a chemist. The cancommunity stood me behind supported and my mother,on my mother’s my a side small girl 14-15 2008.06.21) with (Interview family.” the for living aproper earn would who to man had a I to me and married get sacrificed mum my but intentionally, not schizophrenic…Perhaps became Dad A small war broke out between the grandmothers when I announced in 8 in I announced when grandmothers the between out broke war A small Erzsébet talks howmuchabout thefamily by and largefought against Katalin recounts how, after her father had become ill, her fatherhad her after become how, recounts 103 Júlia’s Júlia narrative demonstrates how she how demonstrates narrative 2008.02.23) th grade that I would be Erzsébet 2007.04.17) Katalin CEU eTD Collection Erzsébet’ experienced arealso model animportant in arguablymasculinerelations the life. political male-female The mobility. social upward mean can partner non-Roma a choosing butmuch Roma supportfrom community, enjoy the Those whohad greater partners Roma exogamousimportance onehas or endogamous for political the great life of interviewees. the isan relationship the andwhether a partner of choice seen,have the as we Hence, to agreatdegree enjoys protection one the in political life.Roma exposed and vulnerablein their public lives. interviewees,Those however, whodonotlive inarelationship aredivorcedmuch or more Roma Jews. and between a alliance create tacit potential to hasthe persecution Roma duringtheHolocaust”. exterminationthe Jews and of whichrooted the between us somehow in is relations there isanunspoken,transcended that support for diversity.support usually from family, a Jewishfamily,hence their strong and opposition against discrimination cosmopolitan liberal, a from comes husband non-Romani the cases, other In herself. interviewee the than husband non-Roma the from more came ambitions these However, sometimes mission. life their as ambition political wife’s their towards support showing and political of emancipation the to considered often men non-Romani These their of wife. work Romani polticial the on carreer own their based even husbands non-Roma cases, some general, In In roles. public in myinterviewees their towards support more showed non-Roma partners non-Roma. as status higher husband’s their capitalize can they as upwards mobile aregenerally non-Roma partner whohavea interviewees social Those careers. mobility and public in their role important an played partners non-Roma with Relationships partner. young hada ordivorced theirmarrieda whom Romani partner, husband at age,or they Most of intervieweesthe hadnon-Roma while husbands, either the others find did not a imbibed roles of motherhood and wife finally came into conflict. andpreviously crisis ambition aseducation, inadisastrous eventually This marriage resulted worked.(Interview with worked.(Interview Roma, before I came along…wanted he know to communitythe customs, laws,way the it that Imet himvery early and I am not the only Gypsy in hishe life, musicplayed with young At the beginning they accepted him there was no, what can I say, no great hassle. The truth is partner all sorts of rumors were started about them […] (Interview with mother wife, and butthere manyare whowere more fragile; simply because they had no I was protected as I had just divorced and was in a state… Erzsébet was protected as she was a was the first real crisis in my life [ she is crying] (Interview with on maternity leave forweeks 6 from college and wentback during to study day.the Well that then we gotmarried, then I was asecond yearstudent and on July 10 I had nointention ofgetting married. I wasn’tsimply interested…Iwas untouched at20… And s partner is not Roma, but he has worked for Roma rights for more than 20 years. Ilona, Erzsébet for instance, has a Jewish husband and reports that 2007.04.17) 104 Vilma spoke about how how about family determines one’s spoke Thus, this collective memory of memory collective this Thus, Katalin th my child was born. I was Vilma 2008.06.21) 2008.06.14) “[w]e feel CEU eTD Collection women” still have to respect andin havetorespect women” power family. still his the obey overarching how muchnot matter herhusband by disregarded hiswife hisand children “his decisions, itdid case, Júlia’s In desires. tomen’s interests own their subject norms, Roma patriarchal in one role for Júlia. Her case shows me how women, having chosen to respectBeingmother a traditionaland wife, therefore, are closely tied to one another: they almost are subsumed endeavors. their relationship. She hersays, mother role gaveher as endure strength to her husband’s throughout him to loyal stayed has times, many her on cheated has husband her of A source conflict emphasizes the importance of endogamous marriage for of marriage cultural emphasizes importance endogamous the reasons. Júlia the cultural representations of Roma in European art history. See more about the Roma self-representation in arts by 142 political actors: they be men’sas will never fantasies, inserious taken a sexual as objects European white above, majority by non-Roma the created misrepresentations of the victims and main theirof tool deconstruction, analytical Roma people invisible and hence remain of Jewish blackand people havebeen at the center of postmodern and postcolonial studies representations while However, illness. with associated often object, exotic oversexualized, century. hisAccording twentieth to study, was this a periodwhen Europe was regarded “Other”the early asan and nineteenth late the in sexuality Jewish and black represented arts European how science and of inculture line analysis (1985)of is SanderL.Gilman’s with This object. in asan sexualized overtly Romani women Romani areregarded which women, Veronka that Veronka Timea Junghaus, young Romani art historian and Romani cultural activist elaborated her views on the views on her elaborated activist cultural Romani and art historian Romani young Junghaus, Timea incapable of that. I have some sort of moral boundary. Because of this I could not have done it, done because have of my not children. (Interview with I could Júlia 2008.08.21) ofthis Because boundary. moral of sort some I have ofthat. be would I incapable children. my kissing then and else anyone with sleeping imagine not could I simply things.(Interview with are Gypsy come and from the same also havesub-culture, many conflicts aboutother are just a few of us…we don’t need to learn each other’s customs, and two people, even if they A few of us are lucky in that we managed to find a Roma partner…only a few, I’m afraid there (Interview with representation of Romawho will anyway depend upon the interestof non-Romathe politicians […] male dominated politics will eithertake them alover as or someone as asymbolic doesn’t need marryto her, and she costs him little. .(Interview with If someone has aRomagirlfriendover-sexed. then that,mostly, means thathe and can do anything with her, obtainable exotic, are not, or pretty whether girls, Gypsy men Gadjo [f]or Meet Your Neighbours belongs to the smaller group of my sample in so far as she married man.She far aRoma she in as of so my sample smaller group the belongs to Veronka refers in her statement to the colonial relationship between non-Roma men and men non-Roma between relationship colonial the to statement her in refers , who is in her late 40s, and has not found a lasting partner says of non-Roma men was right when complaining that as long as Romani women are represented Veronka Júlia , (Junghaus 2006) Júlia implies here is the loyality of her partner. Júlia, despite the fact that 2007.04.12) 2008.08.21) 105 Veronka 142 2007.04.12) . In the light of the of light the In . CEU eTD Collection grandparents. they activism developedpolitical theirin their gendereven but relations basedpartnership on intheir theon model Later which is stem from interviewees. theirthe parents for model or in become each it a community maleIn sum,the female way other Romani treated the and as 106 CEU eTD Collection however, developed strategies to rise above these obstacles and prejudices. Most of go. no interviewees, Romathe to isallowed line beyond which inexpressible provide,colleagues cross invisible werewilling and as only to as long not that they did and support inschool in asmuch theirand butonly astheir then workplace, white peers and hadsome interviewees the In most cases, her environment. contradictory about Katalin Says discrimination. one the on from support, evensuffered great teachers and,hand, on other, the theirshelter that, they got say interviewees The children. Roma other painted she brush same the with oflowerher but socialstudents status, teacher, on her basis the paintedher appearance of fellow from Roma clearly herself Shedifferentiated in school environment. the representation With skin color was enough for attacks for wasenough attacks skin of color prejudice. she gradesandfamilybelong that fact had yether hernot Gypsythe community, to good did same prejudices as their parents. their as prejudices same face the had to interviewees Most support. offer could family that or community was the In working through historiesthese war, terrorandof violence, given lackthe of iteducation, identity and those major events and processes that had influenced their ethnic of do reinterpretation and interpretation with it. wereto the cases Most of these interviewees of lives. during saidthatMost they their prejudice had experienced parts certain struggle 6.4 Theprideandprejudice event of her past that has a determining effect on her ethnic identity even today. always, somehow, in a dialogue with each other– (Interview with Katalin 2009.06.12) if someoneBecause does that, with prejudice, then practically glasses. whateveryou do is dark nothing, those were two through you at looking of people proportion the game, darkness I will say Iexperienced both,in general, both, sowhen Ientered nursery, that sunshine and Júlia secondary school, if someone did something, and didn’town up, Iwas blamed. (Interview with best in class. the Orif something disappeared, theyblamed me. Thathappened, even in and girl, or she was satI was also nextattacked formy Gypsy-ness. to Forexample hadme,I no friends and was satas next to onea little could choose, who was repeating a year, yet I was the them. (Interview with there were of them.And every day they waited to see whether they came for them took and what issure is that itis recorded on every hovel, written in chalk on the door frame, how many feudal, strictly controlled eventsof the past, so there was arelative sense of persecution. But During World War II, terrors and fears came thick and fast and were not so different from the Júlia 2008.08.21) there was a type of dissonance between her own subjective view of herself andher view of hersubjective own between of wasatype there dissonance Erzsébet 2007.04.17) Júlia reports that she was singled out at school despite the 107 Erzsébet talks of a tragic CEU eTD Collection she should ‘know hershe should createsuch not fuss, ‘know place’, and a andtheir sheshould appreciate clear: message was The workfor suchanorganization. to selected she was woman Romani European east an as that happy be should she that funders non-Romani key the of one by of directors her she told When shementioned superiors, other was this to organizations. similar advocacy-type than salary starting lower a with hired was she First, exclusion. of structural forces the confront to began soon, very and movement, rights civil Romani the in organization strategic founded of a newly director executive asthe herbegan work Melinda white structure power their prove ‘incapacity’ making them fulfill to theirin fate’ ‘inferior a way is serves that by scripted a broader which and subalterns, NGOs Romani of lives the around generated herlife,it perhaps irreparably, enabled hertounderstand the colonial iswhich structure sought toadvance and the visibility rights herpeople.Although of experiencethe damaged Melinda, Shesaid:narratives. andexposedher‘silenced’ stigmatizing experience the same Roma who are beneficiaries of of theirare beneficiaries patronage. same the who Roma structure have been accused of being criminals or thieves, sometimes with the assistance of members of the Romani community who have fallen out of favor with the established power always assumed thatmembers of colonizedvarious reminded me of what Franz Fanon (1967) indicated in his research, namely, that it is nearly educated woman, shared her story about her denigration by one of her colleagues. Her story even manythough of them had toface serious denigration. Some of the Romani women activists also made similar observations through their activism 2008:815). capital”(Cerwonka political and intellectual into my“difference” turn Ican inwhich position cited in Cerwonka her study Allaine when the to words of isa similar womanIt of Chinese descent,identity. “I suddenlyethnic their find of myself in formation a in the role a great Gypsy” played “dedicated of notion the andthe picture of Gypsy-ness Apositive formation. strong, maintaining their totheir ties original community processthe through ofidentity Despite frustrations and never endinginner struggles, my interviewees were able toremain organizational in them. towards felt wascondescending of that most intervieweesthe their often environment built implicitly prejudices are and making cultures, structures ithard tocombat form in them whatever they appear. Indeed, obstacles invisible well.These as obstacles This is inbut bywomen, disadvantaged experienced mainly other invisiblegroups’ career as experiencegroups during theircareers,whichis called the “glassceiling”in GenderStudies. a frustration andmembers women various minority about Many intervieweesof talked 2008.04.12) through the same experienc we are just ashamed to talk about it.(Interview with I want to talk about this because now after several years I have a feeling that many of us went enough for a Gypsy to finish Secondary School. The same “limited” support was present in my says in – too work present was support “limited” same The School. Secondary finish to Gypsy a for enough did notencourage me to try for college and university… Probably they it’s thatthought quite Study wentwell at Secondary School.liked me They asthe but Baccalaureate approached, they Trehan 2009) 143 was confronted directly with the (neo)colonial dynamics of the NGO sector asshe sector NGO of the dynamics (neo)colonial the directly with wasconfronted The longer version of Melinda’s the interview was used inmy previous publication (Kóczé and Ilona . about her school experiences. 108 groups are ‘defective’. Likewise, leading Likewise, are‘defective’. groups Melinda Melinda went through this through went 143 , for instance, a highly Melinda CEU eTD Collection and family members. family and to of subalterns and assumptions workaspowerfulthese ‘self-fulfilling According prophesies’. These unconscious and unspoken sometimes bycolonizersassumptions can devastate life the vulnerable position, and indeed, not even in the country. in the even not indeed, and position, vulnerable a time wasina her when she from at directorship the to take attempt was anunder-handed against her. withAfter several all years the it turned mitigating out via her non-Romani femalecircumstances colleague that it mentioned such as her absence during the attacks Based on retelling.act of When was Melinda tellingme story this to shevisiblywas re-traumatized andcrying by the not fully comprehend why she did not revolt against it at the time. As she informed me, was not an exception. was not NGO this particular case of the and cooperation, than rather conflict generate to tends posts NGO staff,both of Roma. directorial ofthissize,having whom Inorganizations were two - administrator they laid the ground for astrong rivalry between key twothe members of the a within small positions full-time two offering By members. staff the amongst relations corrosive office which in resulted structure anorganizational financiers designed of and organization the - effortenormous provide in to place. hersuch an the first Secondly,opportunity founders the the executive and the deputy director positions, along with a part-time Melinda (Interview back. my behind with standing professional my destroy to worked had who people the and I didnot retain enough self-esteem mental and strength legallyto challenge theorganization she is crying]. (Interview with the power structure’s own expectation of asubaltern unable to accomplish a professional job[ structure without adequate administrative and financial support, and this only served to solidify […]besidesmy own administrative failures, Iwas embedded in a colonial organizational 2008.04.12) with me. (Interview against leveled accusations the -all do women subalterns, particularly many -as internalize to I began integrity, my personal violating against for my colleagues procedure legal a start to lawyer a hiring of Instead shattered. psychologically became thereby engineering myintegrity, dismissal my from challenge and the post. Needless reputation to say, I was shockedmy professional destroy by to this attack,in order and actors influential other and members, board donors, to sent they which report internal an had prepared women) non-Romani a and men (Romani my colleagues that emerged it Subsequently, money. (Interview with my expense all receipts and scrutinized and bills, and they come bookkeeping, to the office the conclusion through that gone I hadhad misusedthey the my absence, officein informed me that They card. bank and telephone office the using I stop that demanded they criminal: rang my colleagues in the office, and they began to berate me, talking to me as if I wasorder a have the operation as the medical fees were far more affordable. Whilst in One the hospital,summer,me.[…]. whenmy I son needed destroy to have to surgery, I decided needed to take was him my to home country effort in little very and structurally paved was tragedy […]my Melinda’s , it took her over five months to be able totalk about the events to her close friends Melinda description the Board did not recognize the complex nature of of case, the nature complex the recognize not did Board the description Melinda Melinda 2008.04.12) Melinda believed there were certain intentions behind this, butcouldbehind intentionsthis, certain believed were there 2008.04.12) 2008.04.12) 109 Melinda CEU eTD Collection undertook a sort of conscious protest, as positive Roma intellectuals. Roma intellectuals Roma intellectuals. Roma positive as protest, conscious of a sort undertook expectations. interviewees, in Theolder generation whowere born the 50s and60s, If then waswork, there every misery couldbe avoided fit and they into tried with workplace circumstances: In According to According community. which were internally divisive, Melinda feels that issues structural some recognized eventually Board the that factin the she takescomfort in addition, the organizational structure of the office was redesigned. While on thehand, one and highershe received, than salary offered Hewas asignificantly beman toher successor. Based on They were culturally well-informed, thus family. had the opportunity had the opportunity to work, periods as well as positiveBesides all interviewees challengingthe specific many stories, personal historical referredto source of their identity, particularly to socialism, when the Roma years, she thinks that: several after now, byhercolleagues, destroyed completely Melindafact was that Despite the of Romani women,in reality, they are still treated as a subaltern. even that womenthese and though majority comparedare highly totheeducated privileged The caseof 2009.02.12) with (Interview work. of sort some on took always Mum and note), translator’s My Dad was an electrician at Ganz-Mávag (a big and well-known Budapest company – Erzsébet’s and never compensated for. (Interview with (Interview for. compensated never and I have ‘paid’ for this belated acknowledgment with my own dignity,whichhas been damaged than the soil-bound peasants. ( Interview with Interview ( peasants. soil-bound the than cultured and worldly more much was but vagabonds, as denounced was family mother’s My the fact they had no proper footwear. (Interview with (Interview footwear. proper no had they fact the to went and work… gladly, from to sunset,sunrise pullyokes lateatnight, toinwinter,in ice, despite snow, itseriously take to started Gypsies[…]They for equality announced Socialism with (Interview before.[…] […]it was the greatest lesson in my life which made me and my identity stronger than Melinda’s Melinda, case this positive experience is linked to women, the female members of her of members female the women, to linked is experience positive this case Katalin, description, after she left the organization, the Board hired a Romani as other cases of Romani NGO workers and political activists, show working stillprogress even their parents in found difficult way to Melinda 2008.04.12) Erzsébet Melinda 110 Erzsébet was able to be proud of of inbe proud herlocal them wasableto 2008.04.12) Csilla 2008.12.03) 2007.03.02) Katalin CEU eTD Collection from own Roma communities, but also pose a provocative challenge to the majority. Again a quote for their important only arenot interviewees the of roles intellectual and The Roma identity how proudshe is of emergingthis positive Roma identity. National first the Exhibition of of Self-Taught Roma AristsinHungary in 1979,emphasizes in herpublic writing organizer the and activist political Roma a distinguished Daróczi, Ágnes andintellectual at support times when they are threatened. their non-RomaThis environment. was perceivedasamobile force, which givecan spiritual orevenmoreinthey whichthrough become some equal than could sense they thought to, the Among determining elementsof identities their Roma about own Roma werepositive group tropes structures. personality own their and people, non-Roma and Roma to relation and reaction their influenced has partly identity ethnic interviewees’ the of The formation scene. international and national the on visible identity formedpolitics by organizations.civil rights They took this and further made it formation,in asthey identity determined Roma already can positive the ethnic draw on their more uppublic self- are took positions, born Younger Romani 1970s,who the after women, Neighbours 144 Hungarian artists did, that Roma people and their art do enrich universal cultural values. regarded themselves as part of Hungarian high culture. Roma artists stressed, as well as white Ágnes Daróczi wrote extensively about the “Roma visual artists in Hungary and Europe” in the in Europe” and Hungary in artists visual “Roma the about extensively wrote Daróczi Ágnes ideas and works of literature and had a wonderful musicality. wonderful a had and of literature works and ideas being spoken. The country saw Gypsy a that language was of capable expressing complicated The 1972 TV wasshow time Mastermind, thefirst hada national heard audience Romanes we meant to attract attention to our similarity and our values through surprise and curiosity. It is It time curiosity. we and became noticed! surprise through values our and similarity our to attention attract to meant art, we visual Roma of selection our with culture high into break to wanted we When old. the and trading skills, aswell as the tradition of solidarity, respect and helpfulness towards the afflicted These include a loveof peace, and ofknack the conciliation,multilinguilism, interpersonal and several among our traditions weneedthat not only preserve, butteach the ofrest theworld. through formal education, reading computerand must literacy.emphasize We that are there skills were once handed down from one generation to the next, how they can be attained only react quickly to ability to demands of our the market hasand always secured the survival of skills our people. Andif those modernmodern of knowledge the that contrast, in stress, must We famous white Hungarian poets), shines and his light will never fade” - states one of the inbrightest stars poetry,Hungarian Attila alongside József and László Nagy (other For me Károly Bari (famous Hungarian Romapoet) isaleadinglight from time,that his poetry Erzsébet , 2006, edited by Junghaus,Timea : 144 ( Ágnes Daróczi 2006:123 111 ) Erzsébet . Meet Your Meet CEU eTD Collection experiences and cultural identities which compose” in this case the category in “Roma”. which category of thisidentities casethe compose” cultural and experiences social positions, subject of diversity “extraordinary the recognize we should process HallRoma. Stuart in(1996:443) warnsusabout that homogenizingthe identity making representationpolitics. based identity frame The framing constructingis of the process identity depend Roma discursive. always It onthe to tool a and capital of political a regimesbecame it and by and andithas activists artists beenre-interpreted what of In way, therefore, pride and strength. kind of Conclusively, identity Romani has by been toestablishin subverted it order activist source as political expectations has to be fulfilled by the 112 CEU eTD Collection draw a parallel with the peasant communities, where people became intellectuals because intellectuals wherecommunities, became people peasant draw aparallel the with anyway unsuitedThe community– physically – forcould the work also the otherscope played. others She askedwhen the read postman formostly newspapers and withof on credit, generation, for whichher in her theirparents others had than to pay. differently dressed thoseway, age did. who AndIlona didhere wenot can tread the usual path, who were personality, understanding desire the of bettering oneself it.and supported that Erzsébet important is It adoption. the to agree not did mother her but her, adopt to wanted – who appeared– mentor non-Gypsya teacher herand a village for lifejudgedunsuitable as In family support. in lonely hervery without education bigcareer city shecompleted university the where will who get marriedand soon family. comfortable sustain village the Overher life education) secondary had one no which in family, a (in education school high with asvillagewomen daughter toseeher father wanted Her in a life Budapest. new and started sheconflicts hadwith herfather with disagreed her completely when who she lefther village the emphasized of Sheparticularly her. had expected of than community career different plan. Melindaorder told to getseveral traditional lifestyle. Mostof intervieweesthe the of hadtostruggle within permissionout and family againsttheir own in break to in order community local storiesnon-Roma the from or communities, to aboutstart her familythe a and community, even though they supporthave from rarely got smaller Roma completely own personalwithin alone,act not to decided of them Most crossers. border in allsenses, are, interviewees different strugglesthe life to careerbe play(education, individual occupation)that butall of a role, sorts psycho-social factors too, whichable tip asto opposedchooseintellectuals normally experience. Furthermore, itis notonly mobility traditional pointers a to thegeneration first whichRoma process, mobility thecomplex for account not does however, family mobility between within ismuch than generations greater Thistype of generations. approach, off statistical degreeof the Generally, andoccupation. thefather’squalifications comparing school them to in question, traditional on those of based careers market labor the and research, school the examines mobility generally methods, intra-generational and traditionalInter-generational relations mobilization 6.5 Mobility, career/life path of the community and family. The Erzsébet’s customs. I was such a strange child for my family and on the Roma street, as I went against all the usual home. at hands good in she’s whatever, or doctor or to up teacher a be child this bring will I Madam! said proudly and quietly and smiled Mum and something, but thisone has good a brain, letme adopt her,I will bring her upto be a teacher ordoctor or me andlovedme and she said to Mum youhave that a lotof children, quite enough to bring up, give should methey up formy parents to adoption.said doctors the and I hadsanatorium of a out a sweet and in home, from Russianaway teacher, God preserve her, who thoughtI was the oldest child, and unfortunately at 11-12became seriously ill,a Ispentmore lot than ayear of also remembers as she being odd, wasnotonly such treated butbehaved ina strange remembers the arguments of her mother, who was a resilient and powerful case, her illness became to mean an access point to social mobility. Relatives social mobility. to mean point an access became to illness her case, 113 Melinda chose a CEU eTD Collection In order to fulfill her father’s dreams, fulfillfather’s her to In order very example his for positive daughter. who was very curious, yet could not follow this through in that community, but became a Romani culture within their community. whole forthe icons have become Romani women these mobilization, social enormous their have community positiveand the sees the they this collegeeducation of outcome anduniversity that now carrier, their of beginning the at families their with had women many andfights struggle the of Regardless whole the for community. hope embodied perceived as were They family. in the hope of bearers the became my interviewees Thus, diploma. of most In able high school obtain even to werenot my interviewees of generations parent cases,the desires. the their fulfill would they that hoped families their that also, reported, Many above as she told us that, a community’sthey meetnot upto could andnorms. tasks mentor. In both their lives, this was a teacher, who could give them advice, which their parents couldwhich not. advice, them give could who teacher, a was this lives, their both In mentor. she did not give birth to a child out of fear of it being humiliated, similarly to her mother’s her fears. to similarly humiliated, being it of fear of out a child to birth give not did she got asecondary school teaching position, except forher, the only Gypsy.Now she thinks that Veronka only imagine hersitting nothing for Baccalaureate, more.the Veronka’s out. desires andimaginings petered Dad’s line. Dad’s library, sowe wentto the library from when wasAnd myI five. in family on I somehow carried read, he was the one who taught me to read[…]I believe my fatheraged broke when an incurable wound 5 developed in hisin soul. He really thedid most natural way, and took me to the child is not fated to do manual work, hard physical work, and bear many children.” many bear and work, physical hard work, manual do to fated not is child “[i]t was precisely my illness that formed the consciousness in the whole community, that this allowed into a good position, and the non Roma majority will always be against them. against be always will majority Roma non the and position, good a into allowed as any use. She didn’tShe would have likedme to mysit for Baccalaureate, although didn’t she see educationfurther see the end, and she was right. She always said: a Gypsy will never be bein. to life.personal her She entered who invited pupil only the Iwas meand over, sons, small I two went had She to child. heradopted her summer house. I believe that this was a specialthat she hadposition submitted the exam registrationBaccalaureate. Because in that world, that wasenough,for that was it.me. She said that Imustn’tShe and was a woman, it wasdifferent of type a thinking. Shewaslittle theonewho[…] I probably would have stopped at like I was probably becauseAnd mythen classteacher who,somehow,was different totally fromallprototypical teachers, there was some sort of foreign thread in her life. And this then gave her a did experience her mother’sin her didexperience prediction, university,1981, after her all class-mates mother had similar restricted views, as the daughter of a mortar mixer, she could Katalin would have given up studying point at the where herfather’s Erzsébet Katalin’s 114 , similarly , to life is like a continuation of her father’s, her of acontinuation like is life Erzsébet’s Katalin , needed a non-family a needed , case well supports the supports well case CEU eTD Collection For instance,For marketization. by created neoliberal that context economic socialand cause the deepeningdeep material the segregation, andtheof difference root’s lowRomani elementary childrenin quality not problematize a school. However, they did the concentration of reducethe is ofto program their purpose The segregation. educational andmentorship for specifically Romani students. Many them of address the issue of is, scholarship aspecific scheme, that wasaspecific educational of tools most supportive the correlate with the claims of a liberal NGO, where most of these women have worked and one without that think Romanispecific support can hardly students achievedegree. These university opinions They system. educational the in action affirmative in believe them of most give educational not for system them background, theirwhich for credit did disadvantage creating fact that in the their womenthese Despite education educational programs, opportunity. completed an social in reflected best are mobility social on thoughts Their less. and less The interviewees believe that their origins will affect the evaluation of their achievements intellectuals. They entered a political and social micro-community, where the political careers political the where micro-community, and social apolitical They entered oppositional intellectuals. with contact direct into came they when ‘80s, the of end the at social mobility with provided were they that said ‘70s, the before born interviewees the of Most she pursue education that could herpublic useeffectively during career. Zsuzsanna’ Party),sheherSocialiststudies. highereducation continued as education adults. intohigherstudy in went while succeed theirothers –continuedadulthood, compulsion to to astrong by driven – but degree first their at stop not did interviewees the of Some working men’s colleges. doctoral thesis. ( Interview with science department.for study now. I am doing a doctoral degree, itis an inter-disciplinaryI will Phd school, the political nowbe I am currentlya political studying there too, stopping, that applied for the Humanwithout Resources PoliticalDepartmentisscientist, atPécs which then, I I infinished and go2000, and there, there, from as Igraduated I and must Szolnok in admitlearning that distant I whenhaveoff-site little timeI’m older,with register the Catering School didn’t but with I the Personnel Departmentand ofthe change. University of Pécs. was There would education now further naturally and I over, must be would then catering because on, write it take I would whether think to had myI then Council. County the at work advisor and a presidential as go to Szolnok, in party of the president the then was who president, the Iwasparty. minority with preoccupied issues andthenwas asked by the Council’sCounty I joined MSZP at 18-19 years. I felt great there, I could work, was given various tasks within Roma too, that is highly qualified people, so that we can see Roma in leading positions.” seen at every levelof the labor hierarchy. There must be doctors, lawyers, engineers among the Gypsies,with only scholarships, will and webesatisfiedthen thatGypsy a can presence be “We then demanded special programslike onesthe inworking men’s colleges, especially for s mobility also shows that her marriage, as an external influence, prompted her to her prompted influence, external an as marriage, her that shows also mobility s Erzsébet Zsuzsanna announced a program exclusively for Roma, similar to those in those to similar Roma, for exclusively a program announced Zsuzsanna belongs tothis having belongs group, joined MSZP(Hungarian 2008.03.24) 115 CEU eTD Collection political reasons and wasliving inFrance until beginningthe of official 90s.Gaining the firstthe Roma representative in survey in Hungary 1971. Kemény left in Hungary 1977 for Solt, Gábor Iványi and Havas Gábor. The formal students of István Kemény, who carried out leadersasOttila in by such oppositional 1979 was families.established It disadvantaged supporting Basically, the poor. itprovided an systemalternative social support for most the of mainchangea agenda with regime important the organizations during most of one the was SZETA circle. Alap (SZETA) Támogató in Szegényeket were the who those especially Apartfrom intervieweesRoma intellectuals, by were supported non-Romas as well, she became she became known nation-wide. very much affected by her relationship with Erzsébet. She started her off on journalism where was career meeting. Jolán’s first their at immediately family community same the belong to generation, speaks about how how shemet speaksabout generation, ties too. some family were there among interviewees, the surprising that, was alsonot It tomanyintellectuals. Roma mentor became a she reference; her my asa them Many cited all of with interviewees. of hadsomerelationship sort Phralipe) Editor of the program was Ágnes Daróczi. Ágnes was program of the Editor 147 146 Zsigó 2005) 145 of Roma intellectuals could bedeveloped. for emancipation. women Romani particularly Roma, place for wasanimportant Pharalipe sum,SZDSZ. In the regime socialist inthe change radical (FIDESZ)favoreda liberal freeFederation of other market Democrats Young and oriented with the During and SzDSztogether (SzDSz). 1989the 1988 Alliance of Free Democrats formedcalled political aliberal party and Opposition Democratic In 1988 the democracy. socialist engagein mass to issues project mobilization around human of underground rights intellectualsleft-wing whohadgivenupthe Opposition were established Democratic the who people 77.The Charta which wascalled movement Czechoslovak-based the similar to very it 1970sand late was inthe cameinto existence Democratic Opposition the note that members support the It is of of to 2002) Democratic (Vermeersch the important Opposition. The independentPhralipe wasan Romanifounded intellectualsorganization, byRomani with during this time, asopposingfactions werealso formed. the period oflightshafts” intellectuals. was formed,from With support regime-changingthe in opposition Phralipe 1989,the Gypsy Organization which provided duringwith conversations through other each period, this organized bythe,then, opposition. a framework for the political roles of regime-changing Roma In 1992 the Hungarian Television (MTV) started their Roma Magazin, which was called Patrin. The Chief The Patrin. called was which Magazin, Roma their started (MTV) Television Hungarian the 1992 In See more about specific this political time period by ( Körösényi 1999:39-44) Jenô Zsigó writes about Roma intellectuals’ links with opposition intellectuals in much more detail (Jenô she took me on.( Interview with She meontook very quickly, Ihadn’t even finished course,the Ididn’t have certificate,the but Magazine of Gypsy Editor wasrelative,but shedidn’t a me,recognize tolecture came and was atthecollege.She the School. Then I metSecondary her in as journalistthe school,she time came, same Erzsébet, tolecture,the whom at I knew Igraduated and long, years two was course journalist The Erzsébet “This was really like the period of shafts of light in the 1950s. This was, the1950s. us, oflightin This for ofshafts was reallyliketheperiod “This , who was one of the founders of Phralipe, (she is still in the leadership of – said – 147 atthat time.And then Iwent there to work, as shehad found me. Jolán Katalin 2010.05.23) 146 Erzsébet . The Phralipe was an outpost Roma section of the about years. these Many friendships wereforged 145 116 Four of becameacquainted of Four interviewees the and reports that it became clear that they it clearthat became that andreports Jolán, who belongs to a younger CEU eTD Collection communities. The first generation of Roma intellectual women taking up serious political serious up taking women intellectual Roma of generation first The micro- communities. non-Roma and Roma their as well as families their aided mobility most social In their mobility. cases, intra-generational and inter- through went interviewees the Conclusively, mobility for Romani intellectual women, as women, intellectual Romani for mobility be Hence,relations to directproved anopportunity for political were with dynamic parties opportunity opportunity connectto with mainstream political party work. Erzsébet made up of those who were chosen by political parties as their own Roma MPs.According to closely linked to firstthe self-organizing generation Roma intellectuals. The is second group women appearedbut alsointellectuals Roma with inonly not Romaconnections build to sought lifeinterviewees with the of Most in two ways.the The widerfirst group is professionalcomprised of those who are and political world. The first generation of intellectual 1988. She founded the first department of social policy Hungary in in 1989. statistics, sociology, and social policy and became professor of Sociology at Eötvös University in Budapest in 148 intellectuals. important inspiration relationship intellectual capital, andspiritual community, aidfor Roma Roma for intellectualsis based on Kemény the surprisingstudy. not breakthrough Itfigures thenthat these signify political serious a was poverty Gypsy of severity the for recognition Zsuzsa Ferge was born inBudapest in 1931. She is an economist, having worked in the field of social the Ministry, more precisely to organize the replies, as we received several hundred letters a letters hundred several with received we (Interview as month.” replies, the organize to precisely more Ministry, the Population Communications and Department, and my job Information was to organizeof the ministry affairs, replymanager lettersto to deputy the be me to asked Judit then and ministry, this, and he got me in touch with Judit Csehák who, on April 1 on April who, Csehák Judit with touch me in got he and this, had who just received ahigh position thenin formed and Kökény, the Health Social Ministry, helped mewith Mihály Dr Committee. Party Communist Budapest the leave to I wanted that preparing it all.Obviously itwasno coincidence that itwas atthebeginning of 88 when I said political change.And during time this I met some fantastic people who played ina serious part veryexciting period,working Iwas since when there there, were really serious preparations for I worked at the Communist Party Committee in the 6th District of Budapest; anyway it was a names, this was the only initiative by political parties political by initiative only the was this names, we will taketheminto parliament can andthen representthey program. gave this We them Free Democrats Alliancehad alwaysdone, they they tried find who Gypsiesto best represented which ideatheirof Gypsies. Only the thing same the tried of them said Most way. own in their that, something do to tried all if you have a politicalAll political parties accepted our challenge, theycame to the discussions and, true to God,program, they then name your MPs, and (Interview with life, we organized very social good cultural festivals inmanysystematic places, a which was became pretty famous. There important… very were which University), (Budapest ELTE Ferge dreamed of a university. Then after that came the Social Work Department and such at , those linked to first generation Roma intellectuals at the end of the 80s had the best Katalin Katalin , too, talks aboutZsuzsa Ferge 2008.08.13) Mária 2009.03.07) Mária 117 also reported: 148 . ( Interview with with admiration: st 88,took over the running of the http://www.fergezsuzsa.hu/en/cv Erzsébet 2008.07.21) CEU eTD Collection cultural and political endeavors with the issues of the 19 exclusion from the family and the Gypsy community. Gypsy the and family the from exclusion Erzsébet my intents,status, personal and political aspects of my identity. me.from achieving For negotiatestatus of“insider”,and Icontinually maintaining hadto a a as Romani woman classhadamongst Romani women, who different andeducational status experience my own about write will I experience fieldwork my on chapter forthcoming organizations,institutions -over their identity. ethnic identity, Talkinginpersons, about – the others with conflict into came they when interviewees the of most for identity inbegan various social systems. A kinship identity reinterpretation of Roma started, to began integratemembers their and communities Roma both content; apolitical on intotook identity Roma their own identities. A kind of reconstruction and reinterpretation of Roma believe: Ilona exclusion. for her many reasons There are marginalized. shebecame change political yearsof the during However, awoman. and intellectual Roma anoppositional generation, member of first the asa“visible” circles in intellectual non-Roma accepted whowas theonly She one was integral part of Hungarian history and literature. Accordingly, publicly consider Romahistory asan to culture started intellectuals and Politically active began in and 70s the 80s.Roma policy asa emerged sort of cultural political strategy. The most strikingin period honing the Roma identity of in participation and active politics politics andgenderidentity 6.6 Ethnic mobility promoting in role huge a played capital and gaining various positions. Relationship members. party political with by links affected werealso close interviewees second generation careersof the The political roles. intellectual Roma positions, were those who were linked to political parties and not those who remained in their suited them better. them suited elite could who take, found other Roma political candidates,more assimilated who Roma, environment.[…] Herethnic identity and Roma consciousnesswas stronger than this political masculineveryintellectual political and a in voice “toostronga Erzsébetwas culture with force. exist as a community, and as aGypsy minority in Hungarian life, then we must display our own everydayourof As lives. wehave if nohuman rights, no civil rights, ifwehaveno right to We grew up loving and reading Hungarian literature, so that for us reform age poets were a part came into conflict with her family when she realized that the price of mobility was mobility of price the that sherealized when family her with conflict cameinto 118 th century reform age. reform century Erzsébet compared Roma compared CEU eTD Collection speaks how men about towomenrelated in group. the whounlike the conflicts her female identity meant. conflicts the femaleher identity Mária political positions in the Hungarian Parliament, compare with other European countries. European in AlsoParliament. Hungary, upserious women the Romani firstto take were of the member states the Amongst fellowsecond activists. own Roma their than women Roma generation accept to European willing more were parties political mainstream The politics. mainstream Union,male domination of their own movement, Roma women outside it could emergeIt is inan interestingHungary point that while the women in the Roma movement were forced to face the differences. in evenvarious cultural becauseor of gender, class, about whichcame ofinterest, conflicts 2004 was notinner strugglesleave and didfront“united” power spacefor This group of the of type to send the first Romani women to the her leading position from her. Ilona, spaces. widerpolitical existed within that relations power male-female same exactly the reflected find not did and theirto, places listened on the not political were scene either. alliances, Withinany find not the Roma did movement, but malemovement, lives dominance Roma whole the to their sacrificed activists the of Most solidarity. female or was support there intellectual movement no the within that say both generations, second and first Women both to movement. belonging the of tone male-centric the to themselves submitted and identity symbolized Roma best who accepted best the were women those interviewees, the to According its cultural respect, prestigefor positions Roma, the andpolitical power. through by created brought intellectual party, butwere herwork Heractivistpolitical,actions. own Erzsébet’s Katalin in this situation her, alwaysshe took knowledgea protected wasrole. Our notknowledge.( withInterview supported really who husband a had luckily who [Erzsébet] Erzsi Then down. put Well wasthere Júlia,whowas everybody cleverer else, than despite shewasthis completely Ilona more much are likely,who to direct this negative energy society, onto the weakermajority ones in their the owngroup.( by Interview with oppressed and frustrated are who people those minute waitingjust knifemyto plunge in back. I a Now understand thismechanism, every as itis spend would group Roma own my from person a that dreams my in imagined I never in Gypsy, and always admits that she is Gypsy is she that admits always and Gypsy, street in the on Gypsies greets high, held head with proudly, who girl, Gypsy I on aconscious moment became that From them. denying me to lead would behavior this that me told grandmother know, acathartic experience, until as then I hadlived quietly, secretly, poorly,modestly my but know me’. This was,from my Gypsy-ness point of view, themost definingmoment, Idon’t are going to be […]when after about three weeks Iwenta home, needed asI help,bigit then was ‘Hey my girl,you shot! If you see me on the street, you will cross the road and deny you who belongs to the second generation, tells how a Roma male colleague wanted to take entered political life inthe 90s, as a veryhigh ranking She civil servant. spoke about 2008.10.23) political opportunities – unlike others’ – did not come from come an from –didnot external political political – opportunities others’ unlike 2009.09.16) Erzsébet , took a background role in the first generation Roma intellectual a first Romabackgroundgeneration intellectual inthe , took role group, 119 . (Interview with Erzsébet 2008.03.12.) Katalin , CEU eTD Collection saw (or politics made them see) in each other. They recognized that their identity identity politics their that They in other. recognized politicssee) madethem each saw (or they opponent the but ally, the cases itwas not In most other. each acknowledge they yetdid other, each with relationships good had who life, in public women Romani few were There woman didwho not getas much recognition as her. Vilma people role whoplay greatest the for in Roma emancipation. struggle the reflected on also one but another’s stories, own stories. their tell only not did life political and public in women Roma that instrumented personcan validate theirinterests community’s not.is whether or question the but be, that powers the to Gypsies” “token and instruments become can everybody course Of above. from decided as power, of instrument an as a way the body of the person too. The body,imbued with ethnicity and gender, is interpreted in such In casethis itwas not only ethnicity was and genderthat (ab)used for political reasons, but identity. was agovernment for selected strategy she how post, advantage took herof ethnic andgender Jolán colleagues donotacknowledge her skills, but only see her ethnicity and gender. member of the civil service, her environment still treats her as a Roma woman. Her male Despite the fact that fact the Despite Mária not a very friendly say to something very witty wanted and Wellyou replied: know… Ilove womenRoma and girls. Naturally obviously this was he Then before. answer day the from changed had what him Iasked fromso him, with work I would my he that glad how said point was me and rang he later then but me, with ofwork to want view, in fact when I told aleading civil that our itseemedservant I from previousconversation didn’t he that really felt it was veryWell I don’t coarse. think I have many stories (Interview about not being accepted as a woman.with But I have some, in fact ( Interview with Her mentality is different, she representsdidn’t investmuch. that And she really sacrificed herwhole another lifeit for andwas very talented too. view, but one that is importantI feel to express verytoo. sorry for her, she lost the most, as she invested the most. I did not lose a lot, as I (Interview with they should be in Gypsy affairs, instead Hungarian women are taking our place in Roma affairs. notwhere she should be, butthenwhat Romawoman is where she one should be. No is where animal and isshe notwhere she should And webe. know those that, of usclose to her.She is Look, there is Erzsébet, fantastically clever, absolutely charismatic, acompletely political Gypsy, looked as who he wanted Gypsy to any playthen themwoman, a to thenot public.man…if a ( Interview against withthan a obvious less towards are woman feelings negative obviously and model family the embody could a she then and as children husband, had if she good be would it on television, appear could who good, looked young, and equality thatreasons, ischoosing me.was He lookingforrace aperson who was for awoman, exclusively it did he offer, the made boss my and picture, the into Icame when And , who belongs to the second generation, spoke with complete honesty about how she , who spoke about a national political career, felt it was important to mention to feltthe important ita national career, was about political , whospoke 2008.08.17) Vilma Júlia Mária 2008.11.20.) 2008.12.20) Júlia is well educated, qualified and professional, and an is andprofessional, an accepted qualified and welleducated, reported how national politics did not recognizevery hownational didnot the politics reported 120 Jolán 2009.05.21) CEU eTD Collection certain casesto recognize situations,positionsdiverse those subjectivefrom various – in which groups Roma women support– the politicalview validation individuals.of The writings of feministsthe of color show us how truth, inwhilecases, exceptional inmost cases,obstruct, by created situations which, the them, and theirwhichconcept, showsboththeinequalities ethnic, the of differences, and gender andclass public and Inpolitical a complex activities.individuals. analysis of class-definition the to asabackground acts itand and ethnicity, Black of gender categories of Roma sumof women’s and the instrument, play asan activist” woman “Romainto of category the brings treat simultaniously creates, principle, ordering public external an as politics, Conclusively, life activities, I leaders. Roma community followed of their own or parties, political of expectations the to according idea, political ana particular intersectionalin for This type women cases standappears Roma where acts. performative performativity of furtherbut social byarguingalso can ethnicity itself notonly establish that gender through establishes social extendlikeacts, performativity.tologic here Iwould gender Butler’s systems repetition aseries based expectations. continual and ritual Inturn, of on expectation, repeated can through be and questioned nominator rules the of the can bereinterpreted identities ethnic and gender accordingly. Naturally, act and their expectations, according to formed ethnicity, in and gender theirbelieve to start Thecandidates fixed discourses. a bit further, Judith Romaniwere simply Totake who by Butler’s process women chosen politics. thought the identities generation second caseof those was,the of this example best The matrix. hierarchical of the ethnic a genderinto and slot who candidates thecandidates, of arena the determines compulsion are in This arena. competing political external by the established candidates compulsions brought into forthat, Romani inwomen and life,public gender ethnicity aredefinitions external play throughestablishedby of a process in candidature, which the defines nominator “other”,itthe appears the repetitionactivists of political of public genderethnic identity whichestablishRoma roles, of processes discursively women and the on the analyzed I the women, Romani of politicalexperiences the through study my In platform. If and weexisting the hierarchy. racial persistent challenge consider to and community and family own their of norms the against fight Judith Butler’s problematic‘fighting of had within andagainst’ theof oppression. system them Many of to arguments In most stories the in of andpolitical key wasthe the catalyst mobilization social overarching that economic identity and ethnic situation had them. predestined identity community.is interviewees on Most of ina life-changing the took roleboth families andintheir theRoma the of response the individualenvironment, motivation and professional stimulating gender, and friendly and relationships. Gypsy-ness of constructs identity to Theyrelations relationships, wentduring and childhood adulthood, male-femalethe relations in practiced givenfamiliesand the experienced relations power male-female the families, and communities of againstthe status factors: social following the by determined seems, it is, life political Roma of diversity The the fate6.7 Concludingremarks and lifestyle, them for politics. mainstream or movement for either asathreat Roma not consider and differences their maintain and experience if they whichbe successful only could their family’s socio- 121 CEU eTD Collection women will have the strength and courage to cast their own political roles and change these change powers. and roles political own their cast to courage and strength the have will women is these whether future forThe question the it.) shape can infactRomani wome static, them intothe political arena on the grounds of their ethnicity and gender. (These roles are not given individual, tothecommunity,links their to politicalthe and grouping brought which forthe Whoin depends roles spheres. preparednessof long how onthe can and remain these leading inrecognition political to step and, atthe sametime, unavoidable, an important sort of “token Gypsy” role. This emergence a “tokenof Gypsy” role or“symbolic voice” was Those Romani women who were selected by politics for its own interests, began to manifest a organically linked totheRoma movement. emancipation generation, whichwere more easily first much than the into process thiscouldslot addressing (This consideredGypsies. as an achievement That Romaformainstream politics. structural and Politics, women and reasons, needswomen isby activists.)why between therelationship it characterize which relations, andinstrumentalized hierarchical gives The secondvoicesilencing mechanism. literatureits blackfeminist helped and Post-colonialist understand meto and generation oppression of todimension racist and those sexist the reveals criticism of feminist whoRomani manifest, women on its behalf, these categories. 122 CEU eTD Collection the field as I could afford from 2008 January . 150 Romawomen in two micro-regions) Kutatásiin Beszámoló, (Kóczé 2010) kistérségben” (Women with atough fate blackin and white: labor and market income-earning opportunities of Kóczé. “Nehéz sorsú asszonyok feketén fehéren: Roma n Roma fehéren: feketén asszonyok sorsú “Nehéz Kóczé. supported by Ministry the of Social and LaborAffairs. The research wasreport published Mayin Angéla2010. 149 Romani inwomen asmall city inHungary, North Szikszó yearsmore with than for two experiences my and working research observations, feminist participatory participant on based findings research my be presenting will I chapter, this In FROM A LOCAL PERSPECTIVE SEVEN:CHANGING CHAPTER WOMEN’S POSITION representing a consurtium of the Roma NGO and a Consultancy Firm. aConsultancy and NGO Roma of the aconsurtium representing (1997) as they also argue for analysis that intertwines “the global and local”. Feminist In thismyrelies regard, onthework dissertation of Jacqui Alexander andChandra Mohanty inevitably influence thelocal andexistence political activism of Romani women. andideas concepts economic trends, forces, global Iwill Inthis arguethat order. chapter submitindividualization. powersdominateforce them the These local/global and them to to experience forces channelsas throughsuch global transmitting degradation, exploitation and defenseless cleaners TESCO forced prostitutes, mothers”, “welfare unemployed workers, institutionalis subordinated to simply forces seem beyondthat humancontrol. Long-term Thelocality local in practices. forces concrete and global the values of theinterests translate makeSzikszó themselves felt institutionalvarious through mediators that transmit and life global 2000: 28).However,townlike the forceseveryday in of a small disadvantaged the beyond (Burawoy sites” our constituted offorces composed as culture economy, and polity, “global” the of apicture “create Burawoy we to According others. of expense at the forces global the Iwillfocuson mainly my chapter In by Burawoy. problematized which are (“global andimagination”) connections forces, factors influenced by isof the “fields” the nature TheFerguson changing andit 1997). andwidening 1996; Gupta once was(Appadurai field has changedand sites flexiblewidened and hasbecomemore more and even vaguethan of concept the anthropologists, to According implications. local havesignificant processes is is ethnography based ontheidea worldthe is that project change in global andthat constant My multiple. also were methods multi-sited of The concept quantitative survey. abroad nor “village ethnography” neither overall my and 1995) (Marcus “multi-sited” was myresearch “fields”, as research my overall of onesegment wasonly locality specific This local context. wider shapeboth the the economic and social and that inequalities of as structures the aswell andclass ethnicity of gender, intersection atthe position which was then used as a tool by the local Romani women group to expose their subordinated initiatedI understanding, better gain a to In order level.local the at difference of axes different the feministand“globalimagination” 2000:28)reconstruct connections reproduce forces, and (Burawoy well as I wasinteresteda feminist, in gaining abetterunderstanding participatory waysinthe of which the the interrogate key As two binariesreconfiguration the of of historical global/local. a as to Romani researcher opportunity the had I women Romani of networks transnational researching research with local Romani women activists, the result of After one month of my involvement with the local Romani women I had a work opportunity to stay longer in longer stay to opportunity work a I had women Romani local the with involvement of my month one After This chapteruses the data which produced my comparative research. Itwas carried out in 2009-2010 I also wore a different hat as a community facilitator 123 Ę k munkaer 149 Ę -piaci és megélhetési lehet és megélhetési -piaci 150 . After several yearsof several . After Ę ségei két ségei CEU eTD Collection is worth adding that 57 percent of registered unemployed individuals have been on the dole for more than one than more for dole the on been year. have individuals unemployed of registered percent 57 that adding worth is 153 average. national the over percent 152 families to sell fruit to travelers in summer (Ádám 1980). The fact that Szikszó is still located along a main road today provides the opportunity fora numberof RomaKraków [Hungarian: Krakkó].Szikszó was already a majorand wine-producing Kassa] town time inthe of Mary [Hungarian: of Anjou. Košice to leading roads main the near it is as development its to contributed also and the building of its Gothic church, still standing today, started. The city’s favourable geographical Sigismundlocation I, when it was first referred to as a royal city. The city began to flourish and growthis time,around this“Zykzo” time was still part of the Aba family’s land, but in 1391 it was already Szikszóin the ofpossession Hungaryof the as today. settlement Hence, same the not as infact far is as we document above know,the in in1308 “Zekzou” that Charles conclusively Robert argued issuedhistorians a charter in “Zykzo”. At the following: Dated in Zekzou, feria tertia proxima post dominicam judika MCCLXXX.Szikszó date back to 1280, Recently, to three charters dated by Ladislaus IV however, Cuman,the who closes documents the with 151 Inorder to grasp the roots of the town, some historical context is needed. The first written accounts of as massive social indicessegregation; morbidity of and mortality are lagging farbehind and degree of poverty reveal widespread intergenerational transmission of destitution, as well falls of by short national the indicator figures18 percent;furthermore, assessing the extent 100 percentamongdeprived adult Roma inmanyof income per capita most localities); the is well-below thenational average it vacuum the fell reflect in clearly after statistics the collapse region’s The of communities. thelocal old of regime. groups better-off The educational attainment of the adult population migration have frustration, amassive together, and well-trained generated the of which into andwidespread have turned reservoirs of relativedecline prosperity and pride proletariat. With the country’s transition marketto economy, the earlier economic domains of heavy During theeraof state socialism, region this Hungary of industry tobe strongholdused the mining, of andinsecurity and social tensions. collective Roma. of part country the This has instability,witnessed thegreatestfinancial economic and Roma integration policies brought deteriorating living conditions for the majority of agriculture, objectives all developmental Roma the have dominated criteria oriented market the new era, decades two past the over transformation political and social systemic of economic, course the during ill-adjustment of crisis suffered deepest the and concomitantly,small rural withtown inhabitants5,637 in North-Eastern the region Hungary,of whichhas I have already described in Chapter One how Ifound Szikszó as my fieldwork location. Itis a was fieldwork 7.1 Contextofmy also a bastion of the globalization wouldaddress aim “theto manifestations of global the in local” (Eschle 2001). geographers and Third World feminist scholars argue that a more effective approach to the rate of unemployment in the country as a whole In fall In 2009, the index for the region was 23percent,while correspondingthe national wasratio 10 percent. It Considering the adult population, the regional ratio of those with no more primarythan leveleducation 27 is 152 ; the rate of unemploymentis more than twice as high as 124 153 151 (the rate beingof rate unemployment (the 80- (Ladányi 2009; Szalai 2002). In the In 2002). (Ladányi2009;Szalai CEU eTD Collection regions predominantly inhabited by Roma people. (Virág 2006; Ladányi 2005) poverty, social, and ethnic economic exclusion inis concentrated underdeveloped micro- as (10.8%) nearly of lives Roma20-25% Hungary's population here average national the farexceeds people Roma of proportion the Szikszó, of In theregion needs. healthcare basic and provisions areasof welfare critical to communication, public transportation, access including assistance, legal and housing to through employment from life, daily fields of in all prevails marginalization whereethnic-based by exclusion social characterized is framework Thisresearch-based institutions. and services socialand access to educational establishmenthas emerged, depriving poor,andthe severely of especially Roma, equal conflicting drives and clashinginterests, an ethnically highly and socially segmented mainly betweenRomanon-Roma and Asa inhabitants. consequence prevailing of the in degradation conflict rousing mainfactors are the status fearing middle classes and upper of urban the and attitudes social structure antagonistic the post-communist The crisisof the squatting, of acts burglary and drug-abuse offenses committed by identifiedsuspects as Roma. criminal reported of numbers increasing and high show statistics finally, men for and average yearswomen, respectively); country’s 12-13 and behind the 10-12 2000 and 2001) 156 whole. a as country the for figure corresponding 155 national respectively. women, for year 1.1 corresponding and men for of the years 2 by short figures falls birth at expectancy life Furthermore, of 6.6. index national the above 154 national data respective These statistical figures are based on the census data of KSH (Central Statistics Office – National Census in Census National – Office Statistics ofKSH(Central data census on the based are figures statistical These In this region, the index forperpetrators caught per 100.000 inhabitants is 19 percent above the The national ofratio infant mortality is 10.6 per thousand for this region, which ismore than60 per cent 154 (with shocking figures for Roma whose life expectancy remains expectancy life whose Roma for figures shocking (with 125 156 . Research shows that . Research shows 155 , namely, , CEU eTD Collection development in Hungary “ in created Hungary development Thecountries uneven social,territorial and economic (Ladányi-Szelényi2002). communities of (Harvey color particularly2005; Escobar 2008), Roma in post-communistthe dislocate and marginalize and social processes actors economic neoliberal national of global forces. It is rather kept on the level of region or micro-region. or of region level the on kept rather is It forces. global of impact the reveal not does segregation spatial and restructuring economic on discussions scholarship Hungarian in Similarly, scholars. by most celebrated and gouncontested and global the in embedded are concepts these All the economic transition, privatization and democratization is less cautious about the impact of the liberal state. 158 group homogeneous socially and ethnic an be will behind left are who those suburb, textbook provides the followingThe process. example:social a when as normal the educatedsegregation” middle“spontaneous class about familiestalks Hungary, in leave the innerDepartments Policy city Social to the 157 spatial segregation and restructuring andsocial economic global between miss connection isthe to seem researches Hungarian which euphemistically calls this “spontaneousprocess segregation” false conceptualization is makers awidely accepted there policy and Hungarian researchers have the highest proportion Romaof population (marked with dark green).Amongst also underdeveloped are economically that micro-regions that those shows mapThis clearly Studies of for Regional Source: Hungarian Academy Sciences’ Center in Hungary. Figure 1:The33most disadvantagedmicro-regions (including Szikszó’s micro-region) Lynne Haney (Haney 2000) wrote a study on the and Sociology the at Politics) of Social (Definitions books text university fundamental ofthe one Even internal colonies internal 158 . After the regime change, the dominant global and global dominant the change, regime the After . “Welfare in Hungary” 126 ” where disadvantaged people, within ” where disadvantaged . She argues that the scholarship on scholarship the that argues She . 157 (Zombori 2009). . The analytical link analytical . The CEU eTD Collection manifestation in this location in so far as organized and formal employment and labor and employment formal and organized far as so in location inthis manifestation is 40% around according tothein Szikszó, estimates Roma of localof Romaninumber leaders the andon localthe government, statistic their proportionofficial no is there though Even Roma. are an made estimate by in notary the approximately local the 70% of government, unemployed and half 49.1%,have almost group, elementary this of only education.school According to unemployed. the Amongst unemployed %qualify population, 67.1 aslong-term unemployed is local 13.8% of population aged 18-59 total representingthe In Szikszó, 19.2%. 60, of above is population the age the of population, final composed group the whilst of the for 59.8% accounts age bracket 18-59 the 18; isageof the population under live inSzikszó’s is2,212 households. Theage thefollowing:distribution 21.1%of the inhabitants 5,637 (KSH), Statistical Office Central of Hungarian the data latest Based the on region, including the town of Szikszó. The local mayor articulatedforbutit atiny did growing elite, inequalities sowithin thecontextof throughout entire the this trend very explicitly: wealth some and unprecedented accumulation has generated of newsources liberal market new The local political population. the majority livesthe of for The better notoffer did democratization globalization. and liberalization economic of contradiction the way tangible most inthe shows This region years. following inthe created jobs were a few and only in Miskolc, which islocatedjust 10km peoplefrom Szikszó, lost theirjobs in greatnumbers, Hungary itismicro-regions in characteristics, of one anddepressed most underdeveloped the The main reason I chose Szikszó for my fieldwork is that considering its social and economic considers them no more than a surplus population. economy market oriented productivity,labour the havelost and their terms where people lives”. Many in ghettos Roma Eastern North Hungary can be inAgambeianconceptualized of zones the “bare haveapply, only to can not law they where and does sovereign the where exception, relegated therefore non-human, as seen be can people These identities. governable of of production the by-effect or surplus as the excluded the Agamben theorizes says when men are reduced to bare life they are nolonger covered by any legal or civil rights. populationwas either deported during Secondthe World War or they left,none of them returning after the war. Ladányi 2006)and on the other tothe increasing ( birth amongstrate country the of the Roma population. Szikszó’s Jewish restructuration geographical and social the to one hand the on due 1990 after particularly significantly increased of Roma the number century, fourteenth of the end the since stable remarkably 160 list. underdeveloped 33micro-regions. Szikszó is identified as one of the most underdeveloped micro/regions on this 159 of notion the evokes and spaces.This kindof deprived economically ethnic andsocial segregation territorial socially into in words, or, other into a“ghetto” locked were are overrepresented, which Roma The local census from 1930-1940 shows that while the number of Hungarian population of the town was Government Decree 311/2007 (XI. 17.) designated the economically, socially and infrastructurally most standards, social unrest and political backlash. (F.J. Mayor of Szikszó. 2010.02.12) are caught inavicious circle of repression, unemployment,ethnic conflict, falling living In its place, there is depression, populism, anti-Gypsism and deteriorating personal security.The dream of We European economicaccession, growth, peace and democracy has been shattered. 159 . In the early nineties, due to the closure of large industrial companies, particularly 160 . The features of the global economic restructuring have a tangible a have restructuring economic global the of features The . homo sacer used by Agamben philosopher used political GiorgioHe (1998). 127 CEU eTD Collection beyond the main road, across the across road, main the beyond is located district non-Romas. This to “other” compared as absolutely are seen people, who of the features exotic thedistinguished indicates “Chinatown” of name The Row”. “Gypsy are slightlyneighborhoods is ethnically more “Chinatown” mixedconsidered different. than segregated by non-Roma local the even inhabitants though their about thetwo perceptions be ethnically to considered areas are Both settlement. the of periphery northern at the is located and is “Chinatown” seconddistrict called The settlement. periphery the of western attention to this particular place. It has become a tacit rule that Roma can never visit private visitnever can Roma that rule a tacit become has It place. this particular to attention my mentioned inas I Gárda’s report the One,the on demonstration attracted Chapter Hungarian extremist right-wing paramilitary They group. inhave strong support and Szikszó the presenceof fortified been has This bythe trend main threats. verbal evenphysical may leador to the suspicion that provoke to likely they street, are along pass should Roma that is tolerated it though even observations, my on Based settlement are linked lanesin the by narrow to mainthe street. districts Roma Both town. ofthe parts non-civilized and civilized the between in the northern area). The first is firstin The the northern as“ area). dubbed The vast majority of Roma live in two parts of the settlement (one in the western area and one Source: Figure 2:Themap ofSzikszó (GypsyRowandtheChinatownare indicated). poverty. between tiny the elite and themajority whoof livingpeople are in deep and long lasting inlocal growing there arecutbacks parity social natural provision and adrastically resources, and losseconomic of investors, is alackof there decline, adramatic aresuffering contracts www.terkepcentrum.hu Vadász runnel, which serves asasymbolicboundary serves runnel,which 128 cigány sor cigány Magyar Gárda ” (Gypsy Row) and is located at the at located is and Row) ” (Gypsy (Hungarian Guard), a Guard), (Hungarian CEU eTD Collection significantly enriched the context of my fieldwork my of context the enriched significantly numerous contactsSo, and also myassistance. with specific insight established was which about the local Association, Women RomaRomani community which has of the became president the on she andlater research in participatory the was involved certainly influenced my research as well as my work as community facilitator in Szikszó. She which each other, to very close her wecame with introductory conversation first In the of aseat acup coffee. andhaveme totake over invited achat She vase. armchairs around. In the centre of the table there was a bouquet of plastic flowers in the glass and leather sofa In wasacoffeewith table middleof a fake harsh hall the the with colors. painted were room, adining functioned as walking hall, which of the walls The carpet. before clean the over hall entry the of front in off shoes their took family the of members normally who husband, her was employedcame by for lunch.and local the as a council backjust worker, public Isawthat school at were children school-aged two The house. their me to invited rebuiltby an neighborhood, old fashioned Itis peasanthouse. Romaa typical integrated housetotally in integrated an went toherhome situated lived. I everyone she where knew that find Romani against organized the women protest who theRoma infirst When Iprimarily town lookedforcame tothe those I 2008 September-October in aghetto live like “Gypsy Szikszó’s in forming mostRow,” cases Roma an homogenous micro-society. ethnically where towns or cities those in especially Roma, identify to inhabitants the emphasizeevery itsenabling local owncultural has perception to culture important that a as non-Roma“pass” inhabitant, could especiallythem of many forme though or any even other level outsider visiting discursive the the town. on However, itis themselves distinguish need feel the to they Gypsies”, still live “backward with in donot street Gypsies” same the “decent fact these is, the that That despite do. people non-Roma as “criminal Gypsy” against “backward”the by primarily “Chinatown” same the discourse or using exclusionary in or in liveRow” “Gypsy either the who from those themselves differentiate markedly earning theirliving with indealing clothes, fruit, vegetables and even trees. They Christmas or traders metal (il)legal mainly are some families and These households. peasant from flowers objects antique plastic with decorated and etc.) red, yellow, bright (pink, colors harsh with the from painted Romasare “decent” of houses The of Szikszó. street main different the on houses non-Roma distinctly are houses their but non-Roma, with neighborhoods integrated live few“decent Gypsy” The Gypsy” or“criminal families in and “backward” Gypsy”. “decent of in category the them rendering system classification is arefined there Gypsies outlawedmuch- the of formany neededfirewood families despite thefactRoma privatization in that theearly 1990s source possible only is the forest extensive wood this today Even neighborhood. gathering. on hillythe of parts settlementthe andis by bordered a forest encompassing the is located “Chinatown” The in households. many is off switched even electricity areas, and At thishomes of point,low and infrastructure limited asplaces with in social canbecharacterized Szikszó RomaBoth districts status it residents.is important relations. power There is no basedunequal on non-Roma sewage and between Roma borders symbolic respect the to is expected tosystem note “ or running that for a fence, may overthe but place watertake communication limited Occasionally, homes. ineven these amongst local gypsy” Mária to be invited inside a non-Roma home is highly unusual. Everyone in the settlement in the Everyone unusual. highly is home non-Roma a inside invited be to Mária’s , the main organizer of the counter demonstration proved an easy task asit seemed husband, a non-Romani man, whose family also lives in Szikszó. So, she So, in Szikszó. lives also family whose man, a non-Romani husband, 129 Magyar Gárda Mária inAugust. To provided CEU eTD Collection manifestation of intersectionality of ethnicity, gender and class at the local level, it was it level, makelocal to itclear to important the at class and gender ethnicity, of intersectionality of manifestation Since my research mainly focuses on the political activism of Romani women and the 7.2 Anti-Gypsism versus constructing politicized ethnic identity ethnic politicized constructing versus Anti-Gypsism 7.2 Roma and andnon-Roma identity. their politicized ethnic the between boundary asymbolicRoma, drawing solidarity amongst created realization town theyin the are that treated in the same realized manner Roma regardless“decent” many of theirwhen upwardmoment mobility. This illuminating an was them against her words, the arrival of the would feel legitimized in their discriminatory acts againstRoma. As itis demonstrated by Mária restructuring. and of social economic for effects thenegative of local scapegoats the Roma making the trend subsequent the and years several last in the population local the of majority the of in positions social the economic and as welldecrease dramatic the maybe dueto context of their social and economic position. This concept has become popular in this local criminality”, The “ was invited by the local deputy Mayor, basically to fight against “gypsy-criminality.” put it: church as she andmembers of protestant the political parties as well as by conservative the being by anti-gypsy andadvocated the legitimized discourse local group rightthe extreme Romahomogenizedof category identity Gypsy. Herfamily’s integrated by was threatened inthe them put in Szikszó groups right extreme of appearance the community, bynon-Roma andthe accepted matter how herrespected was no family However, follows: in Movement sheas how and Rights became Romaan activist an NGO called Civil appearance the local Gypsy self-government. She is a very strong, sporty woman with an emancipated In her late in thirties at my2008, timethe of firstSzikszó, visitto against the protest the organize to started family the from sisters and my aunts of some me and Basically was the This first time too. when family we feltextended thatmy wefor are me and no betterfor than point any Roma aturning from was theGárda] “Gypsy Row”. [Magyar Guard” August 2008when many local non-Roma neighbors acquaintances, supported the “Hungarian school. ( ( by the non-Roma community. We accepted the norms andvaluesof the My relatives belong to the wealthiest Roma family in the town and they were always respected Mária Magyar Gárda Magyar “ believed that if they did not protest against the This was trend strengthened in 2008 whenthe “Hungarian Guard [ 2008. 09.21) Mária . Mária Gárda which portrays Roma as a culturally and genetically regardlesscriminal group, 2008. 09.21.) . We had to do it, otherwise our children will be constantly threatened in the described how she became involved with local Gypsy self-government ” revitalized throughout the country the old racistconcept of “ Magyar Gárda Mária as well as to all other participants of my research that , andthe subsequent Roma demonstration 130 Magyar Gárda Mária gajos , the local non-Roma local the , was a member of (non-Roma) Magyar Gárda gypsy- ] CEU eTD Collection people being studied, or the intended beneficiaries of the research, have substantial control substantial have research, the of beneficiaries intended the or studied, being people “[p]articipatory in (1996:188), which isactivist social the of type research aradical research focus benefitson for women and1992; (Cancian Patai Gluck 1991). As by described Cancian I agreewith feminist scholars whobelieve thatresearch should inequalities challenge and reconstruction. and territorial economic global of context in the position marginal their of understanding a new intersectionality and gradually offered theconceptof exposed inevitably kinds of discussions understand and help relationship their their conceptualize gender them to andinformation transfer knowledge subjectvarious issuesregarding theirsocial andlocation position Iwantedto theirof politics. position at IconductedmanyDuring myfieldwork, conversations women with Romani activiststhe about intersection of multiple7.3 Participatorytogeneratesocial research change forms of oppression. These community. local entire the in people among bonds conscious establish create an opportunity in able to gender they were still to location the settlement, and class ethnic, of because their they marginalized Although are of solidarity. sources in particularly schoolthe and also during the flood, localactions, Romani women engaged in redefining these the common all through Basically, non-Roma. and Roma between exchange change, formal and informal boundaries loosened, manifested in “street generous work inter-ethnicof flood, Romani these have women to the after started relations talk” and information Romani womenvictims. offered help evennon-Roma victimsto and Roma known to support aid to the humanitarian distribute to able NGO local only the was destroying several Roma andnon-Roma houses and damaginghundreds of SZIROM others. in Szikszó flood wasaserious there very recently instance, For community. mobilize the to platform social space and a SZIROM offered that emphasize also would I Romacommunity. the for opportunities create and services quality to employment applications educational significantlyturn rates. Ihelpeddecreased school Moreover, drop-out them submitseveral were hired,impactwhich hashadon school’s agreat andthe in Romani relation with parents elementary‘petal’meaning and Association, Women’s schoolRomani Szikszó’s for (Short SZIROM called NGO to inemploy place.helpedHungarian). took also I RomaniDuring the course of my fieldwork, afew important actions high with and long lasting impact women asWe teaching also in Roma most settlement. the educated as one of the hencesheisconsidered degree, self-government. Gypsy local the in negotiatedassistants. woman only the and mother pressuresthe conversations andpleasuresbeing activist,about of aRomani aworking Five withRomaniwhat anthropologists often call a key informant. the We spentwomenmany also into people. materials was and She various gaveme to insight hours access settlement, together taping localRomani women. mayor and the director of the three days in Szikszó. I developed a very close relationship with very I developed close a days inSzikszó. three every almost to one week Ispent and 2010 community. 2008 December September Between somein inter-ethniccontributing the relations and social regardinggender to changes generating and without andprocesses interactions simply observe I cannot insider”, “alien an as community a Roma in working while that failure previous my also from I learned services. community my offer to like still would I researcher, a primarily Iam although Mária Mária ’s respected position position ’s respected community in thewithin Roma and the and seven other Romani women establish a Romani Romani Romani establish andsevenother women’s women a 131 Magyar Gárda Mária Mária has a high school high a has as well as other . Due to the CEU eTD Collection (Kóczé 2010) labor market and income-earning opportunities of Roma women in two micro-regions) inKutatási Beszámoló, munkaer research manager and the team leader was Angéla Kóczé. “Nehéz sorsú asszonyok feketén fehéren: Roma n Roma fehéren: feketén asszonyok sorsú “Nehéz Kóczé. Angéla was leader team the and manager research The Kóczé. Angéla Havas, Éva Dávid, Bea Albert, of Fruzsina consisted team research The May 2010. in 161 of status of Romani women indisadvantaged selectedand micro- regions two non-Romani the research consisting of both quantitative andqualitative analysis compared the social labor and for social The andadvocate change. inequalities theirintersectional expose language to worked closely with. This research process enabled them constructto and shape their activist research projectconductfeminist a ofmyfieldwork Ihadto As the comparative opportunity a by-product with the involvement of the myself. core group of SZIROMparticipatory inmy of role wasby evaluation the exclusivelycontrolledresearch, data the Romani women have Romani women did an active though in Even research.” the andparticipation over who I closelyIn my dissertation, related as I mentioned earlier, I will onlytheir speak self-esteem and ability out. toto be focusing oneon the part of theirthis commonsenseof research knowledge about theirmy situation, identify specificRomani non-Romani andresearch women. Our discussions enabled these problemsvalidate Romani to women and boost by raised identified issuesand the interviewees withproblems we Szikszó the together questions,opportunity. In course the of conducting 101household-questionnaires andinterviews20 in networking Romani other as with a women interviews and questionnaires conducting namelywhich is animportantcontribution this research.to They also used theprocess offilling out opportunities in community the and society.Ivaluedtheir experience and personal feelings, exploringof theirof which were related to theirhowfeelings ofincompetence. My aim was maketo them conscious intersectionsmany be discussed, needed issues to issues that several were there of research, the phase preparatory the During skills. research acquire to trained were SZIROM from women Romani and relate of inheard genderrelated mainstream scholarship. academia or I women. givepersonal Romani areseldom Romani to interviews women who a voice from to the excerpts will the provide of statements and reports original the of translation in the faithful stay to illustrate theirproblems position, Iuse the rhetoric of the voice my of subjects, that is, Ihave tried to a local In level in order at women. caseof Romani the ofintersectionality manifestations the analysis to of the wholethewith Romaniresearch, women. As unfortunately the scopeunequalI of willthis dissertation discussions, another menand focusonly group Romani with one two each county we conducted does not allow present for a full the part an interviews additional of20 structured localwith policy- and decision-makers. in Moreover, the researchdistribution which interviewsstructured non-Romani Romani with andRomani men, well women, women as as focuses on 20deep- 1250individual households, and Weconducted responses. altogether received Weincludequestionnaires distributed inaiminghouseholds 248to membersinall the given of powermore developed region.) andisin theother located an region while economically oneisin however an underdeveloped arecomparable, micro-regions two in the of settlements the structures the that reason for the as the research This research was supported by the Ministry of Social and Labor Affairs. The research report was published was report research The Affairs. Labor and of Social Ministry by the supported was research This Borsod-Abaúj Zemplén Borsod-Abaúj Ę -piaci és megélhetési lehet és megélhetési -piaci Borsod-Abaúj Zemplén Borsod-Abaúj (BAZ) County and PestCounty.was inintegrated Szikszó this Ę ségei két kistérségben” (Women with a tough fate in black and white: and black in fate a tough with (Women kistérségben” két ségei County 132 161 settlement. (I chose these two micro-regions two (I chosethese settlement. Ę k CEU eTD Collection the plight of the Romani women who live in the “Gypsy Row” and in the “Chinatown”. in the and Row” “Gypsy in the live who women Romani the of plight the of conscious more become SZIROM from women the aresult, As inSZIROM. and sample in women Romani the amongst dynamic aninteresting created Thisclassdifference sample. for thewomen in research the group served asareference in project research the participated higher social class than the women in the research sample. The Romani women who actively groupsof the asomewhat Nevertheless, from Romani strata. to SZIROM belong women social same belongthe to groups non-Roma the and Roma becausethe in sample relevant the issuenot interviews. is Theclass an analysisand questionnaires described of above the examine between The mainfocus and ethnicity of researchistolink the through gender County. in BAZ tendencies overall the used number of householdsshows the same manifested locallevel. atthe ethnicity,The quantitative dataon Szikszó are gender andclass in BAZtrend County as the is BAZmore County reliable data. thanSince the statistically local data from the Szikszó, official I count of the 133 CEU eTD Collection government system to tackle the roots of the social and economical exclusionof Roma. questions of legitimate representation, the financial basis of the system, and the inability of the minority self- Martin Kovats (1998), PeterVermeersch (2000), Ern as such Hungary, in system self-government Gypsy of system the critiqued who scholars several are There established the local and national institutional system of minority self-governments, which is unique in Europe.the system of minority self-government, is the key aim of the Act on National Minorities. This1990s. Facilitatinglegislation the establishmentof the beginning the of at a collective changes political the cultural after autonomy, based ofcodification on thecomponents personal main ofthe one principle was throughminorities 162 Council decisions on human and infrastructural development. it to came when lived whereTheRoma streets leader those ignored makers completely decision of the local Gypsy Minority example of discursivethis and ghetto-building extra-discursive is whenCounty Pest the are spectacular most Roma The and stereotypes. prejudices schematic alivelocal bywell-known kept about narratives social the within ghetto adiscursive of walls invisible The ghettos. and slums into funneled are Roma where County Pest in than traversed Country more BAZ in was living (non-Roma) “Peasants” and Gypsies between difference symbolic The real in and too. sphere social the is reflected well analyzed disparity The income 2009 research data, own Source: *on basisfrom of the interviewed 248 households data Pest County BAZ County Table 1. income of Roma, therefore, does not alter on the grounds of where they live. prevailed in i.e.Pest County, HUF and 39,000 23,200HUFrespectively. same! Notthe The The similarequally year. inthe discrepancy 23,600HUF inRoma peopleitwas caseof the In BAZ County, average income the non-Roma monthly for people was29,000HUF,whilst Table 1) (See tothree. one is almost micro-regions two betweenthe disparity income the general that shows clearly data The in detail. is analyzed counties Pest and (BAZ) Zemplén microregionsand of Borsod-Abaúj inthetwo households of income 248 the In the research, Territorial7.3.1 difference Theelaboration of Act LCCVIIof 1993 (Act onNational Minorities) on the ofrights national and ethnic restrictions did not allow these interventions. these allow not did restrictions financial local neighborhood, this develop to plan integration an had city the authority that local the from officials with discussions several during out turned it Although Council) Minority Gypsy (B.G. local else. the of anyone for president or car emergency an in place this into drive to hard really is it see, you very non-Roma few whohave no relatives we and ouraccepted them familyas members. As Minority Self-Governmentdid not have any over wherepower moneythe go.should There are these three road constructions, several they made build streets several new they buildings with the European Union’s buildings; money old […] only the all refurbished city our of leaders remained political The untouched where most of the people are Roma. We, as a Gypsy 162 said: Household incomesHousehold of small areas and ethnic differences (N=1250) 39,600 29,000 RomaNon-Roma householdhousehold Average monthly income perperson Ę 134 Kállai (2005). The main controversies were related to the 23,200 23,600 Income disparity Income 16,400 5,400 CEU eTD Collection family. A woman behavior. Roma male traditional to livingmarriage in mixeditanother isrespect said important to that gender within roles the referring them, among Gypsy” most “the was say thathe they of would inifRoma men agroup hewere Headded that markrespect”. of via hisbuthe him “a wifeboth andthe regarded whichheconsidered as Roma, community In the male focus group in Pest County there was also a man who was not of Roma descent, smiled when answering the question “What does it mean to be Roma?” and said: was of focusa blonde woman’s group membersof Roma the blue-eyedwoman who number of respondents said that they had a non-Roma spouse or partner. In BAZ County, one higher a non-Roma, and Roma between much greater was ‘crossover’ the County, where In BAZ groups. be ethnic various tobetween seemed ‘crossover’ smaller the was, the and non-Roma status between similar of Roma income deprivation and gap The widerthe 2009 research data, own Source: Roma Roma Non Persons Table 2. Index of deprivation (0-5) basedbetween Roma ontheplaceapparent disparity of residence. whereasCounty County inwas 0.2 (3.1-2.9), it hence Pest was 0.6(3.1-2.5), thereisno in BAZ non-Roma and Roma between deprivation of index the 2, in Table indicated As relatingdata lifeand deprivation histories Romathe narrated. women to by notion wasrefuted areas,butthis in regions disadvantaged than in morebetter prosperous At the beginning of this research, Iimagined that the position of Roma and Romani women is . Figure 3: Romani woman married to a Roma man. 2009.02.12.) Roma,for seventeenwhatyears –thisshowsyear aboutthe Ithink oldnon- (K.Zs. 34 Roma. Well this is a difficult situation, as I am not Roma. But I have lived with my husband, who is Romani neighborhood inasettlement located inPest county 3.1 2.9 County residents BAZ 135 3.1 2.5 Pest CEU eTD Collection Table 3. Marriage Types by County (N=1250) (%) shows that, as opposed to 9.8% in BAZ County, this figure was only 6.8 % in Pest County. Table 3 mixed marriages. found fewer non-Roma we Roma and difference between a greater At the same time, in Pest County where the income disparity and the deprivation index shows economic and territorial structures maintaining the symbolic and material ethno-racial material and symbolic the maintaining structures territorial and economic a developed such micro-region as is there Pest County internal logican localof social, in even Furthermore, of country. the territories internal upon the reflected inequalities which social the and economic as well, geography economic, diversifying and political social The (Harvey developments uneven impacted Hungarian global geographical the 2005) prejudices duringcame out interviews. the their prejudice against Roma, may which feed people’s Roma above fear,eventually these neighborly,friendly with other or Roma. Although non-Romathe interviewees tried tohide vicissitudesinterviewed outsidethe of world. I non-Roma whohadnoclose relations, and violentprejudice, which Romahusband suffer. simply This toprotecthis wants wife from the non-violent concealed, and overt of a form phenomenon, everyday an by fed is fear on him…” Men’s then Iwill cheat somewhere towork, off “ifgo that herhusband I thinks altogether) saidshe that would lookingher gladly beside duty work of children, the after but yearA protection.(raising living old thirty onchild woman sevenchildren support communities, since nomatter how harmful the ghetto walls are, they offerWomen livingin asegregated lessmuch a sortarea have chance leaving of their closed of the women. than arena, rather social “common” enter the to opportunity have the men who is chiefly the it way, segregated livein a in Roma where I noticed that places my was that Ihadwith subjects discussions where may mixed marriages “common” verylimited scopeof Fewer to the refer also arenas social Roma and non-Roma2009 research data, own Source: can meet. OneMixed marriage of Roma marriage the regular marriageNon-Roma topicsType of Marriage during the roundtable of them. (37 year-old woman with two children living in a mixed marriage) mixed a in living children two with woman year-old (37 of them. have ever menaked seen in or a swimmingAbsolutely costume. not. donot We undress infront do not undress infront ofeach otherwe if bathe.I don’t believe any ofmy relatives orchildren down. […] We respect what is all right forthe woman and whattwo is not. We respectfamilies each other. are proud. We live we must. as There disadvantagesare atschool.We Myhusband isHungarian; found We liveit in a different way. Ilikefairly being a Gypsy; there are many like us among Hungarians. We difficult to accept that we are together. This has now calmed know what I I don’t would say.partner, (B.K. a 38 such year-oldwith home non-Roma come would woman)them of ifone So partners. Hungarian, be my children’s or should mate mypartner, so Hungarian, am I that believe I anything. Or Negro. not exclusivelyown families, and I have my family and somehow I can’twith imagine the two together. And this is GypsiesI wouldn’t be pleased or ifRoma, they were init my family.is the Really. same I am not a withracist, but allthey havenationalities. their Let’s say with a BAZ 100 10 58 32 136 Pest 100 7 53 40 CEU eTD Collection in Hungary has remained a rural rather than urban phenomenon. urban than rather a rural remained has in Hungary poverty Roma entrenched of concentration the However, in Hungary. thelargercities around spread in urban to havestarted and devastated districts slum decades, densely populated, In 2001). inof course pasttwo the the majority non-Roma were (Ladányi-Szelényi people poor neitherin Romanor areas and where percent 39.9 oflower classes non-Roma people predominantlypopulated by in percent Roma people, predominantly 22.0 by areas populated lived percentpopulation 22.5 in lived in [Hungarian: “cigánytelep”], “ghettos” gypsy areas According researchthe to inLadányi of and Szelényi, 2000 11.6percent of Romathe andliving adequate standards. and lackbasicinfrastructure boundaries administrative aresmallvillages oroutside of their inhabited by Roma, these areas, predominantly 96,000 –100,000people currently live in some 500-550segregatedsettlements. about thatestimates The government rural disadvantaged most settlements. than the 2,000, Many Hungarian Roma livein villages and 40%live in locations with a population lessof partof partof andin GreatAlföld.western the southern Transdanubia the inis concentrating the number low their of while Transdanubia, and Budapestsouthern the part around population major a with Alföld Great the of part northern the in and Hungary people Around inHungary. one-third of Hungarian the livesRoma population in Northern Roma of and proportions the numbers between differences regional There areconsiderable Gender7.3.2 dimensions of the ‘ghetto’ existence trapped at bottom the of spatial the in Hungarian localities.order polarized micro-regionsdrastic andspatial in social both wealthy anddifference vastly underdeveloped regions, decades two in last the economists neoliberal Hungarian the of mantra The people. Roma including individuals, class and citieseconomy and its businessinfrastructure, more jobs be will available for middleandlower “trickle-downbetween theory” Pest County and the under-developedmicro BAZCounty region. These refutethe results topin of is index Roma wealthy (3.1) the similar deprivation have seen,the aswe Interestingly, income longerhave potential. oreconomic population political any no 97%) that (approximately earnersring-fencedfrom the rest of the inhabitants, and serves as a warehouse forits primarily Roma and low-class poor Roma people, articles 16articles and 17 of Covenant, the Addendum, Hungary,28 September,2005 Covenant on Economic,Social and Cultural Rights, Third periodic submittedreports by States parties under 166 This information was writtenby Hungarianthe Government in Implementation of International the 1990 and 1991 and between1995 and 2001. of the coalition government in 1994 and 1995,or György Surányi,chairman of Hungarianthe National Bank in instance László Békesi, Minister the of ofFinance systemthe changing government in 1989 and 1990 and also 165 Bolton and (Aghion down. 1997) trickle of theory a of development the about extensively write Bolton and Agion 164 Pest county.of micro-region the in town of the center the in located neighborhood segregated ofthe name the is ‘Tabán’ 163 ‘ is there neighborhood, another inhabited oreven bymanagers, well-educated labor force. low-skilled active Additionally, districts some are there logic, basedexclusionary andethnic social on the Based exclusion. After the system change, such neo-liberal economists and politicians got into positions of poweras for 164 165 , which says that if the top income earners invest more into the local intomore the income invest if earners top the , whichsaysthat , the “trickle-down economic effect” would not have sucha not caused would effect” economic , the“trickle-down Tabán’ 163 which is negatively distinguished and virtually and distinguished negatively is which 137 166 Most of CEU eTD Collection Kenneth B. Clark’ (1965) spatialthe of order polarizingthe city.” (Wacquant’s 2008: 4)Even earlier studies like statepoliciesoriented that“have packedand poor aggravated, blacks trapped bottom atthe of published in Hungarian in 2008 by the EducationSocial Services Company in Budapest. 167 they all wanted profession: in plans all one few discussionsspontaneous slumdistrict, future the denoted abouttheir a had thewe whom with however, girls children, The everybody. of infront would alcohol drank and be hairdressers,destructiveincluding behaviors, substance abuse, which meanttypically thatthey sniffed glue whileIn Hungarianthe boys wanted “Gypsy to Rows”be policemen, for whoactivists racialadvocate equality VirágRoma.(Ladányi-Szelényi 2004; of 2006) we met many that by human and scholars rights andis literature particularly used social science’ uncritically, young is, girls from American imported the been has ‘ghetto’ of concept academy,the who, Hungarian In the in their lethargy, self andit’sdepreciation opposite, akind despair,hell of ’to it’ behavior.”with (2008:31) tookmortality, crime and disease. Subjective features are offendedness, feelings, hostile despair, up self- itputs “the objectivefeatures of ghettothe are over-crowdedness, badhousing, high child social dynamics, social psychology and pathology of black ghettos. Wacquant’s (2008) American Apartheid Disadvantaged fundamental sociological accounts on urban marginality, suchasWilson’s (1987) of ‘ghetto,’ which has a different image in the United States than in Hungary. There are some severely hampering both social and territorial mobility. I am aware of the several meanings The notion of ‘ghetto’ is used rather as an image of social and ethnic based spatial isolation communities even further. During my research I conducted interviews with several women who several talkinglocal were about prostitution traffickingand girls with inwhich men Romani is(as it interviews conducted I research my During further. and even families communities their stigmatize and personally suffer should they lest oppression, gender many RomaniThe compound effects of racism, sexism, and poverty that comprise the social environment of womenthem.” protects Nobody them. wants whoever by taken are effectivelyviolence, trafficking and prostitution. According to one who older more prone tobecomecome oralcohol woman influenceof ofsexual girls underdrugs victims the are The in business. the slum,isghetto a “theseit girls concerned, are they as far As discourage it. with deals authority or Despite thefact abuse that drug is a fairly problem visible in the slum,no civil organization them from taking a stance against internal anyconveyed source. through other not is which important, are they that experience can they which in them, for anillusory world orcreate youth of forghettos, the means escape of offer a narcotics cheap coffee yes” – andbehave, girls both andboys said thatthey addedwould never“sniff andglue” smoke (“drink a little girl). Glue sniffing equally affects girls, as well as boys. These This book is published in Hungarian too. Kenneth B.Clark’s Dark Ghetto-Dilemmas of Social Power to live for, just glue. There is nothing to strive for. I cannot count on any other pleasure, only pleasure, that whichother any on is in the count plastic I cannot bag. (SZ.K. for. 20 year-old strive to womannothing is in the There slum districtglue. just 2009.07.23). for, live to at and looked down oneverywhere, not I even am humanconsidered a being. Thereis nothing Well, Iwas born a Gypsy, Ihave nothing, and I am uneducated. With such a curse I am pointed , which emphasize the role of the economy, and Massey and Denton’s (1993) “to helpothers”. Urban Outcast , which stresses the importance of racial segregation. Moreover, Dark Ghetto When we asked them When how we askedthem they about oneshouldthink live highlights spectrum the of raciallymarket- and ordered gave the most unstinting and authentic account of the of account authentic and unstinting most the gave 138 167 As Kenneth B Clark The Truly CEU eTD Collection with NGO activists in Zurich and Amsterdam, the majority of women in prostitution are prostitution in women of majority the exploitation. victims and/or of sex trafficking Amsterdam, and Zurich in activists NGO with Hungarian women, Roma. of which 80-85% are She mebasedalso told that on discussions based women’s NGOtoldme “25-30% that of insex workers Zurich and Amsterdam are law of enforcement officesestimations and of women NGOs showtrafficking, grave and numbers. An activistprostitution of of a Budapest victims become women Romani many how on trafficking and sexual exploitation. Despite thefact that in Hungary there isno statistical data of becomesex victims women Romani whereby likethis stories unexposed There areseveral live herrelatives. onto by herfamilyandwent onshe with Later wasrescued accessed on2011.02.01) at Available Secretariat. Migration and Development, PopulationDivision Department of Economic and Social Affairs United Nationa also Irena Omelaniuk, Trafficking in Human Beings United Nations Expert Group Meeting onInternational of Human Human Beings from a Human Rights Perspective has been reported in Bangladesh, Thailand,Sub-Saharan Africa, among others.See Tom Obokata, amongst the most marginalized communities. Forexample, involvement of parents selling their ownchildren 168 asfollows: experiences woman,survived for who trafficking purpose the of sexual labor exploitation,and her voiced pimps or smugglers leading as either position were taking a described by women, usually men who are either family members or close to the victims) There are several studies and researches that show family involvement in trafficking and prostitution and trafficking in involvement family show that and researches studies several are There sold me to the pimps who took me to Germany. me to took who pimps the me to sold and drug a was alcohol addict and inorder husband hissustain to addictions My Ihad to mysell body every day. Finally,he crying] is [She prostitution. into me forced husband my that fact I suffered lotin mychildhood.a Ifelt ashamed about it,Ineverever wanted to the talk about http://www.un.org/esa/population/meetings/ittmigdev2005/P15_IOmelaniuk.pdf 139 (B.Z.30 yearold Romani woman 2009.10. 23.) , Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2006.pp.46. See 168 . A 30 year old Romani Trafficking ( CEU eTD Collection However, there are numerous studies as well, that expose another face of the globalization face of another expose that aswell, studies numerous are there However, job education, no areleft tojoin limitedand very “fast-track”, the opportunities behind. global manypolitical economy marginalized includingwomen, Romani whowomen haveno sustained bythemechanisms of global economic restructuring(Harvey 2003). In presentthe racializedby sexualized, is characterized globalization privatization, and decentralization, deregulation, class basedrelations across globe”the (James 2004:29).Beyond the global financial free flow, trade, social division social isof of spatial “the One extension today features 2006). globalization of prime the whichit and racism inequalities (Hawkesworth and a power, newproduces relations, gender mode of differently reflectwomen and men affects and positions it as far so in thosea is phenomenon gendered globalization that pervasivethink who those with agree I scholars. among debate continuing inequalities ofintensive and are subjects of globalization causesand consequences liberalism. The that are class. Our arguments an which created enduringin social inequality tangible a most way based onrace,gender and are based upon theglobal of economicprostitution effects restructuring engendered as the the and trafficking literature on the forced whoframe however, myself,critiquesincluding There areafewRomani activists, women of globalization and neo- of culture. Roma of devaluation the in discourse the in women movementthe remain silentabouttrafficking andprostitution in Romani toavoid order many participating discourse, racist inherently essentialist, this with Faced pathology. of cultural Roma as aconsequence is explained solely people Roma social of crisis the Therefore ignored. are region the all over communities Roma affect disproportionally while theeffects of historical and contemporary economicracism and inequality which Romani culture, self-destructed deviant, backward, of set an essentialized consequences of Alexandre-Floyed 2007).Within RCPPdiscourse, trafficking and prostitution are natural disruption,andfrom black on literature culturethe of ghetto poverty (Kenneth B. Clark1966; “ or even scholars. The term itself term The evenscholars. or politicians, makers, decision the of responsibility the removes it time, same at the but Roma, understand of position subaltern to the coherenceand This narrative provides easy translation and elsewhere. discussions media, everyday typically relayed through political storiesin and narratives such spacesdiscursive as the are paradigm of factthis assumptions the underscore the that interchangeably to “narrative” Pathology Paradigm” itwill be definedby non-Roma, particularly rightextreme wing as groups, a is asa then narrative, itcultural If constructed of restructuring? engendered economic global prostitution. Should this issuebe asa narrative framed cultural orasa chain of consequences ispoint focus what the should beinof thediscourse women’sRomani trafficking forced and intersectionmovement, of poverty, in Romani the groups isby progressive the used approach second affair.an internal The gender inkeep movement, by as trying groups this conservative Romani to the the exclusively issue particularlyand also ethnicity.approaches Romanitowards inwomen forced prostitution. Thefirstis approach mainly used different are there however, level, transnational Atthe activists. Romani women amongst One of the some forcedThe phenomenon prostitution of arepoorly topicsandquestions even trafficking discussed of which the arise highly at Framing7.3.3 forced prostitution and trafficking this educated women who want to expose it as Black Cultural PathologyParadigm” (RCPP ). In this particular case I used the terms “paradigm” and “Roma Cultural Pathology “Roma Paradigm” which derives from the literature on Black the family on literature from the which derives 140 resonates to the to resonates “Roma Cultural CEU eTD Collection the dynamicthe interrelationship ofandstructure culture”(Wilson 2009:135). Through the Wilson argues that “more weight should be given to structural causes of inequality, despite cultural forces: cultural contribute reinforceto or racial inequality” (Wilson 2009:14) anddistinguishes twotypes of field on the scholars’of HesaysforcesRoma studies. conceptualization that“cultural may Wilson’s understanding of cultural forces is different from most of the above mentioned society. Hungarian mainstream the with compatible not is which system belief and behavior norms, frozen factors in emphasize Conservatives to cultural tend andsegregation. as institutional discriminations an essentialist also scholars focus on the structural left-liberal conditionsmainly with most of progressive, the attention Hungarian on racialist wayRoma, of structural factors situation suchthe about interpretingtalking When forces” asifit (Wilson culture 2009:133). of were solely structural a by-product Roma culture alwayshis previous books thedominance prioritized of economy the discuss“tendedand to and traditionJulius Wilson (2009) wherehe structural forces. unites andin Wilson cultural (1987, 1996) asI am baseinclined my to on argument newthe explanatory framework developed byWilliam a set of static and forces which hold them back from integration?social forces butarethere anycultural if bystructural question still are excluded even they remains: sensitive issues,conversations with several manyRomani women, of exposethem are struggling to these yet at Sider (1993)“thethe it”. struggle Based within andagainst onmy andobservations same time, prostitution by to talk of is Gerald captured about Romawithin concept the communities well try to keepearn to money by providingloyal sexual services tocover family the anddebt expenses.The impossibility Netherlands the to went who women Romani towards about stories encountered frequently their own community.smugglers, orby financial circumstances,such asunpaidmortgages grave I and loans. alien or of communities their malemembers by The exploitive forcethe either a rather but choice, prestigious such jobs, as a nannyhousekeeper. or about Romani women who went to Western European countries tobe employedmost accessible isjob services. providefield Ineverheard During to sexual my any the work story in morewhere from position, geopolitical and social a specific into economy political vulnerableincluding women, Hungarian women, Romani pushed are who outof legal the Nonetheless, growing business the sexual transnational of find trafficking will alwaysthese Overview of the International Migration of Women”, in International Migration: The Female experience, ed. experience, Female The Rita Simon Migration: and Caroline International Bretellin ( Totowa,of Women”, N.J: Rowman Migration Allanheld, International 1986)of the Overview middle class- albeit low held have paid-jobsand diplomas backcollege or home. school Andreahigh have Mexico and Tyree Philippines and the Kathrine from migrants M. female Donato,many „ A Demographic 169 women from poor countries often do not come from the poorest classes of their societies note It isimportantmigrant2003). to World that R.Hochschield (Ehrenreichand countries about the women migration from Thirdthe todo“women’sWorld in work” Firstaffluent Indeed, many immigrant maids and nannies are more educated than the people they work for. For example, For for. work they people the than educated more are nannies and maids immigrant many Indeed, settings created by discrimination andsegregation andthat reflect collective experienceswithin those etiquette, andlinguistic patterns-that traditions, belief systems, worldviews,values, skills, preferences, stylesof self-representation, (1)national views and beliefs on race and (2) cultural traits-sharedmodes outlooks, ofbehavior, (Wilson 2009:14-15). (emphasis added) emerge from patternsofintragroup interaction in settings 141 Based on their narratives this is not a free 169 . CEU eTD Collection equality on the basis of “ of the basis equality on creating gender with of objective the oppression of ideas patriarchal against traditional argued feminism that of social stance the clearly opposes stance race.His as genderand and does notgive a substantial recognition of the structural function of other inequalities such subsumes the categories of gender and race. Wright’s approach, then, gives privilege for class already that category intersectional moreclass complex, isa therefore, Wright, to According into class oppressions translating oppressions non-class as sexism and racism explained regard inthis essential connected social to and Erik economic(1997) whoseworkWright inequalities. is Olin distribution of public resources such as accesseducational to and equal andpayment strongly atthe any attempt hence for discrimination, am with factI the that aware of communities. Roma local the of existence social the alters significantly class though even movements, based Romani rights in transnational conceptualized is scarcely category asasociological Class ethnicity. and gender class with intersection of intothe account take ifAlso, toexpose one wants issuethe prostitution of and has trafficking, inevitably one to racial poverty. and entrenched segregation impact forces such as the of cultural sense)mediates broad a relational (in and sense culture studied in class analysis ‘patriarchy’, in‘patriarchy’, feminism radical it toasystem refers rather Gloriaof domination. Anzaldúa is 1999:20) Itnote importantwhile to alsothat feminism allforms of use the term of economicthe and social structures of capitalistthe mode of production.” (Weedon be reducedtoclass “women’sand oppression epiphenomenon stating that cannot oppression Moreover,relations.” (Weedon 1999:20) radicalfeminists arguedagainstMarxism as well rights provisions for of the irrespectiveindividuals, of and abstract social race class, gender makethe andpracticewhich by atheory be achieved “liberalism cannot argued that liberalism and both of political frameworks the practice theoretical the questioned fundamentally a response andRadical feminism, otherthe hand, on developed latethe throughout 1970s and early 1980s as traditional 1999:17) from (Weedon to genderadeviation struggle. class asanon-issue regarded that or either movements labor socialist from blackaway moved also thus feminists Socialist regimes. and “sisterhood” Marxism.Third World Rejecting women’s critiques the liberalist of white Westernrights feminism.based paradigm, It they 170 internal, touse Wilson’s term, ‘ dominant cultural lens, Roma areperceived as a stigmatized population, whichinfluences the Erik Olin Wright writes extensively about the complexity of class oppression in in the working class and underrepresented in the most privileged class locations. (Wright 1997: 542) locations. class privileged most the in underrepresented and class working the in into classoppressions so womenthat andracially oppressed groups should overrepresentedbe themselves. Ineither case,itwould relations be predicted class non-classthat oppressionswithin will be translated mechanisms discriminatory direct of because or class, for matter be can either non-class because oppressionthe This groups theaccessaffects of tothe which resources relation. class within exploited especially be to tend will mechanisms through non-class oppressed significantly are that groups social that expect generally would Marxists , regardless of class and ethnic differences to standpatriarchal upagainst to differences of ethnic and class , regardless 170 . (1997). in the European legal framework class is not recognized asaground not isrecognized class framework legal in European the sameness”, meaning-making’ conceptualization of class represents a problem of or in other words, creating an international increating words, an other or 142 and ‘ decision-making’ Class Counts:Comparative process. In this CEU eTD Collection 171 benefits. householdsseveral are sustained old by ordisabled in the person family the who draws social isthat in field My the observation for female pensioners. respect greatest the show families are poor why very part, the inincome, of reasons the and sources ‘secure’ and reliable all and benefit types of socialchild benefits benefit, are regarded asthe women’sMaternity thing. Additionally,benefit’. these are all women’s regular,‘the becomes benefit child the invoke any respect. In households where themen haveno work, women’s roleis upgraded as women play a key even ifrole, they seem not toor,indeed, if their occupation not does strengthens family. families traditional the In of the within livinginrole poverty,women dire and well as family community the affects the beyond goes poverty female men, than community their to related issues with more concerned are typically as women Furthermore, thefamily. of care givers primary hinders their as literature arguesthatwomen’sextreme poverty role A largebody feminist of Women7.3.4 keyin positions: “Mother goes,asksfor credit– gets money forus” kept silentabout prostitution. in still research the who participated in The local women Szikszó madefor that. women are intoforcedprostitution; sexual violence is partof simply their andfurther, thatsome work, it, ittrafficking. not then will thebelief silentabout remain If reinforce they are women that substantial In sum,local frame urged women Romani forced are activists to prostitution political and without least at mobility, social institutional support, is impossible. where from position economic and social limited avery andoffer them enclose Rows” and“Gypsy localities segregated ethnically and violence, class exploitation, Romani increasingly defenselesswomen The are and unprotected. racial and sexual to comes it when Moreover, restructuring. position economic class global economical and social low their women, withvulnerableintersects in socialforms reproducing ofinequalities their other position Romani of trafficking and prostitution with forms case of In ofthe intersectand other domination. which interact domination of systems the is of one class the life.So ofsocial aspects all pervade which class race and distinguish based systems of domination several suchasdominationson gender,or ethnicity Conclusively, lives. emotional I color affectsshall not only their material social position, but also their physical, intellectual(1987; 1990)goeseven thatthe further when oppression she suggests menwomen of and of and take a radical feminist perspective, from where I shall be able to impacted similarly. are region underdeveloped the in women Romani findings, research on my Based Asia. Southeast in economy Southeast Asia, Roksana Bahramitash (2005) in her book they all come but there iseven not enough for the fire.” (F.Z. Local employer08.12) 2009. employer me, told women “Roma want towork, asthere is acomplete crisis(firewood, bills), poverty. families’ their relieve to work to willing more increasingly women thatare show Romani my indeed,Romaniobservations women and, Representatives of local believe institutions that managing thefamilyis duty the of writes extensively about how women’s roles have changed under the expansion ofmarket expansion the under changed have roles women’s how about extensively writes 171 . Child cooking,housework, cleaningrearing, washingor on Liberation from Liberalization: Gender and Globalization in 143 As one local CEU eTD Collection issues such as gender roles in the family. On one occasion, I asked them whether they as they whether them asked I occasion, one On family. in the roles gender as such issues Duringmy fieldIalso work hadseveral with discussions Romani certainchildren about days. these “headthe household” of the endurewhohave a‘doubleday’ play to to also have inthefamily,role’ a ‘double becoming usually thisliterature Romani problem to as the‘doubleday’of women.refers women Most in even morefeminist Australia developedas (BroomhillandSharp2004).The such countries, typical also is phenomenon This family. in children to given attention the decreased activities hasultimately inhousework men’s lackparticipation of andthe outside work thepaid since as caregivers, their role problems regarding has created market labor join the now women that can fact Also,the status. employment fragile have avery workers skilled 2005). Those very few Romani employedwho are women bymultinational companies low as financial and other insecurities of female employees have been increased labor and of the collectivepower the have bargaining, eroded deregulation and privatization (Bahramitash the (StandingIn addition that, arrangements increasingly employment 1999). with to casual in achange jobs, been low-wagedi.e. less-skilled, nature a tendency of the and employment work, towards has there restructuration economic global the With benefit. child receive can who one is be woman, the asshe the to nowtends provider income thekey since especially income, of source their andtherefore their workplaces lost men whohave the prestige of the on as well as income household on impact negative a has employment male of decline The During myfield work this image aboutRomani families was reinforced by well.women as that stating in their view, the traditional family model has been changing. important very something out pointed Self-Government Gypsy the of leader The ‘everything’: do practically to are willing women meRomani who told that worker a social I met children) nowadays. We are undereconomic pressure. (K.B.37 year-old married Romawoman with two and mother, a also go outbe work do to house and work.the must Ithink women much work more menwoman than a Today before. than woman the to fall tasks more Now child. a was I when than lives freer much live They before. than work to go women Romani more Many husband doeshousework, butmy father wouldn’t havedone any, asthat was mum’s work. any ofhousework,sort asthiswas women’s all work. now But to things change.start My increasingly blurred. In the old days it would be weird for a Roma man to sweep, wash-up orIn do old daysthe the betweenroles men and women were divided,now these roles are Self-government 2009.09.22.) position of women no longer persists in the Roma community (B.Z. President of the Gypsy […] the traditional family model assuch doesnotexist today. Itis athing of the past. Thelow there, the women work, go through rubbish. (V.Z.Church social worker 2009.09.21.) They are at home. TheyThe women go moneyfor […]too womenthe go forwater, food […]- Whatwatchdo themen do? TV. Great men, [she is using a sarcastic tone] the men are not 144 CEU eTD Collection Romani women from the “Gypsy Row” complained that complained Row” “Gypsy the from women Romani adjustmentpolicies requirestructural more unpaid andinvisible from labor these Romani women. Onethat of the learned I women Romani with discussions and interviews the and on Based health social, local from money of individual households. to from sector public the costs transferring institutions, educational amounts substantial of withdrawal the through structuralpolicies mainly operate Thestate roles. adjustment burden care-giving on women’s families, therefore the state with the lack of social andhealth services puts an for welfare the the additional responsible of aretraditionally Faux women services. (Harvey 2005; 2006) Since social of decline is the impact economic neo-liberal the of features key the of One formarketas melon doing peasants. trading chores picking, household or income is either supplemented exclusivelyor from comes some casual informal or such work, an excludes theentitlementold-ageto pension.that Many Romani reported theirwomen itwages. for less provides Inaddition, ittraining opportunity aswell advancement and inemployment informal is the irregular,sector andunregulated, low usually very ensures is toconsider However,it that 1994). important with (Bakker increased globalization informal in the economy. Variousincome studies entire show that in their fact,earn female or employmentin the informal supplement, job economy a has have women Romani all Nearly expectations. kids’ their fulfill or clothes money fornew class excursions, or evenget buy for food to children they have can doeverything just to they when However, shortfalls. family of sort some on count them of many Roma women in thenarratives role acentral plays children, for the foras thefamily, especially and Provision this is the model they inherited from milk, they immediately added “ their own parents, fridge”. brother/sister inthe and all of of signsoflack unmistakable the money waswhen of “ noticechildren family if their isfinancially, struggling and ifso how.According tothem one security forgreat us.(K.M.is This 37 year-oldwinter. for marriedaway put we Roma womanmonths half with and two two children those in 2009.10.23.). make we What melons. doesn’t getmaypayment it,much but for wood he needs. take as the as In we summerpick husband clears thewood weeks, for two thenthey go on.Thisisthree timesin winter. He the branches from the slenderthatwith deal clearingwhen woods and a wood,clearthey thenmyhusbandgoesand takesthe trees. This is not regularthe we out. rest share Myhusband getswood from thelocal wood traders. There companiesare work, if they cut woodno moneyfor a weekby the thenend myof the child benefit formonth, the two children. About 100,000HUF comes in a month. Sometimeswe have so we have to be forcareful. five months. I always I usedtry to Officiallyto my income payis 76,000HUF.get Myhusband doesn’t work now. He has been theunemployed benefits bills first,but had to give them up when I started working. We get old Romani woman 2009.10.23.) living, sothathaveeverything they and theydon’t feel that theylack anything. (T.K.35-year- Basically, I give things up, I try giving all that I can to the girls, and in fact that’s my reason for Even though, I did not ask them what happens if there is no mum goesout,asks credit –getsmoney for us” for 145 there is no milk for our little there isnomilkfor CEU eTD Collection and poor social conditions in these areas. The correlation between health deterioration and the and households The of social strong. income poor the of Romapeople isespecially and position deterioration health between correlation The areas. these in conditions social poor and bad as of that general which can the be explainedby population, lack ofmedical the facilities health thisof livingin2006). Accordinghealth survey, status to as slumsistwice those the al., (Vokóet 1993, lowincome their status be to linked can situation their socio-economic collected in 2004 indicates that the health status of Roma living in slum conditions, as well as all have the both ruin potential 2002).Data theirandto health mental (Vokó, physical The social and physical exclusion Roma, their of lack of civil andrights increasing poverty The7.3.5 pathology ofexclusion . depends uponthem. children of their of women perspectives health the status the illnesses. Regardless, survival and recognition, all have a linkdirect psychotic, to neurotic and psychosomatic agents, whom oreven Everyday areindebted. usurers to anxieties,they for thestruggle comean Romaniwith various have women to to creditprovidentagreement the agencies, man’s job. is the this households non-Roma the In household. the of problems financial the solve that is Romani women non-Romani from women Romani women differentiating issues other the of One often have to take loans from a private persons or financial institutionsis used by clients. private to clients andprivate Thereby in patients. infrastructure mostthe developed publicthe hospital for (ab)use public services inwho hospital local the several doctors andabout social services from how been squeezedout have they stories about private care.Many recounted women or hadprovide whoaccess community forhad tonochance social to old care any relatives state work not only inside householdthe butalsoin community.the ManyRomani in women the In lastthe decadereducedpublic poverty hasincreased expenditureand intensified women’s with her.”(B.I. 43 years old Romani woman 2009.10.13.) put her to in a rehabilitation money no have We institute anymore. therefore walk and I speak had not to give could up even she myand seasonalstroke a had job in ordermother my […] to be know how to pay back the debt. (44year-old Roma widowwith two children K.V. 2009.10.21.) cope.I had tocomehome, asthe wasminor.child had a I neitherworkmoney. nor I didn’t back as Ihad it come to back here.mypay youngest Iput in son mymother-in-law’s care,I couldn’t butshe couldn’t HUF. 100,000 for loan bank a Itook and hotel a in worked I Budapest in be must paid, gas cylinders insurance month 5,000HUF cost a the […] Ihaveanoverdraft atthe years fourago car, bank, a have children The gas. with I cook lighting. heating, electricity: My electricity bill is huge, as the electricity pole is tied to the caravan. Everything is run on second class services as well. (B. Z. 36 year old Romani woman 2009.10.21.) They think [in the hospital] that Roma are second class citizens therefore we should get the 146 CEU eTD Collection Table 5.Psychological and mental health incidence according toethnicityand area (%) neither time, nor money to deal with theirmental health problems. survive on Asa dailyTable 5 basisshows,of depression and its medical consumestreatmentit is notsufficient inis either Pest County possibleor BAZ County. Roma that people’s in the case energy of this tosegment such anof extentsociety, that the strugglethey have to Disability status depression symptoms in young Roma women LAM 10 (11-12): 911-915. Roma women with the same levelof education. Gyukits, Ürmos, Csoboth, Pruebl. (2000): Incidence of 3 youcheer up … so broken and sad that nothing… happy can peace .. .calm, at full… you are energy of that felt you often 4 weeks have In thelast having suicidereported attempted Suicide attemptsof Roma women suffered were from non-Romani 2.1% of from to women.serious 50% womenthe depression, suffered compared some 12.1% sort of depression for compared examined of Roma andthe 9.3% non-Roma between women. Roma rangeof the depression Roma to 25% forwomen the non-Roma.in difference wasasignificant there that They established etal.ages of 2000). 15-24 (Gyukits while only György Gyukits and his incolleagues 1998Roma non-Roma and on between women the 5.6% of thepsychoses non-Roma work a pronouncedwomen number of Romani as well andas non-Romani women symptoms initsuffered mentioningisof depression ourquestionnaire, worth thatduring myfield from neuroses.various includefact developmentDespite wedid and that the being. personality spiritual not well of At onthe potentially effects adverse may all exert condescension disdain, problems. Racism, this point,Apart from physical deterioration, it is very important to also considerwe psychological should2009 research data, own Source: refer to a persons health ill/disabled with households Ratio of survey conducted by disabled declared areofficially they Ratio of households where there is a long-term illness/disabled personinthefamily, i.e., Table 4 members’ responsibility.family female the is solely members family these for providing districts, in slum conducted disability in the family, i.e. they are officially declared disabled. On the basisRoma of surveys who were interviewed in this study were highly affected by long-term illness or The study shows that there is nosignificant difference between the depression suffered by Roma and non- (N=1250) 3 . These are interesting research results and the recognition andthe results research interesting are . These , % 13 25 BAZ County Non-Roma Roma BAZ County 32,5 36 33 21 Roma Non- 147 28 40 44 52 39 25 Roma 18 Pest County 32 Pest County Non-Roma Roma 37 48 38 41 Non-Roma Roma 36 40 25,5 33 31 24 CEU eTD Collection Max. 8th grade (with no (with grade 8th Max. 43 grade, without8th skills Undergrade 8th Tablelevel 6.Thehighest ofeducation intervieweesthe localityaccording to and Roma only the did. 8% of while vocational education, or secondary hadcompleted women baccalaureate, while this differences. InBAZ of andevenwas 57% County, non-Romahad acertificate greater women 19% for the Roma women.foundin casewe which certificates, vocational In and education of proportion secondary the Pest County, 62% of non-Roma level hadRoma The next atwas welooked women only lower primary education. education even sharper with 38% of Roma havingwomen attained 8th 92%of grade, while non- the grade education, whilefor the Roma women thiswas 81%. In Pest County the difference was level of in their education (Table difference 6). In BAZ County, 43% isof asignificant the non-Romathere women had a maximumin Hungary, of 8th classes social lowest the to belong Roma factthat people the women. Despite Roma both and non-Roma of social status typical The sample of income was drawn from the lowest 5percent of the population, that is from the Struggle7.3.6 on impact their mental asignificant well-being. has which restructuring macro-economic recent by the fortified becomes mobilization downward women’s non-Romani memory,however their collective constitutes be financially socially deprived, to andexcluded marginalized for generations. This trained experience been have women Romani changes. macro-economic with also explained be can differences The women. non-Romani and Roma between differences show being well- andmental happiness their However, of ethnicity. regardless people marginalized the In sum, the pathology of exclusion can reinforce the powerless and defenseless position of everything and I have to be strong and happy.” (34 year old Romani woman with three kids) their children.As onerespondentsuccinctlyit, put children. They their by are forced to be fostered happybeen has and optimistic happiness as they women’s consider it Romani to bemany important for myobservations, on Based women. non-Romani than deprivation ishappiness higher and they have strategy tocope abetter with social and economic compared to 36% of non-Roma respondents. It seems that Romani women subjective depressedthe region. 52%of Romathe from respondents BAZ County beingreported happy Interestingly,however, Romani women are happier than non-Romani women, particularly in 2009 Ownresearchdata, Source: … exhausted … very upset ethnicity (%) (N=1250) in the educational system 24 19 Non-Roma BAZ County 66 60 148 “My future is my children. I have to survive 81 39 42 Roma 69 74 Pest County 38 33 5 Non-Roma 48 57 51 70 92 33 59 Roma CEU eTD Collection 2010) http://www.mtaki.hu/docs/080611_12/rovid/nemenyi_maria_kisebbsegi_identitasok.pdf homepage. Sciences of Academy Hungarian by social psychology. Roma children’s identity strategies”, a synopsis of which canbe downloaded from the 172 their childrentostudy, despite the problemsfor they encounter. important it considered study in the interviewed men, and women both Roma, time same infailure. school mostleads inturn, to cases which, confidence self-assurance, and intobiastransformed educational system. against diminishes the self- Stigmatization finishstudies evendiscourages school. be or them primary Thiscollective can to experience ethnic identity and skin which color, increasingly de-motivates Roma/Romani inwomen their based on practices are prevalent and discriminatory humiliation system school In the present way: in following the their educational children A Romani difficulties explainedthe of woman families to whom they have to provide social services. sometimes their educational opportunities are hamperedby early marriage orby their own kindergartenin from open and hiddendiscrimination system Hungarian educational present the various of the their may be forms due to partly discrepancy Secondly, the and inequalities. educational schools segregated to attributable is partly tofirst The women. non-Roma and Roma university. can forSeveral indicators inbereasons discrepancy behind found education significant the Thirdly,2009 Ownresearchdata, Source: someyears)(Average ageof 36 sample: of thebaccalaureate Romani – School certificate girlsBaccalaureate and skills with Grade 8th womenfurther education) told me that An important contribution to school stigmatisation is Mária Neményi’s study „Minority identities examined 53 year-old married Roma woman with two children. 2009.10.23.) as there is the “G” onour foreheads, wherever theygo,howeverwell they dressed.” are (B.K. corner. Then explained they to the nursery teacherwas this that not allowed,did nogood, butit investigated the case, and saw that my daughter had been hit and yet she was told to standmy daughterwasin and punished. I went the Local to the Government what to tell them happened and they mydaughter bit children Hungarian the of one school nursery to went children the children, onlyeach other,the wouldHungarians tease them but not theotherway round. When held the children’sHungarian hands butnot theirs, the hitGypsies couldn’t the Hungarian bothered with them. were not They paidattention the to, were notteachers nice to them, they hit them, tugged their ears and beat them. The Gypsy children were all thrown together, nobody wasGypsy-only a whyschool before.is theydidn’t asthe Thiswas finish, teacher very strict, were lots of problemsMy children didn’t even grade,reach 8th notone of them. completed They 6th grade as there with the teachers. The girls were thrown into a remedial school, which 57 26 31 149 19 7 12 62 36 26 (Downloaded May 19 172 At the 8 2 6 CEU eTD Collection before finishing primary school. One of them said regretfully that her eldest (a 16 year-old) (a16 saidregretfully her eldest beforefinishing of One them school. primary that have continueinthem families supported butto their endtheystarted the education, early, both of them theyoungerchildren.” in lookafter around thehouse,or work girls must their thirties,adult said that: “ with manyAn old Romani woman from the “Chinatown”children, of Szikszó, who became a skilled worker as an said that at the time their parents would family.the All invisiblethis female prevented work them from further.studying likehelpaccording havinghadhome,childhood female expected at to tothe in act and roles state welfare system. Many Romani women and girls talked about obstacles in fortheirwork andpoverty shortcomingshave the In of the constant girls compensate deep and to this age: elementary school. Herstory provides a rich insightwhy into itis important tostudy even at During myfieldwork Imetmiddle-aged a Romani iswoman who in the process of finishing eldestgirls had tolook after the little ones and had no time togo to school. reported thatis older by often children. For poverty. women Many this practice Roma accompanied great they had no When it education,comes itshoes, to is often girlssaid that give up school get marriedto andhave clothes and, due to the division of labor in the family, the woman with six children, 2009.12.08.) getmarried, letthem study, studyingisgood cost.”at any (K.B.53-year-old married Roma plaster factory…the girls they are old 16-17 years aren’tbut married. There is time for them to America, as an animalskills ifwehadn’t been pushed. They were brought strictly. up Wellmy eldest works boy in carer. Well, weMisike is awaiterjust and Zsolt goes to spokecollege to study social work.with All themthree of my children have completed 8th MarikaGrade. went to hairdressingthe school, on the phone and they work in a like (K.B. that. 47 year-old married Roma woman with four children 2010.02.06.) my motherin with the peasant household […] if work hadshe to allowed me had to I perhaps itwouldn’t have been also and brothers and sisters younger my of care take to I had as [….] worked alongside and had children too. Mymother didn’tallow me to finish primary school I finished primary school and technical school whenIwasgood older,andwith results, since I 53-year-old married Roma woman with six children 2099.10.12.) this out as I can’t and I can’t pay it in’. Now, Igo overand fill it out and pay it in myself.”(V.I.I money. count couldn’tI can fillout And forms. now goodit’s very don’t I reading. that need oh that’ please come here, fill practice to storybooks got have I then Since great. that’s and am going to finish 6th. Nowthen you go can’t really to school. Igave birth at 16.Ihad I completed now grades,havethree and I got to the point whereyoung age. Iestablished a family when Iwas 15years old and then children the came[…] I and can fill out a cheque,I attended the first three gradesread and didn’t really like it. The a truth letteris that we gotmarried at a was seventeen then. (B.K. 44 year-old Roma widow with two children 2009.12.08.) Miskolc andlearnt weaving and And spinning. I gave then it up as Iranoff mywith husband. I regularly went to school.Myolder astonemason. brother became Iwent to school101in the one who couldn’t go to school asshe did everything at home. My older brother and I justwent tostudy.home I fromschool and studied candlelight, olderby that’sit.was My sister after usand dideverything. Everybody knew in family the what shedid.Ihad nothing todo, so mywork, older to was sister out taken ofhad school. Shemusthave in5th been orgrade;mother 6th my looked she drunkard; a was father My brother. older an and sister older an I have at the time – against my father’s will motherstopped at thetime–againstmyfather’s –my mefrom studying; 150 Zsolti wouldn’t have many so have wouldn’t Zsolti Two younger women, younger Two CEU eTD Collection after her father, who had cancer, as well as her younger children. daughter could notgo toschool for shorter orlonger periods of time, because look she had to 151 CEU eTD Collection 173 women activists. It is important to note that those Romani womenFeminism gives a newconsciousness, languagewho and line of joined forlocal argumentation Romani the newly 2003) their children membersand of need community the help.who andHochschield (Ehrenreich these invest their women physical andenergy mental and into financial resources supporting Romani inwomen familythe inand communitythe should be valued and appreciated as of role traditional the state, welfare a declining of context In the of them. care take they also economic and social lifelabor Romaniwomennotsocieties. of thefuture only pool the produce butand tax of payers, part important an is it though even calculations economic national The traditional an career. role activist in and mobilization important their played school NGOs, local of members active politically and role leaders local become who have women Romani those of lives the ofIn women. Romani for Romani mobility social for means only womeninequality and based Meanwhile,is ethnic and educational racial system the the difference. as primary promote socialnotdoes mobility,instead unwittingly genderand class, produces reinforces caregiversfindings show as dysfunctionalwell system the that education facing problems tremendous research My women. Romani especially Roma, of attainment economic and social the of the family towardsinstitutions.attitude The structural inequality further maintains exclusion the from is ignoredracialized inemployment and health opportunities status, which,theirinlinked their most cases,is to women living indifficult especially theireducation circumstances, regarding and ethnicnon-Romani and Romani between differences great are there demonstrates, research As the identityin problems new family. the create to serves only households, of income the improve andconsiderably not alsoRomani have been women employed aslow-skilled workers in TESCO, opportunity this does theirfew ifa even isthat whatwesee Yet, women. for opportunities employment greater led to has it that been always has collective neo-liberalism of in favor arguments main the of One women. Romani for places work few a offering enterprises multinational and local some small are There relatively region. in the rate employment the change culturalsignificantly could who investors economic major by ignored been has location fieldwork My region. inthis group the to high-risk belong women Romani Roma/ experiencesparticularly, addition, In children. and women color, address poverty failedand entrenched the to growth that of country the freehasmarket brought a prosperity to tiny elite operating engine asthe of the imprint periphery andIn northern the locations. therelevanceof regions certain andevaluates decides witness to shocking was theirIt position. local specific ina women Romani of inequalities class and the gender ethnic, contextualized influencethe structures and these how context and economic social local the shape forces dominancemacro-economic how explore to me enabled has fieldwork My of the7.4 Concludingremarks global economic restructuring whereas the global market a stronger emphasis on the free market, which was imposed by international agencies. by international imposed was which market, free onthe emphasis stronger a Negri (2000) and Harvey (2005) argue that there was amajorshift toward neo-liberalism in and the late 1970s,Hardt with society. the from institution aseparate as market the to precedence gave it and emerged, market self-regulating on the based structure social a new century, eighteenth ofthe end the at to him, According He argues that throughout human history, the market has beenpart of human society subordinateas a institution. Karl Polanyi (1944) criticized the self-regulating free market system in his work, 152 173 that disproportionally that people effects of The Great Transformations. CEU eTD Collection my academic interests, but it butmy interests, has someacademic alsogenerated local change. makingdecision academic or discussion. Itruly hope mythat doesnot fieldwork serve solely of subjects than participating rather even scholarship, academic or of debates, policy-making Their andissues. their Indeed, talk about women objectthe of Romani are often and political action. political for mobilizable most constructlanguage their voice to of rhetoric inoffered a process participation research the the are Roma” “elite the level local the at establishedlocal Romani NGO all come from integrated, “decent” Romani families. So, even 153 CEU eTD Collection further their own feminist agendas, while on the other hand, they must contend with the themselves: on the one hand, they can use human rights language as a progressive tool to However, the same view of Romani women offers a contradictory sitefor the Romani women expand their scope of control and contribute to the human rights and gender equality regime. in for to Romani victimized women order international advocate argue that organizations Based I my findings work. on immediate aboveand of their outside factors political certain international the level, on Romani womenalliances havefind to been forced and to allow theirrecognition own and agendas space to be influenced political by transnational gain to international organizations that advocate human rights, particularly women’s rights. In order by is activism assisted transnational level. of women’s Theemergence Romani transnational equality discourse, designed and used by Romani women who have access to the My research findings support the firsthypothesis is therethat anewly emerged gender parties international and organizations. participation of Romani women, as well as be used as a political commodity by political thepolitical can strengthen genderequality discourse the Moreover, community. specific by in local a contested andactivists sometimes translated willbe transformed, discourse rights human and gender The level. transnational the at is generated which movement Hypothesis: main arguments andquestions, ofmy findings study. the reiterate inand my Iwill summarize of Here, been scope which havetested the research. At my outset the of study, Iformulated some research questions and hypothesesrelating under banners the of “empowering Romani women”. whichthrough they “Romani promote and rights” women’s “human andrights democracy” and local as activities level, discourses the aswell and atthe transnational issues” “women’s centers) and at the local level (Szikszó, Hungary). As part of my research, Iclosely observed the transnational level various the (mapping Roma and networks international resource With the above outlined concerns in my mind, Iundertook an empirical research project at Roma andnon-Roma activists, andalso within groups. their by complicated the describing relationship andintercations NGOs, among donors, other biographical level. Iaimed togobeyond the superficial representation of women’s activism, women’s political activism and social status, from the structural through the discursive and mynarrow study, Ihave focused on transnational localand (particularly Hungarian) Romani manifestations of gender, ethnicity and class in contemporary Romani women’s life. To The aim of this dissertation has been to explain and analyze through empirical material the social struggles Conclusion: Revisiting Romani women’s political activism and 1. community? are transnational andgenderdiscourses translated andmodified in the specific local transnational levelinrespect ofRomaniwomen activismandsocial position? How How ofethnicity,gender are intersections and class at manifested the local and There is a marginalized new (gender equality) discourse in the emerging Roma 154 CEU eTD Collection important role in their mobilization and activist career. role activist in and mobilization important their local members of played andactive have an NGOs school local politically become leaders the means for Romani women’s social mobility. In the lives of those Romani women who and racial difference. Meanwhile, based on the findings, the educational system proves to be and problems unintentionally produces gender reinforces and class, ethnic based inequality My research findings alsoshow thethat dysfunctional education system facing tremendous further maintains the exclusion from the social and economic attainment of Romani women. between Romani and non-Romani women with similar social status. The structural inequalitydifferences great are there that demonstrates research household The comparative position. gender of contextualized ethnic, class inequalities and Romani in women local a specific influence the structures andhow these local context economic impactand the social forces macro-economic how convincingly illustrates chapter my empirical that is hoped it However, organizations. of transnational commodities become local and activists NGOs encounters, local chapter 7asmy starting pointforthcoming of the how ethnography about transnational and to myself) process my ethnographic distancing and data and critically (alienation time reflectmore upon my role.requires I consider still which the empirical activism local in immersion contested at the local level by Romani women activists. It is due to my long and deep gendertransnationally andconstructed humandiscourse rights is transformed, negotiated and Nevertheless, following my first hypothesis, my study fails to demonstrate in depth how the politics”2006: 224). (Verloo rethinkingof representation andthe participation in of an citizens era of post-identity development of complex methods and tools informed by intersectionality theory, and a between various inequalities. In other words, as Verloo put it, “what is needed is the more sensitiveit language,is necessary comprehendto the differences and relationship structural position of Romani women. Iagree with Mieke Verloo that in order to create a on is the knowledge aswell limited very there literature as in policy-making academic the integrate gender, ethnicity and class in data collection and analysis. Todate, in European to effort systematic still lackthe projects research academic that illustrates My research women’s structural position. and gender violence. These researchespolicy availableoriented Romani demonstrate educational as well status with lackas of access to childcare facilities), poorhealth conditions amongst drop-outs, etc), lack of employment (which strongly correlates with the low overrepresentation higher to education, lack of literacy access rate, of (low education gender, ethnicity and class regardingare manifested Romani social women’s inposition lack of intersections question that myfirstanswer partly CoE and These researches OSI. UNDP, suchasthe organizations byinternational commissioned researches oriented mainly policy Romani women’s social position in Central and Eastern Europe is demonstrated in a few, and subordination. contest internal hierarchies: between and external the position by isinformed their peculiar which women’sactivism, of Romani character” “dialogical is animatedcases, by most in global actors, that, such as activism the EU, CoE and political OSI. Roma My the study within also shows the specificleadership male-dominated against On the one hand, Romani women’s position is identified through their continuous resistance countries. structurally relationsunequal power specific toRomani inwomen post-communistthe universalizing idea of“gender equality” underscoring that language and ignoring the 155 CEU eTD Collection involvement in local and transnational activism based on class. on based activism transnational and in local involvement Hypothesis: normality’. ‘Western is called what of symbolic power configurations rooted in ‘Eastern otherness’ and, in contradistinction to it, advantages (e.g. the dominance of non-Roma who have taken up the Romani cause), but also Furthermore, the postcolonial hierarchy racial is aresultnotjust material of resource inup’ and tojustify order empowerment quoofnon-Roma status dominance. the imitation of power, in reality they are always in a continuous (never-ending) mode of ‘catch- domination are based upon discursive and structural legacies. Whereas Roma have an of patterns The women with activists. by Romani interviews the elite demonstrated Romathe with relationship symbiotic and intertwined aparadoxical, complex, This creates elite. rights human non-Roma by the done mainly is translation this myfindings on based and rights thecapacity human discourse, To talk equality the gender of about translating for Romaniargumentation women activists. appropriated the language of feminism, which gives a new consciousness and line of Based on my interviews with educated Romani women, I observed that many of them Romaniintegrated construct women to language their and talkissues. about their my observation, the participatory research process offered a voice of rhetoric to the local feminist method participatory toinclude Romani women in knowledge production. Based on than participating subjects of decision making. This was one of the reasons why I chose a rather object women Indeed, Romani the andpolicy-makingare often debates of political action. respond most eagerly to the call of human rights and they are the most active in political right and human gender the equality internalize discourse. and So, even activism at the localpolitical level access theto integrated “elitecapacity their Roma” influence women Romani literate). So as my research demonstrates, the social status and geographical position of andfinally,local Romani communities and their representatives (usually rural and semi- non- Romani theinclude order Roma) moveselites; then Romani downto (urban,educated elites European Eastern by followed entrepreneurs, rights human American) (primarily the human rights and policy advocacy elites at the very top of the ladder tend to be Western My research supports secondthe hypothesis withinbecause Roma political activism today, principles supposedly classthe depends on belonging and translation of capacities activists. Hypothesis: 2. 3. political activism? How do class womendifferences amongst Romani their affect access torights and for human for rights andgender equality What kind ofpersonal trajectories determinewoman Romani tobeactivists, tofight Unfair discrimination treatment, violenceand against Romani women determine The local conceptualization of human rights and translation of equality of andgender human rights translation of The local conceptualization ? 156 CEU eTD Collection Roma within the social sciences as awhole. sciencesas of social Romathe within position marginalized the by diminishing field research the of profile the raise to promises studies in criticalEurope, ‘race’ theory and post-colonial studies. Ihope thatmy work My contributions are also envisioned in the cognate areas of post-socialist and transition studies. andethnic rights and anthropology,my work makes seminal contributions to the area of gender studies, human fieldin within sociology research however, an in phase, expanding a researcher an embryonic anthropology, particularly in respect of Roma groups on the social and political periphery.As opted to take bridges empirical and theoretical gaps in the study of sociology and I have approach The conceptualization. lacks theoretical and is This area under-researched continents. and countries in other specificities and the differences among the situations of racially-marginalized women groups My study offers a comparative framework for further research to understand both the struggle showsmany similarities with indigenous, third world and women colored activists. Stepping back toconsider broader the view of Romani women’s political activism and social Perspectives struggle, anditis likely remainto sofor decades, possibly centuries. explain alsonarratives for people, emancipation an is that oppressed amulti-generational invisible oppression they that through socialencounter and political activism. The women’s solidarity amongst Romani women. However, women’s stories also expose some unspoken, families. The interviews theinternalreveal aboutnarration intimatethe and supportive communities, where women have animportantrole in sustaining andprotecting their One of the findings of the study shows the less known matriarchic face of some Roma existingracialchallenge the hierarchy. and persistent interviewees had to fight against the norms of their ownfamily and community and to problematic of ‘fighting within and against’ the system of oppression. Many of the In most of the stories the key catalystin social and political mobilization was the overarching predestined them. had identity and situation ethnic and forfamilies’ lifestyle whichtheirsocio-economic fate community. Roma in the The and Romani families women activistsin their whom both I meetrole during my researchlife-changing a went on against took the interviewees the of Most activism. political through seek socialencourage them justiceto andgenderviolence, racial experienced that sometimes and stimulating motivation professional individual and friendly relationships.environment, They the of witnessed theirresponse Romani the fellow’sgender, andand Gypsy-ness relations practiced in the given families and relationships, relations to identity constructs of relations male-femaleandfemale power during experienced childhood the adulthood, determined by factors: socialthe followingthe of status andfamilies,communities the male- is life political their women, Romani educated with interviews my on Based life. in their and discrimination face harsher whoarepolitically tothose compared passive discriminated least even they though haveare status ahigher activism that in to beactive political likely more are women Romani those since hypothesis, my last modifies finding My research 157 CEU eTD Collection Anzaldúa,Gloria. 1987. 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(accessed February (accessedFebruary 26, (Accessed on June on (Accessed (accessed (accessed CEU eTD Collection CEDAW Reports: http://www.errc.org/cikk.php?cikk=2136CEDAW Reports: (Accessed June on 25.2010) Decision on the European Year of Equal Opportunities for All (2007) - Towards a Just A collection of sources on Human Trafficking and Modern-day Slavery is available at: February February 27, 2009). http://ec.europa.eu/employment_social/eyeq/index.cfm?cat_id=EY Society (May 2006): http://www.gvnet.com/humantrafficking/Romania.htm 194 (accessedMarch 12, 2009 (accessed CEU eTD Collection Mária Katalin Júlia Jolán Ilona Erzsébet Csilla (Pseudo)name women. the of identity quotations; howeveritstill in limited not provides information protectorder theactual to the empirical chapter six. The additional information may help tocontextualize some of the Additional information is provided below about womenthe whose quotations are included in APPENDIX 1 organization. She has a a profit oriented leaderin she became a senior on Later in herearly thirties. She gotinvolved in politics fifties. early is inher Mária She has auniversity degree. inRoma her politics thirties. in disappointed became She children. single mother with two She is divorced and is a fifties. early her is in Katalin university degree. Romani husband. She has a married a activism until she political in Roma active was She fifties. late in her is Júlia college degree. as in party politics. She has a well as politics in NGO role important an played has She isthirties. inherearly Jolán university degree. national election. She has a political parties to run for several approached by times NGOs. Also she was She is in active different forties. early in her is Ilona university degree. Hungary. She has a Romaoldest NGOin is still the president of the She fifties. in her is Erzsébet college. training from a teacher graduated Minority Council. She She is a member of the Roma Csilla isin herlate thirties. Description 195 2008.08.17 2009.03.07 2008.11.02 2009.09.16 2008.08.13 2009.02.12 2009.06.12 2008.06.21 2008.10.12 2008.11.20 2008.08.21 2008.02.23 2009.05.21 2010.05.23 2008.10.23 2008.01.19 2008.12.03 2008.07.21 2008.03.12 2007.04.17 2007.03.02 Interview date(s) CEU eTD Collection Zsuzsanna Vilma Veronka Melinda university university degree. has auniversity degree. by supported her party. She government the in official ranking high a was She inparty herpolitics thirties. forties. She gotinvolved in Zsuzsanna is in her late She has auniversity degree. twenties. late her in politics She involvedgot in party fifties. early is inher Vilma university degree. Hungary. She has a in 90-s early in the feminist was the first explicit Romani Minority Council. Also she president of the Roma is the She is single. and isVeronka in her late 40s She has auniversity degree. NGOs. international various She has been working in thirties. late her in is Melinda 196 2008.03.24 2008.06.14 2007.04.12 2008.04.12 2008.12.20 CEU eTD Collection 197