Sabine Gillmann, , eds.. Politische Schriften und Briefe Carl Friedrich Goerdelers. Munich: K.G. Saur, 2003. 1,295 pp. EUR 48.00, cloth, ISBN 978-3-598-11631-5.

Reviewed by Peter Hofmann

Published on H-German (May, 2006)

Carl Friedrich Goerdeler was among the lead‐ ernment and in eforts to win British support for ing politicians in the later years of the Weimar Re‐ the aims of the German Resistance. On September public. In 1930 he was elected of . 8, 1944, the "People's Court" sentenced Goerdeler He was a member of the DNVP but disapproved of to death for treason. Goerdeler was hanged on its line of uncompromising obstruction and left , 1945. the party in 1931. He supported Chancellor Hein‐ Gillmann's and Mommsen's compilation of rich Brüning's system based on presidential au‐ writings by Goerdeler includes in its title neither thority, served as Reich Prices Commissioner in an article nor the word "sämtliche." Indeed, this Brüning's administration in 1931-32 and his name collection of 1,295 pages is far from complete. The was among those mentioned as possible succes‐ table of contents lists 104 documents in groups sors to Brüning (Goerdeler refused to join Franz ranging from 2 to 14 each. The documents are or‐ von Papen's cabinet). In 1934-35 he served once ganized in chronologic sequence under chapter more as Reich Prices Commissioner, trusting his themes: municipal activities; national politics; ef‐ own powers of reasoning and persuasion, if not forts to infuence policy internally and from the motives of those who appointed him, to infu‐ abroad; breaking with the National Socialist ence government policy. He acted from funda‐ regime (including "attempts to prevent war" and mental ethical convictions, which made him ap‐ "critique of the National Socialist regime"); coup pear optimistic, even naive, among cynical politi‐ d'état preparations and plans for constitutional cians. He was guided by these convictions in his renewal; writings in prison (including autobio‐ initially open opposition to many of Hitler's poli‐ graphical materials). The documents reproduced cies and later in his leading role in the under‐ in the two volumes do not include the lengthy ground conspiracy to bring down the dictatorship. "Wirtschaftsfbel," but the major programmatic He disagreed with conspirators who believed they drafts for governing Germany after the removal must kill the dictator, but he was intensely active of the National Socialist regime are there. Al‐ in the political preparations for a post-Hitler gov‐ H-Net Reviews though some of them--"Das Ziel" and "Der Weg"-- the documents that survived in the possession of have been published previously in accessible edi‐ Goerdeler's family (and of which Hans Mommsen tions, they have been reproduced here in order to had control for decades) as being in Privatbesitz represent the texts of the originals more accurate‐ and suggests (p. lxxiv) that these documents are ly. Conficting information is available concerning still dispersed among Goerdeler's descendants. In the inclusion of what Goerdeler wrote during the fact, the Goerdeler family agreed at the end of the fve months he spent in prison while waiting for publication process to place them all in the Bun‐ his execution. Mommsen says in his introduction desarchiv in Koblenz. that only a part of these texts could be included It is to be conceded that the preparation of a (p. lxv); Gillmann does not say in her introduction subject index would have been a signifcant task. whether or not all texts from the prison months But it is awkward to have to read through 104 had been included, but only that in them (an in‐ synopses to fnd key terms, such as taxation, syn‐ defnite number of) "lists with fnancial arrange‐ dicalism, colonial issues, border adjustments, ments and potential contacts for the family had milk prices, political parties, administrative mea‐ been abridged [gekürzt]" (p. lxxviii); ellipses are sures or references to Goerdeler's reactions to the indicated in ten places (pp. 1190, 1191, 1214, 1226, persecution of the . Moreover, the synopses 1227, 1235, 1236, 1248-1250), four of them are contain clues only to some of the documents' con‐ identifed as lists of Goerdeler's contacts in Ger‐ tents. A concise biographic chronology, an indis‐ many and abroad and one of them includes fnan‐ pensable tool for the efcient use of the compila‐ cial arrangements. The reasons for the ellipses re‐ tion, is also missing. main obscure. The constant themes in Goerdeler's writings The actual editorial work is that of Gillmann. are justice, the rule of and decency. His topics It represents her doctoral thesis under Momm‐ cover concerns about foreign, domestic, fscal, sen's supervision. Considering that Gillmann did economic and social policies, education, munici‐ her work as a doctoral candidate, her accomplish‐ pal administration and relations with the church‐ ment is impressive. es. Major memoranda were often addressed to no Gillmann presents the collection as "a reliable one in particular but were circulated to persons edition of Carl Goerdeler's political writings and Goerdeler hoped to infuence. Goerdeler attempt‐ letters" in a "reliable scholarly preparation" (in ed especially in the frst three years of Hitler's zuverlässiger wissenschaftlicher Aufbereitung). A regime to efect a change of course through con‐ few lines later she narrows this description to a structive criticism. He ofered schemes for sound "representative selection of key documents" that fscal and economic policies, warned against pre‐ reproduces 20 percent of Goerdeler's surviving paring Germany for an unnecessary war, cau‐ writings (pp. lxxii, lxxv). Each document is pref‐ tioned against the "excesses" of "German racial aced by an introductory synopsis. There are mi‐ policy" and criticized abuse of power and corrup‐ nor faws. What is missing in the phrase "daß wir tion. By 1939 he concluded that only a change of würdelosen Verhandlungen hätten kapitulieren regime by coup d'état would do. wollen" (p. 1153)? The citation of a work that was Hans Mommsen introduces Gillmann's work never published (by T. Korenke on p. lxx) is a little with a keynote interpretation of Goerdeler's life worrying. A list of all surviving memoranda, let‐ and thoughts. He characterizes Goerdeler's liter‐ ters and bodies of administrative documents ary production with respect for its intentions, vol‐ would have been appropriate to a selective edi‐ ume and quality, and he expresses admiration for tion of this importance. The editor describes 41 of Goerdeler's principled commitment to justice and

2 H-Net Reviews the rule of law. He acknowledges that Goerdeler 1945, were denounced as racists, or more specif‐ rejected the anti-Jewish Nuremberg of 1935, cally as antisemites. But the recent terrorist at‐ and that "Goerdeler never embraced racial con‐ tacks in New York and and the riots of Oc‐ cepts [den Rassegedanken] in the narrower sense tober and November 2005 in have raised and refused to be considered an antisemite." At doubts about both integration and multicultural‐ the same time he attributes to Goerdeler "dissimi‐ ism. They have confronted societies with the con‐ latorischen Antisemitismus" and goes so far as to tradictions that arise when the ideals of liberty say that the exceptions Goerdeler "demanded for and equality have not been accepted by large largely assimilated Jews mirrored views which groups within a national community. It is evident circulated in the conservative camp and in the that integration may mean assimilation to na‐ Army High Command since 1917 and which fnal‐ tions, and to cultural groups living in their midst ly found their way in 1920 into the 25-Point Pro‐ integration may mean that they were entitled to gram of the NSDAP" (p. lxi). Mommsen reports the rights and privileges of citizens while remain‐ that in January 1942, Goerdeler wrote with horror ing free to live according to their own cultural tra‐ and revulsion about the deportation and execu‐ ditions and preferences. tion of the Leipzig Jews, but thinks that Goerdeler Goerdeler sought a solution for what was evi‐ did not until 1943 understand that the systematic dently a problem in his time. He searched for a extermination of the Jews was in progress (pp. lx). means to secure the status of all Jews. And he Mommsen believes that this realization "led to a searched for a means to persuade the murderers modifcation of his original position vis-á-vis the to accept an alternative to murder. What proposal so-called 'Jewish Question'" (p. lx). Nevertheless, could he have made with any hope of success at Mommsen says, Goerdeler repeated his "dissimila‐ that time that would not later have led Mommsen tory" views in prison in 1944 (p. lxi). Mommsen to charge him with "dissimilationist anti‐ cites as evidence Goerdeler's proposal of 1941 in semitism"? "Das Ziel" and its repetition in 1944 in "Gedanken Mommsen remarks that Goerdeler was not a eines zum Tode Verurteilten über die deutsche political theoretician (p. 1). No doubt Goerdeler's Zukunft": here Goederler proposed to treat Jews theoretical suggestions lacked a sense of realism-- as German citizens if, before July 1, 1871, they had which is true of his optimistic expectations for the been citizens in the territories that formed the restoration of and Germany in disregard German Reich in 1871, or if their ancestors had of Allied war aims and is refected in his unlimit‐ been, and to consider as nationals of a Jewish ed faith in the power of rational argumentation state yet to be founded those Jews who had not and in his proposals regarding the "Jewish Ques‐ lived within these same borders in 1871, or whose tion." But all his actions demonstrate his humani‐ ancestors had not lived there (pp. lx-lxi). ty. On April 1, 1933, he appeared in a Jewish quar‐ Goerdeler lived in the context of his time. ter of Leipzig together with his deputy mayor, in Many post-Auschwitz years had to pass for soci‐ full formal dress; he confronted the SA troopers eties to adjust their thinking and their use of lan‐ who harassed and attacked Jews and businesses guage to the realities of . This belonging to Jews and used his municipal police process was so thorough in Germany that any ex‐ to free Jews who had been taken prisoners by SA pression of reservations or resentment toward troopers. He protected those Jewish physicians al‐ another culture became taboo; the doctrines of lowed by law to practice against discrimination multiculturalism and of integration have co-exist‐ by ofcials in his own municipal administration. ed uneasily. Persons who did not embrace them, In 1936 he forbade the removal of the statue of Fe‐ and those who had not embraced them before

3 H-Net Reviews lix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy from its place in front covered, he would have faced a trial for treason of the Leipzig Gewandhaus concert hall, and and certain execution. when it was removed in his absence, he resigned Mommsen writes about Goerdeler's views in in protest. His new Nazi deputy mayor Rudolf 1937 that he "largely" exempted Hitler from his Haake denounced him to the Saxon Gauleiter criticisms (p. xlvi), but he does not record that Martin Mutschmann for not sharing the Party's quite the opposite was the case in 1938, nor does view on the Jews; for having resisted from 1933 he mention Goerdeler's interventions on behalf of onward every single re-naming of a street that the Jews from 1933-1938 except for a passing ref‐ bore the name of a Jew; and for having obstructed erence to the April 1, 1933, boycott. It is a mislead‐ every efort to remove the Mendelssohn- ing introduction to Goerdeler, much along Bartholdy statue. Haake wrote that the matter of Mommsen's general line regarding the Resis‐ the statue was "only the outward occasion of the tance's position upon the persecution of the Jews. confict," and that "the real cause lay in Dr. Go‐ [3] erdeler's world-view which was the opposite of Notes National "; and that "Dr. Goerdeler's atti‐ tude in the Jewish Question had been revealed [1]. Acta das -Bartholdy- particularly clearly in the matter of the Denkmal betr., Stadtarchiv Leipzig, Cap. 26A Nr. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy statue."[1] 39; Goerdeler personnel fle, Stadtarchiv Leipzig, Kap. 10 G Nr. 685 Bd. 1 and 2. On several occasions in 1938 and early 1939, A. P. Young, a British engineer and industrialist, [2]. A. P. Young, The "X" Documents, ed. Sid‐ contacted Goerdeler on behalf of the British gov‐ ney Aster (London: André Deutsch, 1974), pp. 59, ernment's Chief Diplomatic Advisor, Sir Robert 139, 161-162, 177. Vansittart, and later on behalf of Sir Frank Ash‐ [3]. See Hans Mommsen, "Die moralische ton-Gwatkin (a member of Lord Runciman¹s mis‐ Wiederherstellung der Nation. Der Widerstand sion of 1938 to mediate in the Sudeten Crisis and a gegen Hitler war von einer antisemitischen counselor in the Foreign Ofce). Goerdeler urged Grundhaltung getragen," Süddeutsche Zeitung the British government to refuse to discuss issues (July 21, 1999), p. 15; idem, "Der Widerstand gegen of interest with the German government; he de‐ Hitler und die nationalsozialistische Judenverfol‐ manded that the democracies protest against the gung," in idem, Alternative zu Hitler. Studien zur barbaric deportation of 10,000 Polish Jews into Geschichte des deutschen Widerstandes (Munich: no-man's-land between Germany and Poland; he Beck, 2000), pp. 384f. See also Peter Hofmann, urged the British government to break of diplo‐ "The German Resistance and the Holocaust," in matic relations with Germany as soon as the Confront! Resistance in , ed. John J. planned persecution of the churches or the new Michalczyk (New York: Peter Lang, 2004), pp. persecution of the Jews began; he declared that 105-126; Peter Hofmann, "The German Resistance Hitler had personally ordered the pogrom of No‐ to Hitler and the Jews: The Case of Carl Goerdel‐ vember 1938 and that Hitler was determined to er," in The Genocidal Mind: Selected Papers from conquer the world and to destroy the Jews, Chris‐ the 32nd Annual Scholars' Conference on the tianity and . Goerdeler listed three mile‐ Holocaust and the Churches, ed. Dennis B. Klein, stones of great historical importance that Hitler Richard Libowitz, Marcia Sachs Littell and Sharon had already passed, and named as the frst the Steeley (St. Paul, Minn: Paragon House, 2005), pp. November 1938 pogrom.[2] Under the laws then 277-290. in place in Germany, Goerdeler had put a noose around his neck. Had his interventions been dis‐

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Citation: Peter Hofmann. Review of Gillmann, Sabine; Mommsen, Hans, eds. Politische Schriften und Briefe Carl Friedrich Goerdelers. H-German, H-Net Reviews. May, 2006.

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