ORIENT Volume 50, 2015

Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE

‘Imād al-Dīn Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (NIPPON ORIENTO GAKKAI) Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE*

‘Imād al-Dīn Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī**

Based on the analysis of a damaged document from the Ilkhanid period, this paper elucidates several diplomatic points and poses questions about arranging and issuing documents of the Ilkhanid chancellery. This scroll-shaped document of 726 AH/1326 CE is considered the oldest document in the National Library and Archives of the Islamic Republic of (SAMI), and a roll from the beginning section is lost. The script style is šikasta-ta‘līq (broken ta‘līq) popularly practiced in the period. On the recto of the document, four seals are stamped: an āl-tamġā seal (vermilion seal) in Arabic script, another āl-tamġā in ’Phags-pa and Arabic scripts, a qarā-tamġā seal (black seal) in Arabic script, and another black seal in Arabic script. On the verso are six black seals, which are engraved in Uigur and Arabic scripts. These seals are the oldest examples of personal seals and doubtless show various practices of the Ilkhanid chancellery. Through the examination of this document, it has become clear how to stamp the seal on official documents. The practice of āl-tamġā seal derives from the , the Turks, and China. The āl-tamġā seal was stamped on the predefined place where the date and place of issue was written and on each joint line of two sheets of paper. This decree was issued in the place named Kūhak. Judging from other documents, the issuer is Čoban, the leading amīr of the Ilkhan Abū Sa‘īd. The decree confirmed a certain person’s ownership of a village and that the village in question was not included in the īnǧū (crown property). This paper attempts to reconstruct the original form of the document. Also, the text of another comparable document is presented in the appendix. Keywords: documents, seal, Čoban (Chūpān), Shaykh Ṣafī al-Dīn Ardabīlī,

I. Introduction Historical documents, which often represent significant and indicative remnants as the legacies of various periods, occupy an important place in historical studies. Unfortunately, due to various factors such as skirmishes, wars, political instability, natural disasters, and probably the lack of appropriate archiving in some periods in Iran, only a few documents have been handed down to us, especially from the first millennium of the Islamic era. Therefore, it is extremely significant to discover and study any documents from these periods, even if they are damaged. Through presenting and analyzing a damaged document from the Ilkhanid period in detail,1 this paper aims to elucidate and reconsider some diplomatic points of this period and to pose several questions

* This article is a revised English version of Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī 1383 AHS. In revising the original article, the author profited from the interactions with the fellow members of the joint research project “Collaborative Research Project on Multiple-Language Documents in the ,” especially from the discussions at the International Workshop “Comparative Research on Iranian-Islamic and Mongolian-Chinese Aspects of the Ardabīl Documents” (July 2011, Osaka University). Y. Yokkaichi cooperated in the identification of the issuer and seals of the document. R. Watabe and S. Takagi were responsible for the editorial supervision and checked the English translation of Persian documents. **Research Fellow, Institute of Archaeology, University of Tehran 1 This document was previously discussed in Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī 1380 AHS.

Vol. L 2015 11 about arranging and issuing administrative documents. Comparing this document with other similar ones, we can better understand this problem. Therefore, in addition to the published Persian documents of the Mongol empire and the Ilkhanid period,2 I have been examining other seventy unpublished documents and fragments from the Šayḫ Ṣafī al-Dīn Ardabīlī shrine kept at National Museum of Iran (MMI). The findings of those examinations will also be drawn upon in this study.

II. Provenance of the Document This document was donated to National Library and Archives of the Islamic Republic of Iran (SAMI) by Parwīn Ḥikmat, the daughter of the late ‘Alī Aṣġar Ḥikmat from an ancient family originating from Fasā in Fārs province, through the intermediation of Dr. Muḥammad Dabīr- Siyāqī in 1380 AHS/2001–02 CE, together with a number of other family documents—including the noticeable deeds relating to the Manṣūrīya School of Šīrāz. The document is archived with the number 250 as the ihdā’ī (donated document) after the cleaning. This is exactly a hundred years older than the one issued by the Šayḫ Abū Isḥāq Kāzarūnī mausoleum in 826/1423, which was previously considered the oldest document in SAMI.3

III. Features of the Document 1. Size The document is a roll measuring 69.5 cm in length by 22.7 cm in width. It is composed of two pieces of paper, of which the upper piece measures 51 cm long and the lower 18 cm long. This defective document has lost more than one piece of paper from its upper part.

2. Script and Line Spacing The document is written in the šikasta-ta‘līq script (broken ta‘līq script), based on the common custom in the administrative documents of that period. The line length is 17 cm, the space between lines is 10 cm, and the right margin is 6 cm between the paper’s edge and the starting point of lines. The right margin may appear to be narrower at the first and the third lines at first glance. However, “respected” and “sacred” terms (yarlīġ wa āl-tamġā-yi dīwān-i a‘lā “the royal edict and the decree of the supreme dīwān stamped with the vermilion seal”) are written in the right margin, while their original places in the text are left blank.4 In each of the spaces between lines 4–5 and 5–6, a line by the same hand (but a different from the main text) is inserted astawqī‘ (signature of rulers or high

2 The published Persian documents of relevance here are as follows: a decree of Güyük Qan to the Pope, dated 644/1246 (Āẕarī 1348 AHS); a decree of Ṣāḥib-Dīwān Ṣadr al-Dīn Aḥmad Ḫālidī, dated 692/1293 (Sūdāwar 1379 AHS; He misidentified the issuer of the decree as Irinčin-Dorȷ̌ i (P. Gayḫātū) [r. 1291–1295]); a decree of Sulṭān Šayḫ Uways of the Jalayirids, dated 773/1372 (Qazwīnī 1324 AHS; Bayānī 1345 AHS, 221–230; Qā’im-Maqāmī 1348 AHS, 9–16; However, the authors of these publications shared false notions about the document based on the misreading of the last line “Rabbi iḫtim” as “Ibn Aḥmad”); a decree of the Ilkhan Muḥammad (r. 1336–1338) with a seal of the Ilkhan Abū Sa‘īd (Naḫčiwānī 1332 AHS); a decree of Sulṭān Ḥusayn of the Jalayirids, dated 780/1378 (Herrmann 1379 AHS); a decree of the Ilkhan Ölǰeitü Sulṭān (r. 1304–1316) of 704/1305, a decree of Abū Sa‘īd of 721/1321, and a decree of Šayḫ Ḥasan of the Chobanids in 743/1342 (Herrmann 1380 AHS). 3 This document was first introduced by Prof. Īraǧ Afšār (Afšār 1358 AHS). Its colored facsimile was published in Šahristānī 1381 AHS, 19–24. 4 I published an article on the spread of the custom of extracting specific words from a line to a margin in the special sense of respect in the Persian diplomacy after the Mongol period. See Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī 1390 AHS.

12 ORIENT Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE officials) or ta‘līqa (additional note, marginal note) for confirmation of the document’s contents. In the general manner of that period, these lines were added after drafting the document and stamping a seal of approval. At the time of sealing, the last line including the date and place of issue was also written in another different handwriting.

3. Scripts of the Seals On the recto of the document, four seals are stamped: an āl-tamġā seal (vermilion seals) in Arabic script, another āl-tamġā seal in ’Phags-pa and Arabic scripts, and a qarā-tamġā seal (black seal) in Arabic script. Within the internal square of the Arabic āl-tamġā seal on the beginning part of the date in the last lines of the document, another small black seal in Arabic script is stamped. On the verso are six black seals in Uigur script, two of which include Arabic script.

4. Paper The text is written on a soft and light yellow paper. In its texture, this paper is similar to those used for documents from the Šayḫ Ṣafī al-Dīn Ardabīlī shrine that had been created in Baġdād (MMI, s.25874 (r.454); FABṢ, 116; PUM, Urkunde XII).

IV. Document Contents The document confirms that a certain village is not included in the īnǧū (crown property),5 but is a part of the private property of someone whose name is not mentioned in the extant parts.

1. Text (See Fig. 1) 1 ﻳﺮﻟﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺘﻤﻐﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ 2 ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮏ ﺣﻜﻢ 3 ﻳﺮﻟﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺘﻤﻐﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ 4 ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻭﺍﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﺎﺕ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ 5 ﻭ ﺑﺪﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﺠﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺗﻤﻴﺸﻰ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ 6 ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ 7 ﺑﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﻫﮏ 8 ﺭﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻴﺮ

2. Transcription [ M I S S I N G ] 1. yarlīġ wa āl-tamġā[-yi] dīwān-i a‘lā bad-ū ta‘alluq dārad wa dāḫil-i īnǧū[-yi] ānǧā nīst wa mafrūz šuda ast 2. bad-ān sabab īn maktūb dar qalam āmad tā čunānki ḥukm-i 5 On īnǧū, see S. Takagi, “The Īnǧū in Iran under the Ilkhanate,” published in this volume.

Vol. L 2015 13 3. yarlīġ wa āl-tamġā[-yi] dīwān-i a‘lā nāfiẕ wa nāṭiq šuda ba-taqdīm rasānand bar qarār az dīwān-i īnǧū mafrūz šināsand 4. wa ḥawālatī na-kunand wa barāt na-niwīsand wa ba-zawā’id wa ‘awāriż wa iḫrāǧāt zaḥmat na-dihand wa čūn īn dīh dāḫil na-šuda bāšad [Between lines 4-5] agar nizā‘ī bāšad 5. wa ba-dafātir-i dīwān ba-īnǧū nīz musbat na-šuda muṭlaqan madḫal na-sāzand wa qātmīšī na-namāyand [Between lines 5-6] ruǧū‘ bā dīwān-i buzurg kunand 6. bar-īn ǧumla rawand wa i‘timād namāyand kataba-hu fī al-ṯānī wa al-‘išrīn min Rabī‘ al-Āḫir li-sana sitt wa ‘išrīn wa sab‘imi’a 7. bi-maqām-i Kūhak 8. Rabbi iḫtim bi’l-ḫayr

3. Translation [ M I S S I N G ] 1. [By the order of] the yarlīġ and the supreme dīwān’s decree with the āl-tamġā seal, [the village] belongs to him/her, and is not included in the īnǧū there, but has been separated [from it]. 2. For this reason, this letter was written: 2-4. [The addressees] should handle [affairs] as the order of the yarlīġ and the supreme dīwān’s decree with the āl-tamġā has been obeyed and distinctly announced, to regard [the village] separate from the dīwān of īnǧū as determined, not to assign any payment, not to draft any bill, and not to torment by levying the additional and extraordinary taxes and assigning expenses. 4-5. Since this village has not been included [in the īnǧū] nor recorded in the account ledgers of the dīwān as īnǧū, not to intervene [there] absolutely and not to confuse [the village with the īnǧū]. 6. Go along with all these [orders] and trust [this decree]. [The decree was] written on the twenty-second day of Rabī‘ al-Āḫir of the year seven hundred twenty-six (27 March, 1326 CE), 7. at the place of Kūhak. 8. My Lord, complete [this decree] with goodness!

Between lines 4–5: “If there is any controversy.” Between lines 5–6: “Bring a suit to the supreme dīwān.”

4. Identification of the Document’s Issuer The name of the Ilkhan, leading amīr, amīr, or wazīr (minister) who issued this decree—such name was normally put in the top of documents—is not specified because the upper part of the document is missing. However, the issuer can be identified as Amīr Čoban6 with certainty for the following reasons: the date of issue, 726/1326, coincides with the reign of Abū Sa‘īd (r. 1304–

14 ORIENT Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE

1335). Moreover, the imprint of one of the āl-tamġā seals stamped on this document is identical with that attested on two other documents attributed to Čoban, as we will see in more detail below. It is true that the āl-tamġā was generally used under the name of the Ilkhan, which Amīr Čoban of course was not.7 This question is discussed later in this paper.

5. Place of Issue Regarding this document’s place of issue, two matters need to be emphasized. First, many of the Ilkhanid documents were issued in various places because the dīwān officials accompanied the ordu (court of nomadic ruler) of the Ilkhans who were frequently itinerating. Thus, the place names written on the document cannot be evidence for the existence of the regional political center or capital at the time of issue. Second, the place names related to their geographical features could exist in various regions at the same time. Kūhak, meaning a small mountain, is such a name. The places still known by this name are as follows: 1. In Rāmǧird district of Fārs, 4 farsaḫ (24 km) southwest of Ǧašniyān (FNN, vol. 1, 1345). 2. In Karbāl district of Fārs, less than 5 farsaḫ (30 km) northwest of Gāwkān (FNN, vol. 1, 1457). 3. One of the four villages in the central part of Sarāwān in the province of Sīstān and Balūčistān (FǦĪ, vol. 8, 339). 4. A region in Samarqand (MB, vol. 4, 495–496). Also, there are compound names containing the word of Kūhak, such as Rāh-i Kūhak, Tal-i Kūhak (Kāzarūn), Du Kūhak (Rāmhurmuz, Šīrāz, and Kūhgīlūya), etc.8 Among these names and regions, the first two places in Fārs are more likely to have been relevant. Considering its provenance, that is, the family documents of the late ‘Alī Aṣġar Ḥikmat (from Fasā), this document must have been issued in either of the two places named Kūhak in Fārs.

6. Tawqī‘ (ta‘līqa / tawšīḥ)9 At first glance, it seems as if the spaces between lines 4–6 are compressed and the lines are close to each other. However, evaluating both the type of script and the contents in that part, it becomes clear that the two lines were later inserted between lines 4 and 5 and between 5 and 6 of the text. These two lines appear to have been added by the issuer orally or in his own handwriting when the document was transmitted and stamped with a seal. This practice has long been common in the Iranian administrative tradition.10 Among other documents of this period are other instances in which one

6 Amīr Čoban from the Suldus tribe was the leading amīr in the courts of the Ilkhans Ölǰeitü and Abū Sa‘īd, but was killed by the order of Abū Sa‘īd in 1327 (see Melville and Zaryāb 1991, 496–497). 7 Among the administrative documents, only one example from the shrine at Ardabīl is stamped with an āl-tamġā seal without mentioning the name of the Ilkhan. This is a decree issued by Ṣāḥib-Dīwān Ṣadr al-Dīn Aḥmad Ḫālidī dated 692/1293 attached to the verso of a decree dated 600/1204 (MMI, s.25885 (r.466); FABṢ, 118–119; PUM, Urkunde III). However, this decree comprises the common formula az ḥukm-i yarlīġ “by the edict [of Ilkhan].” 8 On these place names, see Pāpulī 1367 AHS, 147, 254. 9 On tawqī‘, ta‘līqa, and tawšīḥ (signatures or seals of approval by rulers and high officials on their decrees and letters) in Persian diplomatics, see Qā’im-Maqāmī 1350 AHS, 105–108, 169–178, and 220–228. 10 For examples of tawqī‘ on decrees and letters, refer to Qā’im-Maqāmī 1350 AHS, 169–178. A case of tawqī‘ is described in the Tārīḫ-i Bayhaqī: Amīr signed (tawqī‘ kard) and wrote under it in his own handwriting “the reverend Ḫwāǧa—May God make his confirmation everlasting—should put trust in these replies, which were written by our order and confirmed by our tawqī‘” (TB, 655). This process has been renamed as ta‘līqa and tawšīḥ in the later periods.

Vol. L 2015 15 or two lines were added in the closing formula (the documents archived in the Matenadaran Library [dated 721/1321 and 730/1330; see Papazian 1962], and MMI, s.25873 (r.453) [dated 733/1333]; s.25874 (r.454) [dated 734/1334]; s.25925 (r.505); FABṢ, 126 [dated 816/1413]).

V. Imprints and Legends of the Seals On the recto of the document are four seals, two in vermilion (āl-tamġā seals) and two in black (qarā-tamġā seal and another one): a) As one of the main seals of the document, an Arabic āl-tamġā seal was placed on the line of the date of issue at the bottom. The Arabic inscription of this seal’s internal side is in three lines: “lā ilāh illā Allāh. Muḥammad / Rasūl Allāh. Abū Bakr / wa ‘Umar wa ‘Uṯmān wa ‘Alī.” This Arabic seal is identical with the one stamped on two other contemporary decrees issued by Amīr Čoban. One dated Rabī‘ al-Awwal 721/1321 (MMI, s.25869 (r.449); FABṢ, 115; PUM, Urkunde VIII) and the other also dated Ṣafar 721/1320 and kept in the Matenadaran Library11 leave no doubt that it is Amīr Čoban’s seal. b) The other āl-tamġā seal is stamped on the joint line of two sheets of paper. This imprint is located above the imprints of the other Arabic āl-tamġā and qarā-tamġā at the bottom of the document. This āl-tamġā seal has ’Phags-pa and Arabic legends.12 The Arabic inscription on the outer circumference, which begins at the upper right side, is carved in the nasḫ script: “lā ilāh illā Allāh. Muḥammad Rasūl Allāh. ḫayr al-nās ba‘da Rasūl / Allāh. Abū Bakr wa ‘Umar wa ‘Uṯmān wa / ‘Alī [raḥmat (or raḍiya)] Allāh ‘alay-him (or ‘an-hum) aǧma‘īn.” c) The qarā-tamġā was placed on the bottom right. This seal is also found next to Amīr Čoban’s Arabic āl-tamġā in both documents mentioned earlier. A similar seal is found next to another Chinese āl-tamġā in an Uigur-Mongolian decree (MMI, s.25882 (r.463-2); FABṢ, 118; Doerfer 1975, A3). It is not clear what script is used in the legend; Doerfer tentatively suggests that the last of the three lines can be read as šūbān (~ čūpān) in Yezidi script (Doerfer 1975, 220), while two other lines are unidentifiable.13 d) The small black seal (See Fig. 2) was placed in the internal side of the Arabic āl-tamġā, over the Arabic word fī (in ...) introducing the date of issue. This is a square seal measuring 2 × 1.5 cm, which might have belonged to someone other than the issuer based on the following facts. First is its placement directly at the beginning of the date line, and second is the presence of the phrase “al-šukr li-llāh, Tīmūr Taš” (“Thanks to God, Temür-Taš”).14 The first part of this phrase is a cliché in administrative tradition. Such use of a black seal is unique and never seen in other documents. On the verso are six small seals. For a detailed analysis of these seals, see D. Matsui, “Seals on the verso of Amīr Čoban’s Decree of 726/1326,” in this volume. Four of them are negative and

11 See Papazian 1962, 387–391. However, he misread the date of issue as 731/1330–1331. 12 On the ’Phags-pa legend, see Y. Yokkaichi, “Four Seals in ’Phags-pa and Arabic Scripts on Amīr Čoban’s Decree of 726 AH/1326 CE,” published in this volume. 13 Even possibly, we can read the legend of the seal as čūpān sūzī “Čoban’s word (i.e., order)” in Arabic script, with two decorative signs and the mark of a triad of circles at the beginning of the first line. Such a mark is seen in the Timurid seals as well. 14 It is possible to connect this seal to Temür-Taš, the son of Čoban, who was the governor of (Melville and Zaryāb 1991, 497). However, we need further examination on this question.

16 ORIENT Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE the two others are positive. These seals are the oldest examples of personal seals in various sizes that became common in Iran in the post Mongol period especially up to the Safavid period. In the period in question, as well as in previous ones, signatures for the purpose of recording decrees and giving them administrative confirmation were filled out between the first or the last two lines of the document. This practice was especially well adhered to in financial decrees issued either by the dīwān-i a‘lā (the supreme dīwān) or under the name of the ruler. Some documents have endorsements in Uigur scripts on the verso. Nevertheless, the small black seals with no endorsements are used only in this decree and another one of 734/1334 (MMI, s.25874 (r.454)). The latter was issued in Baġdād by a ruler named Amīr Ḫān. This contains four small black imprints of the square- and triangular-shaped seals. Besides these two cases, we cannot find similar examples for the next century. Therefore, these two cases might indicate a method of confirming documents that was particular to some local regions. At the current stage of research, however, we know little about the backgrounds for the use of personal seals instead of signatures and endorsements in these documents. We need further research on these seals and their owners.

VI. Seals and Sealing Practice in the Ilkhanid Chancellery Stamping āl-tamġā seal on documents was undoubtedly a tradition introduced by the Mongols, who had learned it from Chinese culture. The oldest example of a Mongolian seal among Persian documents is that stamped on the letter of Güyük Qan to Pope Innocent IV (dated 644/1246) written in the formal Uigur script.15 The latest example from the Mongol period in Iran is the decree of Aḫī Ašrafī of 759/1358, changing the shape from square to circle (MMI, s.25896 (r.477); FABṢ, 120; PUM, Urkunde XXII). Each seal used on the document from this period played a particular role. The place where the main āl-tamġā was stamped is also the place for the date of issue. In case the document is composed of more than one piece of paper, the seal was stamped in a zigzag fashion on each joint line of two sheets of paper (see also Yokkaichi 2010, 315–330). On the extant examples from 755/1354 (MMI, s.25893 (r.474); FABṢ, 120; PUM, Urkunde XXI) and afterward, the main āl- tamġā is found on the top of the document, not beside the place for the issue date. There are also samples that do not carry the seal on top and follow the previous custom as well. In the case of documents with both āl-tamġā and qarā-tamġā seals, the qarā-tamġā seal was stamped on the right side of the date and place of issue, next to the āl-tamġā imprint. The qarā- tamġā was stamped only once just as it is the case with the document of concern in this paper. The documents issued in the name of the Ilkhan and stamped with the āl-tamġā and qarā-tamġā seals are as follows: 1. The decree of 704/1305 in the name of Ölǰeitü with a qarā-tamġā seal of Qutluġ-Šāh in ’Phags-pa script (MMI, s.25862 (r.442); FABṢ, 114; PUM, Urkunde V). 2. The decree of 721/1321 in the name of Abū Sa‘īd with a qarā-tamġā seal of Čoban in Arabic script (Papazian 1962, 398). 3. The decree of 743/1342 in the name of the Ilkhan Sulaymān16 (r. 1340–1344/45) with a qarā-

15 For the document image, refer to: Āẕarī 1348 AHS, 288. 16 He was a descendant of Yošmut—a son of Hülegü—enthroned by Chobanid Šayḫ Ḥasan.

Vol. L 2015 17 tamġā seal of Chobanid Šayḫ Ḥasan in Arabic script (MMI, s.25878 (r.459); FABṢ, 117; PUM, Urkunde XIV). 4. A document in Uigur script from the year of the boar with a qarā-tamġā of Čoban (?) in Arabic script (MMI, s.25882 (r.463-2)). Cases in which any numerical data such as muqarrarī (regular income) is written in the document, another seal is also stamped beside the data. The altūn-tamġā (golden seal) was used for this purpose. We have four examples of the decree with altūn-tamġā seals––a decree of Abū Sa‘īd dated 725/1325 (MMI, s.25884 (r.465); FABṢ, 118; Herrmann and Doerfer 1975b), two decrees of Šayḫ Uways dated 759/1358 (MMI, s.25894 (r.475); FABṢ, 120; Herrmann and Doerfer 1975a), dated 761/1360 (MMI, s.25897 (r.478); FABṢ, 120–121), and pieces of his decree of unknown date (MMI, s.25947 (r.527); FABṢ, 129). All of these are fiscal documents of the supreme dīwān attached to the reverse side of Monglian decree in Uigur script. The seals providing assurance to the document were also stamped on its bottom section (on the verso, behind the line of the issue date). The present document is the oldest example of such a case. On the other hand, this document also shows the oldest example of oval- and rectangular-shaped seals stamped together, and some legends were carved negatively. This fact significantly increases the academic value of the document from the viewpoint of the sphragistic practice in Iran.17

VII. Terminology Among the imperative methods for analyzing documents is extracting terms, phrases, conjunctions of words, and technical terms used in the documents from each period and compiling a philological dictionary for the purpose of studying, interpreting, and deciphering the documents.

1. Words ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ extraordinary taxes); dafātir-i dīwān) ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ vermilion seal); ‘awāriż) ﺁﻟﺘﻤﻐﺎ āl-tamġā or dīwān-i buzurg ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ village); dīwān-i a‘lā) ﺩﻳﻪ account ledgers of the chancellery); dīh) crown property) ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮ expenses); īnǧū) ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﺎﺕ the supreme chancellery); iḫrāǧāt) ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ 18 mixed, added, and joined) ; yarlīġ) ﻗﺎﺗﻤﻴﺸﻰ separated); qātmīšī) ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺯ including lands); mafrūz .(additional taxes) ﺯﻭﺍﺋﺪ the edict issued by ruler); zawā’id) ﻳﺮﻟﻴﻎ

2. Phrases to go along with) ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ to write a bill); bar-īn ǧumla raftan) ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ barāt niwištan to handle [affairs]); dāḫil-i … būdan) ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ all these [orders]); ba-taqdīm rasāndan to get written); ḥawālat kardan) ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ to be included in...); dar qalam āmadan) ِﺩﺍﺧﻞ ... ﺑﻮﺩﻥ transmitting of a order); ḥukm nāṭiq) ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺷﺪﻥ to assign); ḥukm nāfiẕ šudan) ﺣﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ;(to trust) ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ becoming effective of a decree); i‘timād namūdan) ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ šudan to get separated); musbat sāḫtan) ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ to enter); mafrūz šudan) ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ madḫal sāḫtan a conflict exists, or happens); qātmīšī namūdan) ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ to register); nizā‘ būdan) ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ

17 The oldest example of negative seal is the blue-green seal of Amīr Baitmiš Aqa dated 691/1292 (MMI, s.25913 (r.493); FABṢ, 123; PUM, Urkunde II). 18 Clauson 1972, 594–595; TMEN III, Nr. 1375; Redhouse 1996, 1407.

18 ORIENT Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE

to make mixed, added, and joined); ruǧū‘ kardan bā ... (to refer to...); ta‘alluq) ﻗﺎﺗﻤﻴﺸﻰ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ .(to torment) ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ to belong to...); zaḥmat dādan) ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ...... dāštan ba

3. Compounds [order of the edict [of the Ilkhan) ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﺮﻟﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺘﻤﻐﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ḥukm-i yarlīġ wa āl-tamġā-yi dīwān-i a‘lā and the decree of the supreme dīwān [chancellery] stamped with the āl-tamġā [vermilion seal]).

VIII. Reconstruction of the Document As mentioned before, the document is lacking the upper part. The remaining part consists of two pieces of paper of different dimensions; the longer piece is 51 cm and the smaller one is 18 cm in length. According to the prevailing custom of the period, the seal had to be stamped on each joint line of two sheets of paper, which is called “sar-band” in Persian diplomatic terminology. The largest piece of paper for the document at that time, might have been between 50 to 60 cm, roughly equivalent to six lines in space. This estimate is based on the largest piece of paper for the documents used at that time. Since no seal is found on the upper part of the first longer piece of the extant portion, this piece might have been cut a little beneath its upper joint line. The text on the first piece might be the last part of the narratio, which explains the reason of issuing this decree. Thus, we can guess that the missing part consists of more than one piece of paper, on which the invocatio (prayer or praising phrase for God), intitulatio (the name of issuer, or ṭuġrā), publicatio and the first part ofnarratio were written. By referring to the contemporary documents, especially from Abū Sa‘īd’s reign, the missing upper part can be reconstructed as follows: 1. Contrary to the administrative tradition before the Mongol period when the ruler’s ṭuġrā (signature) was written above the name of God,19 in the Ilkhanid documents, the invocatio was written on the upper right side of the page. In the extant documents and transcriptions of Abū Sa‘īd’s decrees, the formulas of invocatio, or taḥmīdīya (formulas praising God)20 such as “Whose aid is begged, He, God, be exalted (al-musta‘ān huwa Allāh ta‘ālā),” “Saluting God, be exalted (al-taḥīya li-llāh ta‘ālā),” “The glory be for God, be exalted (al-‘izza li-llāh ta‘ālā)”, “He, God, who is the sole and the eternal (huwa Allāh al-wāḥid al-qadīm)” are applied along with “In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful (bi-sm Allāh al-raḥmān al-raḥīm).” In the invocatio used in other rulers’ decrees of that time, these phrases are also found: “I put my trust on God (tawakkaltu ‘alā Allāh)” (MMI s.25862 (r. 442), dated 704/1305), “In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful (bi-sm Allāh al-raḥmān al-raḥīm)” (MMI s.25878 (r. 459), dated 743/1342), “God is sufficient for me (Allāh ḥasbī)” (MMI, s.25872 (r. 452); FABṢ, 116; PUM, Urkunde XI, dated 733/1323; MMI, s.25869 (r. 449), dated 721/1321), “He, God, the Eternal (huwa Allāh al-ḥayy)” (MMI, s.25863 (r. 443); FABṢ, 114; PUM, Urkunde XVI, dated 750/1349). Observing the extant documents, we cannot determine exactly whether the formula of taḥmīdīya was chosen with a certain purpose or followed the scribe’s favor with no rule nor regulation.

19 Such a formula is observed in at least two documents before the Mongol period from the Šayḫ Ṣafī al-Dīn shrine: MMI, s.25859 (r.439) (dated 630/1233; cf. FABṢ, 113; Herrmann 1994); MMI, s.25885 (r.466-b) (dated 600/1204). 20 On the function and typical phrases of taḥmīdīya in Persian documents, see Qā’im-Maqāmī 1350 AHS, 167–168.

Vol. L 2015 19 2. Shortly below the praising formula, the name of the Ilkhan should have been mentioned as Abū Sa‘īd Bahādur Ḫān yarlīġīndīn (by the yarlīġ of Abū Sa‘īd Bahādur Ḫān). Yarlīġīndīn is borrowed from the Turkic yarlïġïndïn “by his yarlīġ,” which was a formula frequently used in the Ilkhanid decrees to indicate that the administrative command was authorized by the edict of the Ilkhan.21 3. A space of two to three lines’ width generally comes after the ṭuġrā, and then issuer’s name of the document (either wazīr or amīr) was written in the style of ṭuġrā in conjunction with a Turkic phrase ... sūzī “... his word”—probably when the document writing was finished. 4. According to a custom in the Mongol chancellery, the first two lines of the document were indented about a half of a line from right to left.22 5. Two āl-tamġā seals on the document, as mentioned above, belong to the issuer Amīr Čoban. This is the only example of an Ilkhanid official document with two kinds ofāl-tamġā seal. Such instances also provide the proof that āl-tamġā seals were used by the wazīr and the high-ranking amīrs. This is demonstrated by two decrees issued by Amīr Qutluġ-Šāh and Wazīr Sa‘d al-Dīn under the name of Ölǰeitü (dated 704/1305) one of which was attached to the verso of another, stamped with each differentāl-tamġā seal (MMI, s.25862 (r.442); PUM, Urkunden V–VI). In any case, I would like to conclude that in the missing part of this document, under the name of Abū Sa‘īd that was undoubtedly written first, the name of the issuer of this decree was indicated as “Čūbān sūzī (Čoban’s word),” similar to the decree issued by the same amīr in 721/1321 (MMI, s.25769 (r.449), see Fig. 3).

Appendix: A decree of a ṣāḥib-dīwān (chief financial minister) on a fiscal affair in Fārs issued under the authority of the yarlīġ of Abū Sa‘īd and the instruction of the high-ranking amīrs (A copy of the decree transcribed in the manuscript of the Risāla-yi Ṣāḥibīya [MS. 3697] in Mu’assasa-yi Kitābḫāna wa Mūza-yi Millī-yi Malik [Malek National Library and Museum Institution]).23

1. Text ٰ ﺍَ ِﻟﻌّﺰﺓ ﻟﻠّﻪ َﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ٰ ﺑِ ْﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ َﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ َﺍﻟﺮ ِﺣﻴﻢ ﺍﺑﻮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻳﺮﻟﻴﻐﻨﺪﻳﻦ

ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺯی ﻣﻠﮏ ﺍﻻﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻔﺨﺮﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻢ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠّﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ - ﺩﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﺎ - ﻭﻣﺮﺗﻀﺎﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻈﻤﺎﻥ، ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﺎﻥ ّﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭ 21 On the formula of yarlīġīndīn, see PUM, 14–15. 22 The late Dr. Qā’im-Maqāmī has interpreted the half-line on top of the document as a nišān (stylized signature) indicating its type, which does not seem to be a feasible idea (Qā’im-Maqāmī 1350 AHS, 82). 23 Qā’im-Maqāmī has quoted part of this text in his work (Qā’im-Maqāmī 1350 AHS, 104), indicating the Dastūr al-Kātib as its source (but he referred to it by mistake). I transcribed the present text from the photograph of the manuscript of the Risāla-yi Ṣāḥibīya in the Malek National Library that years ago my venerable friend Dr. Osman Gazi Özgüdenli put in my charge.

20 ORIENT Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE

ّﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺼﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻐﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻰ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﻐﺎ[ی] ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﻪ ﺛﻠﺜﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺧﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺟﻴﻦ - ﺯﻳﺪﺕ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎ - ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﮏ - ﺯﻳﺪﺕ ﻋﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎ - ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﺑﻰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ [ﺍﻳﻦ] ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﺮﻟﻴﻎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﻐﺎ ﺑﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ، ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻠﺘﺎﻕ ﺗﻤﺴﮏ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ. ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺍﻟﺨﻮﺍﺹ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮی ﻧﻜﻨﺪ. ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ. ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ٰﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭک ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﻭﻝ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻠﺜﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ. ﺑﺴﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ. ًﺣﺎﻣﺪﺍ ًﻭﻣﺼﻠﻴﺎ ًﻭﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ًﻣﺴﺘﻐﻔﺮﺍ ﻭﺻﺤﺒﻪ ﻭﺳﻠّﻢ. ﻳﺎ ﺭﺏ ﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻴﺮ

2. Translation Glory for God, be exalted! In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merciful, by the yarlīġ of Abū Sa‘īd Bahādur Ḫān,

by the words of xxx, xxx, and xxx,24 [this is] the word of the Ṣāḥib-Dīwān.

Šams al-Milla wa al-Dīn, the king of amīrs and the glory of Arabs and non-Arabs—May God make his greatness be everlasting!—, the greatest murtażās25 and great lords, Sayyid xxx and Sayyid xxx, the great lords Ḫwāǧa Faḫr al-Dīn ‘Abd al-Karīm and Ḫwāǧa Bahā’ al-Dīn Aḥmad, deputies, tax collectors, and tamġāčīs (commercial tax collectors) of Šīrāz must know that by the order with the imperial altūn-tamġā (golden seal), a part of tax revenues of the year seven hundred and thirty ḫānī26 has been assigned to the income of the princess of the world Kürdüčin—May God make her greatness be eternal!—and the foster mother of the princess of the world Sātī Beg27— May God make her greatness be eternal!—. In this time, their deputies showed that a part of the revenue has been delivered but the rest remains unpaid and not delivered until now. If the fact is the case, it is erroneous. For this reason, [this] letter was written in order that all the revenue which newly comes in

24 Here come the names of three persons (undoubtedly high-ranking amīrs) who authorized this decree after the Ilkhan, but they are anonymized with the term of fulān (a certain person). In the body of the text also the names of two sayyids are anonymized in the same way. Perhaps these names were omitted by the copyist who aimed to use this text just as a sample for drafting similar type of decrees. 25 murtażā a‘ẓam (the greatest murtażā) is one of titles for naqīb al-nuqabā’ (the head representative of sayyids, the descendants of the Prophet) in this period (DK, vol. 2, 17–21). 26 In the text of the manuscript, the underscored words have been written on the page margin, outside of the text, with a sense of respect. 27 Princess Kürdüčin (P. Kūrduǧīn) is a daughter of Abiš Ḫātūn, the last Salghurid atabeg (the ruling family of Fārs) and Hülegü’s prince Möngke-Temür. She was appointed to the rulership of Fārs by Abū Sa‘īd in 719/1319 (Aigle 2005, 131, 144, and 157–158). A woman of the Hülegüid family named Sātī Beg could be identified with Abū Sa‘īd’s sister, who married Amīr Čoban and the Ilkhan Arpa (r.1335–1336) and was enthroned after Muḥammad for only nine months (r. 1338–1339) (Melville and Zaryāb 1991).

Vol. L 2015 21 must be assigned [to the princesses’ income] according to the order of the yarlīġ with altūn-tamġā seal. They (i.e., addressees of this decree) should pay it and should not make any excuse or dispute in this affair, and should not delay delivering [the money]. It was determined that the king of intimates Amīn al-Dīn Ḫwāǧa Ǧawhar must take the revenue and deliver it to the subordinates of the princess of the world. He should not make any mistake in this affair. Go along with all these [orders] and trust [this decree]. [The decree was] written on the twenty-seventh day of the blessed month of God, Rabī‘ al-Awwal, of the year of the seven hundred thirty (18 January 1330), in Sulṭānīya. With the praise [of God], the solicitation for [His granting of] blessing and peace [to His prophet], and the imploration of [His] forgiveness [for the prophet?], and his companions, and to grant [them] [i.e., the prophet and the companions] peace.28 Oh, my Lord, complete [this] with goodness!

Bibliography and Abbreviations Afšār, Ī. 1358 AHS: “Sanadī darbāra-yi Buq‘a-yi Šayḫ Muršid Kāzarūnī?,” Āyanda 5/1, 731–741. Aigle, D. 2005: Le Fārs sous la domination mongole: politique et fiscalité (XIIIe-XIVe s.), Paris. Āẕarī, ‘A. 1348 AHS: “Rawābiṭ-i Muġūl-hā bā Darbār-i Wātikān,” Barrasī-hā-yi Tārīḫī 4/4, 275–288. Bayānī, Š. 1345 AHS: Tārīḫ-i Āl-i Ǧalāyir, Tihrān. Clauson, G. 1972: An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth Century Turkish, Oxford. DK = Muḥammad b. Hindūšāh Naḫčiwānī, Dastūr al-Kātib fī Ta‘yīn al-Marātib, ed. by A. A. Alizade, 3 vols., Moscow, 1964–1976. Doerfer, G. 1975: “Mongolica aus Ardabīl,” Zentralasiatische Studien 9, 187–263. FABṢ = ‘I. Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī, Fihrist-i Asnād-i Buq‘a-yi Šayḫ Ṣafī al-Dīn Ardabīlī, Tihrān, 1387 AHS. FǦĪ = Dā’ira-yi Ǧuġrāfiyā’ī-yi Sitād-i Artiš, Farhang-i Ǧuġrāfiyā’ī-yi Īrān, 10 vols., Tihrān, 1328–1332 AHS. FNN = Ḥasan Ḥusaynī Fasā’ī, Fārs-nāma-yi Nāṣirī, 2 vols., ed. by R. Fasā’ī, Tihrān, 1368 AHS. Herrmann, G. 1994: “Ein früher persischer Erlaß,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 144, 284– 300. Herrmann, G. 1379 AHS: “Farmān-i Sulṭān Ḥusayn-i Ǧalāyirī ba Tārīḫ-i 780 Qamarī,” trans. by ‘A. ‘Abdullāhī, Waqf: Mīrās-i Ǧāwīdān 8/29, 115–122. Herrmann, G. 1380 AHS: “Asnād-i Dīwānī-yi Fārsī dar Dawra-yi Muġūlān, Farmān-hā-yi Amīrān wa Wazīrān,” trans. by F. Baḥr al-‘Ulūmī, Waqf: Mīrās-i Ǧāwīdān 9/33–34, 165–175. Herrmann, G., and G. Doerfer 1975a: “Ein persisch-mongolischer Erlass des Ǧalāyeriden Šeyḫ Oveys,” Central Asiatic Journal 19, 1–84, + m. pls. Herrmann, G., and G. Doerfer 1975b: “Ein persisch-mongolischer Erlaß aus dem Jahr 725/1325,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 125, 317–346. MB = Yāqūt b. ‘Abd-allāh al-Ḥamawī, Mu‘ǧam al-Buldān, 5 vols., reprint of 1955–1957 ed., Beirut, 1996. Melville, Ch., and ‘A. Zaryāb 1991: “CHOBANIDS,” in Encyclopædia Iranica, vol. 5, London, 496–502. MMI = Mūza-yi Millī-yi Īrān (National Museum of Iran). Naḫčiwānī, Ḥ. 1332 AHS: “Farmānī az Farāmīn-i Dawra-yi Muġūl,” Našrīya-yi Dāniškada-yi Adabiyāt-i Tabrīz 5/1, 40–47. Papazian, H. D. 1962: “Deux nouveaux iarlyks d’Ilḫans,” Banber Matendarani 6, 379–400 + 4 pls. (in Armenian with Russian and French abstracts).

28 It is likely that the copyist made a mistake or omitted some words in copying this formulaic phrase of prayer. This prayer, evidently incomplete as it stands now, is comparable with the prayer frequently used in the twelfth–thirteenth century legal documents from Ardabīl, that is, ḥāmidan li-llāh ta‘ālā wa muṣalliyan ‘alā nabī-hi (With the praise of God–––May He be exalted!–––and the solicitation for [His] blessing upon His prophet). See note P8 of “A Persian- Turkic Land Sale Contract of 660 AH/1261–62 CE,” published in the present volume.

22 ORIENT Study on a Decree of Amīr Čoban of 726 AH/1326 CE

Pāpulī Yazdī, M. Ḥ. 1367 AHS: Farhang-i Ābādī-hā wa Makān-hā-yi Maẕhabī-yi Kišwar, Mašhad. PUM = G. Herrmann, Persische Urkunden der Mongolenzeit, Wiesbaden, 2004. Qā’im-Maqāmī, Ǧ. 1348 AHS: Yik-ṣad wa Panǧāh Sanad-i Tārīḫī, Tihrān. Qā’im-Maqāmī, Ǧ. 1350 AHS: Bar Šināḫt-i Asnād-i Tārīḫī, Tihrān. Qazwīnī, M. 1324 AHS: “Farmān-i Sulṭān Aḥmad Ǧalāyir,” Yādgār 1/4: 25–29. Redhouse J. 1996: A Turkish and English Lexicon, reprint of 1890 ed., Beirut. RṢ = Anonym, Risāla-yi Ṣāḥibīya. MS. Kitābḫāna-yi Millī-yi Malik 3697. SAMI = Sāzmān-i Asnād wa Kitābḫāna-yi Millī-yi Īrān (National Library and Archives of the Islamic Republic of Iran). Šahristānī, Ḥ. 1381 AHS: Ǧilwa-hā-yi Hunar-i Īrānī dar Asnād-i Millī. Tihrān. Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī, ‘I. 1380 AHS: “Yāddāštī bar Kuhantarīn Sanad-i Sāzmān-i Asnād-i Millī,” Ganǧīna-yi Asnād 11/4, 4–5. Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī, ‘I. 1383 AHS: “Barrasī-yi Yik Pāra-yi Sanad-i Īlḫānī (Muwarraḫ-i 726 qamarī),” Nāma-yi Bahāristān 9–10, 111–118. Šayḫ al-Ḥukamā’ī, ‘I. 1390 AHS: “Adab-i Mumtāz-niwīsī wa Sayr-i Taḥawwul-i Ān dar Asnād-i Dawra-yi Islāmī,” Pāžūhiš-hā-yi ‘Ulūm-i Tārīḫī 3/1, 83–110. Sūdāwar, A. 1379 AHS: “Nuḫustīn Farmān-i Fārsī-yi Īlḫānān,” trans. by M. Ǧa‘farī Maẕhab, Waqf: Mīrās-i Ǧāwīdān 8/29, 33–36. TB = Abū al-Fażl Bayhaqī, Tārīḫ-i Bayhaqī, ed. by ‘A. A. Fayyāż, Tihrān, 1951. TMEN = G. Doerfer, Türkische und mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen, 4 vols., Wiesbaden, 1963–1975. Yokkaichi, Y. 2010: “Chinese Seals in the Mongol Official Documents in Iran: Re-examination of the Sphragistic System in the Il-khanid and Yuan Dynasties,” in Academia Turfanica (ed.), Journal of the Turfan Studies: Essays on the Third International Conference on Turfan Studies, the Origins and Migrations of Eurasian Nomadic Peoples, Shanghai, 215–230.

Acknowledgement I am most grateful to the members of the National Library and Archives of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the National Museum of Iran for their kind permission for my research. This work was supported by grants-in-aid from Toyota Foundation (D09-ID-043) and Mishima Kaiun Memorial Foundation (2013).

Vol. L 2015 23 Fig. 2: Small Black Seal of the Decree (SAMI, s.250, recto)

Fig. 1: Amīr Čoban’s Decree of 726/1326 Fig. 3: Ilkhan’s Name and Čoban’s Ṭuġrā (SAMI, s.250, recto) (Signature) of Čoban’s Decree of 721/1321 (MMI, s.25869 (r.449), recto)

Figs. 1–2: Reproduced by the courtesy of the National Library and Archives of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Fig. 3: Reproduced by the courtesy of the National Museum of Iran

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