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Voice of Montgomeryshire J. Graham Jones Emlyn Hooson (1925 – 2012) Life and career , Tony Greaves, Andrew Duff, Joyce Arram Assessing James Owen The struggle for political representation Labour candidates and the Liberals, 1868–85 Cecil Bloom A conspiracy of silence? Lloyd George and Basil Zaharoff David Cloke The Liberal–Tory coalition of 1915 History Group meeting report Liberal Democrat History Group 2 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 Journal of Liberal History Issue 86: Spring 2015 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Obituary: Lord Mackie of Benshie; Obituary: Patrick Jackson; Taped interviews; Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Biography of Rufus Isaacs; ’s evidence to the Royal Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Commission on the Constitution; Sir Edward Grey; On this day in Liberal history Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, Assessing Jeremy Thorpe 8 York Membery Michael Steed, Tony Greaves, Andrew Duff and Joyce Arram give their assessments of Thorpe’s record and character Patrons Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; The struggle for political representation 14 Professor John Vincent Labour candidates and the Liberal Party, 1868–85; by James Owen Editorial Board Liberal history quiz 2014 21 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Dr Matt Cole; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; The questions … Prof. Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; A conspiracy of silence? 22 Tony Little; Michael Meadowcroft; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Prof. Andrew Lloyd George and Basil Zaharoff; by Cecil Bloom Russell; Dr Iain Sharpe; Dr Michael Steed Liberal history quiz 2014 29 Editorial/Correspondence … and the answers Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Emlyn Hooson 30 publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: J. Graham Jones examines the life and career of the Liberal MP for Montgomeryshire, 1962–79 Duncan Brack (Editor) 54 Midmoor Road, SW12 0EN email: [email protected] Report 37

All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. All The Liberal–Tory coalition of 1915, with Ian Packer and Nigel Keohane; report rights reserved. by David Cloke

Advertisements Reviews 42 Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Campbell, Roy Jenkins: A Well-Rounded Life, reviewed by Bill Rodgers; Dixon, Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers Out of Birmingham: George Dixon, ‘Father of Free Education’, reviewed by (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please Tony Little; Otte and Readman (eds.), By-elections in British Politics 1832–1914, contact the Editor. reviewed by Iain Sharpe; Jones, Campaigning Face to Face, reviewed by David Shutt; Kyrle, The Liberals in Hampshire – a Part(l)y History, Part 2: Eastleigh Subscriptions/Membership 1965–72, reviewed by Mark Pack An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £10.00.

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Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 3 Liberal history news Spring 2015

Obituary: Lord Mackie of Benshie The following eulogy was deliv- was to make proper use of them. he nevertheless described rightly as ered by at Lord Mack- One of the young striplings was wholly inadequate. ie’s funeral in Kirriemuir Old David Steel and another slightly He was not always gently toler- Parish Church on Thursday 26 Feb- older Russell Johnston. Needless ant. I was with him at a by-election ruary 2015. to say they were a damned nui- when he took our rather shy and One of the noticeable traits of sance at conferences, producing diffident candidate round the farm- George Mackie was his reluctance masses of resolutions of doubtful ers’ mart, after which, as we were to talk about his wartime exploits value … walking back to the by-election in Bomber Command. We of a I had frightful trouble office, the candidate was unwise younger generation wanted to hear with the Borders – they were enough to ask: ‘Mr Mackie, was more of the events which led to his extremely arrogant about candi- the speech I gave last night all remarkable survival and the awards dates. Their specifications fitted right?’ A by now quite exasper- of the DSO and DFC, but the tales only God or . After ated George turned to him and said had to be coaxed out of him. He turning good people down they ‘the content was fine but when you was never boastful. were determined to have David are speaking I do wish you would It is a huge privilege to be asked Steel who was already in Pent- not hop from one foot to the other to speak here about his role in poli- lands, so I entered into nego- as though you had just shat your tics – for me it is a small labour of tiations with that constituency breeks’. The man’s confidence was love, because I owe my entire polit- association and they eventually not enhanced and he went on to ical career to him. In 1962, when I said no. So we simply removed lose his deposit. had just graduated in law but had David to the Borders and paci- On another occasion he thought no intention of becoming a law- fied Pentlands by having the that three young candidates, Steel, yer, he offered me a one-year post Party Executive pass a vote Johnston and, in Argyll, John Mac- as assistant secretary of the Scottish of censure on Mackie for his kay needed tuition in agriculture Liberal Party at the princely salary authoritarian conduct. and he invited us to spend a day on of £895. Because Alec Douglas- his farm at Benshie, after which he Home, the new Prime Minister, George was, as vice-chairman in reported to the Executive: ‘Steel delayed the election it turned out charge of organisation and later and Johnston were hopeless. Mac- to be two years during which I was chairman of the party, the organis- kay was quite good.’ John Mackay heavily involved in several by-elec- ing genius behind the Scottish par- went on to become an able Con- tion campaigns and in fund-raising. ty’s revival, working closely with servative minister in the Scottish I had already been adopted as Jo Grimond and John Bannerman, Office. prospective candidate for Edin- both charismatic figures but with Despite that justified adverse burgh Pentlands, where our only limited interest in the mechanics of opinion he remained a most loyal realistic prospect was to save my building the party. He organised a personal supporter, and when I was deposit. But the candidate in the research post in the party for Rus- fighting John Pardoe in the first Borders had resigned and this was sell Johnston, enabling him also to ever democratic contest for politi- a seat where Liberals had never be a full-time candidate in Inver- cal party leadership in Britain he been lower than second place and ness, and so in 1964 we swept to wrote in his memoirs: had indeed won the somewhat victory in the three Highland seats, changed seat in 1950. George him- to be followed six months later John Pardoe made the mistake of self had secured a notable second by my by-election in the Borders. alleging that because he was a bit place in South Angus at the previ- George led from the front by win- of a bastard that made him suita- ous election, and Squadron Leader ning Caithness & Sutherland. ble for taking the party through Arthur Purdom, whom he had He was already an acknowl- the difficult period ahead. We appointed as secretary of the party, edged authority on agriculture, had lots of fun and I wrote a famously observed that ‘what this not just in practice but on which he ditty about it: party needs is a few less brilliant had published a policy pamphlet. Pardoe’s crude –but he will fight seconds and a few more mediocre Members enjoyed his gentle spar- Scattering shot to left and right. firsts’. ring with his brother John who Must we – to gather votes in George later wrote as follows in was one of Prime Minister Wil- season an article for Liberal News: son’s agriculture ministers. George Abandon now the use of reason? was also later in the Lords deeply Perhaps young Steel can break A large crop of university stu- involved in the details of the Scot- the deadlock dents, inspired by Jo Grimond, tish devolution proposals during Although, alas, he’s born in had joined the party and my job the Callaghan government which wedlock!

4 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 liberal history news

That was typical of the many enter- George Yull many extensive newspaper obituar- man had managed to get himself to taining ditties he wrote, and an Mackie, Baron ies last week: retirement, then voluntarily com- example of the wit with which he Mackie of mitted himself to twenty years always laced his speeches, which Benshie (10 George Mackie was a Liberal hard labour in the recesses of the made him such a popular mem- July 1919 – 17 of the old school, whose values Bodleian, the Public Record Office, ber of both the Commons and the February 2015), of public service and fairness and the British Library. Despite the Lords. Indeed, one story which in 1987 stemmed from his family’s sense fact that most scholars and students he told about failing to get off the of responsibility towards the of Victorian politics had occasion night sleeper at Carlisle was so land they farmed and the people to read and benefit from his work, funny that his colleagues always who worked for them. He was a few actually knew him. insisted that he repeated it at every big man who exuded geniality, Jackson was born on 10 Febru- dinner at which he was speaking. good humour and a sense of duty ary 1929. He was raised in Hud- George was also fortunate in the which he retained to the end. dersfield, won a scholarship to wholehearted support of his two University College Oxford, and successful marriages, first of Lind- in 1949 took a degree in modern say in fundraising and campaign- David Steel (Lord Steel of Aikwood) history. In 1952 he married his ing in the north, and then of Jacqui was MP for Roxburgh, Selkirk & Pee- sixth-form sweetheart, Kathleen in his role in the Assembly of the bles, later Tweeddale, Ettrick & Lau- Roper, a sharp young teacher who Council of Europe and the Inter- derdale, 1965–97, and Leader of the had studied English literature at Parliamentary Union. Judy and I Liberal Party 1976–88. the University of Hull, and who will always be grateful for the help shared his love of books and opera. he gave her campaigning during For anyone else I might say it was a general elections in my constitu- match made in heaven. In any case, ency when I was busy touring the Obituary: Patrick Jackson Patrick and Kate were loving com- country as party leader. It is with regret that I notice the panions through sixty-two years Last year, on my way back from death of Mr Patrick Jackson CB, on of marriage, and were justly proud speaking at a dinner for Malcolm 7 November 2014. It is with pleas- of their children Katharine and Bruce in Aberdeenshire I called in ure that I notice his life. Robert, and the grandchildren and to visit George. On leaving he came Jackson will be familiar to read- great-grandchildren that followed. out of the cottage on two sticks to ers of this journal as the author of I know nothing of Jackson’s see me into my car, and I think we five well-received political studies government work, except that both knew that would be our last of significant but secondary fig- he rose to the position of under- farewell. A colleague has written ures in the history of the Victo- secretary in the Department of to me saying it is the end of an era: rian Liberal Party.1 The fact that he Transport, and that his profession ‘I shall miss his wise counsel and served for many years in the civil enabled him to raise a family in enthusiasm for life’. service was much remarked upon the comfort of suburban Bromley. To conclude, I can do no better in reviews of his first two books. It When I remember him, however, than quote two sentences from the was apparently noteworthy that a I think first of Yorkshire and the

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 5 liberal history news

Victorian facades of Huddersfield. Jackson employed a simple clarity, and thoroughness. Profes- Neither Patrick nor Kate were and consistent method: to read sor Bruce Kinzer’s assessment of believers, but they were certainly all the letters and manuscripts Jackson’s achievement in Morley of products of the Nonconformist of his subject, and every line of Blackburn may stand as a fair repre- culture into which they were born speech recorded in Hansard. He sentation of the ‘professional’ view as entered into the Great seldom wrote to great themes or his career: Depression. I recall Kate once inferred from slight premises. As expounding on the iron truth of he observed at the beginning of his While no one can (or should) do the childhood mantra, ‘cleanliness work on Hartington, ‘This is essen- for Morley what Morley did for is next to godliness’. The phrase tially a political biography, and it Gladstone, neither should any- undoubtedly bore some Wesleyan will not often be necessary to inter- one feel the need to do for Mor- religious overtones, but to the rupt the political narrative in order ley more than Jackson has now Huddersfield young it admonished to consider Hartington as a private done for him. Not art, perhaps, discipline in the face of the relent- man.’ Recognising the impossi- but the well-wrought work of a less, penetrating dust from the tex- bility of an absolute proscription, proficient practitioner of politi- tile mills that dominated the city. Jackson devoted the introductory cal biography.3 Cleanliness was the necessary first chapter to Hartington’s private step in respectable sanctification. life. ‘Having thus intruded ini- Jackson gladly accepted this as a There must have been days tially upon his privacy’, Jackson laurel. During the last twenty-five when Jackson grew impatient with wrote, ‘we can tell most of the rest years of his life, he worked for the bureaucracy, but he was commit- of the story in what he would have pleasure of the task, and for the ted to the work of government. regarded as a decently impersonal memories of men who had devoted Politically nurtured during the way’ (p. 15). In this most unassum- themselves to the liberal cause Attlee years, he remained pas- ing manner, Jackson rendered, in which had made such a difference sionately committed to the ideals the words of Professor Jonathan in his life. of the welfare state. When I met Parry, ‘an impressive psychologi- Jackson in the late 1990s, ten years cal portrait’, capturing ‘a great deal John Powell is a member of the Editorial after his retirement, he was hap- of Hartington’s personality and Board of the Journal of Liberal His- pily immersed in Victorian Lib- The Liberal ambiguity’. 2 tory and Professor of History at Okla- eral politics. We sat at an outdoor Democrat As someone who came late to homa Baptist University. table at the King’s Arms in Oxford, History Group the profession, Jackson was reticent exchanged copies of our latest was present, about numbering himself among 1 The Last of the Whigs: A Political Biog- books, and unabashedly talked of as usual, at the professional historians of Vic- raphy of Lord Hartington, later Eighth archival discoveries and telling the Liberal torian high politics, and it was in Duke of Devonshire (1994); Education political phrases as if they were lays Democrats’ part for this reason that he refrained Act Forster: A Political Biography of W. in a heroic tale. I looked forward spring from studies of the upper echelons E. Forster (1997); Harcourt and Son: A to my (almost) annual visits with conference in of the Liberal Party. If he never Political Biography of Sir William Har- Patrick, for though he was in his Liverpool in produced a seminal work, how- court (2004) ; Loulou: Selected Extracts late seventies and I in my forties, March. Below, ever, he was there in company with from the Journals of Lewis Harcourt he was as vivacious as a debutante. Liberal Democrat the vast majority of professional (2006); Morley of Blackburn: A Literary I learned a lot from him, and often cabinet ministers historians. In terms of scholarship, and Political Biography of John Morley as not I was doubly rewarded, for in Ed Davey and he produced more academic work (2012), all published by Fairleig Dick- addition to the pleasure of his com- Nick Clegg chat than most and did it in half the inson University Press. pany he would treat me to a meal at to History Group time. His books were uniformly 2 Nineteenth-Century Prose 22 (Fall his beloved Le Deuxieme. chair Tony Little. praised for generosity, balance, 1995): 200.

6 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 liberal history news

3 Canadian Journal of History XLVIII The tapes are an invaluable source Any prospective biographer (Spring/Summer 2013): 146. of Liberal history. should contact me at kettner_ The British Library were [email protected] to progress this interested in taking the tapes but matter. Taped interviews have decided against on financial Peter Whyte Between 1994 and 1997 I con- grounds. I wondered if any mem- ducted over 140 interviews with bers could suggest how I might be Liberals active between 1945 and able to ensue these recordings are Scottish Liberal Party’s 1964 as part of my DPhil research digitised for other researchers to evidence to the Royal (the results of which were later use – perhaps sources of funding I Commission on the published as Coming into Focus: the could gain access to or institutions Constitution transformation of the Liberal Party who may be interested in taking I am anxious to obtain or borrow 1945–64, available for rather a lot the tapes. a copy of the Scottish Liberal Par- of money on Amazon). I spoke Mark Egan ty’s written evidence to the Royal to some of the party’s leading Commission on the Constitution lights, including Jeremy Thorpe, (aka the Crowther–Kilbrandon Arthur Holt, Nancy Seear, George Biography of Rufus Isaacs Commission) of 1969–1973. Mackie and John Foot, but also My interest in Rufus Isaacs began It was published as a SLP book- many local councillors and activ- after finding that he rose to dizzy let in 1970 (?) and included input ists from across the UK. Some heights from relatively humble from our Structure of Govern- were active Liberals before the beginnings. He became first Mar- ment Committee, of which I was war, with one old-timer recalling quess of Reading, having started Convener. electioneering in 1910. Many were as the son of a Spitalfields fruiterer. Anyone who can help please inspired by Jo Grimond to join the Along the way he was Lord Chief contact me at s.waugh.bnchry@ party. Justice, Special Ambassador to the btinternet.com. Around 100 interviews were of America, Viceroy Sandy Waugh recorded on tiny cassettes using of India, and . a Dictaphone which no longer This inspired me to nominate him works. I transcribed a few but for for the blue plaque which went up Sir Edward Grey most I simply transcribed notes, in Curzon Street, , in 1971, I am currently writing a biogra- using my own shorthand (LA for and to have a road named after him phy of Sir Edward Grey, and I am Liberal Association, for example). in Caversham, Reading, in 1994. always keen to discover any letters The tapes now sit in a carrier bag in (He was MP for Reading from 1904 or other documents relating to him my office and I would like to donate to 1912 and is still remembered in that may be in private hands. Alan them to a library or record office the town.) Beith very kindly made two let- which could digitise them and I believe that there has been ters available to me, which some- make them more widely available. no biography on him since Denis how had come his way. Who knows Many of the people I interviewed Judd’s in 1985 and I know that the what is out there? are now dead and most probably present marquess would be pleased Anyone who can help please did not record their memories of to see another book and would contact me at [email protected]. the Liberal Party in any other form. make family papers available. Thomas Otte On This Day … Every day the History Group’s website, Facebook page and Twitter feed carry an item of Liberal history news from the past. Below we reprint three. To see them regularly, look at www.liberalhistory.org.uk or www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup or follow us at: LibHistoryToday.

March 21 March 1910: The Parliament Bill is introduced in the House of Commons, ultimately establishing the primacy of the Commons over the . The bill was a response to the constitutional crisis following the introduction of Lloyd George’s radical 1909 budget, which was rejected by the Conservative-dominated Lords, overturning the convention that the Lords did not interfere with money bills. The crisis was finally resolved when the Parliament Act received Royal Assent in August 1911.

April 3 April 1846: Birth of Robert Threshie Reid, 1st Earl Loreburn, Liberal MP for Hereford 1880–85 and Dumfries Burghs 1886–1905. In the Liberal governments of the 1890s Reid served as Attorney General 1894 and Solicitor General 1894–95. Firmly on the radical wing of the party, Reid supported Campbell-Bannerman in his difficulties with Lord Rosebery and the . When Campbell-Bannerman became Prime Minister he appointed Reid as Lord Chancellor and he continued to serve in that post under Asquith until ill-health forced his resignation in 1912.

May 9 May 1976: Jeremy Thorpe resigns as Liberal leader. Thorpe’s career had been damaged by claims that he had had a love affair with Norman Scott, an acquaintance, in the early 1960s. At that time homosexuality was illegal. Thorpe was charged with conspiracy to murder Scott; he was acquitted in 1979 but not before losing his seat in the general election of that year. Following the hung parliament in the February 1974 election Thorpe declined to enter a coalition with the Conservatives, led by , as he felt Heath would not be able to deliver progress on electoral reform and failing to do so would split the Liberal Party, which had approached 30 per cent in the polls in the lead-up to the election..

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 7 ASSESSING Jeremy Thorpe

Jeremy Thorpe, leader of the Liberal Party from 1967 to 1976, died three weeks before Christmas 2014. In the last issue of the Journal of Liberal History (issue 85, winter 2014–15), we carried two articles by Robert Ingham and Ronald Porter commemorating Thorpe’s political career. Several of our readers subsequently wrote to take issue with, or to supplement, the picture of Thorpe’s life and political career they portrayed. Here we carry articles by Michael Steed, Tony Greaves, Andrew Duff and Joyce Arram.

8 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 ASSESSING Jeremy Thorpe

Jeremy Thorpe – myth and magic The announcement of Jeremy Independent offered an interesting he developed an obsession with the Thorpe’s death on 5 December 2014 and very personal appreciation, idea that Scott was a serious threat, unleashed a wide range of feelings while fighting old battles against even after his pathetic ravings had and claims. the Young Liberals (about whom been dismissed by everyone who The Jeremy fan club came out both he and Thorpe were rather then mattered. Thorpe’s addic- in force, with views from Sir Nick ill-informed). Michael Meadow- tion to risk-taking brought about Harvey (present MP for North croft’s reflections inLiberator were his nemesis. It was close to a case of Devon) that his predecessor had also something of a witness state- political suicide, in which the pas- ‘shaped the political landscape’ to ment, this time about how difficult sengers in the vehicle he piloted (his news report by Lucy Jeremy made it for party officers party) were put recklessly at risk. Fisher, calling him a ‘crucial mod- to do their job, even whilst they It is an interpretation which fits erniser who turned the Liberal were striving to protect the repu- my own encounters with Jeremy Party into a radical force’. But late tation of their leader, or (by 1978 Thorpe. on the evening of 5 December, at the Assembly) that of My own full reflections would BBC Radio 4 broadcast what had their party against the way its for- be coloured by the fact that the originally been put together in 1979 mer leader wanted to drag it down major part of my personal contri- as a documentary by Tom Man- with him. butions to the Liberal cause came gold, scheduled to go out follow- Michael Bloch’s long-awaited during the two decades that Jeremy ing the expected ‘guilty’ verdict at biography was hurriedly (with sat for , first as the ris- Thorpe’s Old Bailey trial. In this, inadequate time for proper index- ing hope of the Grimond revival, the Thorpe story was presented, checking) published straight after then as my leader for nine years with emphasis on the class character Thorpe’s death, a fascinating and and finally (in the three years fol- of 1960s British society, as an estab- thoroughly researched delve into lowing his resignation as leader) as lishment conspiracy, including con- Jeremy’s psychology, though not a haunting presence still demand- temporary interviews establishing always so reliable on political and ing a leading role in politics. It was early police knowledge of Jeremy’s electoral detail (reviewed by me during this last period that I found risky sex-life, and clear evidence in the Times Literary Supplement, 1 myself, as party president, investi- that the purpose of the plot in April 2015; review in the Journal gating what had happened to large which he was involved was indeed forthcoming). No attempt to evalu- donations secured by Thorpe from to kill his former lover, Norman ate his life and career should now be for the party – they Scott. The former leader had been a made without taking this magnum turned out to have been used for would-be murderer. opus into account. Bloch is careful legitimate political purposes, but Not surprisingly, the obituaries to reserve judgement on some criti- with loose accounting procedures found it difficult to strike a balance. cal points, e.g. whether the point of Thorpe arrives that would today be outside the Of those I read, ’s the plot was to kill Scott or just to at 10 Downing law. was the most comprehensive and scare him into silence. Street for talks That was not the only investi- balanced, while that in The Times Bloch, however, makes a bold with Prime gation I once made into his darker contained most errors and doubt- judgement on Jeremy’s character. Minister Edward side – I saw that when as returning ful judgements (both were anony- He argues that he was a fantasist, Heath, 2 March officer for the 1971 Young Liberal mous). Richard Moore’s in The who needed to live dangerously; 1974 elections I had to deal with (and for

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 9 assessing jeremy thorpe the sake of the party’s reputation had argued for the broadest front If the Liberal bottomless pits for cash and human draw a veil over) his attempt to rig (against Thorpe’s judgement) from effort. It is difficult to identify a those elections to block Peter Hain, 1970 on, and the president-elect, Party organi- single seat which Thorpe’s meth- as Tony Greaves explains below. I Arthur Holt, who made it happen. ods or money made winnable – the am also witness to many occasions The jump from 328 candidates in sation was best case perhaps is the Isle of Ely in which he undermined, bypassed 1970 and the 380 the party had in by-election in 1973. The test in or trampled over party officers, the field on 8 February 1974 to the sometimes the end is what happened to Lib- so weakening the party’s collec- 517 that stood at the general elec- eral representation at Westminster. tive leadership. If the Liberal Party tion on 28 February was achieved ineffective Under Grimond, the party rose organisation was sometimes inef- by the very party officers that from 6 MPs (half of them depend- fective or muddled during his lead- Thorpe liked to bypass; character- or muddled ent on Conservative votes) to 12 ership years, his behaviour bears istically, Jeremy grabbed the credit (all in three-cornered fights); under much responsibility. for the extra votes this produced. during his Thorpe it just limped up from 12 to Yet I also recall a leader of real On 28 February, Labour (which 13. With Steel it went from 13 to 17 passion and deep principle, truly took office) lost more deposits than leadership (or 19 Lib Dems). capable of inspiring. A leader who the Liberals. Further, the myth of Thorpe’s really does bring tangible political We must also put the surge of years, his success hides the real revolution in benefit to his cause can be forgiven February 1974 against the slumps of behaviour targeting. Already in the mid 1950s, a lot of rough handling. So let us June 1970 and October 1974. When some Liberals locally took the view focus on simply what good he did they led the party, both Grimond bears much that the party could win outside for the Liberal Party. and Steel achieved two surges Celtic fringe or traditional areas by He was a superb constituency against one slump; Thorpe’s cam- responsibil- patient, hard work and a long-term Liberal MP, not the first, and cer- paign track record was the worst of commitment. Typically in newer tainly not the last – but a model the three. The party’s misfortune in ity. urban areas, they set about building for many who followed and have the 1970 and October 1974 elections up support through local elections; learned how to cultivate their owed as much to its leader as did the from 1960, that became a national patches and so build up the party’s February 1974 fortune – in particu- strategy. The credit for that goes to Commons representation. lar, his final broadcast in 1970 tell- men (sic) like Richard Wainwright, He has been said to have made ing the electorate that it was about Pratap Chitnis and Michael Mead- an intellectual input. This is absurd, to vote Wilson back into power owcroft, i.e. despised party officers not least as it is what he specifi- (Heath won), so the country needed and generally Thorpe’s opponents. cally claimed not to do. Rather, he a few opposition Liberal MPs. In The fruits were victories in seats claimed that, Jo Grimond having October 1974 he seemed not to not previously within the party’s brought intellectual credibility to know what he was doing; Bloch’s radar: (1962), Cheadle/ the party, his purpose was to bring revelations on the growing pres- Hazel Grove (1966/74) and Bir- it political credibility. Did he? sures on him at that stage may help mingham Ladywood (1969). By The unexpected six million to explain why. 1970, Trevor Jones, with his inno- Liberal votes cast in February 1974 Those seeking credits for Thor- vative techniques, and the Young suggest some success. Anyone who pe’s leadership point to his focus Liberals, in search of an ideal, knocked on doors then (as I did) on winnable seats, some even see- brought methods and philosophy can witness to the wave of per- ing it as the herald of the party’s together as the community politics sonal support he aroused – similar successful targeting strategy. Yet strategy; many more electoral vic- to Cleggmania in 2010. His style targeting was not new; in the 1950 tories have followed. matched the moment, aided by the election, the student activist Jer- This of course happened on way he led the campaign by press emy had gone (in vain) to the tar- Thorpe’s watch, but he played lit- conferences relayed from Barnsta- get seat of North Dorset to help the tle part in it. It is doubtful that he ple to London. He decided on this chief whip, . He went really understood what was hap- innovation (paid for by Hayward) on to raise funds personally to dis- pening at his party’s grassroots; to save what he wrongly thought perse directly in secrecy (a practice he was always an Oxford Union was his vulnerable seat in North now unlawful) to favoured candi- and House of Commons man, not Devon; it gave him simultaneously dates or seats he spotted as winna- a community politician. Yet as a presence and a curious magisterial ble. A leader raising funds outside role-model constituency MP, he detachment from a frayed national the party’s accounts, and dispersing nicely complemented the strategy campaign. He deserves some credit in that manner, was also not new: his party adopted. for the six million. Lloyd George had done it before, He could also inspire activ- But the relevant innovation was on a grander scale. ists to go out delivering the leaflets that the Liberal Party, previously To spot winnable seats, he did and knocking on the doors that the scarred by the mass loss of depos- what we all did in those days – strategy required. He was, too and its in 1950, decided to fight on a picking the few, mainly in the for a time, immensely popular with broader front, while Heath’s hesita- Celtic fringe, with a good vote in them, whilst ill at ease both with his tion about using the miners’ strike the depths of the 1950s, or those own party officers and those (by the as an excuse for a precipitate elec- which had returned a Liberal early 1970s grouped around Radi- tion allowed the party organisation MP sometime after 1931. Some cal Bulletin) who were promoting the to get a lot more candidates in the now possess, once more, Liberal strategy. What was his magic? field. Thorpe played no part in that; (Democrat) MPs; some like Den- At the personal level, he had an credit goes to John Pardoe, who bigh or North Dorset proved to be exciting platform and TV screen

10 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 assessing jeremy thorpe presence; his view of politics was Thorpe and the Young Liberals theatrical and he was a top-class performer on his chosen stages. I fear that too many people are Thorpe then tried to bully me His fantasist’s self-confidence saw rewriting the history of Jeremy into changing YL policy on Israel/ the party through setbacks, and Thorpe’s leadership of the Liberal Palestine. ‘Tony – you are now played up meagre advances into Party. Others will debunk the idea Leader of the Young Liberals.’ (No, triumphs. With drive, wit, mim- that he was personally responsible I said, I was the chairman, not the icry and old-fashioned (Oxford for all the electoral advances in the leader). ‘We believe that you must Union) rhetoric, he could soar over early 1970s (or indeed in the 1960s) show the necessary leadership on reality. The Young Liberals, with better than I can. However, the fol- behalf of the party. The future of whose own drive and commitment lowing true stories from 1970–71, the party is at stake and we are rely- he struggled, greeted him at Great when I chaired the Young Liberals, ing on you.’ Yarmouth in 1967 (their first con- may give a sense of the flavour of I asked what this was all about ference after his election as leader) his leadership. and he said that the YL policy on with chants of ‘Jeremy, Jeremy, Israel and Palestine and the publicity Jeremy’ – more like a Nuremburg from it was very damaging. He said rally than a gathering of rational Attempt to bully the YLs it had been passed by a few unrep- Liberals or the revolting young! The annual Easter conference of the resentative individuals and I had to Only later did they identify him as National League of Young Liberals make it clear that it was not the view an obstacle to radical Liberalism. (NLYL) in 1970 took place at Skeg- of the Young Liberals. He said they But many Liberals continued to ness. I was elected as YL chairman. had prepared a press statement for idolise him until, and even after, his Apart from the forthcoming South me and all I had to do was agree to it. disgrace. African cricket tour, the main I said that there had been a very At the political level, he joined topic of discussion was Israel/Pal- thorough discussion at the confer- a party struggling to survive but estine. There was a long and thor- ence with several hundred members convinced that in its internation- ough debate, with proposals from in attendance, there had been a long alism, its understanding of Brit- all viewpoints. A pro-Palestinian debate with all sides putting their ain’s changed role in the world, resolution was very clearly carried views forward, and the final vote its commitment to freedom with which resulted in national public- had been quite decisive. The YLs social justice, its programmes of ity, including hostile coverage in were a democratic body and there constitutional reform and of co- the Jewish press. was no way I could overturn the partnership in industry, it stood Shortly afterwards I travelled decision. And really, why was it so for distinctive principles. He was a to London on YL business. When I important? skilled articulator of this identity, arrived I was told that Ted Wheeler Lord Byers looked me in the and persuaded many who sympa- (head of Liberal Party HQ – known eye and said I must understand thised with the consequent poli- as the Liberal Party Organisation, how serious it was. The party was cies – particularly with European or LPO, and located in a scruffy almost bankrupt, with a general integration, African freedom and yard off the Strand) wanted to see election pending, and it relied a pragmatic moderation on eco- me urgently. I was rushed into his heavily on a few important donors. nomic issues – to join with and room. ‘Jeremy wants to see you – I looked back at him and he paused. work for the Liberal Party. The now,’ he said. I explained that I was Then he said: ‘We are talking about party’s tradition and Jo Grimond due to meet fellow YL officer David a few very generous members of the defined his starting points. He did Mumford over lunch and could not party who are also leading mem- not need to add to them; he main- see him until the afternoon. bers of the Jewish community.’ tained them well. The par- I insisted, but Wheeler said: ‘I Desmond Banks looked So how do we balance the can’t tell him that – you will have unhappy but said nothing through- Thorpe account? Nick Clegg’s con- ty’s tradi- to tell him’, rang his number and out the whole interview. I said I cise tribute, circulated to party passed me the phone. ‘You must was sorry but there was nothing I members on the day that Jeremy tion and Jo come to the House of Commons could do, and after some further Thorpe died, is a reasonable sum- now,’ said Thorpe, ‘We are all wait- but repetitive discussion I left. I ming up: Grimond ing for you.’ I wondered who they reported back to the other YL offic- ‘all’ were but told him firmly but ers that I had been asked to change Jeremy Thorpe’s leadership defined politely that I would see him at YL policy and had refused, but was and resolve were the driving 2.30. He slammed the phone down. otherwise circumspect in what I force that continued the Liberal his start- When I got to his office in the told them. revival that began under Jo Gri- ing points. Commons, I found Thorpe himself mond. Jeremy oversaw some of sitting behind his desk, Lord (Frank) the party’s most famous by-elec- He did not Byers (leader of the Liberal Party The Terrell Commission tion victories and his involve- in the Lords and perhaps Thorpe’s In the year I chaired the YLs I was ment with the anti-apartheid need to add main party manager) sitting nearby, teaching at Colne Grammar School movement and the campaign and Desmond Banks (chairman of in Lancashire. One lunchtime in for Britain’s membership of the to them; he the Liberal Party Executive, later December 1970 the school secretary Common Market were ahead of a Liberal peer) sitting at the other put her head round the staff-room his time. maintained end of the room. I sat on the green door and said: ‘Jeremy Thorpe is leather chaise longue that was a fea- on the phone for you.’ (The phone Michael Steed them well. ture of the office. in the school office being the only

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 11 assessing jeremy thorpe one in the school at the time!) I to any member of a YL branch Cornwall and nationally linking the had about five minutes before I (or other ‘recognised unit’ such as leadership to a campaign to defeat was due to take the first class in the a Women’s Liberal Association) Hain. Suspicions were raised when afternoon. within their area. The YLs did not YL HQ reported that most of the Thorpe said: ‘Tony – we are get- disagree with this, and I never came cheques for the memberships were ting all these complaints about the across a single instance of the provi- from one person, a young activist in Young Liberals and we would like sion being used. What is certain is (North Devon). to help you to sort things out. This that the Terrell Commission took On the recommendation of the afternoon I am announcing to the up a lot of fruitless time and energy joint returning officers, Michael press that we are setting up a com- during the rest of the year, includ- Steed and Margareta Holmstedt, mission of inquiry to investigate ing a night spent by me on Kings the conference agreed to set up a the relationship between the Young Cross station after missing the last commission to investigate the mat- Liberals and the party. We have pre- train after giving evidence to them! ter, and a group of people including pared a statement and I am asking me spent much of the conference you to add your name to it.’ He said weekend doing that. We were for- that the inquiry (which subsequently Postal vote scam tunate to be able to include two called itself the ‘Liberal Commis- In 1971 an attempt was made to rig regional party officials, one of sion’) would be chaired by Stephen the election for the new chairman whom was Frank Suter, a respected Terrell, a Liberal QC who had con- of NLYL and some other posts. The Devon solicitor, Liberal candidate tested Eastbourne at the 1970 elec- election took place at the annual in Tiverton and Devon County tion, and he hoped that we would conference of NLYL in Plymouth Councillor, who had just come co-operate fully with its work. at Easter. I was the retiring chair- along to observe the proceedings! I told him I had to teach at 1.30 man but not standing again. The Stuart Mole was appointed to carry and had no time to talk. I asked him plot was based in North Devon and out fieldwork, since he had turned to delay by a day so I could consider it was and is clear that Thorpe was up in his own car – luckily we were the matter and consult my other behind it and funded it, though that meeting in Plymouth – and was officers (answer – no); and then if could not be proved at the time. nicknamed ‘Inspector Mole’. (Stu- we could nominate a member of The expected successor was art was subsequently the almost the inquiry (answer – ‘we expected Peter Hain, the retiring publicity successful Liberal candidate in you to say that and we have con- vice-chairman and the only candi- Chelmsford and a leading member sidered the matter but we have date from amongst the existing YL of Chelmsford Council; he is still in decided against it’). I refused to put officers. The challenge came from the lists this year in his now home my name to it, told him we would Chris Green, a young mainstream patch of East Devon.) discuss our attitude to it and let him radical Liberal who had contested Various irregularities came to know, and rushed off to meet my Surbiton at the 1970 general elec- light. Not only were some of the geography class. tion and by Easter 1971 lived in the people on the lists not aware that The YL National Executive North West. Chris had organised they had been signed up as YLs, and did subsequently agree, though a large and successful community some of the Devon village branches not unanimously, to co-operate action programme while a student were clearly fictitious, but the sup- and give evidence. The inquiry in London, and wanted to bring posed YLs also included grannies reported to the party and in spite that experience to the YLs. He was and aunties, and even family pets of some not totally coherent criti- not involved in the vote-rigging and farm animals among many cism of NLYL the only proposal plot and was dismayed when he genuine young Liberal supporters. was in regard to the membership found out how he was being used. Bizarrely, it was also discovered system. Previously all members of (He was later to fight almost suc- that members of an anarchist com- YL branches were automatically cessful parliamentary campaigns in mune in Cornwall had signed up as members of their constituency Cheadle and Hereford and played a YLs in order to help block the plot! association (and thereby the party). leading part in Liberal and Liberal The outcome was that many of The proposal was that all mem- Democrat policy-making in the the postal vote applications which bers should be enrolled through arts field). were generated by this activity the party. However, the report was I fear that The YLs had a system of individ- were disallowed (the technical rea- seriously undermined by two of the ual membership in which branches son in many cases was the lack of three members of the commission too many paid an ‘affiliation fee’ to YL HQ in any signature on the lists of names (Lord (John) Foot and Councillor London for each of their members. sent in by post) and the plot failed. Gruffydd Evans) who each issued a people are They had also introduced a sys- NLYL benefited from the money separate addendum which started rewriting the tem of postal voting on demand for which was not returned, Peter Hain with the words ‘This is not a note of their internal elections. In the weeks was elected as YL chairman, and dissent … but …’. history of leading up to the conference YL the plot by the party leadership to In the event the Women’s Lib- HQ received several hundred new ‘take over’ the YLs was thwarted. eral Federation objected to the Jeremy Thor- membership registrations, followed Chris Green went on to play a part terms of the proposed consti- by postal vote requests, mainly as an officer of the Young Liberals tutional amendment and it was pe’s leader- from YL branches in North Devon, in the North West and in retrospect amended (and adopted at the Lib- with some from other parts of the would have made a good radical YL eral Assembly in 1971) to merely ship of the Devon and Cornwall area. chair – something that neither we give a constituency association the There were also a number nor Thorpe realised at the time! right to deny party membership Liberal Party. of press articles in Devon and Tony Greaves

12 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 assessing jeremy thorpe The European cause

Robert Ingham and Ronald Por- sense of British potential in a united ter are surely right to insist that, Europe. despite his downfall, Thorpe left Jeremy Thorpe was hugely an important legacy to the Lib- encouraging to young aspirants like eral Party. At the first election in me. He could charm both party and which I could vote, in February public audiences. Clement Freud 1974, I was drawn to join the Lib- told me that when Thorpe came erals because of Thorpe’s stylish, up to the Isle of Ely by-election in modern leadership, his clear articu- 1973, he wooed the crowd at the Ely lation of the need for Britain to be Maltings by declaring: ‘If you elect radically reformed, and, above all, Clement Freud, nobody will ever his advocacy of the case for UK again have to ask who is the Mem- membership of the European Com- ber of Parliament for Ely’. Freud munity. In the latter cause, Thorpe told him afterwards how touched appeared to be rather less defensive he had been by those words. ‘Oh, than Ted Heath and much more that’s alright,’ said Thorpe, ‘I say sincere than ; only that at all my campaign meetings.’ the Liberals, so it seemed, offered a An dre w D u ff

Candidates, coalition and charities

I first met Jeremy Thorpe when he it to him and he told me that he had been recently elected MP for had had no intention of taking up North Devon at a ball to raise funds Heath’s invitation, but felt that he for the Liberal Party, held at the had at least to hear what he had to Election poster, trustee retired in October 1993 home of Laurence and Stina (later offer. He was fully aware of the February 1974 he suggested that I should replace Baroness) Robson at Kidlington party’s feelings about a coalition at general election him, which I did. Despite his no – think Gosforth Park and Down- the time. longer being involved, whenever I ton Abbey and you can imagine Jeremy’s ability to remember came to see him he always wanted the scene. I was one of a party of people was renowned. I once asked to know how the charity was far- young hopeful parliamentary can- him what his secret was and he ing and what it was doing. didates. Jeremy was dashing, ele- told me it was ‘association of ideas’, His other charity was the Caro- gant, witty and charming in his and recounted an instance when a line Thorpe Memorial Fund, set white tie and tails. We remained woman came up to him gushing: ‘I up in memory of his first wife and friends ever after and, along with don’t suppose you would remember mother of his son Rupert, which a small band of other loyal friends, me, Mr Thorpe’. ‘Oh yes, I do, Mrs raised funds initially for the Caro- were there for him to turn to dur- Bag’, came the reply. ‘My name is line Thorpe Children’s Ward at ing the time of his losing his seat Mrs Sacks’, was her frosty retort! North Devon Hospital, and then and throughout his trial. We recog- Jeremy was deeply devoted to expanded to include all deprived nised his faults and weaknesses and his wife Marion, and she recipro- children in North Devon. did not hesitate to tell him when we cated his devotion. Her concern Jeremy’s nickname for me was thought he was in the wrong. was that she would die before him, ‘the Arum lily’, a play on my sur- As a member of the commit- which sadly happened. You could name. I last saw him ten days before tee of the Parliamentary Candi- not but be moved at his distress and he died, dropping in on the off- dates Association (of which he was loss at her funeral. chance and, despite his loss of voice a Vice President at the time) dur- Despite his cruel illness, which due to his throat cancer, he still ing 1974, when there were the two gradually robbed him of his agility, managed to say to me: ‘how did general elections, I was one of the his mind remained as acute as ever we do in the by-election?’ – a ref- organisers of the emergency meet- and he loved having friends call and erence to the Rochester & Strood ing of candidates held to consider tell him the latest events, gossip and by-election in November 2014. the situation after the February progress of the party. His interest Unfortunately the exertion of this election and to tell Jeremy that if extended to his charities, including small question rendered him voice- he entered into any deal with the the National Benevolent Fund for less for the rest of my visit, and he Tories he would find himself with- the Aged, of which he was one of communicated in signs for the rest out any parliamentary candidates the founding trustees in 1957 and of of the time. I am so glad I had that prepared to stand for the party at which he remained a trustee until opportunity of (unwittingly) say- the next election. When an article his Parkinson’s made it too difficult ing goodbye to a good friend. about these events appeared in the for him to get to our trustee meet- Joyce Arram Journal of Liberal History in late 2008 ings; he stepped down as recently (issue 61, winter 2008–09) I showed as November 2002. When its ‘legal’

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 13 The struggle for political representation Labour candidates and the Liberal Party, 1868 – 85

In November 1868 a leading article in The Bee-Hive, a weekly trade unionist journal, declared that ‘there is a vast amount of rottenness in the ranks of the Liberal Party which must be rooted out before the working men can expect to be treated fair and honourably in their efforts to enter the House of Commons’.1 The call for direct labour representation – understood here as the election of working-class men to parliament to represent the labour interest as Liberal MPs rather than independently – had enjoyed a broad range of support during the reform agitations illiam Gladstone, However, in the decade follow- that followed the along with several ing the 1867 Reform Act – which establishment of the Wprominent Liberal enfranchised ‘registered and resi- MPs, such as Henry Fawcett and dential’ male householders, giving Reform League in Peter Alfred Taylor, had spoken in the vote to 30 per cent of work- support of working-class parlia- ing men – the labour movement February 1865. James mentary representation, while the struggled to secure the return of Owen explores what working-class radicals in whom the their own representatives. For management of the Reform League many labour activists, at the heart happens between 1968 was vested were zealous advocates of this struggle was the unwill- for the labour movement having its ingness of the managers of local and 1885. own voice inside the Commons.2 Liberal Associations to select a

14 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 The struggle for political representation Labour candidates and the Liberal Party, 1868 – 85

working-class man as their par- Labour candidates and the involvement in local Liberal organ- liamentary candidate.3 According Liberal Party: the 1868 general isation at this time was patchy and to one frustrated working-class election limited: there was evidence of it political campaigner, ‘if an angel Soon after the 1867 Reform Act in Rochdale and Stockport in the from heaven came down … unless was passed, the general council of 1850s and to a certain extent in Bir- he had the imprimatur of the Lib- the Reform League called for joint mingham, Leeds and Manchester in eral Association, he was unfit for action with trade unions to secure the 1860s, but these were the excep- office’. 4 This created a legacy of the return of ‘a number of work- tions.10 Popular Liberal organisa- bitterness, which manifested itself ing men proportionate to the other tion was woeful in the majority of in a number of working-class, interests and classes at present English boroughs, and at the 1868 self-styled ‘labour’ candidates represented in Parliament’.6 This general election many Liberal asso- opposing the official Liberal can- proved to be a highly problematic ciations were established simply didate at parliamentary elections. undertaking. Firstly, the Reform on an ad hoc basis. Unsurprisingly, This article examines how both League’s London headquarters those who held the purse strings sides behaved in these elections had little influence over local con- of the local associations were loath and considers what these contests stituency branches, many of which to back a working-class candidate can tell us about the nature of the had already lapsed due to inactiv- who would not be able to sustain changing relationship between ity following the passing of the himself financially if elected, and the labour movement and the Lib- Second Reform Act.7 Money was the mangers of the association, who eral Party in the third-quarter of also a major obstacle: in 1868 the zealously defended provincial inde- the nineteenth century; a period League’s finances were in a parlous pendence, looked unkindly on not which witnessed the rise of mass state.8 In the summer of 1868 How- only Reform League agents who politics and the apex of popular ell had negotiated a secret financial wished to intervene, but also the Liberalism. agreement on behalf of the Reform efforts of Glyn, who encouraged, There is an important reason to League with the Liberal chief whip, largely in vain, local party manag- look again at these contests. The George Glyn, whereby a sum of ers to embrace the new electoral current scholarly emphasis is that £1,000, supplied by the wealthy Lib- opportunities presented by the Sec- the progression from Gladstonian eral manufacturer Samuel Morley, ond Reform Act.11 Liberalism and Victorian radi- could be used to promote the estab- Only two working-class candi- calism to the embryonic Labour lishment of working-class political dates backed by the Reform League Party of the early twentieth cen- organisations that would support made it to the polls at the 1868 gen- tury was a straightforward, lin- Liberal candidates. But this pact, eral election: George Howell at ear one.5 Yet, this interpretation, and the money that underpinned it, Aylesbury and William Randal which has become something of an existed only to advance Liberal can- Cremer at Warwick. Both seats orthodoxy, overstates the conflu- didates against vulnerable sitting were double-member boroughs ence of the labour movement and Conservatives; not a penny would where only one official Liberal had Liberalism during this period. As be used to oppose a Liberal.9 been brought forward, but neither discussed below, the relationship Ultimately, the decision to bring Left: How Punch man secured the endorsement of the between the two could be tense forward a working-class candi- saw the entry local Liberal association. At Ayles- and troubled, and it could change date in the Liberal interest rested of working- bury, the Liberal candidate, Nath- depending on the political context with the managers of the local Lib- class MPs to aniel Mayer de Rothschild, was a or the locality. eral associations. Working-class Parliament local landowner who effectively

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 15 the struggle for political representation: labour candidates and the , 1868–85 held the purse strings of local Lib- to aggressively challenge organ- assertive rhetoric was not matched eralism. Rothschild had no wish to ised Liberalism. After failing to by organisational strength. The give either financial or vocal sup- secure the Liberal nomination, leaders of the LRL were unable to port to a trade unionist who was which went to Sir Sydney Water- secure any pledge from the Trades an outsider to the agricultural bor- low, a city banker, Odger persisted, Union Congress (TUC) in support ough.12 Glyn, in a letter to Glad- offering as an independent can- of labour representation in parlia- stone, lamented Howell’s decision didate in the labour interest.18 He ment. This failure reflected cultural to stand, writing that ‘he has unfor- stood on a solid, advanced Liberal divisions within the trade union tunately chosen the wrong place. platform, but he was implacably movement regarding the centrali- … A stranger cannot win there’.13 opposed to the moderates who ran sation of its finances. The TUC At Warwick, the president of the the Southwark Liberal Associa- frequently debated the merits of a local Reform Association wanted tion. The tension here was that the national electoral fund for parlia- full control of the Liberal nomina- obstructionist leaders of local Lib- mentary candidates, to which all tion, and effectively disabled Cre- eralism did not reflect the direc- affiliated unions would contribute, mer’s candidature by refusing to tion in which Odger felt the Liberal but, while the London-based trade provide any financial assistance.14 Party should be heading, particu- unionists behind the LRL champi- Both Howell and Cremer finished larly in regards to direct labour oned this approach, there was con- bottom of their respective polls, representation. Under the guid- sistent opposition from elsewhere, comfortably defeated by a Liberal ance of his agent, the experienced especially from delegates of the and Conservative candidate who political operator James Acland, Durham and Northumbrian min- outspent them by a ratio of three to Odger successfully courted the ers, who felt that a centralised fund one.15 Significantly, neither How- support of neighbouring Liberal would undermine their regional ell nor Cremer, in their campaign and working-men’s associations. autonomy.20 The League’s finances speeches, attacked the national Generous donations from Liberal were therefore constantly in a pre- Liberal Party. Both promised une- sympathisers also helped him to carious state and in 1873, its sec- quivocal support to Gladstone.16 avoid a nefarious attempt to derail retary, Henry Broadhurst, began But their candidatures did represent his campaign when the returning to solicit subscriptions from Lib- an important protest against the officer demanded that Odger pay eral MPs favourable to their cause, neutralisation of their chosen bor- £200 to cover his share of expenses which was hardly indicative of a ough’s voice following the decision and refused to release tickets for serious plan to go their own way.21 of the local party not to endorse a Odger’s supporters to the elec- second Liberal. tions hustings until he did so. It was The return Sir Sydney Waterlow’s intransi- Labour candidates and the gence, however, that proved fatal. of the coun- Liberal Party: the 1874 general The Labour Representation Although Odger received 4,382 try’s first two election League votes, Waterlow, who retired hours The return of the country’s first A series of electoral contests in the before polling closed, gained just working- two working-class MPs at the following five years witnessed a under 2,951, allowing the Conserv- 1874 general election underlined subtle but important shift in how ative candidate to be returned with class MPs the importance of financial sta- the labour movement articulated 4,686 votes. bility and securing special deals its identity in relation to the Lib- The inflexibility of organised at the 1874 between organised labour and eral Party. This change began in Liberalism in dealing with a popu- local official Liberalism. At Staf- November 1869 with the forma- lar working-class candidate like general elec- ford, Alexander Macdonald of the tion of the Labour Representation Odger prompted the LRL to re- Miners’ National Association was League (LRL), established by the evaluate the labour movement’s tion under- elected in second place. His can- leaders of London trade unionism relationship with the Liberal Party. didature was a direct result of a in order to promote the return of In 1873 the League issued an address lined the deal brokered in 1869 between the working-class men to parliament. to its supporters, which declared: Staffordshire miners and the local The language of the LRL at its importance Liberal Party: following Odger’s inaugural meeting stressed the need We urge you to organize in your defeat in a test ballot at Stafford for independence from middle- several constituencies, not as of financial that year, it was agreed between class politicians. George Odger, mere consenting parties to the the two bodies that a working-class a shoemaker and Reform League doings of local wirepullers, but stability and candidate would be brought for- lecturer, described middle-class as a great Labour party – a party ward at the next general election. Liberal MPs as the ‘sorry repre- which knows its strength, and is securing spe- The traditional obstacle of finance sentatives of labour in Parliament’, prepared to fight and win.19 cial deals was overcome when the Durham while George Potter, owner of The Miners’ Association funded Mac- Bee-Hive, insisted that working- This discussion of a ‘great Labour between donald’s expenses.22 Importantly, men should put themselves forward party’ is significant and should Macdonald himself was reasonably at parliamentary elections, irre- not be dismissed. Even though the organised wealthy from speculative invest- spective of the wishes of local Lib- LRL did not reject Liberal princi- ments in the mining industry, so he eral associations.17 ples, it is an important example of labour and was clearly able to sustain himself Odger’s candidacy at the South- the leaders of the labour movement in parliament if elected. There was wark by-election of February 1870 articulating their identity in a way local official also little doubt about the financial revealed the potential strength of that separated them from organised health of Thomas Burt, the agent a working-class candidate willing Liberalism. Unfortunately, their Liberalism. of the Northumberland Miners’

16 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 the struggle for political representation: labour candidates and the liberal party, 1868–85

Association who came in for Mor- As The Bee- constituencies, underlining their Liberal intellectuals who expressed peth. The Miners’ Association separateness from Liberal and Con- unease at what they felt was the covered his election costs and pro- Hive, which servative candidates. emergence of mass, democratic vided him with an annual salary of Despite these range of obsta- politics included Henry Maine, £500.23 had become cles, in the post-mortem that fol- Goldwin Smith and Albert Venn The LRL brought forward ten lowed the 1874 general election, the Dicey.29 The Liberal MPs Leon- other working-class candidates the organ of LRL laid the blame squarely at the ard Courtney and John Lubbock, at the 1874 election: they were all door of organised Liberalism. As meanwhile, advocated the cause defeated and their failures under- the League, The Bee-Hive, which had become of proportional representation in a lined the range of obstacles facing the organ of the League, noted fol- bid to limit what they felt was the labour candidates in the 1870s.24 In noted fol- lowing the 1874 general election, nefarious influence of constituency addition to lack money, localism ‘labour candidates to a man were organisations.30 was a problem: sending the Lon- lowing the of Liberal principles, who would Some commentators, such as the don-based George Howell, George have given an intelligent support Liberal journalist William Fraser Potter and Henry Broadhurst to 1874 general to a really Liberal government, Rae, suggested that the Birming- contest, respectively, Aylesbury, and yet the managers of the Lib- ham model mirrored the Ameri- Peterborough and Wycombe, election, eral Party … regarded them with can ‘caucus’, a pejorative term used was foolhardy given the level of ‘labour can- suspicion, and treated them in an to describe closed-door meetings suspicion of outside interference unfriendly spirit’.27 In this context, where unscrupulous party wire- amongst local Liberals. Even when didates to a the League’s response was prefigur- pullers chose a candidate for an the candidates were local, such as ing the later adoption of the ‘cau- election.31 This comparison was the silkweaver Thomas Motter- man were of cus’ as a political bogeyman. fiercely rejected by Chamberlain shead at Preston and the miners’ and the historian and Liberal MP agent William Pickard at Wigan, Liberal prin- James Bryce, who argued that as working-class support for the Con- Labour and the rise of the the American and English political servative Party proved to be an ciples, who ‘caucus’ systems were inherently different, insurmountable obstacle. There The formation of the National Lib- any analogies were deeply flawed.32 was also a wider problem that had would have eral Federation (NLF) in May 1877 Chamberlain, though, understood been evident at the debates at the generated one of the most promi- the rhetorical significance of the Trades Union Congress: working given an nent public debates of the 1870s: word, writing that the term ‘cau- men were not necessarily anxious how to organise a democracy in cus’, because of its association with to be represented in parliament by intelligent a new era of mass politics. Cre- corruption in American politics, their own class.25 ated by Joseph Chamberlain and had ‘the great merit of being infer- Local Liberal associations, support to a the leaders of the Birmingham entially offensive’.33 Sure enough, moreover, displayed superior Liberal Association, the NLF was the word was subsequently appro- canvassing tactics that helped to really Liberal intended to be a forum for popu- priated by would-be politicians neutralise the threat of a labour larly elected constituency associa- during election campaigns, par- candidate. For example, at Mid- government, tions. Firstly, it would promote ticularly, though not exclusively, dlesbrough, John Kane, founder of and yet the the establishment, across industrial self-styled ‘labour’ candidates who the National Association of Iron- England, of local Liberal associa- had been denied the Liberal nomi- workers in Gateshead, represented managers tions mirrored on the Birmingham nation, in order to paint their oppo- a potentially serious challenge to one, the basis of which were ward nent as the nominee of dictatorial Henry Bolckow, the local iron mas- of the Lib- branches that elected members to a wire-pullers.34 Anti-caucus rhetoric ter. But within forty-eight hours general committee, which would in the late 1870s and 1880s was also a of Kane announcing his candi- eral Party vote on matters such as parliamen- cultural expression of a candidate’s dacy, the Middlesbrough Liberal tary candidates, and an executive ‘manliness’. As recent research has Reform Association specifically … regarded committee, which was responsi- shown, a candidate’s refusal to targeted the division’s unskilled ble for the day-to-day running of bow to the dictation of the ‘caucus’ and non-unionised Irish work- them with the organisation. Secondly, the was proof that they behaved in a force, issuing four thousand cir- NLF would referee policy debate ‘manly’ fashion.35 culars. When Kane attempted to suspicion, amongst activists and therefore act, Labour’s response to the forma- reach out to the members of the in Chamberlain’s words, as a ‘Lib- tion of the NLF was both intellec- local Home Rule Association, local and treated eral Parliament’.28 tual and practical. George Howell, Liberals swiftly arranged for mem- The concept of the NLF was in an article titled ‘The Caucus bers of the Middlesbrough Irish them in an attacked by Liberal and Con- System and the Liberal Party’, Literary Association to canvass on servative political thinkers, who raised the familiar purist objec- behalf of Bolckow.26 This slick, unfriendly believed that the introduction of tions regarding machine politics well-oiled local Liberal machine what they felt was machine poli- substituting discipline for popular helped deliver Bolckow a com- spirit’. tics into England would corrupt force, but his analysis was also col- manding majority. More broadly, ideals of representation; namely oured by the fear that the rise of the increasing control of urban that an MP should be free to exer- the caucus would irrevocably dam- space by party managers, through cise his judgement without sac- age the cause of labour representa- controlled and ticketed meet- rificing it to his constituents and tion in parliament. For Howell, the ings, led many labour candidates that extra-parliamentary move- caucus system meant entrenching to give open air speeches in der- ments undermined true parlia- the power of candidate selection elict areas on the outskirts of urban mentary government. Prominent in those who paid the association’s

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 17 the struggle for political representation: labour candidates and the liberal party, 1868–85

expenses.36 His views were ech- The formation of the NLF oed by the radical journalist Lloyd therefore did not materially alter Jones, who felt that those who ran the prospects for would-be work- the party machine would never ing-class politicians, though it did select a workman who could not precipitate the rise of a distinct be elected free of expense.37 How- anti-caucus rhetoric that helped ever, neither Howell nor Lloyd thwarted working-class candidates Jones rejected the notion of greater express their dissatisfaction at those party organisation. For them, party who ran the local party machine. machinery should be used for prop- Significantly, prominent labour aganda purposes: to promote party activists, such as George Howell, unity around national concerns, did not reject the necessity for party and not accentuate, in Howell’s organisation, reflecting a pragmatic words, ‘petty local ambitions’.38 approach that became evident at the Chamberlain, and the NLF’s 1885 general election. secretary, the seasoned political organiser Francis Schnadhorst, insisted that the working classes Lib-Labs and the 1885 general could join their local Liberal associ- election ation and have a voice in the choice What arguably had a greater impact of candidate.39 Yet, it was one thing than the NLF on how working- for workers to join an association class ‘labour’ candidates and the and quite another for them to sit on managers of organised Liberalism its executive and influence its direc- shared and negotiated power was tion. The majority of workers had the 1885 Redistribution Act, which neither the time nor the money to created new single-member con- do this. This was evident by the stituencies. Existing Liberal organi- derisory number of working-class sations were split into divisional delegates that were sent to the NLF ones, strengthening the identifica- annual meetings in its early years.40 tion between the local party asso- The participation of working-class ciation and the chosen candidate. women in the NLF and its affili- Labour activists were generally ated branches was certainly limited. positive towards the Redistri- By the early 1880s women’s Liberal bution Act. They supported the associations had been established theory that constituencies would in a number of towns, most nota- be divided so as to enable particu- bly Birmingham, Bristol, York lar industries to send a Member to and Darlington, and there were the Commons and they welcomed already forty in existence when the the abolition of double-member Women’s Liberal Federation was seats, believing that they had given formed in 1887.41 But working- the caucus greater opportunity to class women, like their male coun- manipulate and regiment votes.45 terparts, did not have the time or With the LRL having effec- resources to take up leading posi- tively ceased to exist by the end tions, and the agenda of the wom- of the 1870s due to chronic lack of en’s Liberal associations tended finances, there had been little coor- to reflect middle-class preoccu- dinated effort by labour activists pations such as local government at the 1880 general election. Burt reform and education.42 Moreover, and Macdonald held their seats, although figures like Chamber- while Henry Broadhurst came in lain and Schnadhorst champi- for Stoke-on-Trent. The only other oned working-class involvement two working-class candidates were in these new model associations, the former cabinetmaker Benja- the independence of local organi- min Lucraft, who finished bot- sations remained. According to tom of the poll at Tower Hamlets, Robert Spence Watson, president and Joseph Arch, the leader of the of the NLF from 1890 to 1902, ‘it ‘agricultural labourers’, who was was made abundantly clear that the defeated at Wilton.46 The creation independence of local organisations of new single-member constituen- would not be interfered with’.43 cies, however, along with the 1884 In 1892, the Liberal chief whip Reform Act, which extended the Herbert Gladstone echoed this male householder franchise to the interpretation, writing that ‘con- countryside, created new oppor- stituencies and their local managers tunities for working-class candi- are infinitely sensitive over advice dates to broker deals with Liberal from headquarters’. 44 associations.

18 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 the struggle for political representation: labour candidates and the liberal party, 1868–85

In Durham, for example, upon was not the case, for example, in working-class electorate.56 Both the county being split into eight- Hull, where work- Lloyd Jones and Johnston were single member divisions, the pow- ing-class candidate, Neiles Billany, defeated, but the high number of erful Durham Miners’ Association had the backing of only a nascent votes they received underlined not only selected three candi- radical club that had little leverage the fact that even where the links dates with an agreed annual salary with the local Liberal association, between trade unionism and organ- of £500, but also reserved three which swiftly rejected him.51 ised Liberalism were strong, dis- constituencies for them, a deci- In total, twelve labour candi- putes over candidate selection sion that was readily accepted by dates who had been endorsed by a could quickly expose the tensions the Durham Liberal Association, Liberal association were returned between the Lib-Lab movement who were left to chose candidates at the 1885 general election. They and organised labour. for the remaining five seats. In later become known as Lib-Labs. Given such instances of localised this context, the Durham Miners’ The progress that organised labour tension, it is clear that there was Association effectively became the made under the stewardship of a diversity of responses from the leadership of local organised Liber- these men has played a large part in labour movement towards organ- alism, and in 1885 William Craw- establishing the current orthodoxy ised Liberalism. It is therefore inad- ford, the miners’ leader, and John of a largely untroubled alliance visable to give a one-size-fits-all Wilson, secretary of the Miners’ between working-class radical- picture of the relationship between Political Reform Association, were ism and the Liberals.52 However, labour candidates and the Liberal returned for Mid-Durham and this unity inside the walls of the Party in this period. Moreover, it Houghton-le-Spring respectively.47 Commons was not reflected in is also the case that there was more A separate tactic that had been certain constituencies in England, than one road to becoming a work- used with some degree of success at particularly when the broader ing-class politician. The example municipal and school board elec- Lib-Lab movement was in direct of William Rolley is particularly tions was that labour candidates competition with official Liberal- relevant here. Born in Sheffield and would garner the support of local ism. For example, at Chesterfield apprenticed as a steel maker, Rol- working-men’s clubs and associa- at the 1885 general election, James ley was initially the archetypal tions, and use it as leverage when Haslam, the secretary of the Der- Lib-Lab activist. President of the dealing with the local Liberal asso- byshire Miners’ Association and a TUC in 1874, he was elected as a ciation. In Birmingham, for exam- member of the Clay Cross Polling Liberal to the Sheffield school board ple, in the 1870s, the brass workers’ District Liberal Association, was and helped establish the Sheffield leader John William Davis had the very epitome of Lib-Labism, Labour Electoral Association. After united the city’s working-class yet he was rejected by the Chester- failing to gain the Liberal nomi- radicals into a local Labour Party, field Liberal Association in favour nation for the Attercliffe division and with this organisation behind of Alfred Barnes, a local colliery in 1885, however, he became disil- him, he was able, in negotiations owner.53 Haslam, who was funded lusioned with the leaders of local with Schnadhorst and Chamber- by his miners, continued his cam- organised Liberalism. Hurt that his lain, to secure a certain number paign, despite the best efforts of the efforts on behalf of local Liberal- of working-class candidates on Chesterfield Liberals, who persis- ism had not been recognised and the shortlists produced by the Bir- tently canvassed Barnes’ employees believing that, in his words, ‘the mingham Liberal Association.48 At and banned Haslam from address- working classes were likely to get the 1885 general election George ing ‘Liberal gatherings’.54 Haslam as much from the Tories as from the Howell, standing for the new con- ultimately lost, but he polled Liberals’, he became a Conservative stituency of Bethnal Green North nearly 2,000 votes, meaning that in 1888 and thereafter championed East, used this strategy. First, he the wider Lib-Lab movement had their legislative efforts on behalf secured the backing of the popular delivered a significant rebuke to of the labour interest.57 Rejection Bethnal Green Radical Club. The organised Liberalism. by organised Liberalism could club then informed the leaders of There could also be tensions therefore have the opposite effect the Bethnal Green Liberal Associa- between Lib-Labism and organ- to pushing candidates towards tion that they would instruct their ised labour. In county Durham, independent labour representa- members to support the middle- the neat electoral compact between tion: there was not simply a binary class Liberal candidate in the south- the Lib-Lab leadership of the min- choice between the Liberal Party west division on the condition that ers’ association and local Liberalism and independent labour. the Liberal Association backed was challenged by the wider labour Howell in the north-east. A bar- movement. At Chester-le-Street, Left: Lib- gain was struck, and after Howell’s Lloyd Jones ran as an independ- Labs – Henry Conclusion expenses were covered by dona- ent labour candidate against the Broadhurst The period between 1868 and tions from Liberal sympathisers, local colliery owner James Joicey, (1840–1911; MP 1885 was clearly a significant one he was elected.49 It’s important to arguing that the selection of a 1885–92, 1894– for the relationship between the note, though, that the local politi- mine owner was a blow against the 1906); Thomas labour movement and the Liberal cal environment facilitated How- ‘labour interest in Parliament’.55 At Burt (1837–1922; Party. The franchise revolution of ell’s electoral strategy. London had Jarrow, meanwhile, the engineer MP 1874–1918); 1867, which gave the vote to 30 per a vibrant network of radical clubs James Johnston opposed the local Alexander cent of working men, ushered in a that traditionally operated outside shipowner Sir Charles Palmer, on Macdonald new era of mass politics. The two of Liberal bodies, and Howell was the basis that Palmer’s views did (1821–81; MP main political parties responded able to tap into this resource.50 This not represent those of the division’s 1874–81) by introducing new forms of local

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 19 the struggle for political representation: labour candidates and the liberal party, 1868–85 party machinery in an attempt to The stream 1 The Bee-Hive, 21 Nov. 1868. 1873, is found in the Labour Repre- control an expanded electorate, 2 Eugenio Biagini, Liberty, Retrench- sentation League minute book, British and it is within this context that of self-styled ment and Reform: Popular Liberalism in Library of Political and Economic the labour movement’s relationship the Age of Gladstone, 1860–1880 (Cam- Science, London. with the Liberals needs to under- ‘labour’ bridge University Press, 1992), p. 338. 20 Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and stood. The ability of working-class 3 James Owen, Labour and the Caucus: Reform, pp. 340–2. candidates to secure the Liberal candidates Working-Class Radicalism and Organ- 21 Labour Representation League minute nomination was contingent on the ised Liberalism in England, 1868–1888 book, 15 Mar. 1873. local political environment and putting (Liverpool University Press, 2014). 22 G. M. Wilson, Alexander McDon- it is therefore inadvisable to give 4 Birmingham Daily Post, 19 Nov. 1875. ald: Leader of the Miners (Aberdeen a one-size-fits-all picture of the themselves 5 For example, see Eugenio F. Biagini University Press, 1982), pp. 149–50. relationship between the labour and Alastair J. Reid (eds.), Currents of Although the family name was movement and local Liberal asso- forward Radicalism: Popular Radicalism, Organ- ‘McDonald’, Alexander adopted the ciations. A conclusion that can be ised Labour and Party Politics in Britain, ‘Macdonald’ form in the 1870s. drawn from the contests discussed against Lib- 1850–1914 ( University 23 L. J. Satre, Thomas Burt, Miners’ above, though, is that evidence of Press, 1991). MP, 1837–1922: The Great Conciliator brokered deals between working- erals was 6 Minutes of the General Council of the (Leicester University Press, 1999), pp. class candidates and Liberal associa- sympto- Reform League, 4 Dec. 1867, George 32–3. tions at local and national elections Howell Collection, Reform League 24 For an examination of these candida- demonstrates that labour had direct matic of this papers, microfilm copy, University tures, see Owen, Labour and the Cau- personal experience of the power of Cambridge Library. cus, pp. 45–51. that party organisation could yield continual 7 Detlev Mares, ‘Transcending the 25 For example see Trades Union Con- for both good and evil. There was Metropolis: London Radicalism and gress, Annual Report (1875), p. 20. therefore a pragmatic, pro-organi- process of Provincial Popular Radicalism, c. Microfilm edition, in Cambridge sational strand to labour’s political 1860–75’, in Matthew Cragoe and University Library. culture in the third-quarter of the re-evalu- Antony Taylor (eds.), London Poli- 26 Daily Gazette, 27, 28, 30 Jan. 1874; nineteenth century. tics, 1760–1914 (Palgrave Macmillan, Northern Echo, 2 Feb. 1874. When working-class candi- ation and 2005), p. 130. 27 The Bee-Hive, 14 Mar. 1874. dates were rejected by what became 8 Royden Harrison, Before the Socialists: 28 Joseph Chamberlain, ‘A new political known as the Liberal ‘caucus’, therefore Studies in Labour and Politics, 1861–1881 organization’, Fortnightly Review, 22 they subsequently made a distinc- (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), p. (July to Dec. 1877), pp. 126–34; Jona- tion between the middle-class reflected 141. than Parry, The Rise and Fall of Liberal managers running the local party 9 F. M. Leventhal, Respectable Radical: Government in Victorian England (Yale machine, whom they vociferously fault lines in George Howell and Victorian Working University Press, 1993), pp. 274–5. attacked, and advanced Liberal Class Politics (London: Weidenfeld, 29 For example see Henry Maine, Popu- MPs at Westminster, whose val- the relation- 1971), pp. 93–116. lar government: four essays (John Mur- ues they supported. Nonetheless, 10 John Vincent, The Formation of the ray, 1885); Richard A. Cosgrove, The the continuing impotence of the ship between British Liberal Party, 1857–68 (Pelican, Rule of Law: Albert Venn Dicey, Victo- national party leadership to inter- working- 1972), pp. 131–53. rian Jurist (Macmillan, 1980). vene in constituency matters raised 11 H. J. Hanham, Elections and Party 30 H. C. G. Matthew, ‘Courtney, Leon- the question of whether the Liberals class labour Management: Politics in the Time of Dis- ard Henry, Baron Courtney of Pen- would ever fully support the cause raeli and Gladstone (Harvester Press, with (1832–1918)’, Oxford Dictionary of of labour, even when Lib-Labs sat activists and 1978 edn), pp. 333–9. National Biography, www.oxforddnb. in parliament. This predicament 12 Richard W. Davis, Political Change com. caused the labour movement to the Liberal and Continuity, 1760–1885: A Bucking- 31 W. Fraser Rae, ‘Political Clubs and continually re-evaluate its identity hamshire Study (David and Charles, Party Organization’, Nineteenth Cen- as a political group in relation to the Party that 1972), p. 209. tury, 3 (May 1878), pp. 922–5. Liberals. The stream of self-styled 13 Glyn to Gladstone, 13 Nov. 1868, Brit- 32 James Bryce, ‘Some Aspects of ‘labour’ candidates putting them- the current ish Library Add. Mss. 44347, f. 107. American Public Life’, Fortnightly selves forward against Liberals was 14 Howard Evans, Sir Randal Cremer: Review, 32 (July to Dec. 1882), pp. symptomatic of this continual pro- scholarly His Life and Work (T. Fisher Unwin, 634–53 cess of re-evaluation and therefore 1909), pp. 50–2. 33 The Times, 1 Aug. 1878. reflected fault lines in the relation- orthodoxy 15 PP 1868–69 (424), l. 25. 34 James Owen, ‘Triangular contests ship between working-class labour 16 George Howell, ‘To the electors of and caucus rhetoric at the 1885 gen- activists and the Liberal Party that overlooks. the borough and hundreds of Ayles- eral election’, Parliamentary History, 27 the current scholarly orthodoxy bury’, George Howell Collection, (2008), pp. 215–35. overlooks. Bishopsgate Institute, London, 35 Matthew McCormack (ed.), Public HOWELL/9/1/6; Birmingham Daily men: masculinity and politics in modern Dr James Owen is a Research Fellow Post, 31 Oct., 5 and 14 Nov. 1868. Britain (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). for the History of Parliament’s House 17 Daily News, 5 Nov. 1869; The Bee- 36 George Howell, ‘The Caucus System of Commons, 1832–1945, project. His Hive, 14 Dec. 1872. and the Liberal Party’, Bishopsgate book, Labour and the Caucus: work- 18 For details of Odger’s campaign see Institute, London, HOWELL/6/40. ing-class radicalism and organised F. W. Soutter, Recollections of a Labour 37 Lloyd Jones, ‘The Caucus Question Liberalism in England, 1868–1888 Pioneer (T. Fisher Unwin, 1923), pp. and the Working Man’, Industrial (Liverpool University Press, 2014) is 25–53. Review, 31 Aug. 1878. now available – see advert on page 2. 19 A copy of the address, dated 17 Mar. 38 Howell, ‘The Caucus System and the

20 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 the struggle for political representation: labour candidates and the liberal party, 1868–85

Liberal Party’. a Man and a Brother: Women in 47 Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment 187–213. 39 For example see press cutting Merseyside’s Political Organisations, and Reform, p. 364; John Wilson, 53 J. E. Williams, The Derbyshire from the Western Daily Mercury, 1890–1920 (Liverpool University Memories of a Labour Leader [1910] Miners: A Study in Industrial and 28 May 1890, in Scrap albums Press, 2004), p. 46. (Caliban Books, 1980 edn), pp. Social History (Allen and Unwin, and addresses of Francis Schnad- 43 Robert Spence Watson, The 281–3. 1962), p. 488. horst, MS18, Birmingham Uni- National Liberal Federation from 48 Owen, Labour and the Caucus, pp. 54 Derbyshire Times and Chesterfield versity, Special Collections. its Commencement to the General 52–9. Herald, 26 Aug., 5 Sept. 1885. 40 National Liberal Federation, Election of 1906 (T. Fisher Unwin 49 Leventhal, Respectable Radical, p. 55 Newcastle Daily Chronicle, 8 Aug. Annual Reports, 1877–81. Micro- 1907), p. 16. 205. 1885. film edition, Cambridge Uni- 44 Herbert J. Gladstone, ‘The Lib- 50 Paul Thompson, Socialists, Lib- 56 North Eastern Daily Gazette, 17 versity Library. eral Party and the Labour Ques- erals and Labour: The Struggle for Oct. 1885. 41 Linda Walker, ‘Party Political tion’, Albemarle, 1 (Feb. 1892), p. London, 1885–1914 (Routledge 57 How I Became a Primrose Ora- Women: A Comparative Study of 54. and Kegan Paul, 1967), pp. 92–3. tor: Or, a Short Sketch of the Life Liberal Women and the Primrose 45 Thomas R. Threlfall, ‘The Pro- 51 Hull Daily News, 27 Oct., 3 Nov. of William Rolley, pp. 3–20: H. J. League, 1890–1914’, in Jane Ren- gramme of the Labour Party’, 1885. Wilson papers, MD 6020, Shef- dall (ed.) Equal or Different: printed in Leeds Mercury, 13 Jan. 52 For example see John Shepherd, field University Library; W. Women’s Politics, 1800–1914 (Basil 1888. ‘Labour and Parliament: the Rolley to H. J. Wilson, 21 May Blackwell, 1987), pp. 165–91. 46 Owen, Labour and the Caucus, pp. Lib.-Labs.’, in Biagini and Reid 1888, H. J. Wilson papers, MD 42 Krista Cowman, Mrs Brown is 201–2. (eds.), Currents of Radicalism, pp. 6020. Liberal history quiz 2014 The 2014 Liberal history quiz was a feature of the History Group’s exhibition stand at the Liberal Democrat conference in Glasgow last October; the questions were (mostly) drawn from our new booklet Liberal Thinkers. The winner, with a rather impressive 20 marks out of 20, was Iain Sharpe. We also included anyone answering at least five questions correctly in a draw for a second prize: the winner was Alan Sherwell. Below we reprint the questions – the answers are on page 29. 1. Which work by serves as the symbol of office of the President of the Liberal Democrats? 2. Which liberal thinker was MP for Berwick-on-Tweed from 1944 to 1945? 3. Which thinker and writer on the role of the state and capitalism had an SDP think-tank named after him? 4. Which liberal thinker’s head is stored in a fridge? 5. Which champion of civil liberties and religious toleration served as Foreign Secretary under three different prime ministers? 6. Which liberal thinker is said to have gone straight from the declaration of the poll, when he was elected town councillor, to lecture on Kant’s The Critique of Pure Reason? 7. Which great advocate of land reform and taxation ran as the United Labor Party candidate for mayor of New York in 1886 coming second but beating the Republican hopeful, Theodore Roosevelt, into third place? 8. She was a radical, feminist thinker; her daughter wrote one of the most enduring horror stories in the English language. Who were they? 9. Where is the ‘Rights of Man’ pub, and why is it there? 10. John Stuart Mill, who wrote books, was defeated in the 1868 general election by his Tory opponent, who sold books. Who was his opponent? 11. Who wrote after the 1929 election that he was ‘sorry that the Liberals did not get more seats, as I think (I know it’s blasphemy) they carry more brains to the square inch than Labour’? 12. Which Liberal thinker held office under Oliver Cromwell’s government, having responsibility for dealing with all foreign correspondence? 13. Which book is generally acknowledged as the only feminist classic written by a male author? 14. The philosopher Bertrand Russell once said that: ‘Every time I argued with XX, I felt I was taking my life in my hands’. Who was XX? 15. In what work did a liberal thinker call for ‘the liberty to know, to utter and to argue freely according to conscience above all liberties’? 16. Who, in the 1830s, argued that ‘women’s ‘minds are degenerated by habits of dependence’ caused by marriage, and called for the education of women and also for the right of divorce ‘without any reason assigned’? 17. Which liberal thinker wrote in 1776: ‘There is no art which one government sooner learns of another than that of draining money from the pockets of the people?’ 18. What was the name of the organisation founded in 1953, principally under the influence of Elliott Dodds, which aimed to produce the first full- scale publication on the attitudes and policies of British Liberalism since the ‘Yellow Book’? 19. Which husband-and-wife team of liberal thinkers concentrated in their work upon the effects and costs of the decline of the traditional village and the rise of industry? 20. Which much-loved Liberal Democrat, it is argued in his entry in the Dictionary of Liberal Thought, ‘helped to make the party feel good about itself’?

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 21 A CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE? lloyd george and basil zaharoff

There is not a single reference to Sir Basil Zaharoff in Lloyd George’s War Memoirs & Ll G’s biographers completely ignore him. Yet the two men were closely associated throughout World War 1 and during the whole period of the 1918–22 . It is curious that objective biographers should have ignored this enigmatic onald McCormick’s Basil Zaharoff was considered The Mask of Merlin was by many to be a Machiavellian fig- figure who, as much as Dpublished in 1963, some ure – disreputable and notorious for eighteen years after David Lloyd his consistent use of corrupt busi- anyone, was responsible George died and forty-one years ness practices – although newspa- for the events which after he left prime ministerial per tycoon Lord Riddell called him office. Yet, although Zaharoff’s ‘a wonderful man’.3 French Prime caused Lloyd George’s obituary in The Times described Minister Clemenceau once called 4 1 his relations with Lloyd George him ‘the sixth power in Europe’, fall from power. Cecil as being ‘close and cordial during and one historian has written that Bloom traces the story the War’, 2 this book represented Zaharoff had become ‘a figure of the first attempt to cast light on European legend (or demonology) of Zaharoff and Lloyd the nature of Lloyd George’s asso- long before his death’.5 It was once ciation with this very rich arms claimed that through Lloyd George George. dealer. he had the same influence on the

22 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 A CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE? lloyd george and basil zaharoff

British government that he had pre- number of fiction writers using his papers released by the Wiltshire and viously had on the French thanks character in their novels. Andrew Swindon Archives Service in 1975, to Clemenceau; and it was said that Undershaft, the unscrupulous arms together with a number from both he knew most of the British Cabi- dealer in George Bernard Shaw’s the National Archives and Parlia- net and was a personal friend of play Major Barbara (1905) has, for mentary Archives, make it clear Bonar Law and of Cabinet minister example, been said to be based on that Lloyd George used Zaharoff Walter Long. The writer Osbert Zaharoff, and many other eminent to conduct secret negotiations with Sitwell met him several times and novelists including Upton Sinclair, the Turks – with the aim of brib- has recorded that when he first saw Gerald Kersh and Eric Ambler have ing their leaders, eventually to the him there was ‘something evil and portrayed his character in their extent of $25 million dollars – to imposing about his figure’ and that books. Nevertheless, he was gen- get them to make peace with the he resembled ‘a vulture’.6 erous and gave large sums to good Allies; and, as a result, Zaharoff did His place of birth is shrouded in causes as well as endowing uni- receive a number of honours. The mystery. He was probably Turk- versity chairs – however it must archives also show the vigorous ish, born in 1849, but he some- be borne in mind that, in all likeli- attempts made by Zaharoff’s sup- times claimed to be Romanian, hood, such generosity was princi- porters in government to gain such Greek, Polish or Russian. He died pally intended to foster a favourable honours for him. He was awarded in Monte Carlo in 1936. He started reputation. first the Grand Cross of the British selling armaments in Greece in 1877 So why were Lloyd George’s Empire, then the Grand Cross of for the Anglo-Swedish company connections with Zaharoff kept the Order of the Bath, and eventu- Nordenfelt, and stayed with the quiet over so many years? The ally a knighthood. company when it was taken over by Times reviewed McCormick’s In 1965 McCormick followed up the British Vickers Corporation in book in September 1963, but it was on his first book by writing a biog- 1897, continuing to work for Vick- a very short review that accused raphy of Zaharoff entitledPedlar ers for thirty years and becoming McCormick of failing to pro- of Death, in which he repeated his a director. There he formed a close vide evidence for the charges laid earlier statement that Lloyd George association with its financial direc- against the former prime minister had sent Zaharoff on various secret tor, Sir Vincent Caillard. and pronounced that a degree of missions during the war. In this Zaharoff was said to have been questionable judgement seriously book Zaharoff is described as ‘a despised by King George V, yet he reduced the value of the biography. super spy in the Lloyd George cir- received a knighthood from him.7 The book did not ignite any inter- cle’.8 However it appears that Zaha- He became obsessed with gain- est in a possible follow-up on the roff’s early connection with Lloyd ing state honours; after receiving story until some years later. How- George was a hostile one: Lloyd a number from the French gov- ever, McCormick seems to have George was attacking the pre-war ernment, one of his key objectives overlooked one crucial aspect of activities of munitions manufac- became the acquisition of British the relationship between the two turers and Zaharoff saw him as a honours, which he termed ‘choco- men: he records simply that during dangerous enemy. Later, though, late’ when referring to the mat- the war Zaharoff was sent on ‘vari- he decided that it was in his inter- ter in confidential documents. His ous secret missions’ by the prime Left: Basil est to befriend the man he believed unsavoury reputation resulted in a minister, but gives no details. Yet Zaharoff in 1928 was going to become a key figure

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 23 a conspiracy of silence? in British politics. He took steps to to be the UK and France – but he Zaharoff’s nominal suzerainty in some form find out as much as he could about then decided that Zaharoff should over Palestine. Lloyd George – his weaknesses and proceed with his mission. Some principal Nothing came of Zaharoff’s his secrets – and for this he used disclosure of these events did occur Turkish mission in 1917 but, with Arthur Maundy-Gregory, later to before the release of the official involve- Lloyd George’s connivance, he feature on Lloyd George’s behalf archived documents, but what is made a further attempt to bribe the in the so-called honours scandal. less well known is that, as part of ment with Turks in the following year. Before It has been suggested that Zaha- this deal, Lloyd George was pre- this, however, a separate effort was roff had a hold over Lloyd George pared to consider allowing Turkey Lloyd George made to explore the possibility of because of a brief affair with Emily to retain some form of light suze- peace with Turkey, but this did Ann Burrows, Zaharoff’s former rainty over Palestine. One further began when not involve Zaharoff. This effort wife, but it was in 1915 when Lloyd thing that emerges from the papers is described in Lloyd George’s George became Minister of Muni- now available is the very considera- the latter War Memoirs as being ‘not satis- tions in Asquith’s administration ble extent to which the correspond- factory’ and consisted of a meet- that Zaharoff’s relationship with ence regarding Zaharoff’s activities attempted ing in Switzerland in December Lloyd George strengthened.9 was kept secret from most govern- 1917 conducted by Philip Kerr, one Zaharoff’s principal involve- ment ministers and civil servants to bribe the of Lloyd George’s additional pri- ment with Lloyd George began – and for this purpose Zaharoff Turkish lead- vate secretaries. Kerr was empow- when the latter attempted to bribe was given the code name ‘Zedzed’, ered by Lloyd George and General the Turkish leaders headed by with ‘Chairman’ and ‘Treasurer’ ers headed Smuts, a member of the War Cabi- Enver Pasha with large sums of being used on a number of occa- net, to negotiate with Dr Parodi money to give up hostilities against sions to indicate the prime minister by Enver of Geneva, who was acting on the Allies, and it is this aspect of the and the chancellor of the excheq- behalf of opposition elements in relationship between the two men uer respectively. In return for act- Pasha with Turkey, about the possibility of a that forms the principal thrust of ing as an intermediary, Zaharoff peace deal. Parodi had had several this article. But even before this, was to receive some ‘chocolate’, and large sums conversations with members of Zaharoff had been deeply involved his obsession with gaining Brit- the Turkish Red Cross Mission in with the British government ish honours is referred to in the of money Switzerland and he believed that, when Asquith was prime minis- correspondence on a number of while Enver Pasha was a pure mili- ter. Through Caillard, he told the occasions. Lloyd George did not to give up taristic Germanophile who was government in November 1915 that usually deal directly with Zaha- confident of German victory, one £1.5 million would allow him to roff but used Caillard as intermedi- hostilities small part of the Turkish govern- bribe the Greek government into ary because of the latter’s business ment – an Ententophile section – joining the Allies and start fighting links with Zaharoff, and all was against the was interested in seeking peace if the Bulgarians, thus shortening the coordinated in Whitehall by Wal- they could get moderate terms for war. As a result, money was trans- ter Long, the Colonial Secretary, Allies. this. These terms would allow for ferred to Zaharoff – but eventually who was the principal individual the establishment of Syria, Meso- Asquith rejected Zaharoff’s plan. charged by Lloyd George to deal potamia and Palestine as autono- Soon afterwards, however, Zaha- with both Caillard and Zaharoff. mous provinces – either as separate roff went back to Asquith with a Long was an important politician entities or federated together – more ambitious scheme to bribe and could well have succeeded but under the Turkish flag, which the whole of the Young Turk party Balfour as Conservative leader in would have to be preserved as a (of which Enver Pasha was a lead- 1911. He became a strong admirer symbol of the unity of the Otto- ing figure) with £4 million, for of Zaharoff and pressed on many man Empire. Kerr informed these which they would hand over Con- occasions for him to be awarded an Turks, via Parodi, that while the stantinople and the Dardanelles honour. Allies were determined to have to the Allies before bolting to the Two separate attempts were Turkish administration with- United States.10 However this pro- made by Zaharoff, acting on Lloyd drawn from these countries, they posal to bribe the Turks does not George’s instructions, to bribe the ‘might be willing in the event of appear to have been followed up Turks – the first in 1917 and then an immediate peace to consider until, in May 1917, an intelligence later the following year. The plan, the retention of the Turkish flag as officer who had been involved in as before, involved the Young the symbol of Turkish suzerainty the Greek discussions drew Prime Turks, who would flee with their provided it carried no executive Minister Lloyd George’s attention money to the safe haven of the authority’. However nothing came to it after dialogues with Zaharoff United States. The scheme to get of these negotiations and there is and Caillard. the Turks to give up hostilities is no suggestion that any monetary Lloyd George certainly became now well documented and Archival sums were involved.12 interested in the possibilities with papers provide important evidence Initially, Lloyd George did regard to Turkey, although initially of the use of Zaharoff in negotia- have some doubts about Zaharoff he did have some doubts about the tions with the Turks conducted in meeting the Turks for a second project, believing that any arrange- Switzerland in 1917.11 Discussions time, but early in December 1917 ment would, at the very least, have took place between the Turks and Caillard received Lloyd George’s to involve internationalisation for Zaharoff, who was empowered not personal views on the strategy Palestine – putting it under the just to discuss a separate peace with now to be used towards Turkey. protection or control of two or the Turks, but to suggest to them Part of the plan was that Arabia more nations, presumably intended the possibility of Turkey retaining should be made independent but

24 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 a conspiracy of silence?

Palestine should become a protec- their name was ineffaceably linked Turkish representatives.22 Derby torate similar to pre-war Egypt and in human history.’15 also told Balfour in October that that there should be autonomy for Lloyd George became an Zaharoff had met Enver.23 In April Armenia and Syria. Caillard was admirer of Chaim Weizmann, the 1918 Balfour wrote to Caillard to instructed to tell Zaharoff that he Zionist leader, when, as minis- thank him for sending him a mes- should proceed with his second ter responsible for munitions, he sage from Zaharoff, although there mission.13 Lloyd George had previ- became acquainted with Weizmann is no indication as to what this mes- ously emphasised the importance through the latter’s work on ace- sage contained24 and Balfour sent a of retaining possession of Meso- tone production. He wrote that he further letter to Caillard that same potamia but was, apparently, now considered it an honour to reckon month to thank him for Zaharoff’s prepared to consider some form of Weizmann as one of his friends.16 In ‘last’ report that was of great inter- internationalisation for Palestine. March 1917 Balfour told Weizmann est and importance, and Caillard The second mission, however, came that in Cabinet Lloyd George had was asked to pass on to Zaharoff to naught and the Turks withdrew taken the view that it was of great Balfour’s appreciation of his ‘cour- from discussions importance for Palestine to be pro- age in carrying through a journey Interestingly, what appears to tected by Britain,17 and later, at a of this kind’, with Balfour adding be a quite separate attempt at reach- secret session of the House of Com- that he was hoping to see Sir Basil ing peace with Turkey was made mons in May 1917, Lloyd George [sic] shortly.25 by the Foreign Office. Just seven was emphatic in stating that allow- There appears, however, to have days after Kerr’s meeting with ing Turkey to continue to rule been a conspiracy of silence sur- Parodi, orders were despatched on over Palestine post-war was unac- rounding the whole issue of Lloyd 25 December 1917 to the British ceptable.18 Yet just a short while George’s attempts to seek a separate minister in Berne to develop peace after this, he backed an initiative peace with Turkey. Zaharoff is not approaches towards the Turks and that could have resulted in Tur- even mentioned in Lloyd George’s these specified that the government key being able to retain a degree of comprehensive two-volume War was not prepared to guarantee the control over Palestine. The Zion- Memoirs (neither is Caillard) and, Turkish flag in Palestine after the ists were never in favour of a peace while there are five references to war although it would reconsider with Turkey because they clearly Enver Pasha, none relate to the the possibility of leaving Syria and understood that a comprehensive bribery attempt – although Lloyd Mesopotamia within the Otto- Turkish defeat was the best way to George does emphasise the need man Empire. It does not appear that rid Palestine of despotic Ottoman to rid countries in the region of this peace effort got far.14 Why the control. Weizmann and his col- Turkish rule. He wrote, ‘The his- Berne minister was chosen for this leagues would have been appalled tory of the Mesopotamia Expedi- task is unclear. and dismayed had they known that tion is the condemnation of Turkish The whole episode, how- Turkey may have been allowed to rule in that part of the world. The ever, raises questions about Lloyd retain some form of control over same applies to Syria, Palestine, George’s sincerity towards Zion- Palestine and they would have felt Armenia. The Turks must never ism. David Lloyd George has gone grossly betrayed. Yet it appears that be allowed to misgovern those down in history as probably the such a retention of control was con- great lands in future.26 In his later most sympathetic towards Zion- templated by the same man who work, The Truth about the Peace ism of all British prime ministers. There later wrote that ‘Turkish misrule’ Treaties, a statement referring to A. J. Balfour’s strong support for in Palestine ‘changed a land flowing Allied peace proposals in January Zionism really arose after he gave appears, with milk and honey’ into ‘a stony 1917 is included that asserts that up being prime minister and some and unsightly desert’.19 there should be liberation of the historians have argued that the dec- however, to So where does Balfour fit into non-Turkish people who then ‘lay laration made in the latter’s name this affair? There is no sugges- beneath the murderous tyranny of should in fact have been called the have been a tion that he was complicit with the Ottoman Empire’.27 The only Lloyd George Declaration. From Lloyd George’s use of Zaharoff official reference to the possibility early in his career, Lloyd George conspiracy of to seek peace with Turkey, but he that the Turkish flag could remain showed an understanding of the must have been aware of Zaha- flying in Palestine is given in Kerr’s Jewish problem and of the need for silence sur- roff’s activities to a certain degree report in the War Memoirs. Lloyd a Jewish homeland in Palestine. because there are letters to him George is, of course, given as the In his official biography of Lloyd rounding from the British Ambassador in book’s author, but was he really George, Malcolm Thomson wrote Paris, Lord Bertie, who saw a lot of aware that this statement went that he had always been a Zionist the whole Zaharoff. One letter from Bertie to into his memoirs? Was this book supporter. ‘Reared from infancy issue of Lloyd Balfour stated that he had handed edited by others? And why was he on Holy Writ, and with his mind Zaharoff the insignia of the Grand apparently happy to disclose Kerr’s impregnated with the sayings of George’s Cross of the Order of the British attempt to negotiate (if, indeed, he the Hebrew prophets and psalm- Empire on 19 April 1918,20 and a was party to this disclosure in his ists, he instinctively associated Pal- attempts to further letter in August 1918 from War Memoirs), yet completely omit estine with the Hebrew people and Lord Derby, Bertie’s successor as Zaharoff’s two efforts? looked forward to the day when seek a sepa- British ambassador in Paris told It is of interest to note that in in fulfilment of ancient prophecy Balfour that Zaharoff had been in his Memoirs of the Peace Conference, they should return to the land with rate peace contact with Enver.21 Another letter published in New York in 1939 which, though they had been exiled a month later mentioned that Zaha- as a reprint of The Truth about the from it for nearly two millenniums, with Turkey. roff was visiting Switzerland to see Peace Treaties, the reference to the

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 25 a conspiracy of silence?

Kerr–Parodi discussions is omit- Indeed, the most bizarre aspect as Lloyd George for fifteen years, ted. Had he now spotted the ref- of this whole affair is the curious part of which was during the writ- erence in his War Memoirs to the silence maintained about Zaha- ing of the War Memoirs, and yet possibility that the Turkish flag roff’s wartime activities on the part he makes no mention of Zaharoff, could remain flying in Palestine of historians and others who wrote Caillard or Enver.37 Frances Ste- post-war? Furthermore, no effort about the period under considera- venson became Lloyd George’s appears to have been made in pub- tion; and it is puzzling that Lloyd personal secretary and mistress in lic to challenge Lloyd George’s George’s association with Zaha- 1913 and was on the government description of events. In the preface roff and his attempt to bribe the payroll until 1922. They married in to his War Memoirs, Lloyd George Turkish leaders both in 1917 and in 1943 after his wife’s death and she wrote that his memory was falli- Shortly after 1918 have not attracted the atten- wrote a diary that was published in ble and ‘I may have made a mistake tion of many of the biographers 1971.38 The diary covers the years in some details’ but that he would Zaharoff’s of Lloyd George. A large number 1917–1944, but some years such as welcome corrections.28 He issued death, the of books have been written about the key one of 1918 are missing, for a new edition of these memoirs in Lloyd George’s premiership, as well which there is no explanation, and January 1938 in which he stated Peterbor- as about his life and the politics there are no references to Zaharoff, that this new edition had allowed of the time (over fifty such works Caillard or to Enver. Frances Ste- him ‘an opportunity for checking ough column have been identified), and there are venson also wrote a memoir, The the statements published in the first some that should certainly have Years that are Past, in 1967, which edition in the light of public criti- in the Daily made reference to his association includes a chapter titled ‘LG at No. cisms, of facts brought to light by with Zaharoff but did not do so. 10’39 – but again there is nothing on subsequent writings, and of the Telegraph Kenneth O. Morgan’s monograph the Turkish venture or on Zaharoff. numerous letters written to me by about Lloyd George in the Oxford Yet there are at least two extant let- men who took an active part in the carried a Dictionary of National Biography, for ters hand-written by Zaharoff and events I narrate’, but he did not, in example, does mention Zaharoff, addressed to Frances Stevenson that the event, find it necessary to revise short piece in but merely as a ‘sinister’ figure who indicate an association between or correct anything in the first edi- ‘hovered’ around Lloyd George.33 Zaharoff and Lloyd George.40 So tion. He added that his aim was to which Peter- Whitehall Diary by Thomas it is clear that Stevenson must cer- tell the naked truth about the war.29 Jones, published in 1969, purports tainly have been aware of Zaha- If there had indeed been any objec- borough to be a diary of the events of the roff, and that the omission can only tions about what he had omitted, he time. Jones joined the Cabinet sec- point to a deliberate decision on her clearly chose to ignore them. claimed that retariat in 1916 and was deputy part to exclude Zaharoff from any Intriguingly, a long review of secretary of the Cabinet from 1916 aspect of Lloyd George’s life. Wal- these memoirs appeared in Interna- he had just to 1930, so one assumes he was cog- ter Long wrote his memoirs in 1923 tional Affairs in 1935 written by Lord seen letters nisant of all government dealings and his book also contains no men- Meston, who had been a prominent at that time. He mentions a ‘secret tion of Zaharoff, despite his many civil servant during the war years. and papers mission’ carried out by General efforts to procure British honours Meston did refer to Lloyd George’s Smuts and Philip Kerr to meet for Zaharoff. Long wrote, ‘I shall policy on Turkey, but made no that showed Mendsdorff, the former Austro- rely first of all on my memory and mention of the attempt to bribe Hungarian ambassador in London, then upon the records which I have the Turks.30 Meston quoted Lloyd that Zaha- to discuss possible peace with Aus- faithfully kept of various episodes George’s statement that the Turks tria, a mission carried out at about in my life.’41 But the Zaharoff epi- should never be allowed to misgov- roff had met the same time as that of Kerr with sodes were apparently not to be ern these great lands in future, so Parodi, but the latter mission is revealed. A. J. Sylvester first knew the presumption must be that Mes- Enver Pasha not included in Jones’ diary.34 Fur- Lloyd George in December 1915. ton was unaware of Lloyd George’s thermore, Zaharoff, Enver and He became Hankey’s private secre- original plan even those eighteen in Switzer- Caillard have not a single mention tary a year later, joined the Down- years later. Yet Zaharoff’s efforts to in the book. Jones earlier wrote ing Street secretariat in 1921, and bribe the Turks had not been kept land and had a biography of Lloyd George in became one of Lloyd George’s sec- entirely secret. Shortly after Zaha- which there is also no reference to retaries in 1923. In The Real Lloyd roff’s death, the Peterborough col- lengthy talks Zaharoff, although there is a sim- George he mentions that Zaharoff umn in the Daily Telegraph carried a ple statement, ‘A ten million pound was ‘a remarkable man’ and great short piece in which Peterborough with him but [sic] to Enver at the right moment admirer of Lloyd George and that claimed that he had just seen letters it has been said might have changed the two men had once had lunch and papers that showed that Zaha- that Enver’s the policy of Turkey.’35 He did in together, but that is all.42 The only roff had met Enver Pasha in Swit- price of this biography make reference to chink of light is a footnote in Lord zerland and had lengthy talks with Kerr’s discussions with Parodi but Beaverbrook’s Men & Power (1956) him but that Enver’s price of about about £1 mil- he omitted any mention of the pos- that refers to negotiations for the £1 million pounds was consid- sibility of Turkey retaining suze- surrender of Turkey being con- ered to be too high.31 However this lion pounds rainty over Palestine.36 ducted by Zaharoff.43 report apparently sparked no inter- Malcolm Thomson published Apart from the Peterborough est within any student of history. was consid- his ‘official’ biography of Lloyd column, it was not until the 1970s Similarly, when the full archive of George in 1948 ‘in collabora- that there appeared the first specific documents on the matter was made ered to be tion’ with Lloyd George’s second disclosure that Zaharoff had been available in 2005,32 this also did not wife, Frances. Thomson him- used by the government. Morgan’s produce much interest. too high. self worked under the same roof 1970 paper referred to ‘the initiative

26 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 a conspiracy of silence? in wider diplomatic policy [that] gives full details of the negotiations Maundy by many people as notorious and rested even more firmly with the that Zaharoff conducted with the not to be trusted? That in his War Prime Minister who used unortho- Turks and he seems to be the first Gregory was Memoirs he mentioned the Decem- dox aides such as Kerr and Zaha- to point out that after Zaharoff’s ber 1917 Kerr–Parodi talks aimed roff.’44 Morgan followed up this death the Peterborough column in also in the at seeking peace with Turkey but paper with a book published in the Daily Telegraph did refer to these omitted Zaharoff’s efforts to bribe 1979 in which he wrote that Lloyd negotiations but that this gave no pay of Zaha- the Turks to leave the war surely George employed a number of rise to concern elsewhere.48 points to a deliberate decision on ‘unexpected’ advisers such as Zaha- Apart from Warman’s paper and roff; indeed, his part not to mention Zaharoff’s roff but gave no further informa- Rothwell’s and Allfrey’s books, no involvement. To that end, an inter- tion about the association between disclosures about Zaharoff’s nego- McCormick esting consideration arises in the the two men.45 tiations with the Turks then appear figure of Arthur Maundy Gregory, The first book that did con- to have been made until the 1993 claims that the only person to be convicted tain pertinent information about publication of the ‘Missing Persons’ under the Honours (Prevention Zaharoff’s negotiations with the addendum to the Oxford Dictionary Gregory was of Abuses) Act 1925 (and whose Turks came a year after Morgan’s of National Biography, which contains behaviour in 1918 and central role 1970 paper when V. H. Rothwell a short piece on Zaharoff that refers a ‘listen- in the honours scandal occasioned published his British War Aims and to negotiations with Enver.49 The ing post’ the act). Maundy Gregory was the Peace Diplomacy 1914–1918. Rothwell 2004 edition of the Oxford Diction- key person used by Lloyd George disclosed that Zaharoff became a ary of National Biography, however, for Zaharoff to elicit money from wealthy men friend of Lloyd George and gave an does carry a full monograph on in exchange for national honours. account both of Zaharoff’s Turk- Zaharoff’s life that states that, with during the However, Maundy Gregory was ish activities and of his influence Lloyd George’s cognisance, he was also in the pay of Zaharoff; indeed, with the prime minister, revealing sent to Switzerland to bribe Turk- war and for McCormick claims that Gregory full details of the negotiations with ish leaders with £10 million in gold was a ‘listening post’ for Zaharoff Enver. Rothwell pointed to Zaha- so that they would cease hostilities. some years during the war and for some years roff being authorised to put for- There is, however, no reference to afterwards.53 ward terms to the Turkish leaders the proposal regarding eventual afterwards. Beaverbrook was the only per- – who were definitely assured that control of Palestine.50 son associated with Lloyd George’s Turkey might retain nominal suze- And why has the issue of Turk- government who made any ref- rainty in Mesopotamia and, appar- ish suzerainty over Palestine not erence in subsequent writings to ently, also Palestine, although with been discussed by the many histo- Zaharoff and no explanation can no voice in the administration. As rians who have written on Zion- be offered for all the other par- far as can be determined, Rothwell ist history? Isaiah Friedman, for ticipants making no reference to is one of the few writers to have example – one of the foremost plans to bribe the Turks. Not one commented on the secrecy of the writers on Zionist history with of these writers ever referred to Zaharoff negotiations. He wrote: three important books on the sub- any other connection between the ject published in 1997, 1998 and two men. Even Peterborough’s The fact that this curious epi- 2002 respectively – makes no ref- disclosure, published soon after sode has, apparently, never erence to the possibility that, Zaharoff’s death, did not prompt previously been brought to under Lloyd George’s plans, Pales- these writers to mention this light owes much to Zaharoff’s tine could have remained to some association and this does suggest undoubted skill in political extent under Ottoman control. As there were many participants in intrigue, to the fact that both far as can be determined, only two the politics of the time who were Enver and Zaharoff returned such books mention the possibil- prepared to shield Lloyd George the money to its source and to ity that Turkey could have retained from a disclosure of a relationship Enver’s evident belief that Zaha- some form of control of Palestine with a notorious individual. Lloyd roff was not a British agent and after the war. David Fromkin, in George’s acceptance that Pales- was working for the French.46 A Peace to End all Peace, published in tine could post-war still fall under 1989, seems to be the first writer on some sort of control by Turkey A year later, in 1972, Roberta War- Zionist history to draw attention to may also have been another, albeit man was also clear about Zaharoff’s the matter as well as to Zaharoff’s minor, factor in the reluctance. As involvement in negotiations with role in the whole saga.51 Jonathan for the many distinguished his- the Turks. She outlined that during Schneer’s The Balfour Declaration, torians who have written about the last two years of the war Lloyd published in 2010, discusses in some Lloyd George’s time as prime min- George did negotiate via Zaharoff detail Zaharoff’s role in the attempt ister, it is strange that mention of with the Turks on a separate peace to get the Turks to sue for peace.52 his association with Zaharoff has and that there was no evidence Indeed, Schneer’s book has more on rarely been made – and it almost that the Foreign Office was aware Zaharoff’s role and his relationship suggests that they were according of this. Caillard was said to be the with Lloyd George than any other Lloyd George a degree of protec- usual point of contact between publication. tion from disclosure of a rela- Lloyd George and Zaharoff. There So why did Lloyd George hide tionship with an unsavoury and is, however, in Warman’s paper no his attempt to bribe the Turks? Was notorious individual who strutted indication of the offer of suzerainty he anxious to avoid any disclosure the international stage. Certainly to the Turks.47 Anthony Allfrey’s of his relationship with a highly both Malcolm Thomson, who Man of Arms, published in 1989, controversial figure, a person seen wrote the ‘official’ biography, and

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 27 a conspiracy of silence?

Lloyd George’s second wife, who As for Zaha- although ‘he will be considered Cross of the most Honourable wrote two books on her husband’s next time’.59 Long then pleaded for Order of the Bath.’69 political life, have much to answer roff, he once an honour to be awarded to Zaha- One additional piece of infor- for. Has there been a conspiracy of roff in the next honours list because mation: Prime Minister Stanley silence regarding Lloyd George’s said that he he ‘is in feeble health’.60 At about Baldwin was asked in parliament dealings with Zaharoff and in par- the same time, Caillard told Zaha- by a Conservative MP to appoint a ticular those relating to the nego- had burned roff that he had spoken to Lloyd tribunal to inquire into allegations tiations with Turkey? George and been told that it ‘would by Zaharoff’s former secretary that Lloyd George continued his diaries cov- be difficult to takeimmediate action’ Zaharoff had made corrupt pay- association with Zaharoff after (‘immediate’ underlined), but he ments to servants of the Crown. 1918, and this gave rise to a good ering fifty believed he could convince Lloyd Baldwin refused to agree to this.70 deal of criticism from political George of its necessity.61 opponents – especially in the House years of his More letters were written on of Commons – but these attacks did the subject in 1918, with the cor- Acknowledgements not specifically refer to the Turkish life and The respondence involving, amongst I am grateful to the Wiltshire bribery efforts. As for Zaharoff, he others, Lord Stamfordham, the and Swindon Archive Service for once said that he had burned diaries Times com- king’s secretary. A letter from permission to refer to the Long covering fifty years of his life and mented that Long to Lord Robert Cecil stated papers and I would also like to The Times commented that ‘those that Zaharoff wasvery anxious thank Gavin Fuller, the Daily diaries must have contained a good ‘those diaries (‘very’ underlined) to have the Telegraph’s librarian, for providing deal of the history of our times’.54 GBE at once and that Zaharoff did me with the information on the must have not think any harm would be done Peterborough column. Cecil Bloom, a professional chemist, was if he received it.62 Caillard must Technical Director of a major multina- contained a have written to Buckingham Pal- 1 Donald McCormick, The Mask of tional pharmaceutical and agricultural ace at about this time because Lord Merlin (MacDonald, 1963), p. 201. chemical corporation. In retirement, he good deal of Stamfordham replied to him to 2 The Times, 28 Nov. 1936, p. 17. researches many aspects of history, espe- say that the king could do noth- 3 J. M. McEwen (ed.), The Riddell cially Jewish history, and his papers have the history of ing until the prime minister made Dairies 1908–23 (Athlone Press, 1986), been published in journals in the UK, a recommendation.63 Long then p. 157. US, Israel, South Africa and Australia. our times’. wrote to Lloyd George to tell him 4 New York Times, 28 Nov. 1936, p. 16. that Zaharoff was anxious for the 5 V. H. Rothwell, British War Aims and GBE and that he (Long) under- Peace Diplomacy 1914–1918 (Clarendon stood that the Foreign Office were Press, 1971), p. 175. Appendix willing.64 A letter from Long to 6 Osbert Sitwell, Great Morning Zaharoff had an obsession with Zaharoff informed him that the (Macmillan, 1948), pp. 267–8. receiving honours from Britain and king would receive Zaharoff on 2 7 H. C. G. Mathew and B. Harrison part of his motivation in negotiat- August 1918.65 Two days later Long (eds.), Oxford Dictionary of National ing with the Turks was the lure of wrote to ‘Eddie’ (presumably Biography, vol. lx (Oxford University a British honour. He refers to the someone in government or monar- Press, 2004), p. 982. possibility of being rewarded in this chy service) that the Foreign Office 8 Donald McCormick, Pedlar of Death way for his efforts in a number of had ‘made a mess’ over the GBE – (MacDonald, 1965), p. 146. his letters; and, in correspondence it should have been the GCB since 9 Anthony Allfrey, Man of Arms with Caillard, used the code ‘choc- ‘the King cannot knight foreign- (Wiedenfeld & Nicolson, 1989), p. olate’ while complaining bitterly ers’.66 And then in October Lord 114. at his difficulty in getting an award Stamfordham wrote to Long to 10 A. J. Maiolo and T. Insall, ‘Sir Basil for his work. In a telegram to Cail- tell him that the king consented Zaharoff and Sir Vincent Caillard lard, he said that if Lloyd George to Zaharoff assuming the title ‘Sir as Instruments of British Policy considered his latest report to be Basil’ and being called this in the towards Greece and the Ottoman as important as he had stated, then United Kingdom even though Empire during the Asquith and Lloyd he should ‘spontaneously there and he had not formally received the George Administrations, 1915–8’, then do the chocolate fraternities’.55 accolade.67 Long wrote immedi- The International History Review, 34 He told Caillard in another letter ately to Caillard in a letter marked (2012), pp. 1–8. that he feared that ‘chocolate being ‘Very Confidential’ to tell him 11 All details of Lloyd George’s done’ would not occur.56 that the king had consented to instructions to Zaharoff and the He first seems to have raised Zaharoff assuming the title and latter’s negotiations with the the issue in July 1917 but, at this that he could continue to call Turks are given in: The National point, Lloyd George refused to take himself and be called ‘Sir Basil’, Archives (henceforth TNA), FO immediate action.57 Long also first although this decision would not 1093/52 fos. 193, 196, 216, 246, FO asked Lloyd George in July 1917 to be officially communicated (by 1093/54 fo. 346 and FO 1093/57 award the Grand Cross of the Order whom is unclear) to Zaharoff.68 fo. 392 held at the Public Record of the British Empire to Zaharoff,58 The Times eventually reported in Office, Kew; Parliamentary but a reply came from J. T. Davies, May 1919 that ‘Sir Basil [sic] Zaha- Archives (henceforth PA), Houses of one of Lloyd George’s secretaries, roff was received by H.M. King Parliament, LG/F/6/1/6, LG/F/6/16b, stating that no foreigners would be George V who invested him with LG/F/6/1/16c, LG/F/6/1/7 and included in the forthcoming awards the Insignia of a Knight Grand LG/F/6/1/16c; and Long Papers

28 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 a conspiracy of silence?

(henceforth LP) 947/600 held 26 David Lloyd George, War 9/33/1/25. FO 1093/54 fo. 317. by the Wiltshire and Swindon Memoirs, vol. 1 (Nicolson & 41 Viscount Long, Memories 56 Letter from Zaharoff to Archive Service, Chippenham. Watson, 1933), p. 1051. (Hutchinson, 1927) pp. ix–x. Caillard, 13 Jan. 1918, TNA, FO 12 David Lloyd George, War 27 David Lloyd George, The Truth 42 A. J, Sylvester, The Real Lloyd 1093/54 fo. 275. Memoirs, vol. 2 (Nicolson & about the Peace Treaties, vol. 1 George (Cassell, 1947), p. 170. 57 Letter from Caillard to Watson, 1933), pp. 1504–9. (Heinemann, 1938), p. 58. 43 Lord Beaverbrook, Men & Power Zaharoff, 10 July 1917, TNA, FO 13 Letter from Caillard to 28 Lloyd George, War Memoirs, vol. (Hutchinson, 1956), p. 193 1093/52 fo. 216. Zaharoff, 14 June 1917, TNA, 1, p. ix. 44 Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘LG’s 58 Letter from Long to Lloyd FO 1093/52 fo. 193. 29 Lloyd George, War Memoirs (new premiership: a study in Prime George, 5 July 1917, LP, 947/778 14 Jukka Nevakivi, Britain, France edn., Odhams Press, 1938), p. v. Ministerial Government’, The fo. 503a. and the Arab Middle East 1914–1920 30 Lord Meston, ‘Mr Lloyd Historical Journal, xiii (1970), p. 59 Letter from Davies to Batterbee (Athlone Press, 1969), p. 48. George’s Memoirs’, International 138. (Long’s secretary), 6 July 1917, 15 Malcolm Thomson, David Affairs, 14 (2), March–April 1935, 45 Kenneth O. Morgan, Consensus LP, 947/778 fo. 503g. Lloyd George Official Biography pp. 241–4. and Disunity: The Lloyd George 60 Letter from Batterbee to Davies, (Hutchinson, 1948), p. 273. 31 Daily Telegraph, 30 Nov. 1936, p. Coalition Government 1918–1922 9 July 1917, LP, 947/778 fo. 503g. 16 P. Goodman (ed.), Chaim 12. (Oxford University Press, 1979), 61 Letter from Caillard to Weizmann (Victor Gollancz, 32 Ibid., 1 Apr. 2005, p. 8. p. 112. Zaharoff, 9 July 1917, TNA, FO 1945), p. 9. 33 Mathew and Harrison (eds.), 46 Rothwell, British War Aims, p. 1093/52 fo. 216. 17 Leonard Stein (ed.), The Letters Dictionary of National Biography, 178. 62 Letter from Long to Lord and Papers of Chaim Weizmann, vol. xxi, p. 900. 47 Roberta M. Warman, ‘The Robert Cecil, 21 Jan. 1918, LP, vol. 7 (Oxford University Press, 34 Thomas Jones, Whitehall Diary, Erosion of Foreign Office 947/778 fo. 503d. 1975), p. 347. vol. 1 1916–1925, ed. Keith Influence 1916–1918’,The 63 Letter from Stamfordham 18 Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Middlemass (Oxford University Historical Journal, 15 (1972), p. 143. to Caillard, 12 Feb. 1918, LP, Churchill Companion, vol. 4 1917– Press, 1969), p. 42. 48 Allfrey, Man of Arms, p. 173. 947/778 fo. 503f. 22 (Heinemann, 1977), p. 60. 35 Thomas Jones, Lloyd George 49 C. S. Nicholls (ed.), Oxford 64 Letter from Long to Lloyd 19 Martin Gilbert (ed.), Lloyd (Oxford University Press, 1954), Dictionary of National Biography: George, 28 Feb. 1918, LP, George (Prentice Hall, 1969) p. p. 57. Missing Persons (Oxford 947/778 fo. 503f. 70. 36 Ibid., p. 431. University Press, 1993), p. 741. 65 Letter from Long to Zaharoff, 1 20 LP 947/778 fo. 503g, 22 Apr. 37 Malcolm Thomson, David 50 Matthew and Harrison (eds.), Aug. 1918, LP, 947/778 fo. 503h. 1918. Lloyd George Official Biography Dictionary of National Biography, 66 Letter from Long to ‘Eddie’, 4 21 Lord Derby, Paris 1918: The War (Hutchinson, 1948). vol. cx, pp. 60, 982. Aug. 1918, LP, 947/778 fo. 503j. Diary of the British Ambassador, ed. 38 Frances Stevenson, Lloyd George: 51 David Fromkin, A Peace to end all 67 Letter from Stamfordham to David Dutton (Liverpool Uni- A Diary, ed. A. J. P. Taylor Peace (Deutsch, 1989), pp. 266–7. Long, 23 Oct. 1918, LP, 947/778 versity Press, 2001), p. 158. (Hutchinson, 1971). 52 Jonathan Schneer, The Balfour fo. 503x. 22 Ibid., p. 207. 39 Frances Stevenson, The Years that Declaration (Bloomsbury, 2010). 68 Letter from Long to Caillard, 23 23 Ibid. p. 217. are Past (Hutchinson, 1967), pp. 53 McCormick, Pedlar of Death, p. Oct. 1918, LP, 947/600. 24 TNA, FO 1093/55, f. 338, 22 Apr. 91–114. 150. 69 The Times, 14 May 1919, p. 15. 1918. 40 Letters from Zaharoff to Frances 54 The Times, 28 Nov. 1936, p. 17. 70 Hansard, HC (series 5) vol. 25 Letter from Balfour to Caillard, Stevenson, 12 Nov. 1928, PA 55 Telegram from Zaharoff to cccxviii, col. 1261 (2 Dec. 1936). 28 Oct. 1918, TNA, FO 1093/56. 9/31/3/28; 19 Sept. 1931, PA Caillard (date indistinct), TNA, Liberal history quiz 2014 Answers to the questions listed on page 21.

1. On Liberty 10. W. H. Smith 2. William Beveridge 11. L. T. Hobhouse 3. R. H. Tawney 12. John Milton 4. Jeremy Bentham 13. The Subjection of Women, by John Stuart Mill 5. Charles James Fox 14. John Maynard Keynes 6. T. H. Green 15. Areopagitica, by John Milton 7. Henry George 16. Harriet Taylor (later Harriet Taylor Mill) 8. Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley (author of Frankenstein) 17. Adam Smith 9. Lewes, in Sussex – Tom Paine, who wrote The Rights of Man, lived 18. Unservile State Group there from 1768 to 1774; since the 17th century, the town has had 19. John and Barbara Hammond a tradition of opposition to the monarchy and pro-republican sentiments 20. Conrad Russell

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 29 DrEml J. Graham Jones examinesyn the career of Emlyn HooHooson, a respected Liberal MPs for Montgomeryshireon 1962–1979, (1925 later a prominent Liberal Democrat peer, – and Welsh public2012) figure and businessman.

mlyn Hugh Hooson was Air Arm) from 1943 until 1946. He club within the university college, born on 26 March 1925, the then became a student at the Uni- and he also acted as joint-editor Eson of Hugh and Elsie Hoo- versity College of Wales, Aberyst- of the magazine The New Radi- son of Colomendy, Denbighshire, wyth, where he graduated in law cal. Hooson was also awarded uni- to a notable local family, well in 1949 and also served as president versity colours in boxing and he known in their locality. He was of the college’s thriving debating played for his university college educated at Denbigh Grammar union. Whilst at Aberystwyth he in soccer and rugby football. (He School. Hooson, operating on a helped to reform the University was, years later, to be appointed corvette in the north Atlantic, had College Liberal Society, which a Professorial Fellow of Aberyst- served in the Royal Navy (Fleet soon became the strongest political wyth University in 1997).

30 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 DrEml J. Graham Jones examinesyn the career of Emlyn HooHooson, a respected Liberal MPs for Montgomeryshireon 1962–1979, (1925 later a prominent Liberal Democrat peer, – and Welsh public2012) figure and businessman.

In 1950 he married Shirley Mar- of 1966. In December 1965 Hoo- Shoeburyness to Pembrey, near garet Wynne Hamer, the daughter son had been appointed to lead Ian Carmarthen. Local Liberals, who of Sir George Hamer CBE of Lla- Brady’s defence; Brady was charged hotly opposed the plan, were nidloes, a prominent and influential with murdering Lesley Anne aghast. In February 1974, he had to figure in the locality and a power- Downey (10), John Kilbride (12) and pull out of a lucrative two-month ful Liberal in the politics of Mont- Edward Evans (17), (Myra Hind- bank robbery case at the Old Bailey gomeryshire where he served as ley was also charged with killing when Edward Heath called a snap its Lord Lieutenant. There were to Lesley Anne and John). When the election. He was the deputy chair- be two daughters of the marriage, trial opened the following April, man of the Flintshire Quarter Ses- Sioned and Lowri, both educated at the evidence left Hooson little to sions, 1960–72, deputy chairman the Welsh School at London, where work with. Brady admitted having of the Merionethshire Quarter Ses- their father became the chairman wielded the axe against Evans, and sions, 1960–67, and then its chair- of the governing body. There were although Hooson insisted there was man, 1967–72. He was appointed also in due course to be two grand- only the ‘flimsiest evidence’ against Recorder of Merthyr Tydfil early children. Emlyn Hooson was a His especial him over the deaths of the two in 1971 and Recorder of Swansea native and natural Welsh speaker, children, Brady and Hindley were in July of the same year. He was and a fervent supporter of Welsh strengths convicted on all counts and sen- elected Leader of the Wales and causes and the national rights of tenced to life imprisonment; Brady Chester Circuit, 1971–74. Wales, including devolutionary ini- before a remains behind bars. Having first been adopted as tiatives, throughout his life. Emlyn Hooson became ever the Liberal candidate for Lloyd Hooson was called to the Bar judge and more convinced that the death pen- George’s old seat, the Carnarvon at Grays Inn in 1949, and was alty would not have deterred the Boroughs (which was then abol- appointed QC in 1960 at the age of jury were the Moors Murderers. When in the ished by the Boundary Commis- just 35, the youngest such appoint- autumn of 1967, three years after its sioners in 1950), Emlyn Hooson had ment for decades, and one of the thorough- abolition, Duncan Sandys moved already contested Conway unsuc- youngest ever. (He subsequently to reintroduce it because of a sharp cessfully for the party in the general became a bencher of Grays Inn ness of his increase in murder convictions, elections of both 1950, when he lost in 1968, and served as vice-treas- Hooson told him this was because to the Labour candidate, and 1951, urer there in 1985, and treasurer in preparation, juries were now readier to convict when he was defeated by a Con- 1986). At the Bar, Hooson earned a for murder given that the death servative. On both occasions he reputation as a cool, clear thinker the clarity penalty no longer existed. Other- came third. He played little part in and lucid advocate. His especial wise, Hooson was generally a legal the 1955 general election campaign, strengths before a judge and jury and sharp- conservative who did not favour but did speak at some Liberal meet- were the thoroughness of his prepa- sweeping changes in the British ings during the 1959 campaign. ration, the clarity and sharpness of ness of his legal system. He opposed the intro- Then, doubtless with his father- his arguments, and his ability to get arguments, duction of majority verdicts and, in in-law’s ready assistance, he had to the heart of any legal argument the Lords, he resisted far-reaching become the anointed heir for Mont- – together with his persuasive, and his abil- reforms proposed by the Conserva- gomeryshire, the seat held ever attractive personality and unfailing tive Lord Chancellor, Lord Mac- since 1929 by the former Liberal eloquence. ity to get to kay, fearing they would undermine Party leader, E. Clement Davies. As QC, Hooson represented the independence of the judiciary When the Montgomeryshire Lib- Ian Brady, one of the ‘Moors Mur- the heart and the Bar. eral Association had invited nomi- derers‘ along with Myra Hindley, In 1970 Hooson appeared for nations for the vacancy in July 1960 when Brady was tried and con- of any legal the Ministry of Defence at a pub- (a course of events which had not victed on three murder charges at lic inquiry over plans to move occurred in the county since 1927), Chester in the spring argument. its experimental range from no fewer than seventeen names

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 31 emlyn hooson (1925–2012) had come to hand. This was later He had tre- Labour government elected in party which was wholly Westmin- reduced to a short-list of just three October 1964, and he imagina- ster focused. Other Welsh Liber- – Stanley Clement-Davies (the only bled the tively depicted a distinct future for als, Emlyn Hooson among them, surviving child of the sitting MP the Liberal Party as ‘a radical, non- rejoiced that the deeply cherished for the county), Lt Colonel Patrick Liberals’ Socialist party in Britain’. Hooson dream of Lloyd George for Cymru Lort-Phillips, and Emlyn Hooson. was not wholly welcoming to the Fydd in the 1890s had at long last The withdrawal of the first named majority new Wilson government, demand- become a reality with the creation on grounds of ill health led to the ing that they should abandon steel of a single . selection of Hooson whose politi- in the by- nationalisation. But he backed the During the 1960s, Hooson was cal and professional pedigree was Labour left-winger Sydney Silver- very conscious of a seemingly impeccable. Welsh speaking and election, at man’s effort to abolish capital pun- ever more menacing involved in an array of Welsh lan- ishment, on the basis of the score challenge. On 1 March 1967 he guage cultural activities, profes- a stroke dis- of capital cases in which he had introduced in the House of Com- sionally accomplished as a lawyer, been involved (including that of mons a Government of Wales Bill, the son of rural Denbighshire, pelling the Ian Brady who, as already noted, which proposed an all-Wales Sen- and chairman of the Welsh Lib- remains behind bars to this very ate of eighty-eight members. He eral organisation since 1956, he widely held day). also introduced in the Commons had received the fulsome blessing local myth Subsequently, as a warm a succession of measures to tackle of Clement Davies. Moreover, he admirer of Lyndon Johnson’s Appa- depopulation, and various bills in had earned his spurs in the Conway (believed lachian Bill in the USA, Emlyn support of the Welsh language. He constituency in the general elec- Hooson devoted his energies to resolutely refused to countenance tions of 1950 and 1951 when he had by all three preparing a Liberal economic any kind of agreement or electoral much impressed local Liberals.1 plan for Wales. He was also much pact with Plaid Cymru. Hooson the Hooson was elected Liberal MP local parties involved in the negotiations which QC defended nationalists accused for Montgomeryshire following a preceded the setting up in Septem- of terrorism, but Hooson the poli- keenly contested by-election cam- in the con- ber 1966 of the independent Welsh tician trenchantly opposed ‘Welsh paign in May 1962 caused by the Liberal Party, a step which he extremism’. In 1968 he demanded death of Clement Davies. Local stituency) applauded with gusto, and he then concerted action to halt Welsh ter- farmers proudly carried him shoul- served devotedly as chairman of rorists after a series of bombings. der-high through Welshpool fol- that Clem- the new party right through until After twelve Welsh students were lowing his dramatic victory at the 1979. Emlyn Hooson certainly jailed in 1970 for invading a High polls. His initial majority there was ent Davies occupied a quite distinctive niche Court case in London, Hooson said a surprisingly high 7,549 votes. He within the Welsh and British politi- the Welsh were fed up with peo- had trebled the Liberals’ majority had been the cal spectrum. Following the setting ple who broke the law then whined in the by-election, at a stroke dis- up of the quasi-independent Welsh about the consequences. pelling the widely held local myth beneficiary Liberal Party, he was described by He had meanwhile, still politi- (believed by all three local parties one political commentator the fol- cally ambitious, stood unsuccess- in the constituency) that Clement of a most lowing spring at Westminster as fully against Jeremy Thorpe and Davies had been the beneficiary of substantial ‘a kind of one-man parliamentary Eric Lubbock for the party leader- a most substantial personal vote in party like Mr Gwynfor Evans, the ship in January 1967 following Jo Montgomeryshire. personal solitary Welsh Nationalist at West- Grimond’s retirement. Defeat on During the early 1960s the Lib- minster. … There Mr Hooson sits, the first ballot saw Hooson give his eral Party was experiencing some- vote in Mont- the solitary pride and joy of all that support to Thorpe formally. Emlyn thing of a minor national revival is left of the glorious Welsh Lib- Hooson was never to be a strong encapsulated above all in the sen- gomeryshire. eralism of years gone by’.2 At the supporter of Thorpe as party leader sational victory in the Orpington second annual conference of the throughout, but there was certainly by-election in March 1962. Hoo- Welsh Liberal Party convened at no real possibility that he might son’s shrewd policies urged rural Llandrindod Wells in 1968, Emlyn rebel publicly against his party and road development to reverse Hooson claimed that by this time leader. It was widely felt at the time Welsh depopulation, demand- ‘all internal criticism’ of the once and subsequently that if Emlyn ing the Liberals become a ‘wholly contentious decision to set up an Hooson had been less brilliant and modern, radical and classless party’. autonomous Welsh party had been busy as a barrister and judge, he By 1964 he was elected to the Lib- ‘stilled’. The new party, he asserted might well have succeeded Jo Gri- eral Party national executive. with gusto, had become in a very mond as leader of the Liberal Party Although he continued his pro- short time ‘the thinking party in in 1967.4 There were certainly fessional activities as a barrister (a Wales … the think tank of Welsh rather unpleasant undertones sur- preoccupation which invited sharp politics. … Liberalism … is more rounding the leadership contest. criticism from some sections of the thrustful, it is attracting more peo- Almost forty years later Hooson party), Emlyn Hooson was much ple. … We must avoid the dead- was to claim that Laura Grimond, involved in the revival and reor- ening hand of consensus politics Jo Grimond’s wife, had urged one ganisation of his party in Wales in if we are to have thrust and deter- of their Scottish colleagues not to the mid-1960s. He was (in striking mination’.3 Prior to 1967, many give support to ‘that Welshman’ – contrast to his party leader Jo Gri- influential Liberals in Wales had evidence of, for whatever reason, a mond) doggedly determined that not approved of the idea to estab- hostility towards Hooson north of the Liberals should reach no formal lish a separate Welsh party, prefer- the border.5 Grimond had also let it agreement with Harold Wilson’s ring to retain the status quo and a be known quite clearly that Jeremy

32 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 emlyn hooson (1925–2012)

Thorpe was indeed his chosen suc- cessor as party leader. Had Gri- mond stood down earlier, between 1964 and 1966, which he had cer- tainly been considering, then Hoo- son might have had a better chance of becoming leader, since there have been suggestions that the two Scottish MPs who lost their seats in the general election of March 1966, George Mackie and Alisdair Mac- kenzie, might well have supported him in a leadership ballot. Later on, many within the Lib- eral Party came to believe that their party would have been bet- ter served in the long term by a Hooson or a Lubbock leadership. Had Hooson succeeded, he would certainly have been a more right- wing leader, more willing to fight the Labour Party as fiercely as the Tories. Behind the scenes at least during the late 1960s, Emlyn Hoo- son had given some support to the attempt by leading Liberal Party officials in the country at large Hooson (which, given Hooson’s Hooson in 1962, trying to force Thorpe out. Thorpe like Tim Beaumont and Gruff- reputation in legal circles, may well the year in which was cleared. ydd Evans to put pressure on Jer- have contributed to his acquittal). he won the Hooson retained Montgom- emy Thorpe to stand down, or at Generally he maintained an ami- Montgomery­ eryshire in five successive general least to agree to a collegiate form cable relationship with the Young shire by-election elections, winning a handsome, of party leadership. His distaste Liberal movement throughout. substantially increased majority for the party leadership did at least Emlyn Hooson reckoned his sus- of 4,651 votes in the general elec- enable Hooson to maintain a gener- picions about Jeremy Thorpe had tion of February 1974, an election ally amicable relationship with the been justified when, in 1971, the which witnessed something of a prospering Young Liberal move- former male model Norman Scott national Liberal revival. From 1966 ment during this crucial period in arrived at Westminster and claimed (when Elystan Morgan defeated the party’s history. to Hooson, David Steel and Lord Roderic Bowen in Cardiganshire) Being initially Eurosceptic, he Byers that Thorpe had had a homo- until February 1974 (when Geraint would have wanted the Liberals sexual relationship with him. Howells recaptured the division), to take a less pro-European line. Thorpe denied the allegations, but he had been the only parliamentary He was the only Liberal to vote Hooson conducted an investiga- representative of Welsh Liberal- against Britain joining the Euro- tion that triggered a party inquiry. ism. Following the near decimation pean Community. But he was Although this cleared Thorpe, of the Liberal Party in the gen- more anti-imperialist than oth- Hooson told Thorpe he should eral election of June 1970, Emlyn ers, fiercely opposing the Viet- consider resigning the leadership Hooson returned to Westminster nam War in the 1960s. During the and his seat and asked another Lib- with a heavy heart as one of only course of his speech at the 1967 Lib- eral MP, , if he would six Liberal MPs in the new House eral Party Assembly at Blackpool, back him for the job should Thorpe of Commons (his colleagues were Emlyn Hooson opposed an amend- quit. Thorpe got to hear of this, and Jo Grimond, Russell Johnstone, ment calling for the gradual reduc- accused Hooson of running around John Pardoe, David Steel and Jer- tion of economic links between ‘trying to stir up something’.6 emy Thorpe), and it seemed to members and Jeremy Thorpe was forced out many that the party’s days were apartheid South Africa. He specifi- of the party leadership in 1976 after now numbered as a leading political cally argued against trade boycotts the affair became public and sub- player. Only Hooson and Grimond in general. When, in March 1968, sequently tried for incitement and had anything resembling comforta- two leading Young Liberals were conspiracy to murder Scott. Bessell ble majorities. The very small num- arrested for allegedly ‘obstruct- testified that Hooson – who was ber of Liberal MPs in the new house ing the police in the execution of not called as a witness – knew of (almost a record low in the history their duties’ outside the American ‘retainer payments’ of up to £700 of the party) inevitably led to bitter Embassy in Grosvenor Square, one made to Scott, and feared he might recriminations within the party. of those arrested (who was acquit- be accused of a cover-up. The court Most of his English, more radi- ted of the charge) was authorised also heard a tape recording in which cal MP colleagues like Pardoe by Emlyn Hooson to tell the court David Holmes, one of Thorpe’s and Thorpe, perched firmly on that he had been observing police codefendants, told Bessell that the left wing of the Liberal Party, behaviour to prepare a report for Hooson had been ‘firmly sat on’ for tended to view Emlyn Hooson as a

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 33 emlyn hooson (1925–2012)

Parliamentary elections in Montgomeryshire, 1962–79 Party Candidate Votes % ±% General election 1979 Conservative Delwyn Williams 11,751 40.3 +11.9 Liberal Emlyn Hooson 10,158 34.9 −8.2 Labour J. Price 4,751 16.3 −2.9 Plaid Cymru C. Clowes 2,474 8.5 −0.8 Majority 1,593 5.5 Turnout 29,134 81.4 +1.5 General election October 1974 Liberal Emlyn Hooson 11,280 43.1 −2.3 Conservative W. R. C. Williams-Wynne 7,421 28.4 −0.5 Labour P. W. Harris 5,031 19.2 +1.4 Plaid Cymru A. P. Jones 2,440 9.3 +1.0 Majority 3,859 14.7 −2.2 Turnout 26,172 77.9 −4.7 General election February 1974 Liberal Emlyn Hooson 12,495 45.4 +7.0 Conservative W. R. C. Williams-Wynne 7,844 28.5 −1.2 Labour P. W. Harris 4,888 17.8 −2.3 Plaid Cymru A. P. Jones 2,274 8.3 −3.5 Majority 4,651 16.9 +8.2 Turnout 27,501 82.6 +0.3 General election 1970 Liberal Emlyn Hooson 10,202 38.4 −3.1 Conservative Delwyn Williams 7,891 29.7 +2.3 Labour D. W. Thomas 5,335 20.1 −3.7 Plaid Cymru E. J. Millward 3,145 11.8 +4.4 Majority 2,311 8.7 −5.4 Turnout 26,573 82.3 −0.5 General election 1966 Liberal Emlyn Hooson 10,278 41.5 −0.8 Conservative A. W. Wiggin 6,784 27.4 +0.7 Labour G. M. Evans 5,891 23.8 +1.3 Plaid Cymru T. Edwards 1,841 7.4 −1.1 Majority 3,494 14.1 −1.5 Turnout 24,794 82.8 −1.3 General election 1964 Liberal Emlyn Hooson 10,738 42.3 +0.3 Conservative A. W. Wiggin 6,768 26.7 −4.7 Labour G. M. Evans 5,696 22.5 −4.1 Plaid Cymru Islwyn Ffowc Elis 2,167 8.5 N/A Majority 3,970 15.6 +4.9 Turnout 25,369 84.1 +0.3 By-election 1962 Liberal Emlyn Hooson 13,181 51.3 +9.2 Conservative Robert H. Dawson 5,632 21.9 −9.4 Labour Tudor Davies 5,299 20.6 −6.0 Plaid Cymru Islwyn Ffowc Elis 1,594 6.2 N/A Majority 7,549 29.4 +18.6 Turnout 25,706 85.1 +1.3

34 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 emlyn hooson (1925–2012) conservative-minded Liberal con- to adapt to the new social admix- Commons during the period of the fined mainly to the Welsh political ture within the county. Many of Lib–Lab pact and had also asked stage, and consequently somewhat the immigrants into the county forty-two oral questions on a very remote from the Westminster vor- had absolutely no tradition of vot- wide range of issues to government tex. But on occasion Hooson did ing Liberal or interest in Liberal ministers during the same period. adopt a notably forward, progres- politics.7 It was sometimes hard at times sive stand on domestic matters, Perhaps surprisingly, Emlyn to see what Hooson had in com- and he was undoubtedly the most Hooson was a notably cautious mon with his party’s radical main- fervent assailant within the Par- advocate of the ‘Lib–Lab’ pact con- stream. He saw the Labour Party as liamentary Liberal Party of the cluded between Prime Minister the main enemy, and after Enoch centralising measures of the Heath and Liberal Party Powell’s ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech, government. He encapsulated the leader David Steel in March 1977, a he upset David Steel by telling progressive Welsh Liberalism of the step which he grudgingly tolerated constituents he could see nothing 1960s and 1970s, looking increas- as a necessary evil. He even played wrong with assisting immigrants ingly to the ‘second coming’ of the an active role on the Liberal-gov- who sought repatriation. Yet he had Liberal Party in Wales as a worthy ernment Consultative Commit- no truck with Margaret Thatcher, successor to the rather declining tee which, he felt, gave his party a saying in 1978: ‘People are super- Labour Party. At the same time he much need opportunity to destroy ficially attracted by her violent remained a warm admirer of Lloyd the ‘wilderness complex’ disad- to the Right, but she cannot George and the radical ‘Yellow vantage. Many within the ranks of even work with Conservatives like Book’ proposals of the late 1920s. the Liberal Party (including a sub- Mr Heath and Peter Walker’.10 After the heavy Liberal losses in stantial innately ‘conservative’ ele- Nor did Hooson reap any per- the 1970 election, Hooson told the ment within Montgomeryshire) sonal benefit from his warm advo- that the public were highly critical of their leaders’ cacy of a Welsh Assembly during wanted a middle-of-the-road party, apparent readiness to keep in office 1978–79. Powys recorded the blaming Jo Grimond and Jeremy a Labour government so clearly on highest ‘No’ vote of all the Welsh Thorpe for trying to take it overtly the brink of ejection, and Hooson counties in the referendum of 1 leftward. himself tended to favour bringing March 1979, and a dejected Emlyn The traditional socio-cultural the highly contentious ‘Lib–Lab’ Hooson could only comment that divide in Montgomeryshire poli- pact to an end in the autumn of Welsh devolution was ‘a dead duck tics was still very much apparent. 1978. for this decade’.11 A long-antici- Hooson was clearly most secure in The Liberals in May 1978 pated general election was also on those areas well removed from the unveiled what was expected to the horizon. Since October 1974, English border, the Welsh-speak- become a major plank in the par- their MP had written more than ing parts of Montgomeryshire, the ty’s general election platform – the 5,500 letters on behalf of the peo- rural uplands and in market towns case for adopting the European ple of Montgomeryshire – ‘Every- like Machynlleth, Llanfyllin, Llan- Convention on Human Rights as one knows someone who has been brynmair and Llanidloes. At New- Britain’s own Bill of Rights. After helped by Emlyn Hooson’.12 But town there was a delicate balance in a complete review of the argu- during the same period, too, far- the support for the political parties, ments, Emlyn Hooson, acting as reaching social changes had taken while Welshpool clearly contained his party’s home affairs spokesman, place, the county’s electorate had significant pockets of Conservative who had previously tried to intro- increased by 2,200 since Octo- support. The farming communities duce his own Bill of Rights in the ber 1974 and the constituency had generally still continued to rally Commons in 1969, had changed become much more anglicised. to the Liberal banner, encouraged his mind and concluded that the It was calculated that, of the 888 by their MP’s ongoing part-time European Convention provided the new families living in housing role as a practising farmer at Sum- most effective means of bringing estates built by the local New- merfield Park, Llanidloes and ready about what he called ‘a powerful town corporation, 435 of these sympathy for the problems of these weapon for the protection of civil had moved there from England. agrarian communities. The county, liberties and for law reform – and, Many of these migrants had dis- with a population of about 45,000 not least, an educative force of great It was some- approved strongly of their MP’s people, remained one of the most potential’.8 hands-on active support for the intensely agricultural constitu- As the period of the Lib–Lab times hard cause of devolution and his recent encies in the whole of the United pact drew to a close during the commitment to the Lib–Lab pact Kingdom, containing over 7,000 course of 1978, Hooson remained at times to of 1977–78. Local Conservative individual holdings, some as tiny as convinced that the experience had see what canvassers in the county were one acre in size. But there were also proved highly beneficial both to not slow to remind the electors significant social changes afoot: the the Liberal Party and the coun- Hooson had of Montgomeryshire of the scan- introduction of light industries had try, although he now anticipated dals, ranging from homosexuality meant that by 1974 there were some a ‘return to that position of com- in common to attempted murder, which had 2,000 new voters in the Newtown plete independence and freedom of recently beset the Liberals’ for- wards alone, and there was further manoeuvre which we all so rightly with his par- mer leader Jeremy Thorpe.13 Some suburban growth at Welshpool, value’.9 Hooson continued to por- electors had undoubtedly begun particularly in the Guilsfield local- tray himself as an active politi- ty’s radical to feel that Hooson’s continuing ity. To survive, it was imperative cian, one who had delivered more devotion to his legal work meant for Montgomeryshire Liberalism than forty major speeches in the mainstream. that he was not wholly dedicated

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 35 emlyn hooson (1925–2012) to the needs of his constituency, my party. … I believe we are, On the day of of the Trustees of the Laura Ash- and inevitably the appeal of right- as a country, embarking on a ley Foundation, 1986–97, and his wing Thatcherism was beginning route which could take us into his funeral, assiduous membership from 1991 to be experienced even within the kind of extremism which the of the Severn River Crossing Plc. Montgomeryshire. United States found in Vietnam. many hun- He continued to farm at Pen-rhiw And in the general election … I am against the military farm, Llanidloes, and lived at which ensued in May, when the escalation of the present situa- dreds of Summerfield Park, Llanidloes. He Liberal vote slumped badly, the tion because, first, I do not think always encouraged help for small seemingly impregnable ‘man for it is in this country’s interests; mourners businesses in Wales. He had made Montgomeryshire’ unexpectedly secondly, I do not believe it is in the mid-1950s a concerted effort lost his seat to the Conservative in the interests of the Falkland lined the to save Gwasg Gee, one of the candidate Delwyn Williams by a islanders; and thirdly, I do not most important Welsh language margin of 1,593 votes. A ninety- think it is in the interests of the streets of printing presses and based at Den- nine year Liberal tenure of the free world. … I am bound to say bigh in north-east Wales, which seat thus dramatically came to an that I have been dismayed by the Llanidloes was responsible for the publication end – to the intense chagrin of the wave of emotionalism that has of large numbers of Welsh books party faithful in Wales. Apart from gone through this House this to pay their and the influential Welsh news- the four years which followed his afternoon.14 paper Baner ac Amserau Cymru. He defeat (1979 to 1983), and again at respects was also constantly loyal to the the 2010 general election (when Hooson remained a prominent Llangollen International Eistedd- Lembit Opik lost the seat to the Liberal Democrat and public fig- to a man fod which he served as president Conservative Glyn Davies), Mont- ure in Welsh life until his death. described as between 1987 and 1993, and he gomeryshire has elected Liberal He was for many years his party’s supported a multitude of societies or Liberal-affiliated candidates spokesman in the Lords at vari- ‘a great serv- in Montgomeryshire and beyond. ever since 1880. Shortly afterwards ous times on Welsh affairs, legal Lord Hooson had a close inter- Emlyn Hooson entered the House affairs, agriculture and European ant to the est in the cultural and musical life of Lords as life peer Baron Hooson affairs. He served as president of Wales, and was president of the of Montgomery and Colomendy of the Welsh Liberal Party from people of National Eisteddfod of Wales at in Denbighshire, at once becom- 1983 until 1986. When the Liberals Newtown. In 1966 and the follow- ing prominent in the affairs of merged with the SDP in 1988, he Montgomer- ing year, he was made an Honor- the Upper House, where he was backed for the leader- ary White Bard of the National to prove active in improving the ship against the less cautious figure yshire’. Gorsedd of Bards. Mental Health Act, urged police of . Hooson was, Having suffered increasing ill reforms and spoke on law reform predictably, to give full support health during recent years, Emlyn and drug trafficking. to the establishment and develop- Hooson died on 21 February 2012. Emlyn Hooson was also ment of the National Assembly On the day of his funeral, many strongly opposed to the British pur- for Wales set up in 1999. Both as hundreds of mourners lined the suit of the Falklands War in 1982. a lawyer and a politician, he was streets of Llanidloes to pay their Speaking in the Lords on 20 May, strongly enthusiastic in his pur- respects to a man described as he was outspoken: suit of civil liberty issues, urg- ‘a great servant to the people of ing a Freedom of Information Act Montgomeryshire’. The funeral My Lords, it is with the great- from 1985. During his later years, service was held at China Street est regret that I must dissoci- his position on Europe softened: chapel, Llanidloes and was fol- ate myself from the support he was anxious to overcome ‘the lowed by a procession to the local for the Government expressed baleful influence of the Euroscep- cemetery.16 He was a first cousin by my noble Leader and friend tics’ among the Tories. Speaking (and political opponent) of Tom Lord Byers. I find it impossi- ‘as one who represents a minority Hooson, the Conservative MP for ble to support him. I am totally culture’, this Welsh-speaker said, the Brecon and Radnor division, against any military escalation ‘It seems to me that aggressive who died in 1985. A large archive in the present situation, and and self-glorifying nationalism is of his papers is in the custody of I speak not as a pacifist but as still one of the great curses of our the Welsh Political Archive at the one expressing quite the oppo- century’.15 National Library of Wales. site viewpoint. I have for years Among his numerous business The tribute of Kirsty Williams, been a defence spokesman for interests were his chairmanship leader of the Welsh Liberal Demo- crats, at the time of Lord Hoo- son’s death, eloquently sums up his Sources immense contribution:

NLW, Emlyn Hooson Papers; BLPES, Liberal Party Archives; NLW, Liberal Party of Wales archive; J. Emlyn Hooson was respected Graham Jones, ‘Emlyn Hooson and Montgomeryshire politics, 1962–79’, Montgomeryshire Collections/ in the House of Lords and the Casgliadau Maldwyn, vol. 97 (2009), pp. 165–204; J. Graham Jones, ‘Emlyn Hooson’s parliamentary wider political community for debut: the Montgomeryshire by-election of 1962’, Montgomeryshire Collections, vol. 81 (1993), pp. his passionate liberalism, his love 121–29; J. Graham Jones, ‘The Liberal Party and Wales, 1945–79’, Welsh History Review, vol. 16, no. 3 (June of Wales and his sharp intellect. 1993), pp. 326–55; , 26 February 2012; Daily Telegraph, 22 February 2012; Liberal Democrat Not only will he be remembered News, 9 March 2012; tribute by Glyn Davies in Barn, no. 591, April 2012; tribute by Dr Glyn Tegai Hughes in PROM, no. 21 (2012). for his high profile legal work, he will also be remembered for

36 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 establishing the Welsh Liberal Party in Wales – something we are still proud of today. He was Report a steadfast Liberal who cared for the people of Montgomeryshire and Wales. Emlyn was also a fer- vent advocate of Welsh culture The Liberal–Tory Coalition of 1915 and music having been President of both the national and interna- Evening meeting, 26 January 2015, with Ian Packer and tional Eisteddfod.17 Nigel Keohane; chair: Raymond Asquith (Earl of Oxford and Asquith and great-grandson of Herbert Asquith) Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior Archivist Report by David Cloke and Head of the Welsh Political Archive at the National Library of Wales, n May 1915, following political minority governments, as had been Aberystwyth and military setbacks, Liberal the case from 1910. Hence, Packer IPrime Minister H. H. Asquith suggested, there was not necessar- 1 See J. Graham Jones, ‘Emlyn Hoo- brought senior figures from the ily an aversion to coalitions. When son’s parliamentary debut: the Mont- opposition parties into his govern- the war began there was a possibil- gomeryshire by-election of March ment – thus marking the end of ity that a coalition could be formed 1962’, Montgomeryshire Collections, 81 the last solely Liberal government immediately, as the Liberal Party (1993), pp. 121–29. of Britain. Dr Ian Packer, Acting was not wholly united over fight- 2 Norman Cook in his final article in Head of the School of History and ing the war. Packer argued that if the tour of the Welsh constituencies Heritage at Lincoln University a whole raft of cabinet ministers published in the Liverpool Daily Post, and author of a number of books had resigned, the Prime Minister 15 April 1967. on Edwardian and Liberal politics, and the pro-intervention ministers 3 NLW, Lord Hooson Papers, box 42, outlined the events that led to the might have entered into a coalition press cutting entitled ‘The Assize of In May 1915, formation of the Coalition, and with the Conservatives then. How- Youth’. went on to describe the difficulties ever, Asquith’s customary tact held 4 See the obituary in The Guardian, 26 following that it faced and what eventually his colleagues together. February 2012. brought it down. He did this very Once through this difficulty 5 See the reports in The Times, 18 and political and much from the Liberal perspec- things seemed brighter for the gov- 19 January 1967; The Guardian, 19 tive. He was followed by Dr Nigel ernment. Despite having 25 fewer January 1967; and Peter Barberis, military set- Keohane from the Social Market MPs than the Conservatives, the Liberal Lion Jo Grimond: a Political Life backs, Lib- Foundation, author of The Conser- Liberals enjoyed a secure Com- (I. B. Tauris, 2005), p. 139. vative Party and the First World War, mons majority through the sup- 6 Cited in Hooson’s obituary in the eral Prime who provided further narrative as port of the Irish Nationalists and Daily Telegraph, 22 February 2012. well as a commentary on the events the Labour Party. Although both 7 See the penetrating analysis in Ken- Minister H. described by Packer from a Con- parties included opponents of the neth O. Morgan, ‘Montgomery- servative perspective. decision to enter the war, both offi- shire’s Liberal century: Rendel to H. Asquith Packer began by noting that the cially supported it. In Packer’s view Hooson, 1880–1979’, Welsh History first wartime coalition formed in this bound them closer to the Lib- Review, vol. 16, no. 1 (June 1992), pp. brought May 1915 had not received a very erals and made them fear a possible 106–7. good press. Liberals disliked it as Liberal-Conservative coalition: the 8 The Guardian, 4 May 1978. senior fig- representing the end of the last Labour Party because of the threat 9 NLW, Lord Hooson Papers, box 45, Liberal government, and it was it might pose to trade union privi- PLP press release dated 15 April 1978, ures from the generally judged a failure for not leges, and the Irish Nationalists for Emlyn Hooson’s speech to the annual securing military victory and the fear it would block home rule. The conference of the Welsh Liberal Party opposition end of the First World War. How- Conservatives also had to be care- at the Commodore Conference Cen- ever, he argued that it was not a ful not to be seen to be criticising tre, Aberystwyth. parties into particularly incompetent govern- the government excessively, for 10 Daily Telegraph, 22 February 2012. ment and neither did it demonstrate fear of being seen as unpatriotic – 11 Daily Telegraph, 3 March 1979. his govern- that the Liberals were unable to a concern reinforced by Asquith’s 12 Election address of Emlyn Hooson, adapt their ideology to fighting a masterstroke of appointing Field May 1979. ment – thus modern war. Its problem was that Marshal Kitchener as Secretary of 13 See Morgan, ‘Montgomeryshire’s marking the it was in power during some of the State for War. The Liberals, there- Liberal century’, pp. 107–8. most desperate times of the war. fore, seemed safe. 14 House of Lords Debates, vol. 430, c. 838 end of the The possibility of coalition had Packer noted that the discus- (20 May 1982). hung over British politics since the sions within the cabinet regard- 15 See the obituary in The Guardian, 26 last solely start of the war in August 1914. The ing the conduct of the war did not February 2012. period up until then has been seen appear to affect the cohesion devel- 16 See the funeral report in the Cam- Liberal as a classic period of two-party pol- oped over the course of the Liberal brian News, 7 March 2012. itics, but in fact most of the govern- Party’s nine years in government. 17 Wales Online website, consulted 16 government ments of the preceding thirty years The crucial conflict came over how May 2013. had either been coalitions (Con- much of the country’s economic of Britain. servative and Liberal Unionist) or and manpower resources should

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 37 Report: The Liberal–Tory Coalition of 1915 be devoted to the war. A group of Then, in the In these circumstances Asquith sense was not one of a man being ministers around McKenna, Run- had to accept that the war was out of control but of one seizing the ciman and Harcourt took a cautious course of a unlikely to be over quickly. The moment. approach, fearing that massively preceding events had damaged the In Keohane’s view Asquith disrupting the economy would lead meeting that government’s credibility and it came away with the spoils. Asquith to financial collapse. Against them, became harder for the Conserva- remained Prime Minister and in Lloyd George associated himself apparently tive leader Bonar Law to restrain a cabinet of 22 members, 12 were with the policy of ‘total war’, call- the attacks of his backbenchers. Liberal and only 8 Conservatives, ing for massive increases in muni- only lasted The government’s reputation was the remaining places being taken tions production and increased also being battered by the Con- by the Labour leader Arthur Hen- government intervention. Packer fifteen min- servative press which hounded it as derson and by Lord Kitchener. In argued that these were not dis- being insufficiently patriotic over addition, the positions taken by the putes between an approach that utes, a coa- the treatment of enemy aliens and Conservatives were relatively mar- was ‘liberal’ and one that was not; hinted that those Liberal ministers ginal ones: Bonar Law himself was the party had already accommo- lition was which had previously had close Colonial Secretary. No Conserva- dated itself to a significant degree links with Germany were secretly tive had a central role in the con- of state intervention, especially in agreed and traitors. duct of the war other than Balfour welfare. He argued that the differ- the last Lib- Asquith then took advantage at the Admiralty, who, as the previ- ences were partly temperamental, of one of what he described as ‘the ous Tory leader, Packer suggested, while also reflecting pre-war atti- eral govern- sudden curves in politics’, which might have been placed there to tudes to social reform. However, Packer noted that he believed he provide a counterweight to Bonar the divisions did lay the basis for the ment was had a special talent for spotting. Law. It was, thus, still very much acrimonious debates in the 1915–16 On 17 May, Bonar Law visited Asquith’s government. Reflect- coalition and caused lasting enmity terminated. Lloyd George at the Treasury to ing on a later question, Packer sug- between McKenna and Lloyd find out whether Fisher had indeed gested that Asquith had perhaps George. resigned. Although there were no been even too successful in mar- Gradually during 1914–15 the contemporary records of the dis- ginalising the Conservatives and cautious approach of McKenna cussions held during the day, events that this had contributed to his later was superseded, not least because seemed to develop as follows. Dur- difficulties. of Kitchener’s decision to recruit a ing the discussions between Lloyd Many Liberals outside govern- volunteer army of a million men. George and Bonar Law the idea ment, however, were dismayed: This rapidly started to distort the of an all-party coalition emerged. a Liberal government had been economy, with an accompany- Lloyd George then went to Down- dismantled without consultation. ing expansion in munitions pro- ing Street to report this to the Many still saw the Conservatives as duction and a contraction in other Prime Minister. Asquith in turn their main political enemy and had sectors starved of manpower and phoned Bonar Law and asked him no wish to cooperate with them. resources. The government was, to a meeting. Then, in the course Packer noted that Asquith had to therefore, increasingly drawn into of a meeting that apparently only be at his very best to convince a the management of the economy lasted fifteen minutes, a coalition meeting of Liberal MPs to back the regardless. was agreed and the last Liberal gov- coalition. As Christopher Addi- What finally undermined the ernment was terminated. son noted, ‘some of the members government, however, was its Why did Asquith take this were moved to tears, as was the PM inability to win the war quickly. momentous step? Packer suggested himself ’. Packer noted that military crises that he probably felt the need to Packer suggested that the real in France at the beginning of the agree a deal as soon as possible difficulty Asquith created for him- war had led to a coalition govern- before cabinet authority and Lib- self was one that he had not fore- ment in that country; a similar eral Party popularity waned any seen. Since he had been elected series of events had the same effect further. A coalition would force the Liberal leader in 1908 no credible in Britain. The decisive battle on Conservatives to share responsibil- contender had emerged. Lloyd the Western Front never came; ity – and therefore blame – for the George had no supporters in cabi- instead, there were a series of mili- conduct of the war. This was not net other than Churchill (whose tary and diplomatic setbacks. The welcomed by all in the Conserva- reputation had been eclipsed) and Anglo-French offensive in spring tive leadership, but they felt unable many others hated or despised 1915 failed to break the German to refuse. Packer also noted that him. Once the coalition had been lines, and this was compounded by the Labour Party joined the coali- formed, however, it was no longer reports in The Times on 14 May 1915 tion, whilst the Irish Nationalists necessary to be Leader of the Lib- suggesting that a lack of ammuni- did not. In questions it was sug- eral Party in order to be Prime tion was to blame. The landing at gested that the emotional conse- Minister. Indeed, Packer believed the Dardanelles led to another stale- quences of Venetia Stanley ending that it was probably the only way mate, with neither the Ottoman her relationship with Asquith only that Asquith could have been Empire forced out of the war nor a few days before had contributed displaced. the neutral Balkan states brought to what, in retrospect, seemed like A number of factors then came into it on Britain’s side. On 15 May a rash decision. Packer replied that into play. Initially Asquith had the Head of the Admiralty, the First it was very hard to judge the impact intended to make Lloyd George Sea Lord, Lord Fisher, resigned of private emotional developments Secretary State for War, but Kitch- over the Dardanelles policy. on public actions. However, his ener’s popularity prevented this.

38 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 Report: The Liberal–Tory Coalition of 1915

Instead Asquith moved Lloyd the Conservative support that he its predecessor, and difficult deci- George to the new Ministry of claimed. This was a miscalculation. sions, such as rationing and price Munitions. This new role enabled On 5 December Asquith resigned control, were still reached slowly. him to enhance his reputation as and challenged his critics to put Behind the rhetoric there was much a wartime leader. Tackling one of another government together. continuity. the greatest crises facing the gov- King George V approached Bonar In summing up, Packer noted ernment suited him very well, and Law, who replied that he could not that the birth of the coalition was he did it successfully. The mas- form a government but suggested inauspicious. It was a government sive increase in munitions produc- that Lloyd George could. Lloyd no one really wanted, an ingen- tion kept the war effort going and George was thus invited to form his ious scheme born on the spur of the made Lloyd George’s reputation. government. moment. However, it had to deliver At the same time, however, there Packer then turned to an analy- military success and without that were increasing questions over sis of this outcome on the Liberal the calls for new men and new manpower and conscription. Lloyd Party, on Liberalism and on the war measures would not go away. George thought that conscription effort. He believed that the Lloyd Nigel Keohane began by not- was necessary and made his views George coalition was not the inevi- ing that it was perhaps a little unfair public in September 1915. This table outcome, arguing that Lloyd on Asquith to talk about him in aligned him with the Conservative George had not intended to replace the Lloyd George Room of the Party rather than with his Liberal Asquith as Prime Minister. None- and won- colleagues, who were largely reluc- theless, the impact on the party In terms dered in passing whether in a hun- tant. 1915–16 saw a long political was catastrophic: it was cut in two, dred years time there would be a battle about conscription which led which led directly to the electoral of the con- meeting about David Cameron to it being pushed through in stages disaster of 1918. It also ended the in the Farage Room! His inten- during 1916, mainly because the progressive alliance with Labour, duct of tion was to fill in any gaps and war effort simply needed the men. as Arthur Henderson refused to act to provide the perspective of the Packer argued that once he had with Asquith, arguing that Labour war, Packer Conservative Party, including got conscription through Asquith would decide for itself, and took its verdict on the coalition and its very much lost his usefulness to on an enhanced role in the new observed impact on the party. the more hawkish members of the coalition. As Packer noted later in Keohane shared Packer’s view government. In addition, his dila- response to a question, this enabled that Lloyd on the fluidity of politics at the toriness on the matter frustrated Labour to look like a national party time. He noted that Lord Selborne, Lloyd George. Events in 1916 only and helped ensure that there was an George’s a Liberal Unionist, had argued that increased this sense of dissatisfac- independent successor to the Lib- it was the Conservative Party that tion: defeat in Iraq, the collapse eral Party waiting in the wings. government was the natural heir to mid-Victo- of Romania and, above all, the Was the 1915–16 government proved to rian Liberalism and to principles Somme offensive. At the same time any better as a defender of Liberal abandoned by the Liberal Party. food production was perilously low values? Asquith might argue that be not much Nonetheless, domestic politicians and the general shortage of man- conscription was introduced in a had been at loggerheads. The key power in the economy meant that it fairly liberal way, including allow- better than divisions in Edwardian politics had was increasingly reliant on Ameri- ing for conscientious objection. On been between tariff reform and free can loans. There was the begin- the other hand Packer noted that a its prede- trade, and home rule and the union. ning of talk of a compromise peace. number of Liberal sacred cows had Initially at least, these continued Both the Conservatives and Lloyd ben slaughtered – such as free trade, cessor, and even after the patriotic truce agreed George felt that Asquith was not following the introduction of the between the parties in August and being determined enough in his McKenna duties in the 1915 budget. difficult deci- September 1914. The Liberals con- conduct of the war. Lloyd George Some eminently Liberal policies tinued to enact controversial legis- also believed that the government had not been enacted, such as home sions, such lation, such as the disestablishment needed to be restructured, with a rule for Ireland after the Easter Ris- of the Welsh Church and the Irish small war cabinet operating at the ing. Thus the government had not as rationing Home Rule Act, the latter leading highest level. As a questioner later been good for Liberalism either. A the Conservative Party to walk out noted, A. J. P. Taylor highlighted questioner at the end of the meeting and price of the House of Commons in silence. this period as a stark turning point argued that this indicated that the In 1915, however, war policy between a negotiated peace and Liberals were ideologically inco- control, were gained greater traction. No fewer socialism. herent. Dr Keohane did not wholly than 139 Conservative MPs were On 1 December 1916 Lloyd agree; he believed that there were still reached fighting at the front and they George put a proposal for a war a number of coherent ideologi- slowly. reported back on the lack of guns cabinet to Asquith. While Asquith cal positions within the party, but and high explosives. Many Con- would remain Prime Minister they did not add up together. The Behind servatives felt that the Liberals and Liberal leader he would not Labour Party suffered from this were not dealing with the issue be a member of the war cabinet. also, but the Conservatives not at the rheto- of enemy aliens effectively. There Asquith’s response was initially all, and this contributed to their were also divisions on the issue of cautious and he indicated a will- later success. ric there drink. The government began to ingness to negotiate. However, Finally, in terms of the con- be worried about the effect of drink he later back-tracked, possibly, duct of war, Packer observed was much on munitions production and con- Packer suggested, because he did that Lloyd George’s government sidered restrictions on the sale of not believe that Lloyd George had proved to be not much better than continuity. alcohol. Conservatives, for a range

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 39 Report: The Liberal–Tory Coalition of 1915 of reasons, some self-interested, MPs expressed their anger at the strategy led to the collapse of the did not believe that alcohol was an outcome of Lloyd George’s nego- coalition. But he also noted that, in issue. These divisions contributed tiations with the Irish. During the terms of strategy and the govern- to the climate prior to the forma- Nigeria debate almost as many ment’s relationship to the generals, tion of the coalition. Conservative MPs voted against Asquith was closer to the Con- Keohane noted that thirty years Bonar Law as sided with him. All servative position of support for the ago historians would have been this influenced Bonar Law’s think- ‘Western Strategy’ than was Lloyd united in their view that the coali- ing in his discussions with Lloyd George, who sympathised with con- tion government had been a fail- George. Historians tended to sideration of an ‘Eastern Strategy’ ure. However, he believed that it regard the Liberal Party as the weak and was keen to meddle in military did have some significant successes party at this stage; Keohane argued strategy. The problem, as Packer to its name: the increase in muni- that the Conservative Party was noted, was Asquith’s failures on the tions production, keeping Britain almost as divided. domestic front through his failure in the war, the introduction of con- Why, then, was Bonar Law to provide inspirational leadership scription, the relatively low lev- not pushed out? Essentially, there committed to the effective organisa- els of industrial unrest and, at the wasn’t a Lloyd George within the tion of the economy at home. Somme, embarking on the biggest Conservative Party. Each possi- A questioner followed this up battle in which Britain had ever ble successor had significant flaws: by asking about Asquith’s alleged engaged. Austen Chamberlain was a natu- indecisiveness and whether he suf- Why, then, did the coalition ral lieutenant, not a leader; Wal- fered from a lack of good ‘PR’ and fail? In part, Keohane argued, it ter Long was obsessed with the of friends in the press. It was also was because of the power balance Irish question; Lord Milner was suggested that Asquith had been within it. Bonar Law was a rela- regarded as not being a proper badly affected by the death of his tively meek leader and so the Liber- Tory; and Carson was leader of son Raymond at the Somme. Ray- als ran away with the spoils at the the Ulster Unionists. Keohane also mond Asquith, the meeting’s chair, start. This meant that the Conserv- noted that if the war had ended in confirmed that Asquith had been atives did not in reality possess the December 1916 the Conservative very hard hit by the death of his power that their supporters thought Party would have been in a diffi- son but argued that he was not the they had. As F. S. Oliver said, the cult position, with significant party kind of man who would have had ‘predominating flavour remained disunity, especially over Ireland. his professional judgement affected the same’. There were divisions In the longer term, however, by it. Packer added that he did not over war strategy, with Conserva- the picture was very different and think Asquith was indecisive and tives holding the relatively crude much more positive for the Con- believed that his will to power view of conscripting labour and servatives. The Lloyd George coa- was as strong as ever at this time. sending them to fight, and the Lib- lition succeeded in the objectives Packer did acknowledge, however, erals worrying about the economy that the Conservatives set it: win- that Asquith had a public relations and the philosophical implications Overall, the ning the war and responding to the problem. By the end of 1916 it had of conscription. Over time Lloyd threat of Bolshevism. It also ena- become apparent that, as the war George and the Conservatives came message of bled the party to display its govern- went on, the kind of leader the to hold the same position and as ing and patriotic instincts and put country needed was an inspira- Asquith’s star fell, Lloyd George’s the meeting behind it the threats of civil war tional and driving figure, and Lloyd rose within the Conservative Party. made in 1914. Since it was in power George fitted that requirement bet- By October 1915 the Conservative was of a gov- the party was also able to shape ter. Asquith’s public image before Chief Whip was already informing its own political destiny, notably 1914 had been of a serene political his leader that most Conservative ernment and in terms of electoral politics; for orchestrater who didn’t panic and MPs were behind Lloyd George. example, the distribution of seats who took the right decisions when Bonar Law was very weak at a Prime Min- ensured that there were good agri- needed. He was not an inspirational various points during this period cultural and suburban seats the orator. In addition, while Asquith and Keohane argued that this was ister brought party could win. Plural voting, and Grey had their ‘spin doctors’, also a contributing factor. A later which enabled businessmen also to they were not as numerous nor as questioner from the floor noted that down by vote where their business resided, effective as those working for Lloyd a leadership crisis had led Bonar and other outdated aspects of the George. Law to write a resignation letter ‘events’ and electoral system which favoured the A final questioner suggested on 6 May. Keohane proposed that Tories, were retained. They were that the role of the press had also pressure from his back-benchers to a fundamen- also able to ensure that the House of been understated and argued that be more active in his criticisms of tal failure Lords retained a significant voice. Kitchener’s initial opposition to the government, despite his belief In questions from the floor it war correspondents had created that Asquith should remain Prime to win, or at was argued that the massive weight distrust between the government Minister, may have contributed to of military failure, from Jutland to and the press, compounded by the the initial formation of the coali- least, suc- the Somme and to Russia, had been official communiqués being con- tion and the weak position of the understated by the speakers. Keo- tradicted by the casualty lists in the Conservatives within it. In the cessfully hane queried whether, with a cen- local papers. Packer acknowledged spring 1916 crisis on conscription sored press, the public was aware of the important role of the press as Bonar Law was only saved by the prosecute, the extent of the military setbacks. a vehicle for information and for intervention of Baldwin. In the Nonetheless, he acknowledged the opinion. Public images were partly summer of 1916 200 Conservative the war. general point that the failure of war shaped by the press and, as noted at

40 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 Report: The Liberal–Tory Coalition of 1915 various points in the meeting, Overall, however, the mes- and a fundamental failure to David Cloke is a member of the Conservative frustrations with sage of the meeting was of a win, or at least, successfully Liberal Democrat History Group the government came out in the government and a Prime Min- prosecute, the war. executive. Conservative press. ister brought down by ‘events’ RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) The life of Professor Reginald W Revans, 1907–2003 Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Any information anyone has on Revans’ Liberal Party involvement would private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK be most welcome. We are particularly keen to know when he joined the and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of party and any involvement he may have had in campaigning issues. We the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ know he was very interested in pacifism. Any information, oral history cobdenproject). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East submissions, location of papers or references most welcome. Dr Yury Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. Boshyk, [email protected]; or Dr Cheryl Brook, [email protected].

Dadabhai Naoroji Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 Dadabhai Naoroji (1825–1917) was an Indian nationalist and Liberal Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an member for Central Finsbury, 1892–95 – the first Asian to be elected understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include to the House of Commons. This research for a PhD at Harvard aims personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of to produce both a biography of Naoroji and a volume of his selected the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a correspondence, to be published by OUP India in 2013. The current Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. phase concentrates on Naoroji’s links with a range of British progressive organisations and individuals, particularly in his later career. Suggestions Four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis for archival sources very welcome. Dinyar Patel; [email protected] A four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis, attempting to or 07775 753 724. rebalance the existing Anglo-centric focus. Considering Scottish and Welsh reactions and the development of parallel Home Rule movements, The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper along with how the crisis impacted on political parties across the UK. Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and Sources include newspapers, private papers, Hansard. Naomi Lloyd-Jones; Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston [email protected]. Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise Charles Day Rose (1847–1913) the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on Charles Day Rose, a partner in the City banking firm of Morton Rose, the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home was Liberal MP for Newmarket 1903–10 and 1910–13. Living at Hardwick Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation House on the banks of the Thames in , he may have been the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of the model for Mr Toad in Kenneth Grahame’s The Wind in the Willows. Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. Rose died just before the First World War after being taken up for a spin in an aeroplane, leading the coroner to observe that’ airoplaning’ The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 should clearly be left to ‘the young, the vigorous and the robust’. Any Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. documentary information bearing on any aspect of his multifarious life Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral would be of interest. Dr Michael Redley, 10 Norman Avenue, Henley on campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Boyer, CUFR Champollion, Place de Thames, Oxfordshire, RG9 1SG; [email protected]. Verdun, 81 000 Albi, France; +33 5 63 48 19 77; [email protected].

The emergence of the ‘public service ethos’ The Liberal Party in Wales, 1966–1988 Aims to analyse how self-interest and patronage was challenged by the Aims to follow the development of the party from the general election advent of impartial inspectorates, public servants and local authorities of 1966 to the time of the merger with the SDP. PhD research at Cardiff in provincial Britain in the mid 19th century. Much work has been done University. Nick Alderton; [email protected]. on the emergence of a ‘liberal culture’ in the central civil service in Whitehall, but much work needs to be done on the motives, behaviour Policy position and leadership strategy within the Liberal Democrats and mentalities of the newly reformed guardians of the poor, sanitary This thesis will be a study of the political positioning and leadership inspectors, factory and mines inspectors, education authorities, prison strategy of the Liberal Democrats. Consideration of the role of warders and the police. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, equidistance; development of policy from the point of merger; the Birmingham; [email protected]. influence and leadership strategies of each leader from Ashdown to Clegg; and electoral strategy from 1988 to 2015 will form the basis of the Sir Edward Grey (1862–1933) work. Any material relating to leadership election campaigns, election I am currently writing a biography of Sir Edward Grey, and I am keen to campaigns, internal party groups (for example the Social Liberal Forum) discover any letters or other documents relating to him that may be in or policy documents from 1987 and merger talks onwards would be private hands. Thomas Otte, University of East Anglia; [email protected]. greatly welcomed. Personal insights and recollections also sought. Samuel Barratt; [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 41 him to return from exile to British politics. reviews It was the outcome of the gen- eral 1979 election – when he did not vote – that provoked Jenkins’ change of mood and led to his Dim- A Well-Rounded Life bleby lecture, ‘Home Thoughts John Campbell, Roy Jenkins: A Well-Rounded Life (Jonathan from Abroad’ of November 1979. The language of the lecture was Cape, 2014) hardly a battle cry but it struck a Reviewed by Bill Rodgers sympathetic note for those who were despairing between Tony n the final chapter of this fell apart. Roy Jenkins resigned Benn’s far-left Labour and Marga- absorbing and perceptive book, his deputy leadership and a fissure ret Thatcher’s doctrinaire Tory- IJohn Campbell describes Roy opened in the Labour party over ism. When the Gang of Four Jenkins’ last political initiative in Europe. A cartoon in Campbell’s came together early in 1981, it was trying to persuade the new prime book shows Wilson and Jenkins mainly Jenkins who brought the minister, , to com- together and Jim Callaghan hid- so-called political virgins into the mit himself to proportional rep- ing behind with the caption saying, new centre-left SDP. When Jenkins resentation. When Blair became ‘Heir today, gone tomorrow …?’ fought a by-election at Warrington, the Labour leader in 1995, Jenkins Jenkins spent four more years in a working-class northern town, hailed him as ‘the most exciting parliament including a further stint the sketch writer Frank Johnson Labour choice since the election of as but when Wil- said, ‘the surprising news’ was that Hugh Gaitskell’ forty years earlier. son resigned, Callaghan was elected ‘people rather liked Mr Jenkins.’ As Campbell says, he saw Blair as the Labour leader with Jenkins in Far from a remote grandee, he was the man to forge a united moderate, third place, below Michael Foot. As energetic, relaxed and sociable and progressive front and ‘realise the Campbell says, this marked the end never talked down to the voters. thwarted ambition of the SDP.‘ But of Jenkins’ ‘dwindling hope of the By November after Shirley Wil- that was not to be. Blair rejected premiership.’ it remains to be seen liams had won Crosby, the polls the outcome of the Independent whether Jenkins would ever have were showing that the SDP/Liberal Commission on the Voting System, reached No. 10, given the crum- Alliance was overtaking both the chaired by Jenkins. And ‘The Pro- bling and divisive Labour party of Labour party and the Conserva- ject’, the bridge between the prime the late 1970s. tives, reaching over 50 per cent. minister and Paddy Ashdown, the As it was, he chose to give up In March 1982 Jenkins fought Lib Dem leader, never became a his long parliamentary career to another by-election and won route to political partnership. become the president of the Euro- For Roy Jenkins there had been pean Commission. John Campbell two peaks and two troughs in his says that once he had made up his career between his arrival in 1948 mind to go to Brussels, Jenkins felt at the House of Commons at the liberated by the prospect of escap- age of 28 and his appointment in ing the drudgery and dishonesty 1993 aged 73 to the Order of Merit of domestic Labour politics. Given which Campbell calls the seal of that not much more than thirty Jenkins’ status as part of ‘the great pages of Campbell’s book cover panjandrum of the British Estab- Jenkins’ presidency, I would recom- lishment’. During the 1960s, Jen- mend that a student of this period kins had been a young, reforming read Jenkins’ 600 pages of his own home secretary (sometimes said to European Diary 1977–1981. But sum- be his greatest achievement) and ming up, Campbell says that Jenkins then a chancellor of the exchequer could claim that he was the godfa- who had pulled around the Labour ther of the euro but in hindsight he government after the 1967 devalu- ‘must bear some of the blame for ation. When Labour lost the 1970 foisting a flawed vision on the conti- election and George Brown his nent before it was ready for it.’ parliamentary seat, Roy Jenkins Shortly after Jenkins had been was elected the deputy leader of the installed as president of the Com- Labour party. The old ‘conscience mission I called on him at his new and reform’ Gaitskellites seemed to Brussels home. He glanced ruefully be coming back to power. If Jen- at the half-empty red despatch box, kins could work reasonably well a memento of his years as chan- with Harold Wilson, he would cellor. There were no manuscript become his successor and, in due notes lying on the table, and the course, prime minister. telephone did not ring. We talked But within less than two years, about domestic politics but only in in an extraordinary transforma- a desultory way. Few of his former tion of fortunes, this expectation parliamentary colleagues expected

42 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 reviews

Glasgow Hillhead. John Camp- John Camp- exchequer, a liberal home secre- index at the end of the 818 pages of bell says that ‘On a personal level tary and, briefly, foreign secre- Campbell’s book. Jenkins’ victory at Hillhead was bell has writ- tary. In retirement, Butler became I first met Roy Jenkins in July perhaps the high point of his politi- Master of Trinity College, Cam- 1951 when he interviewed me cal life.’ He was now to be seen as ten a fine bridge and wrote an elegant for an appointment. So ‘Jenkins’ prime minister designate and he personal memoir. But this was became ‘Roy’ for more than fifty pencilled-in a putative Alliance book fully nothing compared with Jenkins’ years. I was very fond of Roy and I Cabinet including David Steel as busy social life and writing nine thought of him as my elder brother home secretary and leader of the reflecting books, and a tenth – about Frank- in politics. Sometimes we shared house, Shirley Williams as foreign lin Delano Roosevelt – published our holidays in Tuscany and in secretary and me, to my pleasure, both on Roy after his death, making twenty- later years we talked regularly on as chancellor. This was the second two in all. His books on Gladstone the telephone on Sunday morn- peak of Jenkins’ career – but all too Jenkins’ dis- and then on Churchill were out- ing. On the last occasion we met, soon followed his second trough. standing, building on his experi- shortly before Christmas 2002, my He was elected leader of the SDP tinguished ence in writing Asquith (1964), the wife and I enjoyed lunch with Roy but with a much smaller margin royalties of which had enabled him and Jennifer at one of his favour- over David Owen than had been public career to buy his modest but comfortable ite country pubs. Clearly he was expected. He found difficulty in and his inti- country house in East Hendred, unwell and due to enter hospital adjusting to the Commons because Oxfordshire, which he made his after the holiday season but I was for many years he had spoken with mate per- principal home. dismayed when his son Charles gravitas and authority to a respect- In writing Asquith and drawing telephoned me on the morning of ful House. But now it was a less sonal style on Asquith’s love letters to Vene- Sunday 5 January 2003 to say that disciplined place, with Labour and tia Stanley, he came up against the Roy had died. After a gap of ten Tory MPs determined to make his and life. formidable Violet Bonham Carter years, John Campbell has written life as hard as possible. In addition, who did not approve the publica- a fine book fully reflecting both on as Campbell puts it, on television tion of these matters. Very differ- Roy Jenkins’ distinguished pub- Jenkins ‘looked and sounded old, ently, Jennifer Jenkins, his wife lic career and his intimate personal flabby and long-winded’: nor was – also formidable – has allowed style and life. he good at ‘the quick-fire exchange John Campbell to write freely of pithy soundbites’ in which David about her husband’s adolescent Bill Rodgers (Lord Rodgers of Quarry Owen and David Steel excelled. In sexual relationship with Tony Cro- Bank) was a member of the ‘Gang of the middle of the 1983 election, the sland and his affaires with his adult Four’ who founded the Social Demo- Liberal hierarchy tried, although girlfriends. All of this can be found cratic Party in 1981. He led the Liberal unsuccessfully, to replace Jenkins in the impressive, comprehensive Democrat peers from 1997 to 2001. with Steel as the Alliance leader. In perspective, the 1983 election result was far from a disaster for the SDP–Liberal Alliance. Its share of the vote was 25.4 per cent (against Minded to slay national ignorance the previous Liberal high-water- mark of 19.3 per cent in 1974), only James Dixon, Out of Birmingham: George Dixon (1820–98), 2.2 per cent short of Labour at 27.6 ‘Father of Free Education’ (Brewin Books, 2013) per cent. Nearly 8 million votes had been cast for either of the two Alli- Reviewed by Tony Little ance parties and it could be seen as a remarkable achievement. But that is hen Tony Blair chose minister. But Forster was not acting not how it felt. With David Owen ‘education, educa- in a vacuum. Vigorous campaign- pressing for his immediate resigna- Wtion, education’ as the ing had created the environment tion, Jenkins accepted the verdict, mantra for his government’s pri- in which the government felt com- remaining in the House of Com- orities, he unintentionally echoed pelled to take action and campaign- mons until he was defeated at Hill- George Dixon’s ‘educate, educate, ing had also fashioned the choices head in 1987. educate’, while also demonstrating and compromises by which the A few weeks earlier, Jenkins the enduring importance of state government modified its propos- had been elected Chancellor of schooling within political debate als; compromises which dictate that Oxford University. When he was more than 140 years after the pas- we still have church schools and installed in June, he wrote that sage of the Gladstone administra- that education has largely been a ‘Nothing in my life has been given tion’s 1870 Education Act. That act responsibility of local authorities me greater pleasure.’ It was, says enabled the provision of govern- despite the depredations of Blair, John Campbell, the perfect retire- ment elementary schooling, a field Gove and Laws. ment for him. But far from retire- that till then had been largely a George Dixon was pre-eminent ment, Jenkins continued to enjoy matter for private enterprise, chari- among those crusading for educa- his well-rounded life for another ties and the churches. tion to be provided by the nation fifteen years. In some ways, Jen- The 1870 Act is usually, and for all children whatever their fam- kins’ political career had been a rightly, credited to W. E. For- ily income. Dixon is now largely parallel to R. A. Butler’s, as But- ster who introduced the bill to the forgotten, or at least largely for- ler had been chancellor of the House as the appropriate junior gotten outside Birmingham, the

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 43 reviews

community. Dixon lived in one of man who could set out demands, the nicer parts of Birmingham but unlimited by practicalities, and his daily walk to work took him could provide the inspirational through rougher districts and regu- oratory to make followers believe larly confronted him with the pov- the vision. That man, Joe Cham- erty of large numbers of his fellow berlain, rather than George Dixon citizens and with the groups of ill- is the man who is remembered as dressed and uneducated children embodying Victorian Birming- spending their days hanging round ham. Chamberlain made Dixon’s the streets for want of better oppor- leadership of the National Educa- tunities. Generous with his money, tion League almost insufferable and Dixon was also generous with his also forced Dixon to give up his time. A prominent member of parliamentary seat to provide Joe Birmingham Liberal Association, with a safe berth. The continuation probably the best organised, Radi- of the Nonconformist campaign cal, electoral campaigning organi- even after the passing of Forster’s sation of its time, he became a local act was a significant contributory councillor in 1863, mayor in 1866 factor in Gladstone’s defeat of 1874. and a local MP in 1867. James Dixon’s book sets out the But it was those ragged chil- complex story of the campaign for dren to whom his life was devoted. state primary education and of the Following a series of meetings disputes between the two men. But organised by Dixon, a Birming- he goes much further. The For- ham Education Society was formed ster act proved the salvation of the whose members contributed to church schools but it also provided provide schools and pay pupil fees. enterprising local authorities with But Dixon and his colleagues were the opportunity to provide elemen- ambitious, arguing for state-funded tary education for all who wished town where he made his life and compulsory primary schooling and it. And Birmingham was noth- reputation. This is in part because established a National Education ing if not enterprising. The rest the archival material is limited, in League to promote the campaign of the story is of Dixon’s achieve- part because of his personality and, with Dixon as the chairman. In Vic- ments as chairman of the Birming- perhaps in the largest part, because torian Britain, this proved highly ham School Board, a post in which other prominent Birmingham controversial for two reasons. he succeeded Chamberlain and figures have hogged most of the Firstly, it cut across the work of the held for most of the rest of his life. limelight. Anglican Church who provided the Despite Chamberlain’s best efforts The Victorian Liberal Party was bulk of such primary schooling as Dixon continued to try and defuse built on Whig families who sup- existed but lacked the resources to the denominational controversy. plied a bedrock of administrative build schools for all. Secondly, little He exploited ambiguities in the capabilities, buttressed by in Victorian politics escaped con- legislation to extend education into endeavour and earnestness, and tagion from religious differences what would now be considered the Radical campaigning enthusiasm. and the solution advocated by the secondary sector and promoted Dixon was a typical product of this NEL was for state secular education higher standards and qualifications milieu. Of the middling sort, he with religious teaching provided for teachers. Through his own gen- received a (Leeds) grammar school separately and privately. Dixon was erosity and that of his extensive education before making his for- himself an Anglican but many of his acquaintances a high school educa- tune in (overseas) trade through activists were Nonconformists who tion was instigated for Edgbaston a partnership in Rabone Bros. of had the strongest possible objections girls. Following the 1884 Reform Birmingham. In his youth he was to the education provided by Angli- Act, Dixon resumed his parlia- a friend of the Brontës. Business can schools and to the use of their mentary career and although he brought him into contact with taxes to fund such a denominational opposed Gladstone in the home rule prominent commercial, Liberal education. crisis, this neither upset his position families such as the Rathbones of James Dixon paints a picture of on the Birmingham School Board Liverpool and marriage connected his ancestor George as that greatly nor stopped him sharing London him with James Stansfeld. Dixon’s undervalued politician, a reasona- accommodation with the Glad- growing commercial success took ble man ready to recognise limiting stonian Stansfeld. He pursued his him to Canada and the Antipodes, practicalities and willing to com- own line on education issues even journeys which imbued him with promise for the sake of progress; a when he differed from fellow Lib- a lifelong enthusiasm for colonial man who could chair and manage eral Unionists or the Unionist gov- emigration as an answer to British committees. Without such persons ernment. To the end he fought for poverty. Success also brought him government becomes impossible, compulsory free education and it is the chairmanship of the Birming- but political fame favours a differ- at least debatable whether he rather ham Chamber of Commerce. ent type. Unfortunately for Dixon, than Chamberlain left the greater As with so many of his contem- Victorian Birmingham also nur- legacy to his city and his nation. poraries, success also brought a tured one of the best examples of As James Dixon makes clear, any determination to benefit his local that charismatic alternative – the biographer of the ‘Father of Free

44 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 reviews

Education’ is handicapped by the away with a greater admiration for appointment as Home Secretary. destruction of family archives dur- Dixon’s persistent, patient, practi- While such upsets were relatively ing the Second World War and the cal campaigning, toleration and rare (Winston Churchill losing his personal positions of George Dixon dedication. Along the way he will seat at Manchester North-west in often have to be inferred rather learn much about the organisation 1908 is another celebrated example), than documented. However, the and centrality of the Birmingham Hawkins shows that fear of by-elec- author has made extensive use of Liberal Association which provided tions frequently constrained prime local newspapers and other publica- the foundation for Chamberlain’s ministers’ room for manoeuvre in tions in which the campaigns were fame. making ministerial appointments. much more extensively recorded Appropriately, royalties from Kathryn Rix’s article on by- and debated than could be expected the sale of this well produced and elections and party organisation from today’s degraded press. well-illustrated book go to the Pris- between 1867 and 1914 highlights Despite the author’s best efforts, the oner’s Education Trust to further the increasing professionalisation of casual modern reader familiar with George Dixon’s work. by-election campaigns during this contemporary education may still period. Her description of late-Vic- struggle with the significant differ- Tony Little is the Chair of the Liberal torian and Edwardian by-elections ence between secular and non-sec- Democrat History Group. will seem very familiar to modern tarian education but he will come campaigners: extensive drafting in of outside help, the opportunity for agents to share expertise and intro- duce new campaigning techniques, tension between outsiders and local A history of by-elections candidates and activists. There is a further contemporary resonance in T. G. Otte and Paul Readman (eds.), By-elections in British the discussion of the role of ‘auxil- politics 1832–1914 (Boydell, 2013) iary organisations’ intervening in election campaigns. The 1883 Cor- Reviewed by Iain Sharpe rupt Practices Act had excluded third-party campaigning from can- y-elections have an iconic twentieth centuries, the more so didate’s election expenses. This cre- status in modern Liberal as they were often the best way of ated a situation where, for example, Bhistory, whether as a har- gauging the state of public opinion at the 1908 Peckham by-election a binger of revival, as at Torrington between general elections. range of organisations, including or Orpington, or a much-needed In the opening contribution, the Tariff Reform League, the Coal sign of resilience, as with Liverpool Philip Salmon argues that by-elec- Consumers Association, the Sport- Edge Hill or the recent contest at tion contests between 1832 and 1860 ing League and the suffragettes Eastleigh. They have proved less helped to strengthen voters’ party interesting to academic historians: loyalty. With most constituen- until now there has been just one cies at the time electing two MPs full-length volume on the subject, a and with no secret ballot, many collection of essays edited by Chris voters split their votes at general Cook and John Ramsden covering elections between candidates of the period between the First World rival parties. By-elections forced War and the 1970s.1 So this work them to ‘plump’ one way or the fills a significant gap in the study of other. Salmon demonstrates using British politics, tackling the years detailed statistical analysis that hav- between the Great Reform Act and ing come down off the fence at the the outbreak of the First World War. by-election voters often retained Like Cook and Ramsden’s vol- their newfound allegiance and at ume, this is a collection of essays the subsequent general election by a range of authors rather than a voted for two candidates of one single monograph. The editors have party rather than one of each. adopted neither a strictly chrono- Angus Hawkins discusses what logical nor a thematic approach, to modern eyes is a strange phe- but a hybrid of the two, which nomenon, ministerial by-elections. can be enriching by giving dif- Until 1919 MPs had to seek re-elec- ferent perspectives on the same tion when appointed to ministe- period, but can also lead to dupli- rial office. Often such by-elections cation and omission, in particular were uncontested, but, as Hawkins a bias towards the late Victorian shows, at times of particular cri- and Edwardian eras. Nonetheless, sis or controversy they could lead individually and collectively these to embarrassing defeats for newly essays make a strong case for the appointed ministers. The most importance of by-elections in the famous case was Lord John Russell development of British party poli- losing his South Devon seat in 1835 tics during the nineteenth and early when seeking re-election after his

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 45 reviews campaigned for the Conservative Grey, who consciously pursued the final year before the general candidate, spending between them ‘continuity’ of foreign policy election would have been those far more than the 1883 Act’s limits between the two major parties. I before not after August 1914 – a allowed the candidate to spend. It am inclined to disagree with Otte’s general election was not due until is a problem that is still with us, as judgement that ‘it was impossible late 1915. So there was much still the controversy over the Coalition … for the Liberals to convert Sir to play for. If Sir Edward Grey had government’s attempt to legislate Edward Grey’s high standing in achieved ‘peace with honour’ from on the issue has shown. Europe in 1912–14 into hard domes- the Balkan crisis, if a compro- Unsurprisingly, given the two tic currency’. While the Liberals mise solution had been found for editors’ previous work, questions could not outflank the Unionists Irish home rule, if Lloyd George’s of patriotism and foreign policy in terms of defence spending and land campaign had proved popu- feature strongly, rightly so as the assertive diplomacy, Grey’s image lar, and if the benefits of the 1911 role of such issues in elections has of putting country before party National Insurance Act had begun been neglected by previous histo- shielded the Liberals from accusa- to be appreciated, the Liberals rians. Geoffrey Hicks looks at by- tions of lack of patriotism. might have expected a significant elections during Disraeli’s 1874–80 The essay by Readman and boost in their fortunes. On the administration. He concludes that Blaxill on ‘Edwardian by-elections’ other hand, if the government had the swing against the government covers the period from the late 1890s refused to enter the war and stood began before Gladstone started his to 1914, and concludes by address- aside while Germany overran Bel- great campaign against the Bulgar- ing the perennial question of the gium and much of France, the Lib- ian atrocities, suggesting that this Liberal party’s electoral prospects erals might indeed have suffered was not decisive in shifting public at the outbreak of the First World a catastrophic defeat in the face of opinion against the Conservatives. War. From a Liberal Party perspec- Unionist attacks on their weakness T. G. Otte considers the role tive they paint a less positive picture against German aggression. of foreign policy in by-elections than recent historians have done, I was surprised that the authors between 1865 and 1914. He high- seeing the electoral position in 1914 do not discuss Ian Packer’s 2011 arti- lights how Conservatives sought as being one of underlying Conserv- cle on by-elections between 1911 to exploit the perceived weak- ative strength and Liberal weakness. and 1914, the more so as Dr Packer ness of Liberal foreign and defence They project a Unionist parlia- is both a contributor to this vol- policy under Gladstone. This was mentary majority of sixty-two at ume and explicitly thanked by the often a successful tactic, although a possible 1915 general election. An authors for commenting on this it depended on there being a clear increased number of Labour candi- chapter. He concluded that ‘it is current issue on which the Con- dates might have converted this into probably only safe to say that the servatives could play the patriotic a Conservative landslide. 1915 election result was still in the card. For example, during Glad- While I agree that the notion balance in August 1914, and that it stone’s first administration, the of Conservatism in 1914 being in would have been a closely fought Conservatives won a series of by- permanent crisis has been over- contest’.2 Precisely because we can- election victories after campaign- stated, there are problems with not know what the course of Brit- ing on Britain’s alleged lack of the analysis presented here. Read- ish politics would have been had military preparedness at the time man and Blaxill put forward their the country not entered a European of the Franco-Prussian war. Occa- projection based on by-elections war in August 1914, I am inclined to sionally the boot was on the other of 1913–14, while pointing out the share this more tentative conclusion. foot: in by-elections between 1897 strong correlation between pre- This illustrates, however, that and 1899 the Liberals gained some vious general election results and anyone reading this volume will advantage by portraying the for- by-elections during the twelve be left with much to think about, eign policy of Lord Salisbury’s gov- months that preceded them. But arguments to agree and disagree ernment in the Far East as weak. in the normal scheme of things, with, and their understanding of Surprisingly, Otte skips over the most clear-cut case of a patriotic issue decisively affecting the course Liberal Democrat History Group online of by-election results, namely the Website outbreak of war in South Africa in See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of our activities and publications, guides to archive sources, October 1899, which reversed the research resources, and a growing number of pages on the history of the party. (Please note that we are trend of swings to the Liberals, and ciurrently upgrading our website, and there may be some delay in making all content available.) saw voters rally to the Unionist government, which won a landslide Email victory in the 1900 ‘khaki’ general Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest election. (To be fair this is discussed way to find out what we’re doing. Fill in the form at: http://bit.ly/LDHGemail. briefly by Paul Readman and Luke Blaxhill elsewhere in the volume.) Facebook page In opposition after 1905, the News of the latest meeting and publications, and a discussion forum: Unionists attacked the Liber- www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup. als with some success over naval defence, although they found it Twitter harder to attack the diplomacy of A daily posting of Liberal events on this day in history. Follow us at: LibHistoryToday. the foreign secretary Sir Edward

46 Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 reviews

Victorian and Edwardian politics Democrat councillor in Watford. His Tordoff. Indeed the book covers enriched. In their introduction, the University of London PhD thesis was a panoply of people and places. I editors refer to Charles Dickens’ entitled ‘Herbert Gladstone and Liberal only spotted one error and that was portrayal of a parliamentary by- Party revival, 1899–1905’. Hugh-Jones’s reference to the Hud- election in The Pickwick Papers at the dersfield and Bolton pacts (before fictional town of ‘Eatanswill’, and 1 Chris Cook and John Ramsden, By- Hugh’s time – 1950 to 1959) being conclude with the comment ‘A visit elections in British politics (Macmillan, with Labour rather than with the to Eatanswill always repays’. On 1973). Tories as was the case. the evidence of this volume that is 2 Ian Packer, ‘Contested Ground: Following the 1979 election, the very true. Trends in British By-elections, 1911– next party issue was the arrival of 1914’, Contemporary British History, the SDP and ultimately the seats Iain Sharpe is an administrator at the 25(1), 2011, pp. 157–73. negotiations (splitting the seats University of London and a Liberal between the Liberal Party and the SDP for the 1983 election). This was a tortuous and time-consum- ing business, and the book offers a blow-by-blow account of those Servant of the party often unhappy events. Hugh-Jones served through that 1983 election, Sir Hugh Jones, Campaigning Face to Face (Book Guild Ltd, where he had to use to the full his 2007) diplomatic as well as his political skills. He formally retired in Octo- Reviewed by David Shutt ber 1983, but stayed with the cause as a volunteer and one of the party’s his is a splendid book, a building elsewhere in Europe. He treasurers (no doubt because his reminder for many of us was forever troubled by the lack of own experience as Secretary Gen- Tnot just of the Hugh Jones resources available to the party in eral had acquainted him with the era in which he served as Secre- the run up to the expected election difficulties of working with a lack tary General of the Liberal Party in October 1978 and the eventual of resources) until the autumn after but of those final years of the party, election of May 1979. the 1987 election. Hugh was often including the time of the Alliance For me the most interesting referred to in an endearing way and ultimate merger with the SDP. part of the book was Hugh-Jones’s us ‘Uncle Hugh Jones’ and unlike An earlier volume (Diplomacy to assessment of the difficulties he many who both preceded and fol- Politics: By Way of the Jungle, Mem- had with dealing with the Joseph lowed him, when he left as the head oir Club, 2002) deals with his time Rowntree Social Service Trust of our professional service it was of in the Diplomatic Service; this Limited (now the Joseph Rown- his own volition. book starts with his time from 1973 tree Reform Trust Ltd) as the Lib- to 1977 as director of the English eral Party’s major donor. Hugh Speaking Union in England and was frustrated that all his deal- Wales. He had his struggles deal- ings had to be via the leader, who ing with so many volunteers, but I had a direct line to Pratap Chitnis, am sure that put him in good stead the trust’s chief executive. Hugh for dealing with the perhaps rather was told not to approach the trust different volunteers he found in the direct. During all this time, I was Liberal Party! on the other side of the fence as Hugh-Jones had been born into a JRSST director. Hugh-Jones’s Liberalism, ‘nourished by Lloyd problem was that, apart from George and the News Chronicle’. He two Rowntree family members, had had an opportunity to take on those of us who had recently been the Head of LPO role ten years ear- recruited to serve as directors were lier, but it was in March 1977 (as a 53 mainly Liberal Party members and year old) that he took up the post. candidates who had our own ideas Rather sensibly he spent several as to the useful ways money could months prior to his commencement be spent. We had two MPs on the going round the country getting to board, Jo Grimond and Richard know the party. He started whilst Wainwright, as well as Pratap, ‘Thorpe Affair’ matters were still who had himself had Hugh-Jones’s troubling us, but in the early days job eleven years earlier than him. of David Steel’s leadership. He was Hugh-Jones may well have felt straight in to the party side of cop- he had little influence, we in turn ing with the Lib–Lab pact. The often felt we were offered what speed with which that pact was seemed to be a Chitnis–Steel deal. settled reminds me of the speed Reading the book reawakened with which arrangements were memories – especially of the huge made in our coalition agreement contribution made by people like in 2010, so unlike the coalition Joyce Rose, Gruff Evans and Geoff

Journal of Liberal History 86 Spring 2015 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting ELECTION 2015 IN HISTORICAL PERSpECTIVE Join us for the Liberal Democrat History Group’s regular post-election analysis of the general election campaign, the vote and its aftermath, and the implications for the Liberal Democrats. Further details and speakers to be announced; keep an eye on our website and sign up for our email list (see page 46).

Speakers to include Phil Cowley (Professor of Parliamentary Government, University of Nottingham and co-author of The British General Election of 2010).

6.30pm, Monday 13 July Lady Violet Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London SW1

The party story is what will The main conclusion for Turnout may have been higher Compared with his previous interest most of us but the book me is that he served the Liberal and political party membership volume in this series – Part 1: goes on to record Hugh-Jones’s Party well. considerably higher in the post- Southampton 1958–1965 – Part 2 is speaking tours in the USA, his war boom years, but the reality fairly short; but the brief main assistance to the National Lib- David Shutt Lord Shutt of Greet- of politics back then was a long text is supplemented by plenty eral Club and his retirement land) has been Director and Chair- way away from making it a of appendices which contain the time in the Wiltshire village of man of the Joseph Rowntree Reform period we should simply praise sorts of details that entertain, Avebury where all his life skills Trust. He was Deputy Chief Whip by comparison with today. such as reproductions of press were needed. in the House of Lords 2010–12. Despite the far greater num- stories and leaflets (including ber of members available to one with a story disassociating deliver leaflets or knock on the local Liberals from recent doors, outside of election time activities by the Young Liber- this was often all but unknown, als!). This sort of recording and The Liberals in Hampshire: Martin even in target wards and mar- preservation of the tenor of local ginal seats. It is hard to see why politics is invaluable because it Kyrle’s reminiscences an age when political parties is also the sort of material that were larger yet much of the most often slips between the Martin Kyrle, The Liberals in Hampshire – a Part(l)y time did nothing to communi- cracks of history, beyond the History Part 2: Eastleigh 1965–72: out in the suburbs cate with the public should be reach of future historians. something stirred! (Sarsen Press, 2013) eulogised by comparison with Though very much a his- smaller parties, making more tory, the main lessons – such Reviewed by Mark Pack use of non-members and in as targeted activity and build- touch far more often. As Kyrle ing up your organisation – are he second in Martin has now seen the party success- writes in this volume: ones which are still very much Kyrle’s planned tril- fully transfer the seat to three applicable to twenty-first-cen- Togy on the history of different MPs in a row and The custom at the time [the tury campaigners armed with the Liberals and then Liberal run the local council for many late 1960s] was to fight an computers and smartphones, Democrats in Hampshire, The decades. election campaign over a making this not only an enjoy- Liberals in Hampshire – a Part(l)y Such coalface histories of period of about three weeks, able history but also a handy History Part 2: Eastleigh 1965–72: local politics in that era are all attend the count, pay the reminder of the core tenets of out in the suburbs something stirred!, too rare. But those that do exist election expenses within the effective political campaigning. concentrates, as the title implies, – such as the one written about time limit required by law on elections in Eastleigh Bor- that other area of extended and then spend the rest of Dr Mark Pack worked at Liberal ough itself. It was here that, Liberal and Liberal Demo- the year raising the money Democrat HQ from 2000 to 2009, after many attempts, his wife crat electoral success, A Flag- to pay for it and start put- and prior to that was frequently a became the first Liberal coun- ship Borough: 25 Years of a Liberal ting some money by for volunteer member of the parliamen- cillor to be elected to that coun- Democrat Sutton Council – share the next election. There tary by-election team. He is co- cil, setting the ball rolling for a a common warning about eulo- was no concept of ‘political author of 101 Ways To Win An pattern of electoral success that gising politics as it used to be. campaigning’. Election.