COMING INTO THEIR OWN: FILPINO CANADIAN YOUTH, THEIR ETHNC IDENTITY AND CAREER ASPWTLONS
Patricia G. Candido
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Education in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Education
Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Canada August, 2000
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There is a growing population of minority group adolescents and young adults who grapple with issues related to their ethnicity and their dreams for their futures.
Among these are Filipino-Canadians, born in Canada of Filipino parents, who find themselves having a different set of values, ideals and identity than what their immigrant parents had envisioned. One of the challenges that arises with the reformulation of their identity is the choice of their careen.
in this study, 1 set out to find answers to these questions: what is the ethnic identity of Filipino-Canadians, and how does their ethnic identity affect their career aspirations? To achieve this, 1 interviewed three individuals and organized a workshop on identity and career objectives where I had discussions with a small sample of Filipino-
Canadians Etom 18-23 years of age. Questionnaire responses provided information on their ethnic identification and their visions for the fùture. Data showed that the participants had an integrated ethnic identity, a cross-cultural life with both Filipino and
Canadian orientations. Because of their exposure to other cultures, they have become increasingly aware of other career options and have found themselves attracted to making choices independently. The sample group made their career choices on the basis of their interests, rather than parental choice of traditionally accepted careers. Ethnically-dictated careen were chosen not because of traditional reasons like family or social expectations but because of a desire to improve the pli& ofmembers of their ethnic group. The study concludes with possible future directions for addressing the needs of Filipino-Canadians in their search for a fbture career. ACKNOWDGEMENTS
It is ody appropnate to acknowledge so many individuals who played an important role in the completion of my thesis. My deep gratitude goes to al1 of them.
To Amy, Beth and Cecile, speakers Marcie, Rory and Sam, the facilitaton and the
20 participants who al1 dared to disclose their personal lives and to share their experiences and feelings through interviews, discussions and questionnaire data, thus helping to further advance the discourse on ethnicity and career development among minority grooups in Canada;
To an indomitable duo who never gave up on me and were always thorough, but gentle with their feedback: Professor Rena Upitis, my supervisor, whose patience, enthusiasrn and full support gave me much-needed incentive to just keep on going; and
Professor Nancy Hutchinson, my cornmittee member, who planted the seed of a thesis idea and kept it alive with her encouragement and guidance;
To Autkje and Marlene for al1 the assistance they provided in my years of study;
To Fanny and Lina for their constancy and fnendship and for lending a helping hand at the workshop;
And finally, to my family for their unwavenng belief in me, even when it was difficult to imagine that 1 could do it: rny brother, for helping in my literature search; rny mom, for her love and prayers; rny husband, Romeo, for his thoughtful insights, editonal comments and loving support; and my children: RI, Trina and Anna, who are my inspiration and the reason for pursuhg this topic. Their love has sustained me. TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ......
Acknow ledgements ......
Table of Contents ......
List of Figures ......
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... Rationde ...... Research Issues and Purposes ......
CHAPTER TWO:REVIEWG THE LITERATURE ...... Ethnic Identity and Models of Identity Development ...... Definitions of Ethnic Identity and Acculturation...... Models of Ethnic Identity Developrnent ...... The RaciaVCultural Identity Development Mode1 ...... Sue and Sue typologies ...... Phinney mode1 ...... Kitano typologies ...... Berry's acculturation mode1 ...... Components of Ethnic Identity ...... Literature on Filipinos ...... History of Filipinos ...... The Nature of the Filipino ...... Family Ties ...... Respect for elden ...... Smooth interpersonal relationships ...... Ethnic Identity and Vocational Behaviour ...... Career Choices ...... Skills and Personality Traits ...... Family Muences ...... Filipino Vocational Behaviour ...... Canadian Content ...... Multicultural Counselling ...... Etbnic Minority Attitudes to Help-Seeking ...... Asian Amencan Counsellor Preferences ...... Counselling and Career intervention ...... Sumrnary of the Literature ......
CHAPTER THREE: METKOD ...... Case Study Participants ...... The Workshop Participants and Sampling Design ...... Description of the Workshop ...... First Speaker: Marcie ...... Second Speaker: Rory ...... Third Speaker: Sam ...... Final Workshop Activity: A Presentation ......
The Interviews ...... Amy ...... Beth ......
Self-Identity Questionnaire ...... Table 1: Responses to Questions on Four Domains of Ethnicity . Language Preference and Use ...... Ethnic Pride and Identification ...... Ethnic Interaction and Socialization ...... Customs. Habits. and Traditions ...... Group Discussions ...... Learning and Career Inventory ...... Table 2: Career Preferences Listed in inventory ...... Rapporteur's Reports ......
CHAPTER FTVE: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS ...... Analysis of Ethnic Identity and Career Choices ...... Limitations ...... The Instruments ...... The Self-Identity Questionnaire ...... Learning and Career Inventory ...... Sampling of Participants ...... Activities ...... Further Research ...... Educational Implications ...... Parents ...... The School ...... Teachers ...... Counsellors ...... The School System ...... Peers ...... Summary ...... APPENDICES Appendix A: Glossary of Tagalog Words Used in the Thesis ...... Appendix B: Consent Form for Workshop Participants ...... Appendix C: Interview with Amy ...... Appendix D: Interview with Beth ...... Appendix E: Letter of Invitation to Workshop Participants ...... Appendix F: Marcie's Prepared Notes ...... Appendix G: Music for Ako Izo ......
VITAE ...... LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Oria@nal Workshop Agenda ......
Figure 2: ActuaI Workshop Timing ......
Figure 3 : Seif-Identity Questionnaire ......
Figure 4: Learning and Career Inventory ......
Figure 5: Ako Ito: an original composition ......
Figure 6: Distribution of Participants by Category ......
Figure 7: Maricelle's Findings f?om Discussions in Group Two ...... CHAPTER ONE
DITRODUCTION
The young wonian. Beth. sai quieily as she watched the lively
iiiovaiieiirts aroui~d;ha porp rom, smiliiîg iiem~rslj>clt :fie nntics af hcr
friends close by. She iooked on as her friend Amy. ker dark hair cropped
short and h ighlighi ed wiih btirgundy streaks, wus demonstrating a dance
step she had seen on television. In a far corner was Cecile, hrrnched over
and cross-legged on the floor, engrossed in a bar/--nished novel and
rindisturbed by to the commotion around her. Ail three stood oui in a grorrp
of yormg Filipino Canadians who had gatlzered tu attend the
cornmernoratiori of the death anniversas. of a once-promineni member of
the ciyk Filipino commzozity. nie thestood orit, not because of their
attire and physical Zooks or the way they behaved, but because in their eyes.
one corrld see thai each had a story to tell.
Beth, Amy and Cecile are only three individuals in an emerging generation of
Canadians bom and raised in this country to Filipino immigrant parents. III some ways, they reminded me of my three children - my son, who has the same flamboyant spirit as
Amy, my second child, the shy and gentle daughter who, like Beth, is happy to be a spectator, and my youngest daughter, like Cecile, undaunted in the face of disorder and confusion around her. Like my children, the three young women belong to the group of children who were exposed in their earliest years to a different set of values, traditions and btliefs reflecting their cultural roots than those of theû school peen. This is the generation that has oflen heard their parents remind them that they left home and fmily to migrate to Canada in order to pave the way for a more promising economic and social fbture for their children. A large part of this future includes the choice of career for these children which would promise a comfortable and successful life. Because of the strong influence of the farnily structure in Filipino culture, children growing up in Filipino homes share many things: a pnde in their hentage, love for the same foods, sarne dreams expectations for the future. Filipinos families stress the importance for a child to be socialized by children and adults coming fiom the same cultural cornmunity (Buduhan &
Oandason, 1981). The children share a feeling that their practices, habits and traditions were not experienced in the sarne way by the non-Filipinos around them. And with the same dreams, values, attitudes and thoughts, young Filipinos could have corne from the same mold as their parents. But as these children ~OW,they begin to interact with different groups of Canadians and be exposed to a wider variety of ethnic cultures, acquiring new attitudes and values. By their adolescent years, these youth emerge with their own penonalities, a composite mix of the values fiom home and the values of the society in which they live.
By the time this generation reaches the adolescent years, they corne face to face with the realities of their ethnic identity and cope in their individual ways with their ethnicity. Each child evolves into a young adult who is hindamentally difEerent from the others. Yet the stones they have to tell are similar, suggesting that al1 of them-in differing degrees-have undergone a process called acculturation in which members of ethnic minority groups change their patterns of behaviour in order to adapt to the host society (Berry, 1997).
Continuing exposure to the influences of a host culture may give birth to a new identity during the adolescent and early adult years. A new sense of self may be bom, one that is merremoved kom the ethnic culture of their younger years. Members of minority communities begin to shed their original culture (accidentally or deliberately) and replace their behaviours to allow them to fit better into the society of settlement
(Berry, 1997). The noms and values of the dominant society often become the yardstick that sets a hework for behaviour with this group. Despite their individualities, people fiom the same culture share common experiences that help shape their attitudes, values, expectations and aspirations (Tinsley, 1994). Filipino Canadians are no exception. Like members of other minority groups, they have varying outlooks and expectations regarding their career development and may expect to encounter more barriers and problems in their occupational punuits than will memben of the dominant culture. But, as Sodowsky, Kwan and Pannu (1995) emphasize, minonties are beginning to assert and define an ethnic identity for themselves. Sodowsky et al cal1 it a revisioning of ethnic identities. Although the notion is still regarded as new, Asians, they Say, are "finally coming into their own" @. 152).
Rationale
The topic for this thesis was triggered by a disquieting observation 1 had made that some Filipino youth in their upper yean of secondary school and early years of post- secondary education faced uncertainties and indecisions in making career choices. Being of Filipino background myself, 1 had always felt that the farnily network system, that is strongly dominant arnong Filipinos, gave the younger generation the support and capacity to make such decisions readily. Or did it really? Could it be possible that these younger ones had developed an ethnic identity with a modified set of aspirations, values and orientations that, they feared, did not conform to the expectations of their cultural group? Were they tom between choosing what they felt they shoztld be doing and what they wodd realiy like to do? How had their sense of self developed, and did this corne into play in the broader picture of setting their objectives and making vocational choices?
Or could I have been basing my feelings on what I could see of those people 1 had close contact with? Perhaps other members of this ethnic group did not have the sarne problem.
Some of them could well have been following a pattern similar to their counterparts in the Philippines who had definite ideas about their career goals early in their childhood. 1 began to wonder what other Filipino Canadian expenences were like. if' it was the case that there was a general trend arnong the younger rnembers of this ethnic group to have definite career goals early in childhood, perhaps it would be useful to explore whether, and how, ethnic identity, as defined by Helrns and Piper (1994) relates to the occupational aspirations of first generation Filipino Canadians. (By the terms "Filipino
Canadian" or "fint generation Filipino Canadians" I refer to children who were bom in
Canada of Filipino immigrant parents.)
Research Issues and Purposes
The study set out to examine the ways in which ethnic identity interacted with interests, values and aspirations in the decision-making and career-choice processes among Filipino Canadians. Through the use of case studies and through data derived fiom a workshop 1 planned to organize, I had hoped to descnbe the career choices of
Filipino Canadians in ternis of ethnic identity.
I hoped to find lessons to be learned From the expenences of this generation of
Filipinos. By looking in depth into some of the issues related to the career development of memben of this minority group, 1 expect that 1 might be able to suggest ways to meet some of the vocational needs of young Filipinos in this country.
To find my answers through qualitative methods, 1 searched for participants for four case studies, hoping that each of them would fit into one of each of the four categories as identified by Berry (1997), namely: the assimilationist, the icitegrationist, the separationist, and the rnarginalist. However, 1 was not hopefbl that 1 would find someone in the rnarginalist category because through my knowledge of and association with Filipino Canadians, 1 had not met anyone who would fit this category. Berry (1997) had also reached the conclusion that marginalkation was not a preferred strategy among individuals in the numerous studieç he made on various minority groups. Based on rny observations of their behaviour and their responses during brkf chats with them at the social gathenng, I decided to select three participants for the case studies hoping that each one would represent one of the remaining three categories: the assimilationist, integrationist and separationist.
Then I moved to the second phase of the study which was a workshop involving a group of 18 Filipino Canadians ranghg in age fiom 18 to 23. By having subjects of one generational level, I hoped to eliminate the possibility of intra-group differences that could accompany wide differences in acculturation levels. From my observations of
Filipinos and Filipino Canadians, I had the impression that those who were bom and raised for a few years in the Philippines had different racial identities compared to those bom in Canada to Filipino parents. I developed two instruments to be filled out by the workshop participants: an identity questionnaire and a learning inventory. I also closely observed and listened to the participants throughout the day, which enabled me to get a picture of how the young Filipino Canadians identified themselves and their vocational objectives.
Chapter 2 includes a review of the relevant literature. In Chapter 3, the method of gathenng my data is descnbed, while Chapter 4 presents the findings and analyses of the three case studies and of the observations, interviews and questionnaires administered at the workshop that was created for the Filipino Canadian participants. In Chapter 5, I present the implications for future research, and make suggestions for future application by counsellon, teachen, farnily and peen. CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This chapter contains a review of the literature relevant to understanding ethnic iilcntiiy of minoriiy goups and Iliéir carzer sncntaîion and aspirations.
With the growing recognition that Canada is becoming a more culturally diverse society, and with the introduction of the federal government's Multicultural Policy in
1971 followed by the passage of the Canada Mufticulturd Act in 1988,I expected to find a substantial collection of studies and reports on ethnic minority groups and their expenences in Canada. But my search proved disappointing, as 1 found limited literature relevant to my study.
There is consensus in the existing literature that there is still a need for theory and research on the ethnic identity of pesons living in North Amerka who are of non-
Western European descent, particularly Asian Arnericans, since the subject has received
Meattention (Leong & Chou, 1994; Leung, 1995; Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998; Tinsley,
1994). Sue et al. (1W8), who provided an overview of ethnic identity and acculturation models, concluded that "research and conceptual development in this area are in need of
Meradvancement with respect to Asian Arnericans" (p. 291). There is also a lack of discussion on how cultural variables may impact on the career development of members of these minonty groups (Leong, 1998; Leong & Tata, 1990). This need is even more pronounced in Canada where little research has been done on the role of ethnicity in occupational aspirations (Maxwell, Maxwell, & Knigiy-Smolska, 1996) or on issues of race and ethnicity in career orientation and aspirations (Samuda & Lewis, 1992). However, even with an apparent upward trend in scholarly work in the field, there is still a perception that theoretical research on ethnic identity far outweighs empirical research
(Phimey, 1990) and a strong need exists for more research studies about the career objectives of minonty groups (Leong, 1985, as cited in Leong, 1998), especially for
Asians in Canada.
The literature is grouped under three headings; namely, (a) ethnic identity and models of identity development, @) ethnic identity and vocational behaviour, and (c) multicultural counselling.
Ethnic Identity and Models of Identity Developrnent
Definitions of Ethnic Identitv and Acculturation
In curent research, the two constmcts of ethnic idenîiy and occulturation are sometimes used synonymously and interchangeably in describing and explorhg sociopsychological processes in ethnic groups (Phinney, 1990; Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998).
In some cases however, the two tems are distinguished.
Smith (1991) describes ethnic identity as the nim total of group members' feelings about values, symbols and cornmon histories that identify them as a distinct group (p. 181). Helrns and Piper (1994) describe ethnic identity as "a social identity based on the culture of one's ancestors' national or tribal group(s), as modified by the demands of the culture in which one's group currently resides" (p. 125). Acculturation is genedly described as changes within an individual in cultural attitudes, values and behaviours due to contact between two cultures (Berry, 1989; Phuuiey, 1990). Whether accidental or deliberate, acculturation is an anitudiual and behavioural change undergone by persons living in multicultural societies (Casas & Pytluk, 1995). The differentiation between the two tems lies in the level of focus. Ethnic identity focuses on the relationships between individuals and their own ethnic group within the dominant society, while acculturation places emphasis on the relationships between ethnic individuals and the dominant society (Phinney, 1990).
Studies on ethnic identity exarnined by Phinney (1990) were based on one of three broad perspectives: a social identity, acculturation and culture conflict, and identity formation. She obsewed that there was substantial overlap arnong the frameworks on which the studies were based and a wide variation in the extent to which the Eamework or theory was discussed and applied to the research. These three perspectives provide background in understanding empirical research.
Models of Ethnic Identitv Develo~rnent
To provide better understanding of the dynarnics in ethnic identity development, researchers have examined different models of ethnic identity development. 1 will describe some of these models below, which were often referred to in the literature on ethnic identity.
The RaciaVCultural Identitv Develo~ment Model. The Minority Identity
Development (MID) Model, originally developed by Atkinson in 1979, was expanded and refined to become a generic model more inclusively called the 'XaciaVCultural
Identity Development Model" (R/CID) (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, 1993). This model identifies and describes the evolution through five stages of development expenenced by oppressed people in their stniggle to understand themselves in tems of their own culture, the dominant culture, and the oppressive relationship between the two cultures (Casas &
Pytluk, 1995). The actual stages (Atkinson et al., 1993) are as follows:
1. Confonnity. hdividuds prefer and idealize the dominant cultural values, while denigrating their own and may be discriminatory towards other different rninorities;
2. Dissonance. Individuals begin to question assimilation to the dominant culture, expenence fiequent conflict in attitudes toward self, ethnic group members, and the dominant group;
3. Resistance and Immersion. Individuals develop an exclusive appreciation and interest in their own culture and have depreciating attitudes toward the dominant group;
4. Introspection. Individuals expenence uncertainty with views of Stage 3 and begin to have more notions of individual autonomy;
5. Svnergetic Articuiation and Awureness. Individuals resolve conflicts of earlier stages and experience a sense of self-fulfillment, with an interest and pride in own culture as well as an acceptance of certain aspects of the dominant culture.
Sue and Sue twoloeies. A second stage mode1 of identity development, prepared earlier by Sue and Sue (1971, as cited in Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998) for Chinese Amencans identified three possible types of orientations. The marginal types reject their own ethnic group, seek to identify with the dominant culture's values, and view their ethnic group's values unfavourably. This type corresponds to the conformity stage of the RKID Model.
The traditional types identify strongly with ethnic group values and self-esteem is defined as the ability to increase family statu through educational and occupational achievements. Less emphasis is placed on self than on family. This type corresponds to the resistance and immersion stage of the RKID Model. The Asinn American types are in a stage of self-definition. A new identity incorporates certain ethnic and mainstrearn values, resulting Ui a bicultural orientation. There is a recognition of problems such as racism, and emphasis is placed on raising group esteem (Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998). This is the equivalent of the integrative awareness stage of the WCID Model. However, the authors acknowledge that the descriptions were for heuristic purposes and did not represent actual individuals (Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998).
Phinnev model. The model proposed by Phinney is congruent with the other identity development models discussed earlier (Le., Atkinson et al., 1983; Sue & Sue,
1998). This similarity is based on the fact that Phinney's model shares the idea that an achieved identity occurs through stages: the uneramined ethnie identity in which individuals are not in the process of explorhg ethnicity; ethnic identity search
(erploration), where individuals seek to understand the meaning of ethnicity for themselves; and achieved ethnic identity where individuals have a clear and confident sense of their own ethnicity (Casas & Pytluk, 1995; Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998).
Kitano twolocies. Kitano (1989, as cited in Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998), stressed the importance of two variables: assimilation and ethnic identity, which are different fiom one another and combine to form four different types.
1.Type A (high assimilation, low ethnic identity). Individuals are highly
Westernized, and except for physical features, there is Little evidence of ethnic background. 2. Type B (high assimilation, high ethnic identity). Individuals are seen as bicultural. They are comfortable in both cultures.
3. Type C (low assimilation, high ethnic identity). hdividuals are traditional, and have little desire to assimilate due to the interactions of persona1 preferences.
4. Type D (low assimilation, low ethnic identiv). Individuals have no sense of belonging to cither culture.
Berry's acculturation model. The conceptual framework developed by Berry
(1997) presents four levels of acculturation, as follows:
1. Integrarion or medium acculturation where individuals wish to hang on to both their own and host cultures and seek participation in the larger social network;
2. Assimilation or high acculturation where individuals hold positive views of host and other cultures and negative views of their own culture, not wishing to maintain their own cultural identity;
3. Separationist or low acculturation where individuals hold negative views on the host and other cultures and hold on to their original culture.
4. Mrirginalization where individuals identify with neither the host culture nor the culture of origin.
Of the five models, the Berry framework is particularly suitable for classihng the participants in this study for a number of reasons. Firstly, the Berry model was developed in a Canadian context. His typology has been tested on various groups. Few scales have translated an idea into action, or a framework into actual measurement.
Berry's work is among the few that have employed the strategy to measurement (Nguyen, 1999). Secondly, I found that researchers in such countries as the United States,
Singapore, and Israel have referred to and reviewed Berry's work (e.g. Advincula &
Ricco, 1998; Casas & Pytluk, 1995; Pedersen, 1995; Phinney, 1990; Sue, Mak, & Sue,
1998; Triandis, 1997; Ward, 1997)' suggesting that he is internationally recognized and respected in the field of acculturation and cross-cultural studies. niirdly, some models of ethnic identity developed in the United States were based on Afncan Amencan expenences (Cross, 1971, as cited in Sue, Mak & Sue, 1998), and their stages of ethnic identity development were associated with oppression and discrimination (Sue, Mak, &
Sue, 1998). The Berry model does not appear to be based on experiences of oppression or racism. The passage of the Canada MuPicultural Act identified Canada as a muIticultural society. In explicitly multicultural societies, certain preconditions are established, including: wide acceptance of cultural diversity, a low level of prejudice, positive mutual attitudes among cultural groups, and attachment to, or identity with the larger society
(Berry & Sam, 1997). These conditions are more reflective of the Canadian situation.
And finally, using a Canadian framework enables me to contribute to the growing body of empirical research on cultural and ethnic issues in Canada that was encouraged by the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the Ministry of Multiculturalism and Citizenship in 199 1 (Berry & Laponce, 1994).
Cornponents of Ethnic ldentitv
Numerous scholars in the field have agreed on the extemd and intemal variables that encompass ethnicity: common shared values, language, fiiendships, traditions, self- image, customs, habits and rituals, social rules of behaviour, interpersonal relations, symbols and historicd development (Isajiw, 1990; Smith, 1991; Sodowsky, Kwan, &
Pannu, 1995; Sue & Sue, 1990).
Three major components of eduiic identity were identified in the literature as follows. The affective component relates to individuals' sense of belonging and cornmitment with members of their own ethnic group, or self-identification (Ibrahim et al., 1997, as cited in Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998; Phimey, 1990). The cognitive component encompasses interest in and knowledge of one's ethnic group including its history, traditions and values, noms and mores (Sue, Mak, & Sue, 1998). It is also referred to as ethnic consciousness or cultural awareness (Padilla, 1994, as cited in Casas & Pytluk,
1995). The behavioural cornponent refen to ethnic involvement and participation in cultural practices and activities, friendships, and language use (Phinney, 1990; Sue, Mak,
& Sue, 1998). These components would be covered in the questions in the Self-Identity
Questinnaire 1 prepared for the participants in my study.
Literature on FiIipinos
Of the literature on the Filipino immigrant experience in Canada, I came across
Heritaee, a quarterly magazine published in Califomia, which carries articles on Filipino culture and the Filipino-Arnerican experience. Titles like "Identity Cnsis and Self-
Discovery" and "Filipino Culture, Assimilation and Rediscovering Lost Roots" seemed promising, but were huge disappointrnents for their lack of quality. 1 found only articles that provided narrative descriptions of individual experiences in the United States. They did not have the benefit of peer review, and were written without any references or scholarly material to back up some of the statements that could have been usefûl to my kting. It was much later when 1 located a copy of an unpublished paper (Advincula &
Ricco, 1998) that became valuable to me for its list of references. It led me to a few other readings. From these, 1derived scholarly writing on the basic values in the Filipino way of life and the general characteristics of Filipinos. Being Filipino myself, 1 was privy to this information, but I needed these references to confirm the representativeness of what I knew.
History of Filipinos
For over 300 years, the Philippines was a colony of Spain which controlled the political and economic systems of the islands. The Catholic Church converted the rnajority of the Philippine population, owned vast tracts of land, and controlled the educational system (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995). Left outside of Spanish control were non-Christian rninorities like the Muslims of the southernrnost islands and the mountain tnbes of the north (Buduhan & Oandason, 198 1). Today, Spanish influence is still evident in Philippine culture and life.
Toward the end of the 19" century, Filipino rebels calling for change helped the
United States defeat the Spanish during the Spanish Amencan War. With the departure of the Spanish, the Philippines was briefly declared an independent nation (Agbayani-
Siewert & Revilla, 1995). But the United States which acquired the Philippines in the
Treaty of Paris, sent its miiitary to take over kom Spanish colonial rule and separated politics fiom religion, resulting in the integration and acceptmce of Muslims and non-
Christians in society (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995; Buduhan & Oandason, 1981).
Shiploads of English teachers were brought into the country and a free public education system was established, making the Philippines the third largest English speakhg nation in the world (Buduhan & Oandason, 1981). Even with independence being granted in
1946, Arnerican influence continues to be a powerful presence in the Philippines today
(Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995).
Because of the major influences on Philippine life by both the Spanish and the
Amencan occupations, Filipinos are arnong the most Westemized of Asian groups
(Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995), making them somewhat distinct From their Asian neighbours.
The Nature of the Filipino
The Filipino way of life has at its core the following basic values: the importance of family ties, respect for their elders, and socially binding interactions in the greater community (Advincula & Ricco, 1998; Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995; Buduhan &
Oandason, 198 1; Cimmanisti, 1996; Marcelino, 1990; Robles-Cdo, 1996).
Familv ties. A prominent attribute of Filipinos is their close farnily ties. The
Filipino family structure is built on cultural values that reflect a system of cooperation, providing a supportive and protective system that memben can depend on for a sense of belonging and help when needed.
For Filipino families, dependence on and loyalty to the family and extended farnily are of utmost importance (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995). Individual needs must be sacnficed for the good of the family.
The Cily structure is different fiom other Asian groups in the distribution of authority and power (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995). This difference is partly based on the indigenous Filipino culture prior to Spanish colonization. Unlike other Asian groups, fmily authority is not patnarchal but more egalitarian, where husband and wife are equal partners in decision-making and authority (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995).
Unlike Judeo-Christian explanations of the creation of Eve from Adam, Filipino legend hm both man and woman emerging simultaneously fiom a split barnboo pole (Andres &
Illada-Andres, 1987, as cited in Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995). Filipino descendants are traced bilaterally through both parents (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995).
Another charactenstic that differentiates Filipinos fiom other Asians is that the order or birth, rather than gender of the child, determines the bais for granting privileges, status, work, and socialization (Buduhan & Oandason, 198 1). Reference terms and addresses such as kuya (for older brother), ate (older sister) refer to the order of birth of persons within the farnily (see Appendix A for a glossary of Filipino terms.)
The roles of parents, siblings, grandparents and grandchildren within the Filipino farnily are extended to other penons within the wider community. The extended family system thereby promotes a sense of interdependence among people in the community
(Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995; Robles-Cariiio, 1996).
v.Another notable characteristic among Filipinos that is closely associated with farnily ties is a hi& regard and respect for elders (Advincula & Ricco,
1998; Cimmarusti, 1996; Robles-CarZo, 1996). Parents and grandparents are looked upon wvith honour, and children are expected to obey and respect their commands. A respecthl attitude is reflected even in the Filipino didects. For instance, they use such words as po and ho when addressing an elderly person. In traditional Filipino families, the younger family members would greet the older generations by taking their right hand to their forehead, in a gesture called mano. Outside the farnily, they would refer to relatives and Fnends as "father" or "mother," "grandparent," "aunt" or "uncle" lumping the members of the community into these family roles and blending the irnmediate family into the larger cornmunity. It is considered extremely disrespecthl to neglect the use of special kinship terms and gestures (Cimmamsti, 1996).
Srnooth interpersonal relationshi~s. Underlying the strong sense of family is the dominant cultural value of smooth interpenonal relationships (SIR), which permeates and guides the everyday lives and behaviour of Filipinos (Advincula Sr Ricco, 1998;
Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995; Buduhan & Oandason, 198 1; Marcelino, 1990;
Robles-CarZo, 1996). Importance given to smooth interpenonal relationships encourages passive nonconfiontation and discourages outward displays of behaviour like anger or aggression that might lead to conflict and confrontation. Smooth interpenonal relations and social acceptance is reflected in four key aspects of the social code in the Philippine way of life: utang na loob ("interna1 debt"), hiya (shame), amor propio (protection of self-esteem), and pakikisuma (going dong) (Advincula & Ricco, 1998; Agbayani-Siewert
& Revilla, 1995; Buduhan & Oandason, 198 1).
Binding relationships are created through reciprocai obligations, where the pnnciple dictates that when a favour or service has been received, it must be retumed
(Almirol, 1982, as cited in Agbayani-Siewert & RevilIa, 1995). It is within the fmily unit that utang na loob shows its greatest strength and obligation. Because reciprocal obligation is generally conducted through the exchange of services rather than material goods, it is virtually impossible to knuw whether a debt has been paid or not. Individuals who expect support fkom others must be prepared to retum favoun or suffer hiya. Hiya is shame experienced when individuals fail to achieve a goal or do something that results in disapproval of farnily. This attitude serves to maintain the collective good over the individual (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995). Related to hiya is amor priopio which refen to one's self-esteem. Filipinos are sensitive to criticism, which they could take as persona1 insult. Anythng that could threaten one's amor propio could require aggression to protect the self (Marcelino, 1990). But the value of hiya functions to supress aggressive behaviour and protect the self against putting others into shame. The final value to maintain SIR is pakikisama which means getting along with others, even to the point of suppressing one's own needs. Pakikisania assures that good feelings and cooperation are maintained, even to the point of stifling the individual personal interests and desires (Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995).
Filipinos alone can fully undentand the nuances of these words that have no exact translations in the English language. The sense that the reader might take, however, is the expectation that Filipinos will agree to do something at al1 cost in order to avoid conflict and confkontation, loss of face for their families or hurting other people's feelings.
Ethnic Identity and Vocational Behaviour
On the subject of ethnic identity and vocational behaviour of Asian minorities, rnuch of the literature (e.g., Leong 1986, 1991, 1998; Leong & Tata 1990; Leong &
Chou, 1994; Leong & Tata, 1995; Leong, Wagner, & Tata, 1995) seemed to focus more on Chinese-Amencans and groups of Japanese or Korean descent and less on groups of Filipino descent. A mid-80s review of the literature on the career development of Asian
Arnencans identified three published empincal studies and one dissertation related to the career interests of Asian Americans (Leong, 1998). The earlier studies focused primarily on Chinese Amencans, and the later studies, on Chinese Americans and lapanese
Arnencans.
However, Leong has made occasional mention of Filipinos in the United States.
It is likely that Leong often excluded Filipino groups Crom his work on Southeast Asian sub-groups, because there are more Chinese, Korean or Japanese in the populations with whom he has worked than there have been Filipinos. in classifying populations according to numbers, Filipinos have usually fallen under the category of "others" because of their small numbers. Although Filipinos are a distinct group among Asians due to a long history of foreign rule, they share similar charactenstics with their Asian neighboun, and many of the Asian attributes could be generally applicable to North Amencan Filipinos.
Career Choices
Using the 1980 U.S. census data, Hsia (1988, as cited in Leong, 1998) found that more Asian Americans than White Arnencans were in professional, technical, and service occupations, and fewer in sales, operatorflaborer and production occupations compared to
White Arnencans. Hsia makes the observation that the occupational choice pattern of
Asian Americans is still narrow and they are underrepresented in many important occupational areas such as law, politics, and teachùig. The tendency for Asian Americans to work more in professional and technical occupations and less in sales and labourer occupations were consistent with earlier observations made by Sue and Kirk (1973, as cited in Leong, 1998; Leung, 1995). Hsia (1988, as cited in Leong, 1998) pointed out that Asian Amencans seem to be pulled toward medicine as a career choice, quoting statistics which show that Asian Amencans are overrepresented in medicd schools relative to the proportion of Asians in the U.S. population. In general, Chinese Amencan
fernales tended to be more onented toward domestic occupations and exhibited more interest in technical-applied fields, biological and physical sciences, and office-type activities, with less interest in aesthetic-cultural fields, social sciences, and verbal- linguistic vocations (Leong, 1998).
Skills and Personality Traits
Studies reviewed in the 1980s literature regarding minority groups and career development confirmed earlier observations that Asian Amencans were uncornfortable with occupations that required ''forcefil self-expression, interaction with people, and communication in oral or written form," and showed preferences for "structured, logical, concrete, and impenonal" occupations (Frank, 1973, p. Ml, as cited in Leong, 1998).
Asian Amencans have scored lower than the national average in the verbal section of scholastic aptitude tests (Hsia, 1988, as cited in Leung, 1995) and this language factor rnay be one underlying cause of Asian students staying away fiom occupations like law, politics, and teaching, thereby corroborating Hsia's observation that there is under- representation of Asians in these occupational fields.
Family Muences
Leong (1998) found in his research that Asian Americans' career choices might not consistently be related to their career interests. For example, adolescents may be interested in artistic careers but eventually choose careers in medicine or engineering because of parental guidance or pressure. He attributes this discrepancy to Asian parents' belief that discrimination in the labour force is common and feels that their children would have better chances at employrnent and occupational success if they were in professions where other Asians have gained respect. Like Filipinos, Chinese place a high value on respect for authority and submitting to the wisdom of the elderly. Some Asian students rnay expenence sharne when they do not meet the expectations of their families in their career choices. Some others may experience difficulties in the career decision- making process because they feel they are being pressured into occupations that are expected of Asians (Leung, 1995). Their individual needs are suppressed for the sake of the coIlective will.
Filipino Vocational Behaviour
Some reference to the educational and vocational behaviour of Filipinos was made in a 1995 publication on Asian Americans. Agbayani-Siewert and Revilla (1995) noted fiom a 1980 US. census that Filipino American women show a higher labour force participation rate than other Asian women. The participation rate may be explained by economic necessity, but perhaps more by cultural tradition. Not only are the women encouraged to work, they are expected to work outside the home. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, traditional Filipino culture sees mamage as being based on egditarian principles and women share equal statu with males, a contrast to other Asian countries where patriarchal principles are held. A 1990 census data revealed the contrast in occupational charactenstics between Filipino immigrants and Filipinos bom in the United States. Filipino Americans held higher occupational positions than Filipino immigrants who were underrepresented in the top occupational categories. Filipino immigrants have experienced downward rnobility in the jobs they occupied der immigration (Carino,
Fawcett, Gardner, & Arnold, 1990, as cited in Agbayani-Siewert & Revilla, 1995). For instance, dentists and nurses would initially work as dental hygienists or nursing aides respectively upon settling in North Amenca. Also noted 6om the 1990 census was that the top occupational choice of Filipino Americans was in administrative support, followed by professional and service occupations.
Robles-Car50 (1996), a Filipino who has lived in Canada for 25 years, wrote about her native culture to help her children understand their hentage. Her sources of information included books of Philippine history and art, interviews with Filipino relatives and friends, and her own life expenences. In her book, she described how
Filipino parents would use their life savings or makç extreme sacrifices to send their children to the best schools to become professionals. She argued that emphasis placed on liberal arts and white-collar professions was an Arnerican influence on the Philippine educational system. Buduhan and Oandason (1981) noted that a 1960s Philippine census showed that Filipino students strongly preferred legal, medical and educational professions to technical and vocational careers. These authors provided general information about Filipinos in response to requests hmManitoba educators who sought a better awareness of the Philippines and its people. The information they provided came fiom kt-hand knowledge of the traditions that they had been born hto, supported by history books, and literature describing the cultural, socio-economic, political and educational conditions in the Philippines.
Filipino parents saw education as an important family investment (Buduhan &
Oandason, 1981). Children who became successful in their careers were expected to provide for theu parents and to re-pay them in one form or another, such as taking their tum at sending their younger siblings through college or univenity. A financially rewarding job was seen as a family's liberation 60m poverty. Thus, it was not uncornmon for Filipino parents to direct their children's decisions regarding education, career choice and even mariage (Robles-CarEo, 1996).
Canadian Content
Research within the Canadian content was available, though less extensive than similar research in the United States. Two studies that 1 found involved vocational behaviour in relation to ethnicity. One article on ethnicity, gender and occupational choice, was based on a study using questionnaires adrninistered to over 8 1 1 students in two Toronto secondary schools with students of mixed social class but strong academic achievement (Maxwell, Maxwell, & Krugly-Smolska, 1996). They reported that female minority mernbers expected to enjoy opportunities for upward mobility. The females also showed that they were dnghigh, not aspiring to and expecting traditional occupations in teaching, nursing and secretarial work. They demonstrated boldness in decision-making and valued considerable autonomy in society. The perception of careers as being gendered was pronounced in the ethnic groups, where Asian males considered occupations like engineering, medicine, architecture and stayed away from those that were traditionally female.
The second paper was a product of a late 1980s pilot project conducted by
Samuda and Lewis (1992) who wrote on the educational and vocational aspirations of secondary school students belonging to ethnic groups. A randomly selected sarnple of
200 males and 200 females from a total population of 1,300 completed questionnaires showed similar results. Orientals were shown to have intentions to enter a profession, with low intentions to consider business or clerical careers. When exarnining factors that affected their vocational choices, it was clear that parents were the most important influence in the respondents' choices. Teachers and counsellors had little impact on their decision-making. What was significant in this study were the conclusions reached about the minimal use of counselling services by minorities. Counsellon were perceived by minorities as not meeting the vocational needs of multicultural students and as being insistent on treating al1 students alike. But counsellors on the other hand felt that the responsibility to provide specialized assistance should rest on non-guidance school personnel.
Multicultural Counselling
Researchers agree that there is a great need among ethnic minority groups for counselling services to help them deal with academic, interpersonal, health, cultural and racial issues, family problems, and racism (Gim,Atkinson, & Whiteley, 1990, as cited in
Leong, Wagner, & Tata, 1995), but Asian Arnericans in particular underutilize psychological help services (Leong, 1986). Leong (1995) and Sue and Sue (1999) have maintained the same position in more recent literature. To Asians, career counselling is closely tied with personal and cultural issues, and thus entering into a career counselling relationship may include having to divulge persona1 issues, resulting in the "loss of face" for the minonty student. Basic values are therefore not easy to change.
Ethnic Minoritv Attitudes to Heb-Seekinq
To find reasons behind the underutilization of help services by ethnic minorities,
Leong, Wagner, and Tata (1995) reviewed the literature on help-seeking attitudes among ethnic minonty group members, including Asian Amencans. Their examination revealed that highly accultwated Asian Americans had more positive attitudes toward seeking psychological help than Asians with lower levels of acculturation (Atkinson & Gim,
1989, and Tata & Leong, 1994, as cited in Leong et al., 1995). In other words, Asian
Arnencans who were Western identified sought counselling more than those who were
Asian identi fied. S ince acculturation affects minority attitudes toward counselling, the authors supported the importance of taking acculturation into account in counselling relationships with Asian Arnericans.
Asian Amencans rely heavily on family and extended family resources. Privacy, especially for Chinese Americans, is highly protected. Problems and private matten are expected to remain within that realm of pnvacy, and sharing such information with strangers could mean shame or loss of face to the fmily (Leong et al., 1995). Given the involvement of Asian Americans with members of their ethnic group, and the value they place on the opinions of their group members, the lack of acceptance of such professional services by their group members may also keep them fiom seeking help (Leong et al.,
1995).
Asian Amencan Counsellor Preferences
Some Asian Arnericans seek professional help but have shown preferences in terms of ethnicity and counsellor attributes. Atkinson and Lowe (1995) found consistent and strong evidence that, everything being equal, ethnic minority clients prefer and express greater willingness to see ethnically similar counsellors rather than ethnically dissimilar counsellors. But aside fiom ethnicity, the literature review supported earlier claims that the ability of a counsellor to influence a client depends on perceived credibility in the counsellor. Studies by other researchers like Akutsu, Lin, and Zane
(1990, as cited in Atkinson & Lowe, 1995) found that counsellor credibility was a strong predictor of utilization among Chinese students. Sue and Zane (1987, as cited in
Atkinson & Lowe, 1995) stressed that counsellors cm achieve credibility by using cultural knowledge, not to make assumptions about clients f?om a particular ethnic group, but use that as information to help counsellors understand the roots of certain conflicts when they arise.
Cultural responsiveness is an important ski11 in maintainhg the counselling relationship. Studies (Gim, 1991; Sodowsky, 1991; as cited in Atkinson & Lowe, 1995) reported that culture-sensitive counsellors who acknowledged the importance of ethnicity and cultural values to their clients were highly rated in credibility and cultural cornpetence and perceived as more expert and trustworthy than culturally unresponsive counsellon. There is evidence that culturally responsive counselling has a positive effect on the willingness for clients to retum for counselling, satisfaction with the process and quality and depth of self-disclosure (Atkinson & Lowe, 1995).
Finally, Asian Amencans show preference for directive counselling rather than non-directive techniques. Reviewing studies on Asian Amencan mental health, Leong
(1986) concluded that directive counselling approaches are more consistent with Asian values of respect for authority and elderly figures, and low tolerance for arnbiguous situations.
Counselline and Career intervention
The use of counselling in the career development of minorities has been studied by a few researchers. Leung (1995) developed a mode1 of career intervention with ethnic minonties, citing that career issues are often embedded in other personal, cultural and economic issues. Thus, effective career counselling should involve the use of a holistic approach. The three modes of intervention were system intervention, group counselling and one-to-one counselling. System intervention cm be used to enhance career-related outcomes, for exarnple, counsellon can increase teacher and administrator awareness of the unique career developrnent concems of ethnic students and help school staff to create an environment that will foster an ernpowering positive self-identity. The second mode of career intervention was group counselling. Because minorities often fûnctioned within a group orientation, group intervention could be effective. But some minorities may have difficulty with this because of cultural inhibitions about disclosing personal matters in front of strangen. Leung (1995) suggested that to make group career counselling more attractive, the use of a structured rather than non-structured format may be desirable, as would a grouping of members nom the same ethnic group.
1 found important insights in the literature. For example, Leung (1995) stressed that counselors need to understand that the difficulties encountered by Asian Americans when they are pressured into choosing careers expected of them are rooted in the educational values and family structure of Asian Americans. In conducting career counselling with these students, it is important to help the students clarify their cultural values and beliefs in making educational or career-related decisions.
A major implication is that career counsellon need to find ways of using a sufficiently stmctured approach that is mindful of the occupational values of Asian
Americans (Leong & Gim-Chung, 1995). Knowledge of occupational values among
Chinese Arnerican children, according to Leong (1998), can help counsellors when they prepare this minonty group through career planning. The challenge for counsellon lies in providing broader occupational options for Chinese Arnerican students while still respecting the cultural values that may underlie their vocational values. Although Leong refers mainly to Chinese Amencans, what he claims here would be just as applicable to members of other Asian sub-groups, including Filipinos.
Evanoski and Tse (1989, as cited in Leong, 1998) described a career awareness program for Chuiese and Korean Amencan parents. They argued that education and career choices are of great importance to many Chinese and Korean families. The crucial role that parents play in the career choice of their children makes it imperative that they not be omitted f?om the career counselling efforts of educational institutions. Thus, Evanoski and Tse aimed at a career awareness program for Chinese and Korean
Amencan parents that wodd establish a lhkage where role models of similar cultures and backgrounds could use their prestige and knowledge to Uiform parents of career opportunities for their children. The idea of using role models struck me to be a valuable technique, and 1 planned to incorporate it in the workshop that 1 was organizing for the
Filipino Canadian youth in my study.
Summary of the Literature
There is no doubt that research on the topic of career aspirations among Asian groups continues to attract scholarship in North Amenca. But despite being one of the oldest and fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States (Hing & Lee, 1996), the
Filipinos are the one Asian group that has been virtually ignored (Advincula & Ricco,
1998).
What I found missing in the survey were case studies of Filipinos describing the development of their self-awareness and career awareness, as well as studies on Filipino female young adults. Although quantitative and theoretical approaches seem to be comrnonly used, case studies can provide unique perspectives that cannot be reflected in quantitative data (Leung, 1995). To fil1 the gaps that have been identified in the literature review, 1 used two approaches, namely, three case studies and a leaming and career workshop for Filipino Canadian youth. The case studies and the workshop explored how the participants' self-identities were linked to their vocational identities. Additionally, the workshop explored the effectiveness of using Filipino role models in fostering curiosity and information-seeking behaviours as well as encouraging young Filipino Canadians to explore a wide range of career possibilities that could be different fkom those traditionally sanctioned by their ethnic group. The participants worked together with an organizer and leaders of the same ethnic identity. The study was specifically tailored to merge ethnic- identity with vocational aspirations among Filipino Canadian youth and contributed to the literature on Filipinos in Canada and their vocational objectives. CHAPTER 3
METHOD
This study involved the use of several methods including interviews, sweys, and observations of participants in a day-long workshop. Al1 participants in the study were
Filipino Canadians 18 to 23 years of age, and lived in the Greater Toronto area. None was known to me at the time that the study began.
Case Study Participants
While preparing to recruit possible case study participants, 1 thought of asking some young adults whom 1 already knew. However, because familiarity with the interviewees could present biases or pre-conceived perceptions that might hamper objectivity in the interview process, 1 decided to seek individuals 1did not know. 1 hoped to End one who might be integrationist, another who might be assimilationist, and one who might be separationist. 1 did not discount the fact that 1 might also find a marginalist. I found myself wondering if 1 was being realistic in expecting to find aparticipant for each of the first three categories. Eventually, 1 made a decision to choose my participants purposefully, regardless of what 1 thought their classification might be.
But before making my selection, 1 conducted a pilot interview to test the effectiveness of questions I had prepared. Questions explored such themes as farnily history and relationships, experiences fiom childhood to young adulthood, academic interests, plans for a fhre career, and social participation. 1 field-tested it out on the 16-year old daughter of a family friend. The practice inte~ewwas smooth, and the responses were appropriate to the questions, making me believe that the interview questions were appropriate to a wide age range. A few weeks later, 1attended the cornmernoration of a
Filipina's death anniversary where there was a huge Filipino presence, including the younger generation. It was there that 1 saw Beth, Amy and Cecile, who were among some of the young Filipino Canadians I had not seen before. 1 had found my interviewees.
Earlier, I determined the cnteria for choosing my interviewees: that both their parents were Filipinos, that the participants had been born in Canada, that their ages fell between 18 to 23 yean and that they were female. 1 wanted to confine my sampling to females and avoid having to consider gender differences with such a small sample. Amy,
Beth, and Cecile al1 met these critena and were the first to agree to participate. They appeared like they would each represent one of the three categories described in the Berry frarnework.
At the time 1 invited them to participate in rny study, I emphasized that whatever they disclosed during the interviews would be treated with the strictest of confidence. I mentioned to them that I would like to tape the interviews, but only if they were agreeable to this. It was made clear that they had the choice of either agreeing to or rejecting the use of recording equipment. Two of the interviewees, Amy and Beth, agreed to be taped, and while Cecile did not speak or give a downright "No," I felt from her hesitation that she was uneasy with the idea of being taped. Rather than comprornising the qudity of her responses, 1suggested that 1would jot down notes as we went dong. She said she preferred that. I arranged to meet with each one of them at different tirnes, adjusting the times to meet their schedules and calling each one of them one week prior to the interviews in order to corifirm the appointed times. Consent forms (see Appendix B) were mailed to them for signing and retumed to me before the first inte~ewtook place. First to be interviewed was Amy in January 1999 (see Appendix C for a transcnpt of the interview), followed by Beth in March (see Appendix D for a partial transcnpt of the interview), and then I interviewed Cecile in late March, 1999. Follow-up interviews with Amy and Beth occurred in the sumrner, when they participated in the workshop in Toronto. Dunng breaks, I took Amy and Beth separately to have further talks with them. My fint interview with Cecile turned out to be the last, because we had no Eurther communication with each other after the first encounter.
The Workshop Participants and Sampling Design
Recniiting participants for my workshop was not an easy task primarily because I knew very few Filipino Canadian youth who met the criteria I had set. Thus I telephoned an acquaintance at the Toronto office of the National Council of Canadian Filipino
Associations to ask if she could provide me with narnes of about 20 memben of student groups in the area. She provided names of several people who were active in the Filipino students' groups in their schools. I obtained additional names of potential invitees Eom a fiiend in Mississauga. By early spring, 1 had a partial list of names. in the meantirne, 1 tried to find a possible venue in central Toronto, where I chose to hold the workshop because of its large population base. Because of my distance f?om Toronto, it was not easy to arrange this. 1 had to depend on a Toronto resident to find a venue for the workshop and waited for him to get back to me. In late May, he was able to find a suitable place which could only be available sometime in the summer. Again, because of the distance fiom Kingston to Toronto, I called on three people on rny list to help me in the recruitment of participants for the workshop. Aside fiom age requirements, I had only one other specific selection criterion: 1 requested them to find participants who were boni in Canada but whose parents were both Filipinos. I gave them copies of invitation
Ietters (see Appendix E) to hand out, and followed up by telephone to check on the status of their recruitment efforts. Two weeks pnor to the workshop 1 called a final tirne to verify the numbers and to provide them with final details about this undertaking.
The participants were recruited iÏom 4 sources: 5 (28%) fkom hi& schools Eom the Greater Toronto area; 10 (56%) from the Filipino students' groups of York University and Ryenon University in Toronto, 3 (16%) were fnends of participants who joined other invited participants, and the two were participants in my case studies. Of the 20 participants, eight were male, and 12 were female. Eight were between 18 and 20 years of age, and the remaining 12 were between 20 to 23 years old.
Three participants were of mixed parentage. Although I had tried to confine the smple to those whose parents were both of Filipino ongin, 1 had no control over the finends who accompanied invitees. The three had fathers who were German, Irish, and
Russian in ongin, and identified themselves as Filipino-Gexman, Fiiipino-Irish or
Filipino-Russian, seeming to place importance to their "Filipino-ness" first. One of thern, who had recently visited the Philippines for a 6-month penod, demonstrated her prowess in speaking a Filipino dialect, impressing the Ml Filipinos who had no such Filipino- langage skills. From the self-introductions at the beguining of the day, many
participants revealed that one or both parents were college graduates and rnany of these
parents had white-collar or professional occupations.
Description of the Workshop
The workshop was held on Sunday, August 1, 1999 in a small community hall in
downtown Toronto. To ensure that volunteers would attend, 1 made arrangements to
have some participants driven to the workshop. Although they were notified pnor to the
workshop that we would start registration at 8:30 a.m., 1 was informed that, for various
reasons, some would be aniving "a little late". This was not the ideal situation, but 1 had
to accept it rather than risk a low tum-out. Since Filipinos are known not to take time
seriously, 1 was not surprised to see only two participants show up at 9:00 a.m. and the
rest arrive over the next hour. We finally started the day at 10: 15 a.m. 1was relieved that
we had a relatively "early" start. We began the day with 14 in attendance, and six more joined about an hour later, making a total of 20 participants.
I introduced myself and restated the purpose of the workshop, which was to
investigate the career objectives of Filipino Canadians. 1 urged them to look at the day's
agenda, pointing out that the late start would affect our timing and that adjustments
would necessarily have to be made. Figure 1 was the onginally intended agenda and
Figure 2 shows the actual workshop timing. 1 asked if anyone had particular concems
that should be addressed before starhg the activities. With no response, 1 concluded my
introductory remarks by describing a little of rnyself, my job, my likes and dislikes, and
why 1was with thern that day. 1told them that this was the first the1 was doing this 37
Fimire 1. Original workshop agenda
Registration
Opening Remarks (5 min) Introduction of Speakers SelfIntroduction of \Vork;shop Participants (Names, what they like about themselves - 30 sec. ea.)
Completion of "Self-Identity Questionnaire"
Speaker : Self-Awareness and Understanding
Question and Answer Period
BREAK
Small Group Discussion: Who am 1, how do 1 feel about being different? Would 1 change anything about me? What are my interests? Discussion on acculturation.
LUNCH AND SOCIAL PERIOD
Speaker: Our Future in the Workplace: Career Trends and Opportunities for the 21'' Century
Small Group Activity: an exploration of occupations and careers (implementing Section 5 activities in Pathways)
BREAK
Small Group Discussion: What have 1 learned? What do 1 do next? (Nutrition break during discussion and auick rehearsal for group presentation)
General Assembly: Facilitators' report (3-5 min. each) Prograrn: "WISIS WHO IM' (5-7 minute performances by each group, reflecting theïr feelings about their identity).
Adjournment Fimire 2. Actual workshop timing
9:00 am. Reg istration 10:lS a.m. Opening Rernarks (5 min) Introduction of Speakers Self-Introduction of Worbhop Participants (Names, likes, dislikes)
Completion of "Self-Ideniity Questionnaire"
Speaker : Self-Awareness and Understanding
Question and Answer Period
LUNCH AND SOCIAL PERlOD
Small Group Discussion: Who am 1, how do 1 feel about myself and my being different? Would 1 change anything about me? What are my interests? Discussion on acculturation.
Speaker: Overcoming Obstades in the 90s and Opportunities in the 2 1" Cen tus,
Question and Answer Period
Small Group Discussion: What have we leamed? What do we do next?
Completion of Leaming and Career [nventory
General Assembly: Comrnents and Feedback Facilitators' report (5 min. each) Program: "THIS IS WHO IM' (performance reflecting feelings about selves)
Adjouminent with teenagers and young adults and that 1 was unsure as to what to expect. But 1 was hoping that they would help me out since this was an important aspect of my study. I asked them to relax: "You are not being marked for your efforts today - there are no passing or failing grades, al1 you do is be younelf, be cornfortable and enjoy." I was confident that they would al1 "do a super job" and thanked them once again for their cooperation. Consent Forms were signed before breaking into groups.
The floor of the meeting room was nicely carpeted, and some pillows were piled up against the wall. Sensing that they might find an infoimal arrangement more conducive to discussion, 1 made a suggestion that we rnight sit on the floor in a circular fashion.
They responded with enthusiasm. It was a pleasant surprise to see that each one was a willing participant in this exercise. They spoke about themselves with great ease, taking tums in an orderly sequence, and speaking fieely about what they felt was worth mentioning about themselves: who they were, what they liked about themselves, what their interests were, where they were in their lives. Two participants who seemed extremely shy and soft-spoken had less to say, but they spoke nevertheless, without any observable pressure from other group memben.
The fint activity was the completion of the Self-Identity Scale (see Figure 3). 1 had developed the scale by formulating questions that would measure four domains that reflected ethnicity, namely (a) language preference and use, (b) ethnic identification and pride, (c) ethnic interaction and socialization, and (d) customs, habits and traditions
(Advincula & Ricco, 1998). The first four questions looked at use of and preference for speaking a Filipino language or dialect, then two questions explored how the participants Fime 3. Self-Identity Questionnaire
Please write an identifying narne and phone number on the spaces provided below (optional). If you do not wish to do so, please write a code word or name and remember that you will need to write the same identifyuig name in a second questionnaire at the end of the day. Please check only one response to every question. If none of the responses appl.; to pu,*.vrite "n.a." or "net applicable" Selow tbe +&rd response. Mmy thn!.
Name Telephone Number:
1. Do you speak Tagalog or another Filipino dialect? Always (if you mark "always" or "sometimes", skip to # 3) Sometimes Never
2. If not, would you want to learn to speak or write or read Tagalog or any Filipino dialect? Very much A little Not at al1
3. Do you understand any Tagalog or other Filipino dialects? Mostly A bit Not at ail
4. 1s Tagalog or any other Filipino dialect spoken at home by other farnily members? Always Sometimes Never
5. Do you identiQ or cal1 yourself as: Filipino Filipino Canadian Canadian
6. I want people to see me as: Filipino Filipino Canadian Canadian
(Figure 3 continues) 7. Most of my close fnends in school are Fi lipino Canadians Different groups Mostly Canadians
8. Most of my fiiends outside school are: Filipino Canadians Different groups Mostly Canadians
9. 1 feel happiest and most comfortable with Filipino Canadians Different groups Mostly Canadians
10. My parents make decisions for me: Al1 the time Sometimes Never (if "never, skip # 1 1 and go to # 12)
1 1. When my parents make decisions for me, 1: Agree most of the time Disagree, but obey Disagree & disobey
12. 1 observe Filipino traditions like "rnano po" or kissing the hands of elderly Filipinos; calling the older generations of relatives or friends with ternis of respect like 'Tito" or 'Tita," "Ninong," or "Ninang," etc. Al1 the tirne Sometimes Never
13. If you have been to the Philippines, please check one of the following: I felt right at home, and would not mind staying for a longer thne - 1 enjoyed it, but would only go back once in a while, as a visitor - 1 did not enjoy myself, and would not like to go back again - identified themselves in terms of ethnicity, three questions asked about preferences for social interaction, and the final three questions examined adherence to Filipino values and traditions.
AAer about 40 minutes, the questionnaires were gathered for sorting with the help of another adult workshop leader.
First Speaker: Marcie
Marcie [pseudonyrn] spoke on self-awareness and understanding. (See Appendix
F for a reproduction of her prepared text.) She was a vibrant single woman in her late
30s, a Filipino-born psychology graduate who came to Canada when she was 7 years old.
1 knew about her from a family friend who had met her at a social event organized by a
Filipino group. For close to ten years, Marcie had worked in a psychiaulst's office in a job she enjoyed. Aside from her professional life, she had an active social life and
enjoyed attending cultural functions. She related how she denied her roots in earlier
years and wanted to be accepted as Canadian by adapting to the ways of her non-Filipino
Eends. In her adult years, she developed a deeper appreciation of her ethnic culture and
was no longer embarrassed to embrace and show her cultural heritage. Marcie defined
ethnicity as giving people a sense of identity by sharing a particular ancestry. But she also
emphasized the importance of individuality. People adapt to the host culture in different
levels of assimilation and retain aspects of their ethnic culture also at different levels.
This is what created individuality. She encouraged the participants to take a few
moments to examine themselves closely, and assured them that if they were honest and
open with themselves, they would discover, accept and qpreciate who they really were. The speech was followed by a question penod that ran into the lunch hour. The mid-morning break had been cancelled, but nobody seemed to mind because they knew there would be a substantial lunch. One of the incentives offered to attract participation in this workshop was a &e lunch. 1 had correctly anticipated that the pmicipants would expect a typical buffet that included a spread of Filipino dishes. Since many of them were students who lived away from home, they wanted nothing more in exchange for their attendance than a home-cooked Filipino rneal. I tentatively suggested that they could divide themselves and start their small group discussions. But they preferred to socialize and enjoy their lunch. It was at this time that 1 encouraged them to start giving some thought to what they would like to do for the final activity of the day: a short performance which would reflect their feelings about their identity. 1 did not get an explicit response to that suggestion, but 1 got the sense that some of them were starting to think about it. The socialization among the peers was animated, often vibrant, and sometimes boisterous. But they were not out of control - they just seemed to be having genuine fun. Two fiends took it upon themselves to help in clearing the food and cleaning up in the kitchen, despite my objections and assurances that 1could do it myselE
Four more joined them and, in no time at all, the place was impeccably clean.
With lunch over, 1divided the participants into two groups of seven and one of six for the group discussions. Al1 were asked to cal1 out a nurnber fiom 1-3 (in sequence) and they were grouped according to the numbers they each called out. In each group, an adult volunteer was assigned to act as facilitator and rapporteur for every session and prepare summaries of the discussions scheduled throughout the day. Each facilitator was provided with a suggested set of questions as a guide for areas or thernes that should be explored during the discussions. The questions included: "How do 1 feel about myself and about being a minority" "How have I coped with living as an ethnic minority,"
"What are my interests and career goals," "What influenced these goals," and "Would 1 change anythuig about myself?"
Sorneone suggested having the group discussions at a park just across the Street.
There was enthusiastic support fiom everyone, and within minutes, they had taken their separate spots in the park: one group sat on the gras, another sat in the bleachen, and the third group took their place in the dug-out. 1 moved From one group to another, never staying too long lest the participants might feel intimidated, and not saying anything unless asked. When I caught any significant comrnents From any of the group memben, I imrnediately noted them down without being too obvious.
The Second Speaker: Rom
The second speaker, Rory, was in her 40s although she could pass for someone in her twenties. She came casually dressed and the participants could not believe that she was a lawyer. She completed her law degree in the Philippines and found out, upon
immigrating here, that her degree was not recognized in Canada. During her taik on
"Overcoming Obstacles in the 1990's and Opportunities in the 21" Century", she shared with the group the story of her long and difficult joumey, descnbing how she surmounted the numerous obstacles that could have prevented her from reaching her goal. She used her persuasive abilities to get some of her Philippine credentials recognized by an accredited Canadian university, employing the help of some university professon who hew her as a secretary in the university where she htworked. After meeting the requirements to complete a Canadian law degree, she was accepted to the bar, but not without challenges. She had to work while reviewing for the bar exams in order to suppoa herself and her widowed mother, and had to adjust to having less than five houn of sleep daily for a few years in order to catch up on her readings for her review. But her sacrifices paid off, and she now works in the legal department of a securities Company in
Toronto. Along the way, she did not discount the possibility that she rnight have to consider another profession and therefore read up on different career possibilities. She gained an insight to the range of careers worth considering as the new century approaches. Arnong those that she mentioned were: teacher, rnissionary, social worker
(especially for the youth), dentist, dental hygienist, medical doctor, public health nurse, plurnber, electrician, and pnest. She noted that in communications, the opportunities were also varied: event planning, promotions, public relations, publishing and marketing; and in the computing field, cornputers in education, graphics and graphic design, computer animator, computer research, and information technology were possibilities.
Finally, Rory noted that the civic rninded could look into leadership roles in the community where they belong, in their case, becoming organizers and leaders for Filipino
Canadian cornmunity groups. She gave examples of some Filipinos who have demonstrated outstanding work in this area. Third Speaker: Sam
At this point, Rory asked Sam, who came at rny invitation to speak to the group, to corne forward and give an overview of the oppominities in the area of film production in which he was involved. Sam, a Filipino, was suggested to me by a fiend in "Brown
Sugar," a Filipino organization that has links with Asians. 1 had asked Rory if she was willing to have him speak briefly during her talk and she was happy to oblige. Sam said that with the increasing number of Amencan films being produced in Canada, there would be a cornmensurate increase in the demand for gaffers, grips, production assistants, camera operaton, sound engineen and offline (Am)editoa. He also added that new media seem to be emerging as "the thing of the future."
Rory continued her talk with a message of hope and encouragement, claiming that the "glass ceiling" phenornenon was less of a barrier in present-day Canada than it was
20 years ago. She clairned that obstacles to one's goal are only there as long as we allow them to exist. Today in Canada, public policy protects non-Canadians against behaviour that might deter them from achieving their career choices.
The following 30 to 40 minutes were spent answenng questions from the floor. A number of participants wanted to know further details about some of the occupations mentioned, the amount of training required to prepare for specific types of work and where that training could be found. During the few times that the answers were not readily available, participants or facilitators promised to get the appropriate answers.
Some of the participants shared infornation they had about jobs mentioned. Because of the arnount of time spent in discussing the different careers and listening to participant comments on how their parents might view certain choices, the began to nui out. Unfortunately, we were therefore unable to proceed with an important component of the workshop: the "Pathways" activity. "Pathways" (Hutchinson &
Freeman, 1994) was an innovation devised to explore a wide range of careen through a senes of guided structured activities employing visual aids. However, I felt that the question and awwer period met the need to clarify and explore occupations and careers, albeit in a limited and unstructured format.
Since we were getting close to the end of the day with a few activities remaining, the participants went back to their smaller groups and, over snacks, completed the
Leaming and Career hventory (see Figure 4). As they answered the inventory, they articulated to one another what they had learned and what steps some of them were planning to take. For example, one participant claimed '9 am going to speak with my computer teacher and see if he thinks i could handle courses in Information Technology."
Final Workshop Activitv: A Presentation
While 1 had suggested three small group presentations for the program "Ako Ito, " the participants prepared a single number involving the entire group. "Ako Ito" (literally translated 'This is who 1 am") was their interpretation of what they had been through in their lives, where they were and who they were now (see Figure 5). It was their declaration that they had found a voice. This came in the fonn of a Song written by one of the participants and refined into its final form with suggestions and input fiom others who were ais0 equipped with musical and literary abilities. Summarizing their thoughts and Fiwe 4. Leaming and Career lnventory
Please write in the same identimng name used in the first questionnaire given to you before the workshop. Remember, there are no right or wrong answers to the following questions. Please check statements which apply the most to you. You may check as many as you cm, as long as they are true to your situation. Thank you for your coopcration and -jour generosiîy in gi~<.ingup ;.ou time for this study.
1. These are one or some of the things which 1 am likely to do during the next few weeks or months: See the school counselor to leam more about myself, my skills, my abilities, my talents, my interests, my weaknesses and my çtrengths. See the school counselor to find out more information about what different universities and colleges offer, and what their requirements are for certain prograrns. Do 1 have a good chance in getting accepted into the schools? - - Try to find out more about different Ends of occupations or jobs. Talk to one or more people who work in the field(s) that 1 find appealing and worth considering. Talk to my family and tell them my choice of career. Ask for my family to support my choice, regardless of whether they approve of it or not.
2. Qualities 1have found about myself that 1think would be valuable for certain jobs:
3. When I think of a career 1 am interested in, this cornes to my mind fint.
4. These are what 1 have done to find out more about the career 1wrote in #3.
5. These are other types of work 1 am also interested in:
6. 1 will do the following to find out more about the careers 1 wrote down in #5. Fimire 5. Ako Ito: an original composition (See Appendix G for music)
MOITU (This is who I am)
I am not sorry anymore Jor who I am and for who 1 was before Everybody wafks tlieir own road . Ako ito
I fearned my fessons welf When we are rhrough We 'II have stories to tell Take me to where the wind blows, Ako ito
Everybody has their own way To find tomotrow Belter starf today There S so much I need to know, Ako ito
I've got a story to share with you I've got a story to share with you I've got a story fo share Whyou. Ako ito
I've got a story, J've got a story I've got a story to shure with you Ako ito ... feelings, not only on that day but perhaps over a period of time, the group sang a capella, with a fervent message meant for their parents, their community, their fiiends, and themselves. CWTER4
FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
The focus of ihis study is on how the Filipino Canadian participants identified themselves in ethnicity and how their identity was related to their career aspirations. This chapter has five sections: the first explores the findings fiom the interviews with the case studies, the second examines the responses to a self-identity questionnaire, the third takes a look at the career interests of the participants, the fourth sumrnarizes the cornrnents and observations made by the leaders of the group discussions, and the fifth analyses the relationship behveen the ethnic identity and the vocational aspirations of the participants.
The Interviews m
At the time of the interview, Amy was a 21-year-old in her second year in university. 1 interviewed Amy in January of 1999, in the dining room of her house, where she was comfortable and relaxed. Her body language suggested that she was ready to express herself. She used her hands to emphasize certain points and moved them quite a bit, as opposed to keeping them on her lap or clasped together. She was quick in her responses, maintained eye contact, and had a pleasing speaking manner throughout the interview. She kept a comfortable distance. The interview lasted over an hour. Amy's father was in the house and would sometirnes be within hearing distance, but Amy remained relaxed even with him around. She was as open and direct in her responses with him present as when he was absent. The importance of family to her was revealed in statements such as ". ..what 1find
important.. .family above dl". She alluded to the collectivist nature of Filipinos and the extension of roles to the wider community when she talked about how "Filipino parents know the parents and .. . the whole Filipino community know everythmg that you do, so that's a bit of a tum-off as well." She used this as one explmation to why she grew out of mingling with other Filipinos her age. But in high school, she felt that in many ways, it was easier to relate to them because there was a "cornfort level" knowing that they
undentood each other in terms of "knowing about farnily things." Now, "my fnends are really diverse.. .they come fiom very different backgrounds." Her social needs had changed and she implied that her Filipino fnends did not meet those needs by the
following statements: "1 grew out of it and got tired of the sarne old thing.. . because it's just a small comunity.. . nothing new with hem, they still do the sarne things that they
did in high school. .." So "it's time to go somewhere else," aithough, to her, "it's
important to see hem once in a while." She maintained a pnde in her hentage, as
indicated by her view that she "wants [people] to know I am of Filipino background,
don? mind being identified as that.. . 1 wanna.. .keep those roots.. . want my children to
know about our roots."
She has always wanted to pursue studies in science, but 'hot one specific career.
It's always changing." Her indecision became apparent in a sequence of statements:
"sometimes I thùik of going to teacher's college [sic]. .. and now 1might even go to med
school, but .. now 1 think maybe I wanna go to graduate school, maybe I wanna actually
do research." Her responses suggest that she might be looking at a job in care-giving, in "making people feel better, finding out what makes people sick." Her consideration of the medical field was an influence of outside factors "it seerned like the nom that 1 would go this way." She was even inclined to try econornics. But "when [she] mentioned it at home, it didn't wash well." The reaction of farnily discouraged her from pmuing the idea of studying economics ". ..so 1 was kinda stuck in the major I was in.. .
I feel really happy 1 am doing it."
At a follow-up interview over the phone a few months later, 1taiked to Amy again to pick up what she had said regarding her thinking about a career in economics. Her response was that she thought it was prudent on her part to align herself with her parents' wishes because they "probably knew what was best." Her parents strongly felt that she should go into life sciences.
In the summer following the interview, 1 invited Amy to the workshop being held in Toronto. She came. Before the start of the day when only a few people were around, she gave me her news that she had made the decision to study at the Faculty of Education after she completes her prograrn in science, and move toward a teaching career. She realized that she would find interaction with people in teaching rather than in research, and at the same tirne "continue my interest in the sciences." The vagueness that Amy was experiencing in our first meeting was now replaced by certainty that she had made the decision that she had wanted. She claimed she was "happy with it now."
Amy's responses to the identity questionnaire at the workshop confirmed my suspicion that she would be placed in the integrationist category. Beth was a quiet, shy, soft-spoken 18-year-old in her final year of secondary school at the time of the interview in March 1999. She showed no nervousness during the first interview held in the living room of her home. Her mother hovered around, quietly watenng the plants, trying to look inconspicuous. Beth seemed totally aware that her mother was present, and I wondered if this was the reason she answered in a few short sentences. However, after her mother lefl and we were alone, Beth's responses remained short. it seemed that she was shy. 1üied to ask questions that would encourage her to elaborate on her answers.
Beth was an only child whose father passed away when she was eight. She grew up in the same home with her young widowed mother, her grandmother, and her childless aunt and uncle who showered her with as much attention and care as anyone could imagine. '&Nobodyever gave me things to do at home. .. they did everything for me [so that she could]. ..just concentrate on my school, get good marks.. ."
Her close fnends were "school fiends who are not Filipinos." Her exposure to
Filipino peers was through her family and the Filipino Canadian association to which her family belonged. "But 1 don? get to see them [much], only at happenings of Filipinos in the cornmunity." But she felt cornfortable with different sets of fnends. Her mother's and aunt's involvement have allowed her to folk-dance at cultural activities where people
"would corne to us and say how much they like the beauty.. . of ou. culture. And our people too." Her ethnic pride was clear: "1 like to classify myself as Filipino." In the summer of 1998, Beth went to the Philippines for a holiday with her mother, grandmother, aunt and uncle. She 'teally enjoyed it there-wished we could stay longer." Indeed, they did stay longer than originally planned, because during that visit, her grandmother died. It was there that she got to know her cousins, family Cends, and neighbours and grew to appreciate the culture and the people of the Philippines. She
Iearned the dialect of her mother's region.
Beth's upbringing is Filipino. Her extended family seems to have had a strong influence in her life. She showed some of these influences in her behaviour. Since
Filipino parents emphasize the value of remaining quiet until asked, or showing respect for elders, she never intempted while I was speaking, waited for me to stop talking before she talked, and kept her head slightly bowed. Throughout the interview her voice was subdued and her tone respectful.
When we got into the topic of careen, she was quick to answer that she had applied to nursing school in a few universities, but that her first choice was Queen's
University so that she would not have to be far fiom home. Many of the women she interacts with in the Filipino community in Kingston were nurses. She did think of going into modeling, "maybe even [as a] part-time model.. . but now 1 am not conside~git.. . there is no.. . stability in that career." Her decision to enter nursing was well-received by her mom, a waitress at a local restaurant "Mom is so happy." Her aunt, herself a nuning assistant, was supportive but gave Beth a talk about what nursing entailed. Beth said that her aunt simply wanted her to redize that being a nurse is hard work, and is not as glamorous and easy as some people seem to think. As long as Beth hew what it entailed, her aunt was supportive of this decision to become a nune. Beth was certain of her decision and happy that, compared to her schoolmates, she had reached a decision without muc h confirsion.
When the interview was over, Beth seemed less shy and was more cornfortable with me. She reached for my right hand, bowed her head, and put my hand on her forehead, a Filipino sign of respect for the older generation. 1 was certain 1 had found a traditional Filipino.
Four months afier my first inte~ewwith Beth, 1 asked her to participate in the workshop in Toronto. She agreed and told me that she would very much want to be there because she thought she might leam something.
It was a different Beth 1 saw at the workshop. Her hair was spray-painted with red streaks. 1 restrained myself fiom asking how her mother felt about her hair. 1 heard someone in the group speak of Beth's individuality, "Boy, her true self is coming out."
During the second group discussion, 1 overheard Beth Say that although she had initially chosen nursing, she had changed her mind. She was enrolling in arts and science at a
Toronto university for the meantirne, while trying to make up her mind whether she would like to teach or to be a social worker.
When 1 saw Beth alone by the dessert table, 1 approached her and asked if she would spend a few minutes speaking with me. First, 1told her that the red tint in her hair was daring on her part. 1 asked if there was a particular reason she had decided against nursing. At first, she was quiet and seemed embarrassed, but when 1 told her that 1 myself, over thuty years ago, had changed my mind many times before 1 hally realized what 1 wanied, she answered that she had been giving her decision a lot of thought even during the time of the interview. At the the, while she was mulling things in her head, she was afraid even to verbalize them because "1 did not want to disappoint anybody."
But soon afler her graduation from high school, she took a part-time job away Erom
Kingston and stayed with a cousin in Toronto. She met other Filipino Canadian fnends she knew in Kingston who were students living in Toronto. Her conversations with them had been healthy, positive, and affirming. She said that although nuning is still an option, she would like to explore other possibilities. She told her mother that she rnight still end up going into nursing, but she felt that it would only be fair if she gave henelf the chance to look at other choices. Her mother seemed to be somewhat disappointed at first, but Beth said that "Mom has gotten over it. .. She said 'as long as you're happy."'
She was happy to accept her cousin's offer for her to stay with her in Toronto and take a part-time job in sales in a Toronto mall. The experience of living away from home opened her eyes. She becarne aware of the many oppomuiities for growing and living beyond what she had already known.
Beth's behaviour showed change. She appeared more confident, talkative, and assertive. Beth had strong Filipino values and, during our fint meeting, 1 had leaned towards classifjing her as a separationist. Her responses to the self-identity questionnaire at the workshop confirrned this assesment. But Beth demonstrated through her actions, streaked hair, and decision to switch to an arts program, that she was beginning to assert her individuality and may have been evolving into an integrationist. Cecile
The interview with the third case study participant was conducted in late March
1999 with Cecile, a quiet 20-year-old who was in her htyear of university. She preferred not to have the inte~ewtaped. She seemed a little tense and maybe even somewhat skeptical while 1descnbed to her the purpose of rny study. 1 half-expected her to Say that she had changed her mind and wanted to back out of her initial agreement to participate in my case studies. But soon she relaxed and gave me a tentative smile.
In the coune of the interview, she had her hands in her lap, raising one hand
occasionally to clear her long hair away fiom her face. At tirnes, though, when she was
speaking with me, she looked down at her hands or out the window. There were
instances when she looked directly at me, answered my questions in detail, and had a
wide smile on her face.
She came from a relatively small family that included her parents, a younger
brother and henelf. She has had a full social life with Filipino and non-Filipino fnends,
growing up with a grandmother who lived with her family and having many fnends and
cousins who lived near her home. Afker taking up residence at the univenity, away From
home, she developed new fnends. She still had her Filipino friends, but many of her
closest &ends were non-Filipino. Growing up in a big city where there was a large
population of Filipinos made her feel cornfortable in the circle wherein she moved.
Cecile had no recollection of being excluded or discriminated against. She still enjoyed
her niendships with the Filipino Canadians she grew up with. Because her fiends in
university belonged to other ethnic groups, she knew that they al1 tmderstood each other and accepted their cultural differences. She liked to identiQ herself as Filipino Canadian and felt proud of her roots. "1 realized 1 have a lot of Filipino in me," especially when she visited the Philippines on a family holiday. She thoroughly enjoyed herself there and stated that she would like to rem ofien to visit. She liked the experience of being treated as a special guest by her relatives there, enjoying al1 the perks of staying with affluent relatives.
Cecile was studying in the engineering program, hoping one day to be a space engineer. When asked if she had always wanted to be an engineer, she said that she had developed an interest in this only in the later years of secondary school, where she attained excellent marks in science and mathematics. Flying has always fascinated her, and for a brief time, she thought of becoming a pilot. But she later felt that being in outer space would even be more exciting and challenging. However, she admitted to having a great passion for playing the piano, and is at an advanced level in music (Grade 10
Conservatory). She thought seriously about going for a Bachelor of Music degree, but because she also dreamed of one day going into space, she thought that she could probably balance her two areas of interest by being a engineer at NASA for a profession, and be a concert pianist to make her life really full. Her thinking was that she would find financial stability in something like space engineering, and less economic certaine in the li fe of a concert pianist. Although she stressed that she was not aspiruig for a wealthy lifestyle, she said that if she wants to have a family and children in the future, she might need to have a steady source of income to sustain her family. When discussing how she reached this decision, she hlystated that she had reached this decision by herself. She added that she loved her parents for being so supportive of her decision. At one tirne when she was seriously thinking of going into a Music program, her parents (especially her father) were always assuring her that whatever she decided to pursue, they would support her, provide for her tuition fees and related expenses. "1 love my father for saying that." They never discouraged her from punuing a career in music. She recalled a
Filipino Canadian friend who wanted to go into visual arts and his parents were vehemently against it, and threatened not to support the young man financially if he went to an arts school. She was thankful that her parents did not have a similar attitude.
Overall, 1 found her to have composure and confidence. She had ready answen, she was direct and to the point and rarely stopped to think about how to respond. She knew what she was capable of and realized that with a degree in engineering, she could find ernployment in many areas. In addition, she thought that she might even end up being a piano teacher. She rnentioned that if ever she ended up being a stay-home mother, even for a temporary penod, she could give music lessons fkom her home. t classified Cecile as an integrationist.
At the time of the workshop, Cecile was away on holidays with her parents in the
Philippines. 1had no further contact with her after the initial inte~ew.
Self-Identity Questionnaire
In analyzing the data, a variety of techniques was employed. The Self-Identity questionnaires were first examined for completeness. Content analysis of the questionnaires was used initially at the manifest level. As mentioned in Chapter 3, the questions ahed to mesure the four domains that reflect ethnicity. Table 1 contains a breakdown of the responses); (a) language preference and use, (b) ethnic identification and pnde, (c) ethnic interaction and socialization, and (d) custorns, habits and traditions
(Advincula & Ricco, 1 998).
Table 1:
Responses to Ouestions on Four Domains of Ethnicity on Self-Identity Ouestionnaire
Levels of Ethnicity as Related to Self-Identity Questionnaire (see Figure 3) Acculturation Language Identification ln terac tion Traditions Pre ference Family Customs (~uestions14) (~uestions5-6) (~uestions7-9) (~uestions10- 12)
Separationist
Integrationist
Assimilationist
Marginalist
Lanma- Preference and Use lBased on Questions 1-41
Of al1 the respondents, three spoke the diaiect, and 17 showed interest in leaniing
more about how to w-rite, read and speak Tagalog. Al1 20 of them understood a bit and
said that either Tagalog or another dialect was spoken by family members at home. Ethnic Pnde and Identification: CBased on Questions 5-61
Six respondents wanted to be seen as Filipino, while the other 14 classified themselves, and wanted others to see them, as Filipino Canadians.
Ethnic Interaction and Socialization: (Based on Questions 7-91
Eight respondents showed preference for having Filipino Canadians as close fkiends in school while 12, who did not seem to make their choices according to ethnic group membership, had close fnends fkom various groups. Outside of school, nine had friends who were Filipino Canadians. The other 11 did not limit their social interaction to just Filipino Canadian fnends. They were happiest and most cornfortable with a mixture of groups. in short, the group was split ahost down the middle with their social preferences.
Customs. Habits, and Traditions: (Ouestions 10- 12)
Under this category, there are two components: parental influence and adherence to customs and traditions. Of al1 the participants, 13 indicated that their parents continue to influence them in decision-making, while seven said that they make their own decisions. Among those who said that they listened to their parents, half of the respondents obeyed in full agreement and the other half obeyed simply to avoid confrontation in the family. Sixteen always followed most of the traditional practices and valued those traditions that they have been exposed to since childhood.
The Final question was one addressed only to those who had been to the
Philippines. Al1 of the 11 who responded enjoyed their visit to the homeland of their parents but generally felt that they would have reservations about staying on a permanent basis.
Each question had three responses. In each question, the first response reflected a separationist value, an orientation toward Filipino culture. This response was assigned a score of "3." The second response reflected an integrationist value, maintainhg one's original culture while interacting with other groups. Here, the response was assigned a score of "2." The third response reflected assimilationist value, where one rejects his cultural identity and embraces the culture of the host country or other cultures. This response was given a score of "1 ." If none of the three responses was applicable, the respondents were told to write "n.a" at the bottom of the choices. This response would corne f?om a marginalist, indicating someone who resisted interaction with both his own culture and the culture of the dominant society. None of the questionnaires indicated the presence of a marginalist in the group.
If, for exarnple, responses were consistently the first choice with a score of "3", the total, and possible highest, score would be 39. On the other hand, with a score of "1" for every third choice, the total score would be 13, the lowest possible score. Thus, whoever scored close to "39" would adhere more to Filipino culture, and those with scores close to "13" would be more Canadian oriented. The mid-point would be '26" and those within f4 of this score would show interest in both cultures and be classified as integrationist.
One way of illustrating the distribution of the participants by category is through a bar graph with borden indicated by vertical lines. The respondents' total scores ranged fiom 23 to 33. As can be seen in Figure 6, 15 of the 20 participants (75%) were classified as integrationists. Five participants (25%) who scored 31, 32, and 33 were placed in the separationist category. Beth was in this group. Amy's score had placed her as an integrationist, although she was at the border of being assimilationist/integrationist.
Group Discussions
During the small group discussions, 1 moved f?om one group to another to listen to the discussions and, where necessary, to make sure they were on track. 1 made mental note of significant statements 1 heard and discreetly wrote them down when 1 moved on to another group. When the discussion was focused on the role of parents, someone in a group quoted her parents' favourite line: "We came to Canada to give you a better future.
We did not do it for ourselves, but we did it for our children!" The other members in the group laughed heartily and nodded their heads vigorously, saying that "We hear that line in our homes al1 the time!" Amy and Beth were among those who good-naturedly reacted in this way. They seemed to accept this as a standard line one would expect in a
Filipino farnily. One summarized their feelings by saying that "It's tnie though, because think about it - it was a sacrifice to Ieave their families and their native land." Another responded to that by cornrnenting on "the difficult economic conditions also made them leave." "Our parents just want economic stability for us, and they think that a diploma on the wall leads to that." Fiwe 6. Distribution of participants by category according to Self-Identity
Questionnaire
Assimilationist lntegrationist Se parationist
Total 13-15 16-18 19-21 22-24 25-27 28-30 31-33 34-36 37-39 Score Their affection for family was something they shared and was apparent in the ways that they found humour in the actions and behaviours of their parents. The lunch hour was the time to hear such comments like: "My mom is so cute, she pretends she has a headache to make me feel guilty so that I would wash the dishes," or "You should see my dad when he is singing with the Karaoke machine ... Oh my God! He thinks he's
Elvis." Mimicking their grandparents or other relatives speak English with a heavy
Filipino accent was a favourite source of entertainment. But these were done in the spint of fun, and there was fondness in the tone they used when they made their own contribution to the sharing of family stories. Filipinos are known for making fun of themseives.
Comments made dunng the general assembiy shed some light on the absence of
Canadian-oriented participants in the group and a large concentration from the Filipino or
Filipino Canadian category. 1 wondered aloud if this was representative of the larger
Filipino Canadian youth population. The response from the group was immediate and ovenvhelming. They said, "We are more the exception than the nom... we're here because we are interested in finding out what we can lem in order to help other Filipinos here ... we are interested in issues that affect Filipinos." The others were not interested in coming because "they just don't care about things like this or about being Filipino." The group shared similar objectives. Some of them were active in Filipino student groups in post-secondary institutions in the Metro Toronto area. They organized syrnposia and social activities for their respective constituencies. Those who were in secondary school were student leaders. Leaming And Career Inventory
The Leaming and Career Inventory (Figure 4) that 1 had devised was intended to find out if the participants had discovered more about themselves and their interests, leamed about other careers that they may not have contemplated before, and made decisions about careers that they would consider for themselves. Many of them wrote more than two choices on their list. Ten respondents were considering the teaching profession, which was reported with the highest frequency (see Table 2). The career preferences are listed according to the Bequency that they were reported.
The inventory, completed at the end of the day, revealed that more than half the participants had a general idea of what they would like to be. in response to the question about the types of work they are interested in , "teacher" was favoured by 1O respondents.
Of this "teacher-group," one included "early childhood educator" and another "university professor." The distant second choice was graphic arts listed by three respondents. The third choices were in public relations, social work, information technology, new media, cornputer animation, film and music, each chosen by two respondents. The other choices were listed only once.
As a whole, the expectation to finish secondary school and complete either comrnunity college or university was hi&. The interchange suggested agreement that "it is important to have the training to have skills" and "a good education is the only way to get ahead." Someone also added "especially if you are a minority." Someone else emphasized that it is important that 'tve make our own choice." Table 2:
Career Preferences Listed in Leamine and Career inventory
Careers Frequency of Choice
Texher Graphic designer Film industry Public relations Social Worker Information Technologist New Media technologist Computer anirnator Musician Computer educator Cornmunity worker Healthcare giver Kinesiologist Missionary Fashion Mode1 Diplomat Accountant Event planner EIectronic technician General contractor EIectrician Landscape artist Anthropology Marketing Yogdaerobics instructor
Rapporteurs' Reports
The rapporteurs gave verbal srnaries and cobedthat the discussions in dl three groups covered the same topics. Maricelle, the rapporteur for Group Two, summarized the findngs nom her group's discussion, covering three main topics (see Figure 7). In the other rapporteurs' verbal summaries, the participants gave importance to values like "making a difference in the lives of others," ''being happy and healthy,"
"finding challenge and fulfillment," and "family."
When Mancelle read her notes, the other two rapporteurs, who had not recorded their groups' suinmaries, nodded in agreement. One rapporteur made the added comment from her group that Filipinos had such a poor image in this country. "We would like change in those perceptions," added a member of that group. "We are sick of being portrayed as nannies, or gardeners or criminals on TV or film." "The media does not help," concluded another.
Colour or race was not perceived to be a barrier to reaching occupational objectives, except for the one who commented that a good education is the way to reach your goals "especially if you are a minonty." Overall, many agreed that the real barrien to occupational success lay in the lack of education, training, and experience. Figure 7. Maricelle's findings Eom discussions in Group Two
Feelings on Ethnicity Career Aspirations Factors which hfluenced Choice - proud of heritage - Tcachcr - want to bc of scriicc to - would like to see an the disadvantaged improvement in Filipino - Dental hygienist image - desire to work witih - Health care giver people - be of some help to elevate perception of - Artist: graphics - help members of Filipino Filipinos community, especially - Social worker seniors, children, - would like to know how physicall y challenged, to speak Tagalog better domestics (empower them). - would love to go to the Philippines to visit, but - make a di fference in not to live petmanently. people's lives
- would like to know - need to break stereotypes people better in order to undentand why our - getting rich not parents think and behave important - wealth not a as they do. factor
- have to understand parents because they were raised di fferently and expect their children to be like them. CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
In the fint chapter, I identified the two things that 1 wanted to examine, namely,
(a) how ethnic identity relates to the career choices of Filipino Canadians, and @) if
Filipino Canadians in different levels of acculturation show differences in their career choices.
Analysis of Ethnic Identity and Career Choice
It was my expectation that a few of the participants in the study would be placed in the assimilationist (Canadian-onented) category. None of them came out as assimilationist. The majority of participants, 15 of the 20 (75%), turned up in the integrationist category, and five (25%) were piaced as separationists. As akeady mentioned elsewhere in this study, the Philippines has had the influence of Spanish and
Arnerican colonization that left a western impnnt found no where else in Asia.
Philippine culture has a strong Amencan component in its fabric, and therefore Filipinos are more likely to be easily integated into North America. People easily adapt to cultures that are relatively similar to their own (Triandis, 1997), hence a majority of integrationists. Five participants were identified as separationists, although their scores
(31-33) placed them close to being integrationist. It was not easy to make a clear-cut assessrnent of their classification, but it seemed to me that their behaviours at the workshop matched the other participants. 1 realized that ethnic identity models should not be viewed as theories with specific identifiable stages that serve as hed categones. Ethnic identity development is a fluid, dynamic process and not a static one. Classimg or labelling must therefore be done within the penon's socio-political context.
Seeing how Filipino-oriented some of the participants were, 1 thought that farnily expectations would affect their career objectives. As mentioned in the literature review, professions like medical doctor, lawyer, engineer, nurse, enterpreneur, administrator were highly favoured careers by FiIipino parents for their children (Buduhan & Oandason,
1981). hterestingly, these professions did not make it to the list. In the inventory, the respondents seem to send a signal that they were not inclined to choose professions that were traditionally favoured by the older generation of Filipinos. Beth, who had originally planned to go into nursing, eventually changed her mind. Her initial decision to be a nurse may have been the influence of her extended family. The utang na ioob (interna1 debt) mentality came through during the interview when she said, "Mom is so happy ... then [she] can retire. She has done so much for me, 1 hope to repay her for al1 her sacrifices... she has sacrificed... to see that I have a bnght future."
One of the participants who tumed out to be separationist said that although she is now in a nursing program which she had no interest in, "1 am only doing this to pacify my parents and avoid conflict in the family." As noted earlier, soothing interpersonal relationships is highly valued in Filipino culture.
As for Amy, when she mentioned her interest in economics to her parents, "it did not wash well, so 1was kinda stuck in the major I was in..." Elsewhere she also mentions that she was, at sorne point, beginning to doubt "if 1 was taking Biology because 1 really wanted to ... be a doctor, or it was understood" and expected by "everybody" so rnuch so that "1 felt that 1 was now obligated to do it." In Amy's case, it was hiya (saving face) which weighed on her. In Beth's case, she eventually changed the course of her career path.
In spite of the fact that these individuals identified with their Filipino hentage and the ictang na loob mentality, in the end family influence and cultural expectation did not appear to be related to their career choices. Beth, a separationist, decided to change nom nursing tu general arts. The other separationist who went into nursing to avoid family conflict voiced her plan to go into a field of her choice after cornpleting a nursing degree.
Amy, on the other hand, whose score in the Self-Identity Questionnaire placed her as an integrationist but close to the assimilationist (Canadian-oriented) category, eventually decided to pick a career that would be highly acceptable to her parents. She, however, had said at the first interview that she was also considenng the teaching profession. And
Cecile was appreciative of parental support, regardless of the choice she made.
Arnong the participants, there was no indication that their choices were dictated by their parents. Even for the separationists, the values of family ties, utang na [oob
(intemal debt) and pakikisama (putthg others' needs before one's own) paled in cornparison to their desire for autonorny. One participant admitted that when he told his father that he wanted to be an electrician and contractor for apartment buildings, he was cut off fkom al1 financial support. He worked as a maintenance man and was happy with it, especially because he could support himself financially in order to hone his skills in a trade school. But comrnunicating to family and getthg their support was clearly very important to them. In almost all (95%) of the cornpleted inventories, they had placed check marks beside the statements that said: "1 will tak to my family and tell them my choice of career" and "1 will ask for my family to support my choice, regardless of whether they approve of it or not."
1 saw this group not only as Filipino Canadians but also as mostly independent thinkers, and 1thought that ethnic identity would not affect the choices they made in their career developrnent. But 1realized that 1 was looking at it only from a single perspective.
1 was looking at the issue from the point of view of parental and Filipino cultural influence. If these two factors affected their choices, there would have been aspiring lawyers, doctors and engineers in this group. Looking at the findings from another perspective, however, 1 could see how ethnic identity affected their choices in the following ways.
Firstly, some had expressed their desire to help people in the Filipino comrnunity who were rnarginalized. They had seen how senior citizens were unaware of the seMces to which they were entitled. Many seniors in the community did not have the language capabilities to inquire about important issues such as housing facilities, medical services, social welfûre assistance and income tax. Several participants indicated that they would like to be social workers or comrnunity leaders pnm&ly to heip theù own people. "We want to be of help to those who do not know where to go ... some domestics are being expioited because they don? know what their rights are. They're just too happy to be working in Canada, and would take whatever abuse they get ..." were among some of the comments. One participant was willing to make compromises. She was interested in being a social activist and going into community work to help marginahed Filipinos in bigger cities. She shared that by completing a degree in Sociology and then becoming a social worker, she would make both her parents and herself happy.
Secondly, the group was aware that the first wave of Filipino immigrants in
Canada were nurses, medical technologists and recently have been coming as domestic helpers. "We're sick of the stereotyping-of being often mistaken for medical technologists, or nurses." "Someone asked if 1 was a DH! [domestic helper]" "People assume that we are interested in [careers] that we are not interested in." "Filipinos are capable of doing a lot more, other than the usual stuff." Thus, there seemed to be a conscious and deliberate effort to stay away fiom occupational fields that Filipinos have traditionally held in Canada.
Finally, one or two were looking at ways to help change the image of Filipinos portrayed in the mass media. For one individual, getting into film production had extra appeal because he hoped to help improve the image of Filipinos who were stereotyped because they were often portrayed as drivers, gardeners, cooks or maids in movies and television. A second artist was a budding musician who would like to see Filipinos take the centre stage in the music industry, rather than just serving as back-up singers or accompanists.
Taken fiom these angles, more than 50% of the workshop participants showed some link between their ethnic identity and career objectives. These conclusions were not anticipated. But 1 must reiterate what has already been written earlier in this study.
These participants felt that they were different kom many of their Filipino Canadian peers because they had a stronger sense of ethnicity and were therefore more cooscious of the plight of many Filipinos here in Canada. It was their social awareness and spirit of activism that encouraged them to find what role they might play in order to make a difference for many Filipino Canadians.
The participants at the workshop reacted to the speakers positively. They seemed to need what they heard about awareness and self-understanding. It was an affirmation for them that they should follow the path where their interests lay. Rory, the lawyer who faced numerous barrien and overcarne them, served as an inspiration for them to face their challenges with courage and tenacity so that they, like her, would get to their goals.
A few approached the speakers afier the talks, wanting to continue the discussions and to dari fy some of the things they had heard.
In the inventory, help-seeking did not rank highly in participant prionties for the near future. This might suggest that they had aiready made up their minds about what they wanted to do and did not see any Merneed to see a school counsellor. However, it could also be taken to mean something else. Studies show a perception among multicultural students that counsellors were not meeting their vocational needs, and that guidance services were meeting only the needs of the mainstream population through traditional methods that they saw as insufficient for their particular needs (e.g. Leong,
Wagner & Tata, 1995; Leung, 1995; Samuda & Lewis, 1992).
In summary, the Filipino Canadian youth who participated in this study generally seemed to have freedom in choosing their occupational destinies. They may retain the traditions and practices they learned in their core social milieu, and they may continue to place a great deal of importance on family and cultural values, but in the final analysis, they did not allow their ethnicity to stand in the way of their aspirations. They may see themselves as Filipino Canadians, but their drearns are theirs alone.
Interviews with three female Filipino Canadian youth, the self-identity questionnaire, the learning and career inventory, and verbal and non-verbal behaviour of
18 other young Filipino Canadians in the range of 18 to 23 years provided a nch source of information on their perceptions of their ethnic identity and their career goals and objectives. However, there were several limitations that created gaps in the overall portrait of young Filipino Canadians.
Limitations
The Instruments
in this section, 1 will discuss the two instruments used during the workshop to provide data about the participants' ethnic identity and their career choices.
The Self-Identitv Ouestionnaire. 1 would have benefitted fiom using a wider variety of questions in the instrument to investigate other preferences such as preferences for music, food, leisure activities, and communication. Other questions could have measured traditional Filipino values that are predominant in the Filipino culture. For instance, questions could have examined if the respondents would use the "soothing word" in order not to hurt another person's feelings, or agree with or acquiesce to another person in order to avoid merconfrontation, or find it embarrassing for people outside the family to know their problems. Perhaps the results would have been more trustworthy if 1had put the responses in a different sequence for each question. The way it was presented, the sequence was predictable. Some respondents could have marked their responses consistently on the sarne spot for each question. The sequence of choices may have been too obvious. 1 suspect that resequencing the responses would not have made a difference. However, 1 think I should have scrambled the order of the questions and even added a few questions that would have tested if there was consistency in certain responses. For instance, 1 might have reworded one or two of the questions and placed them in another area of the questionnaire to test for reliability. The questionnaire could benefit from considerable reworking for Meruse.
Learning and Career Inventorv. This inventory also could have used a few more questions. 1 might have expanded the questions to include one that asked: Who are the people who influenced you in your career choice? This is one question asked in the pilot project of Samuda, Chodzinski, Berry and Lewis (1989).
Sam~lingof Participants
This is what I found to be the greatest limitation in this study. The participants were a self-selected group. They belonged to student groups who were interested in social issues affecting their ethnic group. They acknowledged that there were others who were unlike themselves. 1 have no doubt that 1 would have found a few Filipino Canadians who would fall under the assimilationist category if 1 had not used a self-selected group.
A larger and different target group would have helped me hda more representative sarnple of the Filipino Canadian population. One way to achieve this would be to go through official channels, like a school or a school board, like Samuda et ai (1989). If this study had been conducted during a school day, there may have been more participants. 1 would also have liked to have participants who were not studeats. These changes would have added more dimensions to the study to investigate career aspirations of a wide range of this generation of Filipinos.
Activities
The plmed activity that would consider interests in a range of careen, derived from "Pathways" (Hutchinson & Freeman, 1994) did not materialize because of severe time constraints. The day had started late and the group discussions went longer than planned. The "Pathways" activity "Exploring Career Options" would have the participants work in pain and share their ideas and feelings regarding careers in five general areas. The exercise would have provided the participants with more exposure to and exploration of a wide spectrum of careers.
Further Researc h
The ethnic identity of Filipino Canadians and their career objectives is an area of research that needs much investigation. One such area that that would enrich the current literature would be an exploration of career choices of rhree particular groups of
Filipinos: (a) Filipino Canadians, @) immigrant Filipinos in Canada, and (c) Filipinos in the Philippines. It would be useful to obtain more information on the career aspirations of these three groups and see how each of these groups compare with one another in their vocational objectives.
A related area of study would be gender differences and career choice among
Filipinos, just as studies described by Leong (1998) had been made on Chinese Amencan and Japanese Arnerican males and fernales. It would be worth investigating differences in the vocational behaviour of Filipino women because, as described earlier, women in the Philippines are traditionally given equal status with males.
Finally, if 1 were to do an expanded follow-up to my current study, 1 would make modifications as follows:
1. The participants would be Filipino Canadians fiom a younger age range, in the lower grades of secondary school, between late Grade 9 and early Grade 10. This would be a good time to introduce them to the concept of careers and have them start thinking about this important element in their futures.
2. The workshop would be longer, spread over two days, dunng the school year.
It would involve the school, so that greater participation would be assured.
3. There would be more information-giving and career awareness activities.
4. There would be an equal or almost equal representation of both genden to see if gender differences appear related to choice. The research would focus on the current thinking of the participants in relation to their future goals. It would be a longitudinal study which would involve a follow-up intewiew with randomly-selected participants and a shorter workshop after two yean when the participants are in Grade 12 to see if the process of exploring career options was successfbl in giving them a better awareness of themselves and their plans for the future.
Educational Implications
Parents
Given what 1 found about the importance of family in Filipino children's lives, parents play a large role in their career development process. With the help of the school counsellors, parents need to participate in career exploration sessions. There are several advantages to such parental involvement. School counsellors could explore with the parents a wide range of unfarniliar and non-traditional careers that could be as financially rewarding as jobs in medicine, law, engineering, architecture, and accounting. It is important for parents to accept that career choice should be based on a combination of factors such as aptitude, interest, personality traits, and market demand. Knowing that there are other viable choices, parents could demonstrate support and affirmation for their children's plans. Since parental approval is deemed valuable by Filipino Canadians, it is reasonable to expect that these children would not have to carry the burden of guilt and could find career attainrnent and satisfaction.
The School
The school is influential among Filipino students. Because of the high value placed by Filipinos on respect for elders, children develop an attitude of high regard for and trust in school authorities. They would probably be more receptive to their teachers' and counsellors' efforts to assist in their career development.
Teachers. Teachers could begin planting the seeds of curiosity about certain career options by including in their curriculum teaching materials and audio-visuals that highlight specific professions. Informational brochures, particularly those that are culture specific and tailored to Asians would be a form of intervention which can be sent home and shared with parents. Counsellors. Counsellors play an important role in the career development of students. Given that Asians traditionally endorse and favour professions like medicine and engineering, it is important for the school, in its vocational guidance program to provide more information on career options that are Wlfamiliar and non-traditional among the Asian goups. This could open the parents' minds to other options that are viable in their country of settlement.
Students in the early years of high school need to begin this exercise of exploring a wide spectnun of career opportunities. The school cm invite people who are successful in unfamiliar jobs to corne and speak to the students about their work and familiarize them with different professions. in this way, the approach a counsellor takes does not have the appearance of a counselling approach, but rather a teaching approach. This is perhaps a preferred approach to Asians, since there is a wide perception that the counselling process involves disclosure of personal and pnvate problems. The
"Pathways" (Hutchinson & Freeman, 1994) approach seems to be appropriate for this purpose. It is a form of group counselling without the students necessarily viewing it as a counselling process.
The School Svstern
The school system could encourage a large number of individuals within the system to work together to build an awareness of minority students' concems and to create an alEming environment in schools that would foster a strong positive self- identity. This is important in maintainhg the educationd and vocational aspirations of ethnic students. As Leung noted, Tor minority persons, career issues are often embedded in other personal, cultural, and economic issues; thus, the use of a holistic mode1 appean to be most appropriate" (1995, p. 560). This involves acquiring a certain degree of knowledge about values, noms and experiences of particular ethnic groups. An option would be to hire at least one counsellor who belongs to a racial minority to work as an itinerant counsellor and reach out to the students who are culturally diverse. Another option could be hiring a consultant on a needs-basis to provide the type of training that would equip teachen and counsellon with knowledge and skills in providing for the specific needs of minonty students and their parents.
Data gathered from the workshop showed evidence that there is a degree of effectiveness in intervention methods employed by culturally sensitive individuals. people of ethnic origin, or people of the same minonty group. Beth's decision to change her career direction was affirmed when 1 related to her that 1, too, had often changed my mind about my career choice. Then, in October and November 1999, phone calls from two participants revealed that the August workshop had given them incentive to take the next steps in their educational and vocational paths. One of them indicated that the exploration of careers and Sam's talk convinced him that he wanted to be a camera and light technician and believed that he could do it. Since it was too late for the fa11 term, he applied to a media arts centre for January 2000. He was happy to add that after a dialogue with his parents about his plans, they promised financial support. The other cal1 came fiom a hi& school student participant who reported that early in the school year she had met with her school counsellor, a non-ethnic, for help in explorhg options based on her achievements and interests. The counsellor gave her information pamphlets on cornputer-related careers to take home for examination. It seemed to me that the student was expecting more of the counselling relationship. h the context of one-on-one counseliing with minonty clients, career issues must be taken in terms of cultural and personal issues. The fact that the student telephoned suggested that she wanted a more interactive relationship and probably needed extra assurance about the legitimacy of having an objective listener provide feedback and support. -Peers Groups of Filipino students have clustered together in colleges and universities to share with each other their experiences and explore ways in which they can cope with the challenges they have to face. There is now an organization called "Canadian Awareness of the Filipino Experience" (CAFE)that has drawn members fiom across the United
States and Canada. CAFE has sponsored a conference in New York, another in Ohio, and one in Toronto in the year 2000. In the first two years, it has put together an impressive line-up of speakers to talk about Filipino culture, identity, family and interpersonal relations, education, religion, and social and political issues that affect this generation of
Filipinos. They have invited Filipinos known for their contributions and achievements to talk about the work they have done. The Filipino Canadian youth draws inspiration, strength and support fkom their peen. Such support is important for these individuais. It cm be ammihg for a generation that may somehes be lost or uncertain.
s-ary
In this study, 1have suggested that, where ethnic identity was related to the career objectives of the Filipino Canadians who participated in the study, it was not because of parental and cultural considerations, but because of their cornmitment to uphold the interests of Filipinos in Canada. It bears repeating, however, that the participants became involved in my research because of a shared social consciousness. It would be interesting to have a cross-section of a wide range of the Filipino Canadian population, find out their distribution in Berry's levels of acculturation and relate their ethnic identities with their career aspirations. The results could tuni out differently.
The Filipino Canadians at the workshop, including two of the inte~eweesfor the case studies, have reached a level of acculturation that has enabled them to balance the values of both host culture and the culture of origin. It has been said that the more acculturated the participants are, the more they value self-realization (Leong & Gim-
Chung, 1995). This implies that individuals whose cultures lean toward collectivist attitudes may subordinate their needs to group needs. But since these Filipino Canadians have integrated themselves within Canadian culture, it is possible that the collectivist orientation in them has given way to a more individualist orientation. The effectiveness of career intervention through multicultural approaches was confirmed through the actions taken by some of the participants after the workshop. The Filipino Canadians in this study have learned to view career choice as a penonal matter because they have corne into a realization of their own potential. They have gained the confidence to choose for themselves, paved the way for self-expression and self-actualization, and recodgured their Filipino ethnic identity. They have found their voices. They have corne into their own. REFERENCES
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Ward, C. (1997). Culture learning, acculturative stress, and psychopathology: three perspectives on acculturation. [Review of the article Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation]. Applied Psycholow: An International Review. 46(1), 43-47. Appendix A
Glossary of Tagalog Words Used in the Thesis
Ako ito (ah k6 ee te) This is me, or, This is who 1am amor priopio self-esteem ate (ah të) Used as stand-alone pronoun to address an older sister, or as a prefix before an older sister's name. hiya (hee yi) Feeling of shame, embarrassrnent, acquisition of self-respect or pride llokano (1-16-kah-no) Someone who cornes ffom a northem province, the flocos region. kuya (koo yah) Used as stand-alone pronoun to address an older brother, or as a prefix before an older brother's name.
Lolo (16 IO) Grand father
Loh (15 lah) G randmother manu (ma noh) Greeting or leaving an elderly relative or family &end by taking the older person's right hand and places it on one's forehead in a stooped position as a sign of respect and humility and an unspoken request for that person's blessing. pakihma Highly valued and socially-binding interaction that takes priority (puh kee kee sa rnah) over individual ends po or ho (pô and hô) Used interchangeably to end a sentence when speaking to an elderly person, as a sign of respect.
Siopao (sh6 pow) steamed yeast bun with rneat filling
Tita Address for an aunt, or pronoun preceding the name of an aunt or fernale relative or Eriend of an older generation
Tito Address for an uncle, or pronoun preceding the name of an uncle or male relative or fkiend of an older generation.
Iltang na Ioob The notion of "interna1 debt" that obligates a recipient of kindness (00 tang na 164b) to gratitude and reciprocity of benevolence. Appendix B
Consent Fom for Workshop Participants
By signing beiow, 1agree to take part in Patti Candido's study. 1understand my privacy and confidenridity will be proiected. I may withdraw ar any rime.
I understand that Patti Candido's research will be published as her Master of Education thesis, and may be used in other reiated publications.
If 1 have, now or later, any questions or concems about the research, 1 understand 1 am free to discuss them with Patti Candido, with her supervisor, Dr. Rena Upitis (6 13-533-62lO), or the Coordinator of Graduate Studies and Research, Dr. John Kirby (533-6000 ext. 723 1).
Signature O l Participant Date Appendix C
Interview with Amy
I'd like you to tell me everyhng Everthing! Oh my goodness... Absolutely you can riiink of about youneif. everythg?
Well, what would you like me to know About myself? Oh my goodness. Well, in tems about you? things that 1find important to me, ab... farnily above al1 1think that, I think, and ahhh, secondly having a faith in something other than just myself . I mean when 1started in univenity, being in the sciences, in biology you lcnow, we started studying about the history of evolution and so that it conflicted with everything that 1 was taught. At Queen's in school, going to Catholic school al1 my life, the more I learned about our body and how they work and the creation of the universe according to science, I started having questions about 'is there a God?' and al1 that but yeah, in the past couple of months, my faith in God has improved in a way Yeah 1 rnean... 1do ... you know 1 go to lectures everyday and 1 find a lot of answen in the way things work, something I could not see before but now 1think I see a better picture having learned that 6om school and when 1go to church when 1 can, 1 try to find some sort of balance between that. Yeah to an extent you're really looking for a foundation as to 'why' in a scientific way, science can provide some sort of answers but 1 still believe, like in tems of the 'big bang' theory 1 still believe that yeah, 1see what was there before but there has to be something that started it, right? Ahmrn how can you say that matter cornes fkom nothing, but matter is matter, and it has to corne nom something greater than science cm explain and 1think that you have to fhd some sort of balance in terms of like yeah, there IS God and God created everythhg although it's not you know what science explains. Yeah there is still something that we cadt explain but 1try to hd answers and ahmmmm.,. What you're saying is that your're Yeah and dso you know, 1 have gone to Catholic trying to reconcile what you are school and al1 my Eriends were Catholic too and I learning now with what you had did not really know anyone who was not Catholic, learned in your younger days. but when 1 got to univenity then 1got to know so many who aren't. And one of my best fnends, she is ahmm pretty much an atheist and she does not believe in anything. Yeah up to this point 1 could rscits what 1 tearned that pah, God is good and God made everything but then I started questioning things and now I am very much going back to the way 1 used to be, but now that I have already questioned it 1 can sort of find answers, and 1 don't know if I'm rnaking any sense but 1have questioned it and now 1 am satisfied with what 1 know and what I still believe in ... you know, 1 know that God He makes things happen for a purpose, 1 still believe ... al1 these corne ffom nothing if not f?om God. My faith has been renewed. I used to have so many questions, but now I have some of the answers and I'm satisfied with them.
You seem satisfied with this new To be tme to people and to yourself, I mean I cannot found faith. What else do you deal with people who are two-faced or disloyal. The consider important to you? feeling that you cm tmst someone 1 think trusting people no matter who it is-farnily or niends or whoever. It is very important I think to trust people.. . and
(A cat jumps on the table, startling me. She does not bite, this one. But are you allergie? We both laugh, and she keeps the cat on her lap for most of the interview.)
No, it's okay, but as you were saying? Oh, okay. Yeah, ahhhh, being able to trust people. Loyalty. I think that is important and it feels good to have sorneone you can trust on al1 the the.
Speaking of û-ust, did you feel that you Ahmmrn. It was my firiends that 1 truly tnisted and I could trust or feel loyal to any one told them everything. 1 opened up to them and particula. group of people? spilled out everything. But now 1think 1am more carefûl in what 1tell them because now 1 feel there's no sense of obligation to tell them everything. It's not that I trust them any less, but now 1don? feel that 1 have to tell them EVERYTHING (emphaskes the fast word by saying it slowly). There are certain things reserved for me, especially if I find it very personal. Before, 1 had no problems telling them everythmg, you know everythmg, every Little detail. Ahhh, but now, yeah, 1 have reservations about what I tell them. Yeah, ahmmmm.
Did you Ceol confident in teiling perrs hlmmm. it diri not reaiiy rnatier i don't think who were Filipino or did you feel because there are certain... I did not really start more confident with other fnends.. . or hanging out with Filipinos ahh until high school, and did it really matter? even during those years, not during the entire time. 1 really hung out with them for about two or three yean in school, and then I sort of grew out of it. Ahmmm, also there were not too many Filipinos in elementary school, and there were none in my grade and the only Filipino that 1met was when this kid Patrick came and even then we were in different grades and we did not talk and so in terms of like my friends, there were no hardly any.
So, the more long-term or lasting Yes. Yeah. friendships you have are with those who are non-Filipinos.
And you did not feel that you were Yeah. Most definitely. Even at Archbishop when different fiom them. .. did you feel you there were a couple of us, we still, you know, didn't were like a Canadian growing up with make fnends just because we were in the sarne.. . them? Background? Background. I'm not sure what it was, really. 1 think you know one reason 1can think of is because the only one in my grade at Archbishop is Jonah, a boy, right? (Laughs) Of course 1did not make fiends with him because he was a boy. 1 mean, we did get dong, but it's not that we ever bonded. Then in high school, you know, in the first little while I was with the same bunch of Canadian Eriends 1 know and then 1 started to grow out of that then I hung out with just exclusively Filipinos.
Really? How did you find it? It was okay for a year or two. And that was completely different fiom my Canadian fiends cuz you could joke around at a different cornfort level. I mean the others were not uncornfortable ones, but this was different comfoa level because you could talk about everythmg and they would understand about, you know, Oh, wow. .. my mom, oh yeah, yeah, yeah. You know, you would not have to explah why you are not being allowed to do something or why.. . because their parents would do the same thing.
They found themselves in similar Exactly! It was so much more easier to relate. You situations and you could relate with know, you did not have to hide things about you each other? know ... Like, why does your sister cal1 you "Até"? Well, you don? have to tell them that that's kind of what you cal1 your elder sister. Nobody would ask you "Well, why do you guys do it?" Like when 1 was hanging out with Filipino guys, didn't ask. They just knew about family things. And also things like what Filipinos do which they do not do. Like debuts and cotillions. Cotillions ... they never undentood what they were. "Well, why do you have those?" "Because it's a coming-out party" "Coming out for what?" "0, you're an adult now." "No, well why do you have a dance and stuff?" "Well, it's just part of ... I don? get it." Well, it was just really difficult to explain those stuK Or also, what was kind of nice hanging out with Filipinos is like, you did not have to hide anything kom your parents where you were going. Because they knew, okay, she's with so and so. So, okay, because you know, my parents know th& parents and there's no reason for them to doubt or anything. There's nothing to be suspicious or anything, you know, so if those children are okay, you're okay too. Da da da ... you know, that sort of thing. But also it was a disadvantage because, ahh, 1think there's the ideal that Filipinos taik more so than Canadian friends parents, like 1 know that my fnends' parents, like they ail know each other and they are actually fiends and neighbours and they hang out but it's nothhg like compared to like how Filipino fkiends' parents know other parents and that means that the whole Filipino community bow everything that you do, so that was why it was a bit of a turn off as well. And 1think might probably be the reason why 1 grew out of that as weil. So, it was more like a bnef phase for Yeah, I think so. Because 1 had never really that you? much to do with them. Sure, our parents got together and we hung out, but we were not really best fnends or anything. So we just grew apart.
So the fnendships you have now are Oh, my fiends are really diverse. They come from not baseu on culturai or racial very Ji fferznt backgouds. We're from dl connections? nationaiities. Like, 1mean 1 still get in contact with some of them but there is none of that closeness that 1 have with my fnends now. But 1 kinda regret it, in a way, you know we were really good niends, and it has nothing to do with, well 1 don? like hem anymore. I just grew out of it and 1kinda got tired of the same old thing. 1just found that it was always the same routine, and because it's just a small cornrnunity, you know, there's no ... like, if people were dating, it's just recycling boyfhends girlfnends. Oh my God, No! 1don? want to go out with someone you used to go out with. so... However, I think about it, and you know when 1go to Toronto, theres a much larger community there, and I don't think I'd get so tired of it as quickly as here. Because 1would meet a lot more people, and you know, it's not like 1will see a recycling of boyfkiendslgirlfriends and it's not ... But when 1 go to Toronto and see the same group of people fiorn here now living there, they still hang out with each other ... nothing new with them, they still do the sarne things that they did in hi& school, like playing with video garnes, playstation, that's it. You know. Don't you guys not go out, go dancing, go for a drink or see a show. Or do you party? No, not really. It's just the same group of people, like how do they stand it. 1 mean there are a few of them ... very few of them ... that have gone out with other people but essentially it's the same core group of people that have gone dom to another city ....
But they' re still together. They may Yeah. 1 guess. But it gets a little mundane if every feel they fulfill each other's needs and week, you sit and do the same things. It gets boring. don't see the need to change. Perhaps 1can't just sit there and be stuck in a ritual, and vour needs are iust different. Could it be your interests are just Right. So that's why it feels like 1 can't say different, and you're looking for anything more and it's time to go somewhere else. something else which you find with But we still, you know, they're still an old reliable other groups of people? group, and that's why 1got along so well with them. So it's important to me to see them once in a while. But 1 regret that 1 don't have that one good best fiend who is Filipino.
But you do have best fnends. 1do. But non-Filipino.
Well, you make choices in your Uh hmmmm. Exactly, I am quite happy with them. fnends, and it does not have to be with one only because he or she cornes from the same cultural background.
Now, with regard to your academic Oh, well, for as long as I can remember, 1 have work, when did you think you wanted always thought 1 wanted to work in this field. 1was to pursue studies in the sciences? always fascinated in how the body behaves, and how people get better, and al1 that. 1 always wanted to look into that,
That's where you are, right? At the moment, ahrnmm. Not one specific career. 1 mean, it's always changing. Sometimes 1 even think of going to teacher's college. 1think I can teach science, providing new information... And now 1 think I might even go to med schooi, which I thought of a couple of years ago, but ... now I think maybe I wanna go to graduate school, maybe I wanna actually do research and ... [long silence]
You have not limited yourself in your Yeah, exactly. choices. You're exploring.
Can you think of anything which Mm.I just wanted to be involved in making influenced your interest in this area? people feel better, ahrnmm, finding out what makes people sick. 1 think it stems from, like my earliest recollections in maybe why, is maybe just because many of the addts 1knew were in that field, and they were tabgabout what they do, and when I found out what they were doing, 1 thought 1 wanna do that too. 1can't Say right now if 1 was interested to do what they were doing because it seemed like the nom, that I would go this way or if it's because it is really what 1 want to do. In general, 1think, yeah, it's because, yeah, 1wanted to be involved in the needs of people.
What you're saying is that earlier, you Oh yeah. Now 1can Say that, yeah. But sometime were not sure if your interest in the toward the end of my first year 1was beginning to xea as due to what you wcrc doubt if I was taking Biology bccausc I mlly exposed to, and now you think it's wanted to or because I grew up al1 my life thinking 1 really what you want to do? "wanna be a doctor, 1wanna be a doctor." And it was for of undentood, and everyone I met would Say "She wants to be a doctor, she wants to be a doctor.". So by the time 1actually got to, you know, university, 1felt that 1was now obligated to do it.
Because of expectations? Yeah, because of expectations. But then 1began to doubt that I really had wanted it for myself or was it because people expected that of me now. But now 1 know this is what 1want.
Which is good. There are people your Yeah. There was a moment when I thought of age who are unsure what they would switching majors. I had taken some Economics like, and feel pressured to go one way courses and they absolutely fascinated me. And I or another because of expectations of though, wow, 1do like this. 1 had never at al1 taken people around them. anythmg in high school relative to economics or business, but now when 1did it, I kinda liked it and I was good at it, and 1was interested in it. 1was even doing better in these than in my concentration courses, and 1began to talk about it, tak to people around me to £ind out what it will take to switch. 1 was really that interested in it, yeah, 1 was just thinking 1think 1could do it, and 1 mentioned it at home, about the possibilities, and ... but it didn?t wash well. So 1was kinda stuck in the major 1 was in, not thinking 1would like it but now, I feel really happy 1am doing it.
You feel happy in sticking it out. Yeah. 1do see myself, one way or another, in a white gown, in a Iab or sornething like that.
How do you see yourself, ten to fifteen Hopefully married, probably with two kids. In tenns vears fiom now? of a iob, yeah, as nice as it would be to be a stay-home mother, 1think 1will wanna work. Yeah, in a lab gown. 1think 1 will have a cornfortable life, not too ritzy, just have enough to be comfortable
You're not after a lavish lifestyle, Yeah, 1mean it would be nice if it happened, but as nothing fancy, just comfortable? In to wanting it, or doing something, or getting a career other words, you are choosing a future just to get ... that ... and figuring out what it would for yourstlfin which beiny weaithy is takz to gel that, you know I just wiil be happy in not a prionty? being comfortable... 1will not break my back or work myself to the bones. I think it will require so much effort to get to that point. 1 mean, it?s not like I have to be rich, you know what 1 mean?
So your choices are not motivated by That's exactly right. Like I said, it would be nice, it the need for lots of money, or desire would be really nice to have those extras, but it's not for material possessions, but more by like I have to have that. It's not like, I want that, and what you are interested in doing? 1have to have it, no matter what. That's not my priority, 1want to be just comfortable. 1-11 be really happy with bat
How do you classify yomelf? Well, when anybody asks what are you, 1 find that my answer will be "Oh, rny parents are fiom the Philippines," but 1 say that 1 am Canadian, and then they'll ask Wo, but what is your nationality," and I would Say "Filipino" but 1don? bother to Say "But 1 was bom here." But sometimes some people ask "Where is your family from?" and 1 Say "from the Philippines." Yes, 1want them to know that 1 am of Filipino background, and 1don? mind being identified as that. No 1 want them to know of my background. I wanna be involved, and keep those roots. I would want my children to know about our roots-like this Little girl whose mother is Filipino and the father is Canadian, and I hdout they're going to visit the Philippines, and I asked her if there7sanythuig she wanted to know about it because I've been there. And she asked me if there are bricks there. Like, 1 don't want the next generation of kids to think of the Philippines like 1 did-like it's some sort of primitive backward place, with only rice paddies infested with ... like people are starving, like what we thought-you know, full of garbage, ody poor people. You don? think that there's actually a metropolis: they've got everything there. If 1can, I'd like to make sure that ... especially my own kids, 1would like to make hem know, that they bow, like, their roots, especially 1 think because ... 1 think 1will eventually marry a '%white", not a Filipino because of the people 1 hang out with, the guys I have dated. 1 can see it. Even my parents can see that I will end up being married to a non-Filipino. [Iûughs] Xu, I am not cnbvnssed about my roots. Ahhh, but you know sometimes 1 am embarrassed about little things, not really cultural things, but sornething like, I think it has to do with stereotypes, and like people asking me questions about you know ... like do Filipinos eat dog meat? Good grief?! ! They ask "Have you ever eaten dog?" They read a little article about one case, and they think everyone does it. Things like that.
Have you read the book "You know Yeah, 1 have that. you're Filipino if.. .?"
Would it bother you if you saw Well, not really, it will bother me, but in a sort of yourself in any of those situations? funny way. Like you know how some of them laugh like "HHHHHHH hhhhhhh ", like cackle at first. Oh my God! I'm afraid of tuming out like that. Like I remember ahmrnrn, with my cousins 1 remember with my parents and al1 the other adults doing like Karaoke, and singing, and ail, 1remember saying that boy, we might end up doing that later, and so 1 would Say, Oh, if 1ever do Karaoke stuff, Oh, shoot me now. But now 1 think, no, that's a good time, you know, like hanging out with the other adults, like singing, and having a good tirne. That's really good fun. I probably will laugh at myself because I will think, like when 1 was young, 1thought "Ahhh 1 don't wanna be like that" but ..... Well, this has been a fun way to end Oh, 1would be happy to taik with you again. It's this interview. 1 enjoyed this been great! discussion, If 1need to have a Mer chat, would that be okay?
And thanks a lot for your tune. You're very welcorne. It was a pleasure. You've been a great help. As I said, everything is confidentid, okay? Appendix D
Interview with Beth
Tell me about Okay, so, I'm 18 years old and 1 have lived in Kingston al1 younelf.. . rny Me, and t!s is the second house in which I li~w!. We used to live in an apartrnent downtown, but when my father died.. . I was eight, almost nine then, and ahh, my "lola" came - she was in the Philippines then - and ah, she came tl live with us. Then Tito Amy and Tito Ben moved fiom Ottawa and, to .. . to live in Kingston and we moved into thi house. We've been here since. This has been my family. And now I'm gohg to graduate from high school soon, and that's it!
You mention that you are Yeah. 1would like to go into nursing. Maybe, possibly, 1 graduating soon. You must have might eventually go into med school. But for now, 1 have been spent a loi of time thinking of applied to three wversities .. . to nurslng schools, but 1 what you would like be. don't know yet. 1 applied here in Kingston, Queen's University, you know, because then 1 could live at home and that would be a savings for my mom. Going to university is so expensive. Then there's dom or apartrnent or something like that. It would be cheaper if 1 stayed here.
1 used to think that 1 would like to be a model, maybe even part-time model. But now 1 am not considering it as a career - there is no .. .ah.. .
Stability? Yeah, stability in that career. 1 know it's kinda fun thing to do .. . you meet a lot of people and go a11 over. But there is no stability. 1 really enjoyed doing it when 1 went to seminars and workshops in Toronto and Ottawa, but it's not gonna last long, I think if I went to it.
Do you specid mernories of your No, not really. I know I was surrounded by family and childhood? friends - the Filipino comrnunity rnostly. 1 was orphaned early, as I told you, and was raised by my mom, then also my Zola and tita and her husband. They stayed by us during my childhood.. Oh, and they did everything for me. Nobody ever gave me things to do at home, like you know, washing dishes, cleaning up, and everything. They said just to concentrate on my school, get good marks, and eveflng. People outside of the family thought 1 was a spoiled brat, but 1 don? think 1 am. Maybe because 1 was the only child growing up in that house, they wanted me to be .. you know, they wanted me to have it easy.. . maybe making up for not having another brother or sister. But 1 don? think I'm spoiled. My mom and tita are very active in the ssociation - the Filipino Cmudims of Kingston, and 1 was always part of Folklore, you know, dancing, and singing since 1 was really Young. And the activities of the association. So in a way, they are family.
They also taught me Ilocano, that's why 1 can speak it a little bit. But when 1went to the Philippines recently, I found out that 1 could not really speak it good. My relatives there found it cute that 1 was speaking it with Canadian accent. 1got to speak it more, and when Zola died there, we had to stay longer, and so 1 got more practice in speaking Ilocano. 1 would like to know how to speak it better, so when 1 go back there, 1 will shock everyone there when they hear me. 1 really enjoyed it there - wished we could stay longer, although we did end up staying long that tirne. 1got to know more about the Philippines, and Filipinos. It's great there, you know. Some people don't know how beautifùl it is, it's sooooo cool. Especially the malls in Manila. Boy, they're huge and they're so cool. I even learned more Tagalog also, and I was even able to communicate even to those who don't speak English.
What about in school? How did Oh, there were times when 1 felt a little bit different from you feel among your schooimates? them.
How so? Well, there were certain actions 1noticed.. . you know, and sometimes they would look at each other, as if, "Wow, this kid is weird!"
Like...... 3. Like, when 1brought in some siopao to school for lunch, and they sort of looked at me and wondered what strange things 1 ate. 1think they smelled dlthe onions there, and you know, they must have found the me11 too strong! 1 think they hdit stmnge that I call so many people titos and litus - and they ask me if they are al1 aunts and uncles but 1told them that we call them that because they are friends of the farnily and we cannot just call them by their first names.
Once, my mom took my lola with her when she came to pick mc up, whm I took mj !da 's hand to put it on my forehead, they started to laugh - 1 think they found it strange too. You see, they don? know that.
Are you saying that you were not Yeah, kinda. But what can 1do? 1just have to cope. 1 cornfortable with that? have leamed to cope
How? 1 tell myself "It's not important. 1 have other friends who care about me, no matter what. I don? care about these guys." 1just don't care! Then 1 look for somebody else who accepts me for who 1 am. 1just looked for others who care about me.
Good for you! Oh, yeah. 1know the friends who have stuck by me are really my true friends. They are there for me, no matter what. That's how I can tell that my colour does not really matter to them.
[pause] 1 like my fkiends now. And 1 also like my "Flip" fnends. But I don? get to see them, only when there are "happenings" of Filipinos in the community. They're great.
So, I have different sets of fkiends, my school fnends who are not Filipinos, and then the Flip fiends who 1don? see everyday. So my close Wends are those in school, cuz 1 see them everyday. And we talk on the phone quite a bit.
I'm glad you managed to Oh, yeah. I'm really happy with them. Have so much overcome the difficulties you had fiIn. to find your fiiends.
How would you classi@ yourseif? 1 like to classi@ myself as Filipino. 1am proud of my I mean. in tenns of racial roots and T would lrke to see other people have a better group ing? image of Filipinos. That's why 1 continue to be involved.
You mean, in the cultural activities Yes. I know that during performances, people would of the Filipinos here in EGngston? corne to us and Say how much they like the beauty of the dresses, the food, and even the people themselves. 1like that. It makes me feel good about ou.culture.. .. And our people too.
Now, tell me about how you Okay, 1 think this carne to me when 1saw how uncarhg became interested in the nursing people in the hospital were when rny lola was sick and profession. you know, it got so bad that sometimes lola would ask to be brought home. Ahmmm ... Maybe, she was just not used to how they do things here. Maybe she was very sick and we were expecting, no hoping, that they would be more gentle with her and everything.
When we went home to the Philippines, though, it was different. I mean, the caring attitude, and they were more gentle and sweet to her. Maybe it's because they spoke the language, and they could understand what fola was saying to them.
1 think maybe here in Canada, people found her hard to undentand, and al1 that. So somebody tried to be with her in the hospital, but sornetimes there were times, when my mom or aunt couId not be there, and so she was alone.
So this is what made me decide to be a nurse. 1 think I wanted to do this anyway even before my grandma got sick. Tita Amy is a nuning assistant, and you know, so many titas in the community, like Tita Cely, Tita Nora, Tita Celia, Tita Aida, Tita Lina, oh, there are so many of them
.. . they're nurses. My mom told me that this is a good career. But rny mom, she works at the restaurant in Travelodge - you how, the restaurant there, and will be there till she retires, ba=I
I know that nursing is not that easy. Tita Amy told me it's hard work. You think it's glamourous, but it's not. So 1 know what 1 am getting into. I am sure of it. Mom is so happy too. Of course, Tita Amy and Tito Ben too .. . said that as long as I know that it's goma be hard work.
Ahmmmm. Some people are not as lucky. Some of these kids in school, well, they are not sure what they want to do after high school. Still.. . and they're graduating soon.
It seems to me that it's important Well, yes. They have been so supportive of me al1 to you that your family approves of throughout school. And .. . that's the least I can do .. . to what you are doing. make them happy. They have done so much for me al1 my life.
For as long as 1 can remember, 1think 1have dreamed of being a nurse, maybe even, maybe I will want to be a doctor and work with young kids or older people. Then my mom can retire. She has done so much for me, 1 hope to re-pay her for al1 her sacrifices, and make her happy.
Your mom means so much to you, Yes, she does. She has not had an easy time. She has doesn' t she? sacrificed so much for me to see that i have a bright future ahead of me. Thank God my lob was with her and then my aunt and uncle because they have supported, helped her out. Really helped her. 1 don't think we could have managed as well as we did without them.
My mom is great. She is quite lenient with me. I think as long as she sees me happy, she will allow me to do whatever, .,
That's why Tita Amy always reminds me not to give Mom any heartache, der al1 the difficulties she has had as a single mother. Well, 1 don't think 1 do. Mom and 1 talk a lot. 1 tell her things, and if it's not good, then she tells me but she doesn't scream or anything. She just tells me what is wrong, and I listen. 1think I'm an obedient child.
And mom's great.
Well, it looks iike you do have a Oh, yes. 1hope that I cmbe like them to my future wonderfit1 rnother. And also children. relatives who look after you so well. I'rn sure they would want 1 would also want my children to grow up with some of you to have a good hture ahead of the traditions Filipinos have, you know, like the you. respecting of older people, and the politeness and stuff. 1 think it would be great if they could be like that.
You are obviousl y looking at being Evcntually.. .. married in the future.
To a Filipino man? Oh, 1don? know .. .
Maybe to a non-Filipino? Mmrnmmmmmmmm.. .
Go on. Oh, right now, I'rn not thinking of that yet. 1 don? cven have a boyfiend. 1have to concentrate on my studies fint, on a career, and maybe in the future, many many yean fiom now.. .
Well? I really don? care whom 1 marry. Doesn't matter if he's brown or white or whatever (laughs softly). As long as we get along well, have the sarne likes and interests. As long as 1don? get bored with him. 1want to find someone who will not be boring.
I'rn sure you will want your mom Oh yeah, of coune. 1don't think I will leave my mom to to approve of your choice, huh? live by henelf, even when 1 am married. The guy will have to take my mom too, you know. 1 can't leave her to be by herself.
It means a lot to me that my mom will be with me, when 1 have my family. She can't be alone. Look at us, my Zola stayed with us until she died. It worked really well. So my mom should be with us.
Well, she's lucky then to have you 1don? know about that. I'rn lucky to have her. Even if 1 as her daughter. have tons of relatives, and yeah, also f?iends, really, she's al1 I've got and I'rn al1 she's got. We've got one another.
You're both lucky, then. And I'rn sure that whatever happens, you've got each other.
It's been such a pleasure meting Thank you so much. 1hope this helps you. you, and 1 hope you al1 the best.
Definitely! You've been so much I'm glad to help. Thank you too, it's been fun! help. Appendix E
Letter of Invitation to Workshop Participants
June 1999 Dear Student,
Iam a part-time student wcrAingon my Mîster of Educ2tim degree at Qiieen' s University. I am writing to you to ask if you would be willing to help me with my research. But first, let me tell you something about it.
in my dealings with the Filipino community in Canada, 1have oAen encountered some of the Filipino Canadian youth from ages 18-22 (about to graduate from high school or in the lower years of university or college) having difficulty in deciding on a career. There are many reasons why individuals your age have not made up their minds regarding their choice of occupation. I would like to hdout how the Filipino Canadian's career objectives relate to hislher ethnic identity.
I would like to invite you to participate in a workshop for Filipino Canadians who are 18-22 yean of age to discuss a range oftopics from self-understanding, to ethnic identity, and to explore a range of occupations and careers that might be interesting to punue. You will rneet and interact with other Filipino Canadians and leam fiom their experiences.
Whatever will be said or wtitten by you will be kept in strictest confidence. Your name will be changed, and if you wish, you may use a secret name every time you are asked to write down your name.
Remember, this is al1 voluntary. It is your choice to participate or not. And you may withdraw if you change your mind.
I think you will find this an interesting experience. And the study might be usehl for other Filipino Canadians who will be in the same position as you are in now. The lessons learned fkom this workshop rnight assist them when they start thinking of career plans.
Thank you very much for giving this some thought. . If you have any concerns bout this study, please contact my supervisor, Dr. Rena Upitis (6 13-533-6210) or the Coordinator of Graduate Studies and Research, Dr. John Kirby (533-6000 ext.7723 1). If you agree to participate in the workshop, please sign the consent form (attached) and mail it in the self-addressed stamped envelope. Yours sincerely, Appendix F
Marcie's Prepared Notes
My name is Marcie, and I enjoy doing needlework, ballroom dancing (though I am not that good) and love going to the theatre and the opera. 1 have always thought that someday 1 would work with children and teenagers, and now I am. What 1 have realized along the way is that 1know I can be of more help to others, and 1 would like to charnel my energies and my knowledge towards helping the elderly and the sick in the Filipino cornmunity here in Toronto.
1oAen noticed the conhision on many Canadian faces when 1 was asked "What are you" and I answered that 1 am Canadian. They would then ask, "No, I mean, originally."
Because I'm non-white, regardless of how long 1 have been here, it seemed always a shock to many when 1 said that I am Canadian. 1 did not want to be identified as Filipino
- I did not wish to have anything to do with the culture of a country which was strange to me.
Yet it made me feel uneasy to cal1 myself Canadian because the society did not see me as one of them or accept me as one. And to be accepted as one of them, 1 adapted to their ways: smoking, though 1 did not enjoy it, eating only western food in their presence.
I did enjoy burgen, pizza and fies, but I never talked about the food my family ate, nor that we ate rice al1 the tirne. I showed nothing to my fiiends that would indicate that we did some things differently, or had some differences in our dietary habits. 1 wanted to be seen and known simply as Canadian. But what is Canadian? 1 could not tell for sure. 1 have learned gradually that Canadians are not Anglo-saxon people but a nurnber of races and ethnic minority groups sharing one common culture - the Canadian culture.
1 am Canadian because 1have assimilated values and noms of this society but I am also
Filipino as well because 1 share some of the characteristics, attitudes and values of this ethnic group.
What is ethnic? What is ethnicity? Ethnic group refen to Greeks, Chinese,
Ethiopians - usually synonymous with race and immigrants. To many, ethnicity belongs to people whoa re not Canadian - different because of skin color, language, different ancestry. It gives people a sense of identity. They know, practice and gloriQ aspects of' their heritage. It gives them a sense of belonging, of membenhip to a particular ancestry.
An ethnic group refers to those who see themselves as sharing a heritage, as having distinct charactenstics and as speaking a comrnon language.
But even if we belong to the same ethnic group, we identify ounelves differently.
We cannot view ounelves in stereotyped categones. We cm only view ourselves as individuals, not as the son or daughter of so-and-so or a member of this or that organization. We Vary, one fiom another, because we have different levels of assimilation. Some have come to adopt more of the traditions and values of Canadian cultures, some to a lesser degree.
This leads us to how we see ounelves. 1'11 give you a few minutes to think about where you are at this point in time in terms of your own identity. Just as a guide, here are some questions you could ask yourself. Am 1 happy with who 1am right now? 1s this really me? If I look at myself in the rnirror, do 1 see someone 1can't recognize? Am I becoming someone new, someone different so that 1 can be accepted in this society? 1s there somethhg about me that I hide because I don't want to be seen as queer - like for example, that I go to church with my Family every Sunday? Am I keeping this a secret because I don? went to be labeled as "un-c001" or a "geek"? Do I Wear a mask to cover something which 1 don? like about myseif and which 1 don? want others to know.
There are indeed aspects in ourselves that are there because of the influence of our own ethnic culture. When we recognize and acknowledge that these factors do exist, we are on the road to better understanding and appreciating who we really are, but also appreciating other people as well - others whom we may have thought to be di fferent from ourselves.
For if a penon cannot understand herself, how can she begin to understand othen?
But over and beyond our ethnic identity, we look at ourselves and understand ounelves as individuals. We see ourselves for who we really are. Race and ethnicity does not come into the picture. What 1 see is the real me, with my strengths, weaknesses, likes and dislikes, and perhaps, even how I see rnyself maybe 5, 10, 15 years from now.
Can you picture an image of you as you are?
It's easy. Just open your eyes, be honest with yourself, and remove the mask you might be wearing to cover what you do not want to see. And the real YOU will come into view, and 1 know, you will like what you see. Thank you. Appendix G