Self-Transformation and the Arts (Supplement to Chapter 2)

Self-transformation and the arts (supplement to chapter 2)

Table of contents

1. Additional text 2. Additional images 3. Notes

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC 1. Additional text

Chapter 2 discusses learning and ritual as the two primary techniques used by Ru to transform individuals and communities. Their preeminence is not in question, but the arts (music, literature and painting) arguably constitute a third method, which I will introduce in this supplement. Ru were noted for their love of the arts. These highly literate men were expected to write memorials and commentaries, but they were also keen poets and essayists; they appreciated the music performed at public ceremonies, but they also enjoyed private recitals and playing in solitude. From the Song dynasty onwards, painting too became an important art form for Ru. Their tradition was so steeped in aesthetics that some Western investigators dismissed it as being little more than ornamentation. The German social theorist Max Weber, thus wrote that Ruism: “was of an aesthetic and essentially negative nature. Dignified deportment, in itself devoid of definite content, was esteemed and desired…. The Confucian’s world was a beautiful and polite gesture as an end in itself.”i While Weber’s observations lack sympathy and depth, he at least was sensitive to the extent to which wen - variously meaning pattern, refined activity or ‘culture’, writing, literature, and art - characterized Ru tradition.

Chinese theories of the arts are as complex and varied as Chinese religious history so we should not expect a tidy correlation between the arts and Ruism. Here too there were major transformations, shifting emphases and heated disagreements. The arts that I will briefly consider are music, literature and painting, with odes (poetic music) and calligraphy (imaged poetry) blurring any hard and fast distinctions. Literature was of perennial importance, whereas music was more focal in pre- and early imperial times whilst painting only came to the fore at the time of

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC the renaissance of the Song dynasty. * Kongzi once said: ‘I set my heart on the Way (dao), base myself on virtue (de), lean on humaneness (ren) for support, and take my recreation in the arts’ (7:6). At first glance, it seems as though the arts were being recommended for amusement, a pleasant break after striving towards lofty ideals. As Kongzi was alluding to the ‘six arts’ (liuyi) of aristocratic education which included ritual, literacy and music, (along with archery, charioteering and mathematics) this was in fact vitally important ‘recreation’. Kongzi also said: ‘Be stimulated by the Odes, take your stand on the rites and be perfected by music’ (8:8). For Kongzi, the value of literature (quintessentially the Odes) rites and music was self-transformation. Rites, he said, were not just ‘jade and silk’, music was not just ‘bells and drums’ (17:11) and the Odes were of no avail if they did not improve the individual (13:5; 17:9). There was certainly aesthetic power in the arts and once having heard a state ceremonial performance, Kongzi was so overwhelmed by the ‘joys of music’ that he lost his awareness of the sensual pleasures of food for three months (7:14). Aesthetic beauty and moral refinement were, however, entirely compatible. Early discussions of music focused on its public ceremonial function rather than its potential as a means of private self-cultivation. Xunzi and the Liji (introduced in chapters 4 and 5) provide our earliest systematic discussions of music and possibly they both draw upon the ‘lost’ Classic of Music. The value of music, they say, is its capacity to draw listeners together and so unite them. Whereas ritual reinforced appropriate differentiation and division and served to establish social distinction and stratification, agreeable music, in a complimentary fashion, worked to bring people ‘together without any mutual’ harm and cause in them ‘the exhilaration of joy and the glow of affection’.ii Music, itself an echo of ‘the harmony between heaven and earth,’iii reverberated within humanity to produce social harmony. Thus: Similarity and union are the aim of music; difference

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC and distinction, that of ceremony. From union comes mutual affection; from difference, mutual respect. Where music prevails, we find weak coalescence; where ceremony prevails, a tendency to separation. It is the business of the two to blend people’s feelings and give elegance to their own outward manifestations.iv

This view of music was profoundly influential during the Han dynasty and the state appointment of Ru resulted in further regulation of court music.v During the Han, as the theory of the Five Phases (wuxing) began permeating every conceptual domain, the importance of music was further consolidated and it was determined there must be only five primary tones (the pentatonic scale), for music and cosmos must correlate. Mr Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals and Dong Zhongshu (see chapter 5) both used the example of a qin (zither) plucked to cause sympathetic strings to vibrate to explain how seemingly disparate things belonging to the same phase could influence one another. By extension, music itself could resonate with and influence other things and could thus sway humanity and even, in some cases, the natural world. In the period of Disunion, Ruan Ji (210-263) wrote an essay which explored the correspondence between tones, affections and human relationships. Although Ruan was usually remembered for flaunting Ru decorum (see the supplement on Profound Learning) this passage, commenting on views attributed to Kongzi in the Rites Records (Liji), elegantly expressed orthodoxy:

Music embodies the configuration of Heaven and earth and the nature of all creatures. When the configuration of Heaven and earth is in accordance, and the true nature of all creatures is obtained, then there is harmony…. Formerly, when the ancient sages

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC created music, they followed the configuration of Heaven and earth, and they sought the nature of all beings…. They established pitches… to match the sounds created by the yin and yang…. When pitch pipes were balanced, yin and yang were in harmony; when musical sounds were complementarily tuned, beings were grouped in their kinds.vi

Music was to remain a powerful tool for human cultivation in imperial China. A millennium after Ruan Ji, one Ming dynasty Ru reflected that ‘since ancient time, the sovereign’s method of ruling the world, of changing the habitual tendencies and moods of the populace, of achieving peace and of accomplishing cultivation of virtues have all been based on music’.vii As the history of court music accompanied a history of civil discord, however, it is not surprising that a great deal of musical analysis in later dynastic China seemed preoccupied with retuning instruments and revising performance detail. Public music, especially state performances, involved the use of a large array of instruments. (figure 1) The bronze bells and jade chimes were heavy and unwieldy and it was time consuming and expensive coordinating the instrumentalists, singers and dancers with all the formalities of ceremonial procedure. Private music, which became increasingly associated with Ru after the Han dynasty, was the antithesis of court performance. The instrument that was quintessentially linked with the lone scholar was the qin, an extremely light and portable zither whose silk strings produced soft, multi-timbred notes. It was an instrument said to have been invented and modified by various sages, frequently mentioned in the Classics, and one that Kongzi was believed to have played – the oldest notation for qin music, written in the Tang, is a piece known as the ‘Secluded Orchid’ (Youlan) which was most unconvincingly attributed to the Master himself. As there were stories from the third century BCE of Kongzi tirelessly practicing his qin, Ru had a consummate role

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC model.viii The qin was itself of microcosmic significance, its curved upper surface and flat base likened to Heaven and earth and its strings associated with the Five Phases. Although the instrument used in imperial times actually had seven strings, the original had five and the wuxing correspondences continued to be applied to the first five strings which aligned the Phases with the virtues of humaneness (ren), ritual (li), righteousness (yi), wisdom (zhi) and trustworthiness (xin).ix Although there were those who continued to maintain ritual musical performances could influence the cosmos and bring order and harmony to the world, others instead attended to music’s capacity to refine and perfect the individual player: As Ruan Ji, now in a more introspective mood, put it, true musicians ‘grow in unconscious goodness and achieve their moral transformation; their customs and habits change and alter, and they are all united in the same joy-music’.x Many noted Ru were keen musicians, some using it to communicate their inner feelings to close companions, like Zhu Xi who was a gifted qin player and singer who performed for his friends when he had become tipsy. Others preferred to play when alone, either in their studies or amidst nature. While a skillfully executed piece was of course valued, as was the discipline required to master the instrument, for many the qin was primarily a symbol of the harmonious inner nature of its owner. Many Ru thus had a qin in their study which they never used while the images of Ru in paintings typically depict the qin as their unplayed companion or show it being plucked whilst lying intimately in their lap, a position which would make complex execution impossible. Then, too, there were stories of men like the reluctant magistrate and sublime poet Tao Yuanming (365-427) who, we are told, owned ‘one very plain qin, without any strings at all, which he would hold and stroke to express his feelings whenever he became drunk’.xi (figure 2) Such eccentricities at first seem alien to Ru sensibilities, but there was Classical precedence for the silent music that resided within. According to the Liji, Kongzi said

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC music, paired with ceremony, was the way of making manifest the proper emotions people have in relation to one another: ‘The superior men of antiquity did not need to set forth their views to one another in words; it was enough to show them in their music and ceremonies’.xii Yet Kongzi ultimately hailed the ‘music that has no sound; ceremonial usages that have no embodiment’ which nonetheless have the capacity to transform all people ‘within the four seas’.xiii If the inner self was aright, then not only were words unnecessary but even music was most effective as silence. For Ru, private music was essentially the attunement of the self - as one Han dynasty Ru put it, ‘the sages and worthies of the ancient past played the qin to cultivate their hearts’.xiv The qin was emblematic of harmonious sentiment and feeling and, even if it was never played, the owner could still identify with the ideal of living a musical life and the aesthetics of moral perfection. In this regard it is significant that, when Kongzi expressed the maturation of his learning, he said, ‘my ear was attuned’ (2:4). Although the words for ‘sound’ and ‘sage’ are written differently, both are pronounced sheng and etymology suggests that a sage was originally a person who was ‘aurally perceptive’.xv The music of past sages might publically serve to harmonize Heaven and Earth but for the individual striving towards sagehood, the focus was upon the musical self: attuned, harmonious and conveying righteous sentiment.

While music might be revered by those who did not actually play, every Ru was by definition proficient with the Four Treasures: brush, ink, inkstone and silk (or paper). (figure 3) They were, of course, highly literate men who venerated the Classics, the Odes in particular being a model of exemplary poetry, and they were expected to have, at the very least, a cultured and refined writing style. When the examination system became the primary method of bureaucratic recruitment from the Song dynasty onward, many complained that the official style of writing was mannered and artificial, but the sheer intensity of literary training nonetheless

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC produced countless marvelous exponents of prose and poetry. The handwritten pieces produced by Ru were often highly esteemed, both for the meaning of the words and for the abstract beauty of the calligraphy which was itself believed to reveal the character of the writer. The same basic brush strokes used for calligraphy could be further extended to produce images: landscapes, portraits or depictions of plants and animals. As paintings were invariably inscribed with poems, these art forms in practice were compositionally integrated. It was widely accepted that the Classics were the archetype of admirable literature (wen) and, inversely, that all truly inspired literature had a holy air. During the Period of Disunion, Liu Xie (c. 465-522) analyzed the importance of wen in the Classics. His The Literary Heart-and-mind and Carving Dragons (Wenxin diaolong) begins by asserting that ‘wen, or pattern, is a very great power indeed. It is born together with Heaven and earth’. Wen, he continues, is the patterning of the Way itself in the formation of Heaven and earth, and humanity, medial between these two realms and gifted with mindfulness, comprehends the patterns of the world and distills from them written patterns so that ‘words with pattern indeed express the mind of the universe’. This process began with Fu Xi who apprehended the trigrams of the Changes (see chapter 5 figure 9), developed with the invention of writing and came to fruition with the literature of the Shang and early Zhou dynasties. In each case it was sages who made the momentous advances in wen. From Fu Xi to Kongzi, sages ‘observed Heavenly patterns in order to comprehend their changes exhaustively, and… studied human patterns of behavior in order to transform them’, says Liu Xie. Kongzi, who completed the Classics, was the greatest of all: ‘His literary forms are perfect examples and his ideas are perfectly coherent’ and so anyone wishing to write well ‘must seek guidance from the sages’ and so ‘make the Classics one’s teachers’.xvi Liu Xie continues: The works dealing with the universal principles of the Great Trinity [of Heaven, earth and humanity] are

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC known as jing [Classics, scriptures]. By jing we mean an expression of the absolute or constant Dao or principle, the great teaching which is unalterable. Therefore, the jing faithfully reflect Heaven and earth, spirits and gods. They help to articulate the order of things and to set up the rules for governing human affairs. In them is found both the secret of nature and spirit and the very bone and marrow of fine literature.xvii

Most Ru acknowledged an intimate relationship between literary style and wisdom; many too, with Liu Xie, lamented that the styles of their day had degenerated from the sagely past. Han Yu began paving the way for the Ru renaissance in the late Tang (see chapter 6) but he was equally concerned to instigate a literary revival and he is primarily remembered as a brilliant poet and essayist. He maintained that Dao and wen were inseparable and so resuscitating the Way necessitated rejuvenating literary style. ‘The principles of dao and de have long been in decline,’ he said, ‘and how much more has the literature which is the eternal expression of that ethos’.xviii The patriarchs of Way Learning in the Song dynasty were cautious when discussing wen, however. They were enamored with the literary qualities of the books written by sages, of course, and they believed Ru should also display great capacity in this regard, but they were careful to avoid allowing wen to take precedence over the Way so that the literary achievement became an end in itself. Zhu Xi thus chastised the brilliant poet Su Shi (1037-1101), an outstanding Ru with disconcerting affection for Daoism and Buddhism, for waiting ‘until composing wen to look for a Way to put into it’.xix Likewise, Zhou Dunyi modified a phrase attributed to Han Yu which had said, ‘wen is for connecting the Way’, to say that wen was for conveying or carrying the Way, thus giving it a secondary status, albeit still vital:xx

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC Literature is that by which one carries the Way…. Literature and rhetoric are skills; the Way and virtue are realities. When someone devoted to these realities and skilled in writing writes down the Way, if it is beautiful, then people will love it, and if they love it then it will be passed on.xxi

Zhu Xi likewise insisted that the investigation of Principle took precedence over wen and, indeed, if the priorities were kept in order, literary skill would come along effortlessly. He asked why “have students of literature today wasted much energy in writing a work? If one focuses on learning in order to elucidate Principle, then one will naturally produce a good literary composition. It is the same with poetry’.xxii The Cheng brothers are quoted to similar effect in Reflections on Things at Hand, Cheng Yi saying that studying literature and the arts was secondary to fulfilling moral commitments, and Cheng Hao asserting that when he practiced calligraphy, his main concern was not to perfect his writing but instead to use the discipline as a ‘way of moral training’.xxiii The reader should note that none of these statements are in the least dismissive of the importance of wen. What they rather say is that moral self- cultivation should be the focus of study and a student’s capacity for wen would then naturally emerge. An inability to produce good literature, however, might still be taken as evidence of a lack of virtue in an individual. * Many of the arguments about literature during the Song were identically applied to painting which was then becoming increasingly popular amongst Ru. As Su Shi put it: ‘From ancient times on, painters have not been common men. Their subtle thoughts are produced substantially as in poetry.’xxiv Unlike music and literature, painting had no foundation in the Classics and the only reference Kongzi made to it was merely as an analogy to ritual: ‘the colors are put in after the white’ (3:8). Prior to the Tang, painting was basically seen as a didactic tool but a ninth century work,

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the first real survey of the history of Chinese paining, opened by stating: Now, painting is a thing which perfects civilized teachings and helps social relationships. It penetrates completely the divine permutations of nature and fathoms recondite and subtle things. Its merit is equal to the Six Classics, and it moves side by side with the four seasons. It proceeds from nature itself and not from [human] invention or transmission.xxv

By the Song, it was possible to quote the Master’s dictum about taking ‘recreation in the arts’ and to add that, ‘painting, too, is an art, and when one advances to the marvelous, one does not know whether art is the Way or the Way is art’.xxvi How could a painting embody the Way? Were we tempted to seek an answer in the subject being depicted, we must remember that we must also account for calligraphy, which is non-representational. (figure 4) The calligrapher, it was said, although writing words was, as an artist, conveying meaning in abstract forms ‘such as cannot be expressed in words’.xxvii Painting was, in this way, akin to the communication of poetry whereby true poetry should ‘not tread the path of reason, nor fall into the snare of words’.xxviii What defined the spiritual dimension of painting was not the subject matter but rather, as with music, the expression of inner emotion in forms that displayed proportion and harmony. Whilst desires and attachments required restraint, most Ru nonetheless acknowledged the importance of the emotions. The opening section of the Zhongyong, upon which Su Shi wrote a thoughtful aesthetician’s commentary,xxix says: Before the feelings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy are aroused it is called equilibrium [zhong centrality]. When these feelings are aroused and each and all attain due measure and degree, it is called

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harmony.xxx

Sages and worthies were people whose emotive responses were unfettered by insular self-interest and whose affectivity was thus virtuous, orderly, appropriate, balanced and harmonious. It was these inner qualities that were responsible for producing great poetry and visual art, just as they had resulted in the sagely music of the past. Painting too could evoke resonating virtue. For Su Shi, it was the ‘superior man’, the ‘emancipated scholar’ who was capable of great art – ‘why should the high-minded man study painting,’ he said, ‘the use of brush comes naturally to him’xxxi – and so moral self-cultivation was directly related to the capacity for a deep artistic apprehension of the natural world. James Cahill expressed this succinctly when he wrote: As a worthy activity for the [Ru] who wished to ‘[take recreation] in the arts’ and to manifest his mind, painting [was] a means of self-cultivation; and the products of this activity, as embodiments of the admirable qualities of cultivated individuals, serve a Confucian end in conveying those qualities to others.xxxii

* All the major Ru from medieval times onwards accepted the congruence between inner character and the arts. The reservations expressed by some members of the Way Learning school were not due to any disinclination towards poetry and painting. Zhu Xi, for instance, was himself a keen poet and a great admirer of Su Shi’s images which so masterfully captured ‘lofty and enduring qualities’ that, he predicted, ‘after a hundred generations, when men look at his painting, they will still be able to see him in their mind’.xxxiii What Zhu and others contested was the tendency to treat the arts as a primary method of self-cultivation. Rather, they insisted, artistry should incidentally arise as a byproduct of the changes wrought by

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study, ritual and the investigation of things. In Zhu Xi’s words: ‘Today people do not devote their effort to discussing moral Principles but to writing poems and literary compositions. In so doing, they have degenerated into secondary matters’.xxxiv During the Ming dynasty, the theories of literature and painting polarized into two main traditions which roughly paralleled the differences between Cheng-Zhu orthodoxy and the Lu-Wang school (see chapter 7). Both insisted that true art was a manifestation of the inner character of the cultivated individual. Very briefly, the former group, for whom Yen Yu’s (ca. 1180-1235) Cangliang’s Remarks on Poetry (Canliang shihua) was something of a manifesto, argued for a return to the styles of the high Tang and beyond: ‘I grant approval only to that which is in accord with the poetry of the ancients’, wrote Yen Yu.xxxv This reactionary and conservative stance, which had a stultifying effect upon some Ming writing, might seem at odds with Yen’s claims that ‘poetry is an expression of one’s original nature’ and that the ‘ultimate attainment of poetry [is merely to] enter the spirit’.xxxvi But just as Zhu Xi had said that immersion in the words of sages was the Way to realize the inner self, so too artists of this persuasion felt that emulating the styles of the ancients was a sure path to spontaneous self-expression. Diametrically opposed to this view were the ‘wild and heterodox’ poets and painters who emerged in the Ming (figure 5). They owed more to Wang Yangmings’s philosophy which taught that Principle lay not in things or books but solely within the heart-mind. Iconoclasts like Li Zhi inspired these artists (see chapter 7). Li insisted that art, like sagehood, was nothing but an expression of the unfettered and authentic self: ‘Those who can truly write never intend to produce literature in the first place’, he said,xxxvii while his contemporary, Tang Xianzu (1550-1616), the Ming’s greatest dramatist, wrote: The world is dominated by old Confucian scholars with whom it is impossible to discuss literary art (wen). Their ears have not heard much, their eyes

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have not seen much, yet they spew forth their superficial and prejudiced opinions. Just look at the prose in the world today, and you will think, how could there ever be prose again after this! I say that the miraculous qualities of prose do not result from following another’s example and becoming exactly like them. Rather they come naturally in an unconscious flash of inspiration.xxxviii

Ru were men of letters and the arts (wenren), but the extent to which the arts were promoted as a primary means of personal cultivation depended upon the perceived relationship between wen and the Way. All agreed they were inextricably connected, they disagreed as to whether producing works of art was a beneficial method for apprehending the Dao or, inversely, whether the individual should focus upon study as the prime means of seeking moral Principle and allow the arts to take care of themselves as ‘recreations’ that followed in the wake of the pursuit of the sagely self. The arts were, in whatever capacity, invariably attendant to the lifestyle of the Ru.

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC 2. Additional images

Figure 1. The large array of musical instruments used in the sacrifices to Kongzi at the temple in Qufu are kept in the main Dacheng Hall. They are seen here flanking the image of the Sage.

Source: “own work” Wikimedia File:Qufu 2009 1251.jpg https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Qufu_2009_1251.jpg

Source: The Yorck Project: 10.000 Meisterwerke der Malerei. DVD-ROM, 2002. ISBN 3936122202. Distributed by DIRECTMEDIA Publishing GmbH. Wikimedia File:Ch'en Hung-shou 002.jpg https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ch'en_Hung-shou_002.jpg

Source: “own work” Wikimedia File:Four treasures of the Study.jpg https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Four_treasures_of_the_Study.jpg

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC Figure 4. The “Orchard Pavilion Preface” (Lantingji xi) was a piece of calligraphy written at a gathering of literati during the Period of Disunion. They had come together for a contest in poetry writing and drinking. Wang Xizhi (303-361) then brushed a preface to their contributions. It was immortalized as the greatest of all pieces of Chinese calligraphy, but alas it was lost. This copy is attributed to Feng Chengsu (617-672) in the Tang dynasty.

Source: “own work” Wikimedia File:Lanting Xu by Feng Chengsu.jpg https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Lanting_Xu_by_Feng_Chengsu.jpg

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC Figure 5. “Six Noble Men” (Liu Junzi tu) by Ni Zan (1301-1374). Ni Zan was a late Yuan / early Ming painter with a solid Ru education, although he chose not to take office. He was in the vanguard of a movement to free painting from rigid formality. He cultivated a minimalist, spontaneous style that gave priority to revealing the inner heart-mind of the artist rather than accurately representing external objects.

Source: Shanghai Museum Wikimedia File:Ni Zan – Six Gentlemen.jpg https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ni_Zan_-_Six_Gentlemen.jpg

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC 3. Notes

i Max Weber, The Religion of China. New York: Free Press, 1951, p. 244-5. ii James Legge (trans.), The Li Ki. Sacred Books of the East, edited by Max Müller, volumes 27 & 28. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1885, Vol. 28, p. 101. iii Legge, The Li Ki, vol. 28, p. 100. iv Legge, The Li Ki, vol. 28, p. 98. v Emperor Wu, the first emperor to formally patronize Ruism, probably also founded the Bureau of Music. See Anne Birrell, Popular Songs and Ballads of Han China. London: Hyman, 1988, pp. 5-7. vi Reed Andrew Criddle, “Rectifying Lasciviousness through Mystical Learning: An Exposition and Translation of Ruan Ji’s ‘Essay on Music’.” Asian Music. 38 (2007): 44-70, p. 54-5. vii Ye Liangpei cit. Joseph S. C. Lam, State Sacrifices and Music in Ming China: Orthodoxy, Creativity, and Expressiveness. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998, p. 80. viii Robert H. van Gulik, The Lore of the Chinese Lute: An Essay on the Ideology of the Ch’in. Tokyo, Tuttle, 1969. ix Kenneth J. DeWoskin, A Song for One and Two: Music and the Concept of Art in Early China. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, 1982, p. 114-5 & 120. x Donal Holzman, Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works of Juan Chi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976, p. 89.

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC xi cit. DeWoskin, A Song for One and Two, p. 144. xii Legge, The Li Ki, vol. 28, p. 275. xiii Legge, The Li Ki, vol. 28, p. 279. xiv Huan Tan cit. DeWoskin, A Song for One and Two, p. 128. xv Erica Fox Brindley, Music, Cosmology, and the Politics of Harmony in Early China. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2012, p. 76. xvi Vincent Yu-chung Shih (trans), The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons by Liu Hsieh: A Study of Thought and Pattern in Chinese

Literature. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959, pp 8, 10, 12, 14 & 15. xvii Shih, The Literary Mind, p. 12. xviii cit. Yu-shih Chen, Images and Ideas in Chinese Classical Prose: Studies in Four Masters. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988, p. 8. xix Daniel K. Gardner, Learning to Be a Sage: Selections from the Conversations of Master Chu, Arranged Topically. Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 16. xx cit. Pauline Yu, ‘Formal Distinctions in Chinese Literary Theory.’ In Theories of the Arts in China, edited by Susan Bush and Christian Murch, 27-53. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983, p. 37. xxi cit. James J.Y. Liu, Chinese Theories of Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975, p. 114. xxii cit. Yu, ‘Formal Distinctions,’ p. 37. xxiii Wing-tsit Chan (trans), Reflections on Things at Hand: The Neo- Confucian Anthology Compiled by Chu Hsi and Lü Tsu-ch’ien. New York: Columbia University Press, 1967, pp. 171 & 133.

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC xxiv Susan Bush and Hsio-yen Shih (eds), Early Chinese Texts on Painting. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1985, p. 203. See also, Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting: Su Shih (1037-1101) to Tung Ch’i- ch’ang (1555-1636). Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971. xxv Zhang Yanyuan, Lidai minghuaji, in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, p. 49. xxvi Anon, Xuanhe huapu, in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, p. 108. xxvii Wei Heng cit. James F. Cahill, ‘Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting.’ In Confucianism and Chinese Civilization, edited by Arthur F. Wright, 77-102. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975, p. 88. xxviii Yan Yu (1180-1235) cit. Shih-hsiang Chen, ‘Chinese Poetics and Zenism’. Oriens 10 (1957): 131-39, p. 138. xxix See Christian Murck, ‘Su Shi’s Reading of the Chung yung.’ In Theories of the Arts in China, edited by Bush and Murch, 267-92. xxx Chan, A Source Book, p. 98. xxxi Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, p. 218. xxxii Cahill, ‘Confucian Elements,’ p. 92 xxxiii Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, p. 202. xxxiv cit. Wing-tsit Chan, Chu Hsi: New Studies. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989, p. 90. xxxv Richard John Lynn (trans), ‘Ts’ang-lang’s Discourse of Poetry.’ In The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature, edited by Victor Mair, 139-44. New York: Columbia University Press, 1994, p.

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC 143. xxxvi Lynn, ‘Ts’ang-lang’s Discourse.’ p. 140-1. xxxvii cit. Liu, Chinese Theories of Literature, p. 79. xxxviii cit. Richard John Lynn, ‘Alternative Routes to Self-Realization in Ming Theories of Poetry.’ In Theories of the Arts in China, edited by Bush and Murck, 317-40, p. 335.

https://bloomsbury.com/uk/confucianism-in-china-9781474242431/ © Tony Swain (2017) Confucianism in China, Bloomsbury Academic, an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing PLC