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THE LAST SACRIFICE: THE RITUAL THEORY OF FUNERARY RITES IN

VĀRĀNASĪ, INDIA

Presented to

The Faculty of the Department of Religion

The Colorado College

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree

Bachelor of Arts

By

Isabella M. Killion

May/2014

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ABSTRACT

This paper looks at the ritual theory behind the “last sacrifice” funerary rites in Vārānasī, India. The purpose of this investigation is to understand what motivates people to perform the ceremonies and what the implications are for society. There are a number of different elements of the ritual that I stress, including the perspectives on (duty) and mokșa (liberation), the holiness of the Ganga and Vārānasī, the significance of sacrifice in Hindu tradition, and the intentional steps of ritual that create order in the worldly “chaos.” I examine the attempt to reconcile the gap between what is known and unknown in the world and what can be controlled and what cannot be physically controlled– in this case .

I look at a number of different ritual theorists in an attempt to apply each theory and method to the funerary rites in Vārānasī and in the end offer my own ritual theory that best explains the “last sacrifice.” Through ritual, I argue that those who perform the “last sacrifice” can claim a form of control and self-empowerment.

Specifically, I contend that the driving force of the ritual sacrifice is the moment of control, which stems from the attention to detail in ritual, over the looming gap between the living world and what is believed to occur through mokșa.

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There is a popular Indian story of an extreme sinner whose remains were eaten away by crows and other scavengers once dead. The sinner that led an incredibly tumultuous life was in the transition state just following his death.

Because of his sinful life he was in the waiting period of transitioning to a lesser form of life in the cycle of samsāra (birth, death, and rebirth). The story goes, at the moment a crow dropped one of his bones in the Ganga River while flying over, the man was cleansed of all his sins and directly attained mokșa (liberation) and escaped the trap of samsāra.1 The significance, power, and sacrality of the Ganga

River are best displayed through these stories and myths in ancient Indian tradition.

This myth provides a universal promise for those who believe it to be true. There continues to be a steadfast belief that there is a possibility to reach liberation by accessing the holy waters of the Ganga River and dying with a proper cremation ceremony in Vārānasī, India.

In India, the Hindu tradition of celebrating and mourning the deceased is commonly in the form of a cremation ritual. Funerary rituals that are performed along the Ganga River in northern India are considered by Hindus to be the holiest and most sacred of rituals. For centuries in Hindu thought and practice, the Ganga has been seen as the most sacred and purifying waters in the world. Vārānasī, a city that lies directly on the Ganga, has become known as the holiest city in the world among Hindus. Every day Hindus trek thousands of miles across India to reach

Vārānasī to perform darśan (seeing) before Shiva lingas, to cleanse themselves of their sins in the waters of the Ganga, to die along the holy ghāts (steps leading down

1 Eck, Banaras, 216.

3 Killion to the river), and to assist deceased loved ones in their liberation through ritual ceremony. This paper will examine the ritual practice of the final steps of cremation along the Ganga River, specifically performed in the city of Vārānasī. The culminating section of the funerary ritual is known as the “last sacrifice” or antyeshti.2 It is believed that those who are brought to Vārānasī to die or once passed will reach liberation with the correct cremation ritual performed along the

Ganga River. The main force that drives people to perform this important ritual practice is not solely the believed outcome of the dead attaining mokșa, as many scholars and outsiders might argue. The central motivation for those performing the “last sacrifice” rites for their deceased loved ones is not what is believed to happen after death, but rather what happens to the participants in the moment of ritual. During the ceremony of the “last sacrifice,” in a moment of sacred time and space, the participants are delivered into a state of being that brings about the notion of empowerment, control over the circumstances of death, and easing the fear of death of oneself and loved ones.

In this paper, I will examine three renowned ritual theorists and evaluate the strengths and shortcomings of the ritual theories when applied to the “last sacrifice.” The main theorists I will evaluate in-depth are Catherine Bell, Jonathan Z.

Smith, and Mircea Eliade. I will also touch on a number of other theorists, including

Michael Jackson and Ernest Becker. Bell recognizes that there is not one correct way of analyzing rituals because ritual practices are so vast and variant. One must look at the general theories on why people perform rituals and how rituals have

2 Eck, Banaras, 340.

4 Killion become a part of confronting beliefs, myths, and actions in life. Ultimately, I will attempt to answer why Hindus continue to practice the “last sacrifice” and what the implications of the ritual are for those who perform the ritual ceremony for their deceased relatives. I specifically argue that the funerary rites in Vārānasī act as a method of self-empowerment through sacrifice – a mechanism of control in a moment of accepting the irrepressible conception of death, through the meticulous and intentional steps of ritualization in the historically and mythically constructed sacred space of Vārānasī and the Ganga River. In order to explain this theory of the

“last sacrifice,” the methods of self-empowerment and the attempts to create a moment of control must be thoroughly explained. In this paper, I will discuss the significance of sacrifice in the Hindu tradition, the attempt to reconcile the gap between the known and unknown and life and death, and the value of dharma and the effort given to performing the ritual steps intentionally and thoughtfully. These factors contribute to the method of the “last sacrifice” and the understanding of the specific ritual theory presented in this paper.

Holy City, Holy River

Vārānasī and the Ganga River have been considered holy sites for millennia now. Diana Eck is a scholar of religion who has done extensive research on the lifestyle and beliefs of the people living in what is known as the “city of light.” She discusses the history of the holy city of Vārānasī and the ancient accounts of attaining liberation on the banks of the Ganga. Eck explains that the holiness of the

Ganga River and the city of Vārānasī along its sacred banks is an accepted truth in

India. Hindus believe that those who die in Vārānasī or are brought to Vārānasī

5 Killion once dead will reach liberation (mokșa) and break away from the cycle of death and rebirth (samsāra). Because of this belief, Hindus travel for thousands of miles on pilgrimage to reach the sacred city of Vārānasī. Vārānasī, also known as Kāshī and

Banaras, is a place where death is in the air – physically and metaphysically. The pyres are constantly burning in the cremation grounds along the holy river of the Ganga. Eck claims that the people of Vārānasī not only experience a good death, but also a good life with the promise of mokșa close at mind. While the common belief of the sacredness of Vārānasī is clearly depicted by numerous scholars, including Eck and Jonathan P. Parry, the question remains: why is it a sacred place and why are these funerary rituals performed here?

Considering the ancient accounts of funerary rites and tales of mokșa in

Vārānasī, the cremation rituals along the Ganga have clearly been a part of history and, like many religious beliefs, have continued and evolved over many centuries.

This being said, there is some contention on how long people have been coming to

Vārānasī to die and how it all started. There is not a lot of information written about the history of Vārānasī’s funerary rituals.3 Eck states, “It is not the events of its long history that make it significant to Hindus; rather, it has such a long history, and it has survived and flourished through the changing fortunes of the centuries because it is significant to the Hindus.”4 However, Christopher Justice comments that there is another perspective, namely that the religious significance of Vārānasī is “a product of historical processes, rather than the driving force behind these processes.”5 It is

3 Justice, Dying the Good Death, 39. 4 Eck, Banaras, 5. 5 Justice, Dying the Good Death, 41.

6 Killion best to consider both theories when evaluating the historical relevance and to acknowledge the strength of sacred myths in shaping beliefs about liberation and about Vārānasī more generally.

Today, the Ganga River is visited by millions of people from all over the globe everyday who bathe in the purifying waters. Unfortunately, because of the excessive use of the river, it has become extremely polluted and appears to be anything but “cleansing.” The belief of the Ganga’s cleansing and healing powers still holds strong however. The Ganga is considered a , a Mother, and a holy river. “Her waters are said to be the liquid embodiment of sakti as well as the sustaining immortal fluid of mother’s milk.”6 Shakti means “power” or “energy.” Eck notes, “As the female life-energy of Shiva, Shakti is his consort and his enabling power in this world.”7 The power is revealed in the form of a river and the relationship between Shiva, Shakti, and Ganga hold strong. Merely chanting her name, Ganga, is said to “relieve poverty, banish bad dreams, and vouchsafe perpetual protection from the falling dung of flying crows.”8 In “Ganga Lahiri,”9

Jagannatha says that Mother Ganga loves even those who are rejected by everyone else. “He is so despicable that he is shunned even by outcastes; he is criticized even by madmen; he is so filthy with sin that all the tīrthas hang their heads in shame at their inability to cleanse him.”10 But Mother Ganga provides mercy for all. It is said

6 Eck, “Ganga: The Goddess ,” 137. 7 Eck, Banaras, 218. 8 Eck, “Ganga: The Goddess Ganges,” 138. 9 Ganga Lahiri is a significant and beloved eulogy of River Ganga. It is known as “The Waves of the Ganges” and is a story of the brahmin poet, Jagannatha, who was expelled from the brahmin caste because of an affair with a Muslim woman at court. Mother Ganga was the only one to show him mercy. (Eck, Banaras, 217). 10 Eck, “Ganga: The Goddess Ganges,” 150.

7 Killion that in earlier times mokșa could only be attained through, “meditation (dhyana), austerities (tapas), or ritual sacrifice (yajna). But now, it is said, in this Kali Yuga,11 these are no longer viable. Only the Ganga can bring the blessings of salvation.”12 So, in a time of chaos, only the Ganga River can provide some peace, order, and purity.

This theory contributes to the significance behind why the “last sacrifice” ritual is performed on the Ganga River and how the ritual itself also attempts to control the chaos described above.

Vārānasī is not only renowned for its promise of mokșa, but also for the fact that the holy Lord Shiva is said to make Vārānasī his permanent home. Many pilgrims come to Vārānasī to worship in the famous Vishvanath temple.13 In the myths of Shiva, the Ganga ascended from heaven and was caught in Shiva’s tousled hair and then spread throughout the Earth, feeding into all water sources. Those who worship Shiva as their main god consider Vārānasī to be the holiest city.

Shiva’s prominence in Hindu culture contributes to the continued popularity of

Vārānasī for pilgrimages and ritual life. As Shiva’s main home, Vārānasī has become a pilgrimage site for Hindus to practice darśan. There are numerous popular stories of how the Ganga River came down to Earth from the heavens and how Vārānasī became the holy city as Shiva’s home. According to one ancient myth, Shiva’s father- in-law, Himālaya, came to visit his newly wed daughter in the city that Shiva inhabited. The story goes that Himālaya expected the city of Vārānasī to be a filthy

11 Kali Yuga is the final of the four stages of the world. This stage is associated with the demon Kali (as opposed to the Goddess Kali) and is considered to be an apocalyptic era, when human life is short and full of misery. 12 Eck, “Ganga: The Goddess Ganges,” 150. 13 Justice, Dying the Good Death, 19.

8 Killion and sordid place for his daughter to live. He visited bearing lavish gifts in hopes to better his daughter’s transition, but when Himālaya reached Vārānasī he was blown away by the wealth and holy presence of the “city of light.”14 Himālaya also saw

Vārānasī as not only a good place to die, but also a marvelous place to live. As previously recounted, Eck studied the city extensively and examined the livelihood and wellbeing of the people of Vārānasī. It was clear to Eck that the promise of liberation at death leads to an overall happier life. “The joy of living can become a high art only where the fear of dying has been vanquished.”15 The positive outlook on life in Vārānasī creates a blissful environment to live and die.

A Goal of Mokșa

It is important to acknowledge that there are multiple perspectives on the concept of mokșa. According to the scholar Christopher Justice, Hindus perceive mokșa in various ways. Justice is a scholar that has done ethnographic research in

Vārānasī (which he denotes as Kāshī) on the perspectives of death and death as a

“livelihood.” In his work, Dying the Good Death, Justice recounts talking to many individuals who live in Kāshī and who have made pilgrimage to Kāshī. In one example, Justice notes a man named Mishra’s theory of mokșa . Mishra, Justice recalls, believes mokșa was not an escape from samsāra, but rather a “decent” next birth. “He would be a Brahmin, perhaps a saint. And he would be avoiding the common fate of taking rebirth in the form of an animal, ghost, or devil.”16 Justice reveals a number of other theories of mokșa, including the more common notion

14 Eck, Banaras, 312-313. 15 Eck, Banaras, 306. 16 Justice, Dying the Good Death, 142.

9 Killion that mokșa is an end to the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Justice also talked to a man named Singh in Vārānasī at the Muktibhavan who revealed another unique perspective on mokșa. Singh believed that dying in Vārānasī meant an end to being reborn into this life “full of trouble and sadness.”17 Singh further stated, “God is everybody, just like the sea. A person is like a little drop of sea water. There is no difference in the sea and a little drop. What matter you will find in ocean, you will also find in a little drop of ocean…This is the opinion…that, is if you die in Kāshī, the spirit of the dead body is merged in Shiva.”18 These various perspectives on mokșa are entirely important to acknowledge during the discussion regarding what motivates people to perform these funerary rituals. As stated earlier, the belief of attaining mokșa is not the chief driving force of performing the “last sacrifice.” It is of course a large contributing factor to the myth and belief that created the “last sacrifice,” but I argue that the varied explanations of mokșa imply that the true motivation of this ritual is multifaceted and occurs in the moment of performance, outside of the explicit forces. The multifaceted components that make up the force of the ritual include the implicit effects that the ritual has on those who perform it and the myths surrounding its sacrality.

Vārānasī is foremost a city that is defined by the constant attention to death as much as it is a positive lifestyle for those living there and those who move to the

“city of light” to die. Mahashmashana is another name for Vārānasī meaning “the great cremation ground.”19 In most parts of India, the cremation grounds are

17 Justice, Dying the Good Death, 142. 18 Justice, Dying the Good Death, 142. 19 Eck, Banaras, 32.

10 Killion located far outside the city. Cremation grounds are usually seen as inauspicious places–but not in Vārānasī. Manikarnika Ghāt in Vārānasī is located right on the bank of the Ganga River and considered to be the most auspicious place to cremate the dead.20 This makes Vārānasī a unique place that is separated from other cities that would be considered profane and polluted by comparison. These defining factors of the sacred location contribute to the notion of why individuals continue to believe Vārānasī has the power of liberation for all.

Death, dying, and funerary rituals contribute to the defining characteristics of

Vārānasī and as a result, have created a unique attitude towards death. In the psychoanalytic account The Denial of Death, Ernest Becker states, “the idea of death, the fear of it, haunts the human animal like nothing else; it is a mainspring of human activity – activity designed largely to avoid the fatality of death, to overcome it by denying in some way that it is the final destiny for man.”21 Becker further cites cultures, such as the “primitives,” as celebrating death. The celebration of death has been seen in cultures that believe death is the “ultimate promotion” on to the final eternity.22 The Hindu belief that the funerary rites in Vārānasī will result in liberation can be seen to ease the fear of death, which subsequently turns into a celebration. In the ceremony, the human’s life and the hope that the will reach mokșa, are celebrated. This is similar to many common cross-culturally.

For example, in Christianity the human’s soul is said to go on to heaven and is celebrated through eulogy. In the Hindu funerary rites, particularly those that take

20 Eck, Banaras, 33. 21 Becker, The Denial of Death, xvii. 22 Becker, The Denial of Death, xvii.

11 Killion place along the holy Ganga River are more celebrations of the expectant escape towards liberation. The life of the deceased, whether or not he or she has lived a fully righteous life, is celebrated at the ghāts along the Ganga.

In order to cope better with the uncertainties of the continuation of samsāra and the outcome of death, Hindus continue to perform the “last sacrifice” and other funerary rites in hopes of a positive outcome. The belief of attaining liberation reflects the attitude towards death. “It has been said that in India death (mrtyu) is not opposed, as in the West, to the idea of life (jivan) but rather to birth (jati).”23

Death and life in India go hand-in-hand, considering one of the central principles in

Hindu thought is samsāra. Samsāra is the cycle of death and rebirth in Indian tradition and it is believed that once the cycle is broken, mokșa can be reached; one is then “liberated” from this otherwise endless cycle of suffering. Many scholars who have studied Vārānasī argue that death is not feared as it is in other places.

People living in Vārānasī experience death constantly due to the nature of the city.

The belief of attaining mokșa in Vārānasī is thus highly engrained in the citizens’ minds so that the common fear and doubt are more often absent. “To most people in most cultures much about death is, I assume, a mystery.”24 In Vārānasī, the omnipresence of death, the acknowledgement of death, and the speculations and hopes of the dying create an environment that is unique. The vision of death in

Vārānasī creates a unique perspective of time and space. The people of Vārānasī argue that time stops there because of the holiness of the environment. “Time in

23 Filippi, Mrtyu, 5. 24 Parry, Death in Banaras, 2.

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Kāshī is different from time elsewhere…it is immune from the degeneration to which time elsewhere is subject.”25

…Since cremation is a sacrifice, since sacrifice regenerates the cosmos, and since the funeral pyres burn without interruption throughout the day and night at Manikarnika ghāt, creation is here continually replayed. As a result it is always the Satya yuga in Kāshī, the beginning of time when the world was new.26 Satya yuga is known as the “Era of Truth.” It symbolizes morality and the purest time. In Parry’s explanation of Kāshī, it is always in a righteous state of rebirth. The notion that time and space are ultimately infinitely holy and essentially paused is key to understanding the essence of the “moment” of ritual that is discussed in my theory. The instant that the “last sacrifice” is performed in perfect harmony is when the performers achieve the sense of accomplishment and empowerment. The purity in the moment of ritual in Vārānasī contributes to the theory that in the instant that

“last sacrifice” occurs, the performers are affected by a sense of control. I will return to this notion of sacred time when discussing the ritual theorist, Mircea Eliade. For now, it is a relevant point to make about how engrained the myths of these sacred spaces in India are in ancient history.

The Ritual Steps of the “Last Sacrifice”

The specific steps of the ritual are very important to perform in the correct manner. This is a common trait among rituals due to the defining characteristic of the routinization, nuances, and specific traditions. Once a person dies, the cremation rites are performed, followed by twelve days of shraddha rites, which help the

25 Parry, Death in Banaras, 18. 26 Parry, Death in Banaras, 32.

13 Killion deceased complete the journey to the “world of the ancestors.”27 The rite itself is a common fire sacrifice, which has been practiced in from the ancient period.

The methodical steps of the funerary rites are outlined in the work, Mrtyu:

Concept of Death in Indian Traditions, by Gian Filippi. In the waiting period between death and cremation, the body is prepared. To begin, the eldest son washes the dead body. The body is anointed with sandalwood and completely shaven. The eldest son cleanses the body with Ganga River water, tulasi leaves, and often, Indian basil is placed in the mouth. The body is placed on a straw mat and wrapped in unused silk

(white for men and red for women).28 The body is then positioned on the funeral pyre with the feet pointing south towards the realm of (the god of death) and the head positions north towards the realm of Kubera (the god of wealth).

Traditionally the forehead is covered in clay and ash or if the young man is unmarried or a married woman, the forehead is painted red. ( and

Rama’s name) are repeated loudly and the body is covered with flowers and images of gods.29 The family members and friends participating in the ceremony circumambulate the body in silence for the first time, although women traditionally stay at home except for a widower. The eldest son begins the procession and carries a burning coal lantern to light the funeral pyre.30 The funeral pyre is lit by the flaming kusha twigs from the ‘Doms’ who are part of the Untouchables responsible for tending to funeral pyres. The corpse is then dunked in the Ganga River followed

27 Eck, Banaras, 314. 28 Filippi, Mrtyu, 132. 29 Filippi, Mrtyu, 129. 30 Filippi, Mrtyu, 134.

14 Killion by a circumambulation of the body and the full burning process, which can take up to 5 hours.31 The remains after the cremation process, including the bones, are immersed in the Ganga. Next, there is a funeral procession away from the dead.

“We then went forward for dancing, for laughter, firmly establishing our long life.”32

This is the time of celebration. During the ceremony itself, mourning and outward crying are not common and are discouraged. After the procession away from the cremation site, the family members are allowed to express sorrow for their loss, but it is often a celebratory time.

The rites of the dead after cremation last eleven days and on the twelfth day it is thought that the dead has reached the realm of the ancestors. Hindus believe that death is a dangerous transition. Thus, it is all the more important for the relatives to perform the steps of the ritual meticulously and cautiously. To ensure that the relative makes the transition from life on Earth to ascend and be accompanied by the ancestors through escaping samsāra, the rites are taken very seriously.

The Sacrifice of Death

In the following section, I would like to dissect the title, the “last sacrifice.”

First, I will begin with the significance of sacrifice and how it has played a role in

Hindu society over the centuries. Sacrifice has been a part of Indian tradition since before the time of the Rig Veda. The description of the horse sacrifice is seen in the

Rig Veda as a special gift to the gods and a prestigious sacrifice. The smoke that rises from the fire acts as a tīrtha, or crossover, connecting the earth to the heavens.

31 Filippi, Mrtyu, 141. 32 Eck, Banaras, 341.

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The cremation pyre is seen in a similar manner and the Ganga River acts as yet another direct tīrtha that bridges the gap as a direct pathway to the heavens once the body has been cremated. There are multiple passages in the Rig Veda that describe the steps of the ancient customs of the funerary rites. The ancient passages are closely mirrored to the ritual steps still performed today. In the past, the corpse was often burned with valuable possessions and objects that would support the deceased in the long journey to “the land of the dead,” as is sometimes still performed today in a similar manner.33

The “last sacrifice” acts as a method to empower those performing the last rites on the dead. In the moment of ritual ceremony, those involved in the preparation and steps of the ritual generate a sense of control. It is a way to attempt to reconcile the gap between this life and what follows death, the known and the unknown, dharma and liberation, and the sacred and the profane. Sacrifice is performed in order to close this gap. It becomes a sacrifice–not only because the last rites are known as the “last sacrifice” – but also the ritual is itself a sacrifice. The ritual acts as a sacrifice in the sense that those involved must sacrifice their time and effort to bring the deceased to Vārānasī, to fulfill dharma, and give up their dead family member to the gods (or realm of the ancestors). The effort and time that is sacrificed by those performing the ritual reveals the opportunity cost of the sacrifice. This means, the sacrifice is believed and hoped to be worthy. Again comes a sense of control and coping relief once it is presumed that the sacrifice is worthy and the fulfillment of dharma is accomplished. At that moment, the ritual

33 Filippi, Mrtyu, 140.

16 Killion participants have performed their role in the ceremony and the rest is left in the hands of faith. The faith remaining is in the hopes that the ritual was performed correctly and is worthy enough for the deceased to attain mokșa.

Next, I would like to briefly analyze the first part of the term: “last.” “Last” refers to the ritual performers’ last chance to assist in the liberation of the dying or dead family member. In this sense, it is the last attempt to perform the correct traditional ritual steps in order to assure the bliss of the deceased loved one. This concept goes back to the theory of the discrepancy between whether or not the deceased that was brought to Vārānasī for the cremation rites deserves to reach mokșa depending on the karma experienced throughout life. Again, this returns to the question: If the deceased individual was not brought to Vārānasī for sacred funerary rites, would they not deserve or come close to reaching liberation? This gap is reconciled by the “last” attempt to assist the deceased towards a pathway that breaks the cycle of samsāra.

The theory of why Hindus continue to place such great weight on the practice of the “last sacrifice” is important to focus on. It is primarily due to the sense of control that is gained during the ritual. The sense of being in control of something that humans cannot possibly control, such as death, has been argued as a motivation for many ritual practices. However, the “last sacrifice” is a unique ritual in the holy city of Vārānasī along what Hindus consider the holiest river in the world, the

Ganga. The meticulous steps of the funerary ritual performed by the relatives of the deceased, provide the method of control. The feeling of control requires effort on the ritual performers’ part. The intentional method of the ceremony presents a

17 Killion reason for the individuals to acquire agency. The fulfillment of agency continues to drive followers to methodically work at performing the ritual as the tradition is outlined.

However, those performing the “last sacrifice” ritual do not believe the performance of the steps of the ritual are exclusively what liberates their relatives.

It is a combination of the controlled variables of the ritual and the uncontrollable variables that require faith. The required divine grace compliments the work of human nature. Faith replaces what cannot be controlled or known by humans. One must display what Søren Kierkegaard has famously denoted as the “knight of faith” in order for the ritual ceremony to be successful in the eyes of the participants. My interpretation of the ritual practice of the “last sacrifice” in Vārānasī is that it is an expression of empowerment gained by following the mundane procedures with the tacit belief that fulfilling dharma through sacrifice will lead to a positive outcome of the ritual (mokșa for the deceased). Along with the human control involved in the ritual, must be an element of faith.

The individuals in the ritual have a role to play and a specific dharma in the ceremony. Dharma is one’s duty in life and the observance of this duty according to the Hindu customs. By performing the ritualized duty in which can be controlled and highly monitored, the relatives are participating to the highest human ability of assurance for the liberation of the dead. After they perform the ritual, the participants acknowledge that they made an effort to the best of their ability and the rest is out of their control. In exercising what is in their control, a reward is deserved due to the karma of the sacrifice performed.

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The performance of the “last sacrifice” cannot only be seen as a coping mechanism for death. It is also a fulfillment of dharma for descendants and thus defines the unique foundation of Hindu principles. Religious merit is a clear motivation for followers to continue to bring their deceased loved ones to perform funerary rites in Vārānasī. Dharma is a central theme in Hindu thought and practice.

The fulfillment of one’s duty and build-up of karma is an incentive to continue the

Hindu traditional funerary rites. The fulfillment of dharma is not solely performing funerary rites for deceased relatives. It is much more than executing the “last sacrifice.” The Hindu dharma is a daily duty. Dharma is the way individuals act and think.

Ritual Theorists

Catherine Bell is a leading figure in the field of ritual theory. Bell evaluates a number of important theorists on the matter of ritual theory, including Clifford

Geertz and Emile Durkhiem, and draws from their ideas to compile her own theory of ritual method and practice. Although Bell does not pick one theory as being superior to the rest, she concludes the best way to examine ritual theory is in an expansive manner and by focusing on specific rituals on a case-by-case basis. In terms of the “last sacrifice,” Bell would look at the funerary ritual in Hindu tradition through a number of different perspectives and come up with a specific circumstantial method of evaluation.

Bell investigates the theories of ritual as being methods for social control, communication, and finally self-empowerment. Bell demonstrates that ritual is not a means of social control, as some theorists argue (Emile Durkheim), but rather

19 Killion empowers society.34 She notes how we conceive ritual, through “belief, ideology, and legitimation.”35 Ritual not only empowers society, but also most profoundly empowers individuals. This empowerment Bell discusses, I would like to take one step further. Established cultural rituals do not necessarily work to control society, as Durkheim argues, but rather have an impact on the individuals who feel a sense of control independently. By evaluating the ritual practice of the “last sacrifice”, I agree that the ritual is a means of feeling a sense of controlling the uncontrollable.

How exactly does ritual create a feeling of empowerment though? The sense of empowerment can be obtained in a number of different ways. Individuals can feel empowered by certain actions and accomplishments that they perform. The type of empowerment that is accomplished through ritual, as Bell acknowledges, stems from the feeling of authority and control over something greater and powerful.

My theory of the empowerment displayed in the “last sacrifice” is not a form of power struggle but rather a positive feature. Bell discusses the prevalence of power relationships in ritual. There are particular roles for individuals involved in ritual and it can be argued to lead to a certain power struggle within the group. In the “last sacrifice” the various roles include the position of the eldest son, the close family members spouses, and finally those who assist in the cremation as a livelihood. The Mahapatras are the priests that specialize in death rites.36 There is a large group of people that consider the cremation grounds as their place of livelihood. This group is mainly the “Untouchable” Doms who tend to the dead

34 Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual, 181. 35 Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, 181. 36 Eck, Banaras, 21.

20 Killion bodies and burning pyres. Their job is important and the ritual ceremonies could not occur without their aid, but because they are dealing with inauspicious and sordid conditions they are still looked down upon. The power relationship between those performing the ritual and those who consider it a livelihood is a unique dualism of respect and hierarchy.

Bell acknowledges the idea of “symbolic power,” which can be defined in a number of different ways. One part of symbolic power includes developing an idea or belief into a vision of the world, and Bell claims, would thereafter transform the vision into the reality in the world itself.37 This form of symbolic power, I would argue, is seen in the developments of the “last sacrifice” and contributes to the motivation for individuals to perform the ritual. The belief constructed surrounding ritual transforms into what is reality in the moment of ritual through a force of symbolic power.

Another major factor that drives people to perform rituals is to ease anxiety and fear and to cope in a cathartic process. There is a cathartic nature of ritual that contributes to the feeling of control over the “uncontrollable.” The cathartic nature refers to the coping method as a reason behind performing rituals (in particular the

“last sacrifice”). Bell acknowledges the theory that ritual eases anxiety and fear. The fear of death and dying is clearly common among human beings. By creating ritual performances that are formulaic and highly structured, society builds a reassurance through tradition and routinization. This theory returns to the idea previously acknowledged that Vārānasī is a unique exception to Ernest Becker’s psychoanalytic

37 Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, 199.

21 Killion perspective on death. Bell discusses the ritual theorists Bronislav Malinowski and

Raymond Firth in their debate on the relationship between ritual and anxiety.

“Ritual, as activities that yield no practical result, it was argued, probably function to reduce anxiety.”38 It is important to consider this theory of ritual when examining the outlook on death in Vārānasī. The rituals that constantly take place in Vārānasī arguably function to reduce the anxiety related to dying among the people who live in Vārānasī and those who bring their deceased family members to the holy city.

Certainly Diana Eck and other scholars of Banaras observe this to be true. Eck claims that the people of Vārānasī not only experience a good death, but also a good life with the promise of mokșa always in mind. Eck states, “Death in Kāshī is not a death feared, for here the ordinary God of Death, frightful Yama, has no jurisdiction. Death in Kāshī is death known and faced, transformed and transcended.”39

Bell would analyze the “last sacrifice” ritual with a number of different perspectives including the theory of empowerment and anxiety discussed above. In terms of the “last sacrifice,” Bell would say that the major driving forces that prompt individuals to perform the ritual include the cathartic steps of preparing the dead body for the sacrificial cremation and the notion of control. In many ways, these two concepts (anxiety and empowerment) go hand-in-hand. I would argue that the anxiety-reducing aspect and the empowerment-inducing aspect of the ritual are directly correlated to the highly detailed performance of steps of the “last sacrifice.”

As previously outlined, the steps of the cremation ritual in Vārānasī are meticulously performed with great attention to detail and are highly intentional.

38 Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, 71. 39 Eck, Banaras: City of Light, 24.

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The premeditated steps of the “last sacrifice” result in both a coping mechanism for the fear and uncertainty of death and the ability to feel empowered in the situation.

I turn my focus towards Jonathan Z. Smith’s analysis of ritual theory with the perspective that individuals become empowered and less apprehensive through ritual. Smith notably claims the field of religion to be a social construction and he similarly theorizes ritual. Smith claims that ritual is a human construction created to replicate what is believed to be the “ultimate” reality. Smith argues, “Ritual is an opportunity to reflect on the disjuncture between what is and what ought to be; it is a ‘focusing lens’ through which people can attempt to see, or argue for, what is significant in real life.40” This being said, Smith would examine the ritual practices that take place in Vārānasī as socially created with the purpose of connecting the

“incongruent” realms of the living with what is believed to exist after death.

In an attempt to use Smith’s theory to elucidate cremation practices in

Vārānasī, his example of the bear hunt will be a useful place to begin. The bear hunt festival that Smith discusses in “The Bare Facts of Ritual reveals an outline for all rituals, according to Smith. The bear hunt is a festival, specifically among the paleo-

Siberian people, that re-enacts the hunt with a ritual performance. The re- enactment, however, is of the idealized way the bear is hunted. For example, during the bear hunt festival one of the outlined rules is that the hunter cannot approach the bear without fair warning. If the bear is sleeping and startled by the hunter, this is unfair play and greatly looked down upon. However, in the real hunt (as opposed to the festival) it would be impossible to follow these rules. In reality, there is no

40 Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, 12.

23 Killion time to perform such a perfect hunt in the high stress situation of conquering the bear. Thus, the performance takes place separately from the real slaughtering of the bear. Smith recognizes, “Within agriculture, urban societies, the religious symbolism of hunting is that of overcoming the beast who frequently represents either chaos of death. The hunt is perceived, depending on the symbolic system, as a battle between creation and chaos, good and evil, life and death…”41 Smith divulges the incongruency between the way the hunters wish to hunt the bears and the way they actually hunt the bears. In the ritual, the bear is not surprised by the hunter, but rather willingly goes towards the hunters. Obviously, in a real hunt the hunters would not be able to coerce the bear to walk willingly towards its own death. The ritual performance makes the hunt seem peaceful and procedural. In reality, however, the hunt is a gruesome and challenging endeavour for the hunter. When hunters are involved in a real bear hunt, the variables cannot be controlled. The hunters cannot possibly control the bear’s actions or surrounding circumstances.

However, in the ritual, all the variables can be controlled. This being said, the hunters that participate in these ritual festivals know very well that in reality they are not in control. The participants of the “last sacrifice” experience the same type of recognition that the hunters do regarding the discrepancy between actually being in control and feeling in control. The “last sacrifice” in Vārānasī presents the incongruent nature between the reality of human capability of control and the imagined.

41 Smith, Imaging Religion, 57.

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Similar to the nature of the bear hunt festival, the “last sacrifice” is an act of idealizing the deceased. It is an act of performing familial dharma in hopes that the same will happen for the relatives upon death. At first glance, the belief that the deceased can attain mokșa in an instant of idealized ritual performance seems to contradict the very premise of the Hindu tradition of karma. However, Smith would argue this is the root of all ritual practices. The attempt to reconcile the incongruency in ritual is done through achieving a sense of control.

Smith analyzes the actions performed during the normal event of hunting that were transformed into a ritual activity and determines the steps involved are not inherently sacred activities, but rather mundane actions. Smith, as previously stated, is keenly aware of the discrepancy between the way people actually hunt bears and they way the ritual is enacting the hunt. Smith points out the hunters and the festival participants are fully aware of this discrepancy, however.

I would suggest that, among other things, ritual represents the creation of a controlled environment where the variables (i.e., the accidents) of ordinary life may be displaced precisely because they are felt to be so overwhelmingly present and powerful. Ritual is a means of performing the way things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are in such a way that this ritualized perfection is recollected in the ordinary, uncontrolled, course of things. 42

Smith concludes that the incongruency of the real hunt and the reenactment through ritual is realized and provides a new dimension. The full significance of the ritual and the discrepancy between what is not the ritual is revealed. In the case of the bear hunt ritual, the awareness of the gap between the reality of a bear hunt and what is performed in ritual places a focus of the ordinary hunt in a new way. This means that when the ritual is performed, then the awareness of how the actual hunt

42 Smith, Imagining Religion, 63.

25 Killion is delivered becomes heightened and reconciled with the idealized way of the bear hunt.

It is important to note the strict step-by-step systematic procedure of the

“last sacrifice” once again to identify the significance of the method. The detailed attention given to the specific ritual steps is a method to reconcile the incongruency presented in the funerary ritual. By performing the ritualistic steps meticulously during cremation, the relatives are fulfilling their dharma by making sure their ancestor is properly cremated in Vārānasī with splashes of Ganges water. The ritual is performed in order to close the gap of the incongruent nature of death and rebirth in samsāra and the liberation assured for the deceased. The steps are taken very seriously in the ritual and are believed to have great importance in whether or not the deceased body will attain mokșa in the last steps of the funerary ritual performed by the relatives. Some observers ask how can the ritual cremation ceremony in Vārānasī erase one’s karma and lead him/her towards liberation? Just because the deceased relatives performed the sacred steps of the ritual in the “city of light,” one can escape samsāra? The very notion that relatives who perform a correct funerary ritual can escape life’s karma can be compared to Smith’s analysis of the Bear Hunt festival. The hunters’ realization that the Bear Hunt festival differs from the reality of hunting mirrors the evident incongruencies of the “last sacrifice” rites and the reality of death.

Smith would examine the ritual practices that take place in Vārānasī as socially created with the purpose of connecting the “incongruent” realms of reality and what is believed. In Smith’s To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual, he attempts

26 Killion to understand the notion of a “sacred space” and how and why something becomes sacred. Through the examination of what makes Vārānasī so sacred, the theoretical debate between Smith and Eliade will be useful to scrutinize. In discordance with

Mircea Eliade’s phenomenological approach that the sacred (as opposed to what is profane), is inherently sacred, Smith argues the sacred is yet another man-made construction. Thus, while Eliade would argue there is sanctity in the geography of

Vārānasī, Smith would claim that humans created Vārānasī to be considered sacred grounds in order to reconcile the reality of death. Smith claims, “Ritual is not an expression of or response to ‘the Sacred’; rather, something or someone is made sacred by ritual.”43 In the created sacred space of ritual, such as the ghāts along the

Ganga in Vārānasī, everything that occurs in the space becomes sacred. Smith argues that ritual is “an affair of the relative,”44 meaning that the sacred becomes sacred in relation to the profane. The sacrality of Vārānasī would be considered sacred due to the human construction of its sacrality in relation to other cities that are not considered as holy, in Smith’s perspective.

Mircea Eliade’s theory is the opposite of Smith’s. Eliade declares the sacred as being inherently sacred and the profane as inherently profane. Eliade would argue that the Ganga River has been sacred upon creation, rather than becoming sacred by human construction. Eliade argues that all ritual festivals reenact the time of creation and the sacred time of the gods. If Eliade were to interpret the “last sacrifice,” he would infer it to be a re-enactment of the when the gods performed sacrificial ceremonies in the “primordial” times. This presumption lacks any

43 Smith, To Take Place, 105. 44 Smith, To Take Place, 110.

27 Killion significant evidence to support and would be impossible to claim without the ability to know the “primordial” time. Eliade does, however, make sufficient arguments regarding symbolism of ritual that can be applied to the “last sacrifice.”

In relation to symbolism of the Hindu funerary rites, Eliade would examine the symbols of water, death, and rebirth. Eilade discusses the significance of water as a symbol of both death and rebirth through “emersion” and “immersion.”

“Contact with water always brings regeneration – on the one hand because dissolution is followed by a new birth, on the other because immersion fertilizes and multiplies the potential of life.”45 This is an intriguing connection that can be applied directly to the “last sacrifice” and the immersion of the dead body in the

Ganga. Water has often been considered to have regenerative and purifying powers.

Themes of the flood and baptism in Christianity can be compared to the similar beliefs surrounding the holiness of the Ganga water. Eliade considers the sacrality in the world as a reflection of the cosmic realm. He claims the sacred symbols and rituals are only comprehensible for the “religious man” in a super-natural valence.

“The revelations of cosmic sacrality are in some sort primordial revelations; they take place in the most distant religious past of humanity, and the innovations later introduced by history have not had power to abolish them.”46 For Eliade, symbolism holds great significance in understanding and explaining myth and ritual. The significance of the symbolism, such as the purity of water, he believes (for the

“religious man”) is inherent to the object, space, or time.

45 Eliade, The Sacred and The Profane, 130. 46 Eliade, The Sacred and The Profane, 138.

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Eliade would pay close attention to the meaning behind the ritual actions of the “last sacrifice” and the symbolism of the steps of ritual. I would argue that the ritual is not a re-enactment of the cosmic time, but rather the routinization of cathartic steps in an attempt to gain control of the situation at hand (i.e. the death of a loved one). Eliade would claim the specific steps of the ritual are inherently significant and sacred. For example, according to Eliade, the reason that the eldest son leads the ritual is important because the ritual is based on the cosmic origins of which the steps should be done. Eliade is a renowned ritual scholar and is famous for his work regarding the sacred and the profane, but in reference to the “last sacrifice” his work would fall short and misinterpret the ritual.

Smith’s theory of ritual has proven to be the most adequate of the three in relation to the funerary rites in Vārānasī, but I will go beyond Smith’s theory to create the most accurate study of this specific topic. Smith argues that there is nothing inherently sacred about anything. The sacred spaces of Vārānasī and the

Ganga River have been considered sacred for centuries. It is a tradition that has continued over the years and grown stronger and is now accepted as reality. Smith acknowledges the notion of the “pivoting of the sacred” and claims that the sacred and the profane are situational and relational categories rather than substantive.47

Smith would declare that the Ganga River is not sacred in itself, but it has become sacred in relation. Smith’s theory does not consider the significance of location.

Rather, Smith discusses the “pivoting” nature of the sacred, meaning the sacred has

47 Smith, Imagining Religion, 55.

29 Killion the capability to change due to lack of inherent nature.48 I do not entirely agree with

Smith’s theory here. The other extreme theory on the sacred and the profane, is

Mircea Eliade’s theory that the sacred is ultimately inherent. I do not wish to argue that the city of Vārānasī and the Ganga River are inherently sacred spaces.

However, the significance of their sacrality has continued to be important and has completely shaped the funerary rituals. The “last sacrifice” is dependent on the location of the ritual. The Ganga River is considered as the holiest river and ultimately the defining characteristic of the ritual. Thus, it is a combination of the theories of Smith and Eliade and ultimately neither theorist adequately reveal the nature of the “last sacrifice” in terms of the continual faith in the liberating effects of the Ganga. To go beyond Smith’s theory of the socially constructed notion of the sacred and rituals as a method of reconciling the incongruencies, I would like to stress the importance of the ritualized steps of the “last sacrifice” and the implications these steps have on the power over the nature of the ritual.

The steps of the “last sacrifice” are not a re -enactment of the “primordial mythical time made present.”49 Rather, they are a constructed method of tradition and ritualization that was created for a means of order. That is to say, the socially constructed ritual practiced for thousands of years according to records of ancient ritual practices along the Ganga River, was made to deal with worldly chaos. The method of dealing with the chaos is through ritual. Ritual provides a meticulous step-by-step procedure that instills order at a time when it is needed. As previously noted, in the “last sacrifice” it is not the actual steps that are significant, but because

48 Smith, Imagining Religion, 55. 49 Eliade, The Sacred and The Profane, 68.

30 Killion they have become significant over the years of the tradition, the specific steps must be followed and the actions taken are what become notable. Equally important during the moment of ritual, is the feeling of control over the situation and empowerment.

In the case of the “last sacrifice” the performers of the ritual also acknowledge a form of incongruency in the way the deceased lived, the manner of the ritualized steps, and the hopeful outcome of the ritual procedure along the

Ganga. The incongruency in this case is reconciled by the individual’s effort and fulfillment of dharma. With this understood, the final element of reconciliation is the strength of faith in a higher power of assuring the attainment of mokșa. There is a gap they must resolve within ritual. The gap or incongruency is between the known and the unknown, the controllable and the uncontrollable, the beliefs and the actions, reality and myth. In the “last sacrifice” the ritual gap is specifically between the ritualized steps that fulfill dharma and the unknown leap of faith that it takes to pursue the path of liberating a deceased relative. To move beyond Smith’s argument of ritual theory, it is important to acknowledge how the incongruency is resolved and the gap bridged. Along with the adherence to the ritual steps of the

“last sacrifice” comes a sense of empowerment due to the controllable variables of human capability. In the realm of human control, the meticulous steps of the “last sacrifice” are highly intentional. The steps of ritual, such as the eldest son first circumambulating the dead body, are in the control of the ritual performers with the intent of playing a role in the deceased one’s transition into the realm of the ancestors and hopefully the attainment of liberation. Not only is it a coping strategy

31 Killion for the living relatives performing the cremation rites, but it is also a method of literally and symbolically bridging the incongruency of death, through a sacrificial fire. The sacrificial fire of the cremation rites rises in smoke and flames towards the

“unknown” realm. The smoke then reaches the “world of the ancestors,” as it is called, and relies on both the effort of performing ritualized steps and also the heightened faith in a “divine grace.”

The steps of the ritual are performed intentionally and methodically due to the incentives and the nature of the ritualized actions. The steps play a role in expressing the objectives of the ritual and method of sacrifice. The anthropologist

Michael Jackson discusses a unique perspective of ritual theory by evaluating mundane ritual practice. Through his ethnographic lens of various circumstances, such as his son’s reaction to the death of a grandmother and a Foi man from Papua

New Guinea’s ritual of planting the pitpit, Jackson theorizes the motivation of mundane actions of ritualization. Jackson argues that ritualization is often a part of everyday human activity and often these mundane actions are used to offer a sense of being in control of one’s own circumstances. Similar to the discernment of

Smith’s theory of the bear hunt festival, Jackson highlights the importance of realizing the fine line between distinguishing reality and what is imagined.

Jackson emphasizes the distinction between mundane rituals as a means of coming to terms with reality and the possibility of going one step beyond towards an all-consuming ritual of pathological thought process. He discusses this fine distinction, but comes to the conclusion that there is “…nothing necessarily pathological or futile in the denial of reality. It is as much a coping mechanism as

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‘facing’ or ‘accepting’ reality.”50 In terms of the “last sacrifice” in Vārānasī, Jackson would argue the ritual practice that alludes to the belief in attaining mokșa is not false consciousness, as some onlookers would argue. Jackson reveals that ritualization cannot only be evaluated as a social phenomenon, but rather must be approached with emphasis on individual motivation. As an anthropologist, he stresses the “existential” assessment of the ritual “…as an ontologically ‘primitive’ mode of action that plays upon emotions, manipulates the body and changes consciousness.”51 The realization of what Sartre defines as “emotive behaviour” is important in the distinction between “reality” and “false beliefs.”52 Jackson does not argue that this necessary distinction is a bad thing however. He stresses, unlike

Sartre, that the “magical” activity of the ritual practices are neither “ineffective” nor

“false.”53 Some would argue that the gap between the reality of death and the ritual beliefs that result from the funerary practices in Vārānasī is too cavernous.

However, Jackson argues that the ritual actions performed with the use of

“imagined” beliefs to cope with a traumatic event or difficult situation can be beneficial for the growth and development of an individual in the long run.

The simple act of bathing in the holy Ganga can be seen as a mundane ritual act according to Jackson. Hindus not only bath in the Ganga during ceremonies, but also as a daily act. It is a part of life along to Ganga. James Lochtefeld notes that the standard pilgrimage rites can also be seen as mundane actions individuals would perform on any given day. However, the “last sacrifice” and asthivisarjana, the

50 Jackson, “Mundane Ritual,” 109. 51 Jackson, “Mundane Ritual,” 107. 52 Jackson, “Mundane Ritual,” 108. 53 Jackson, “Mundane Ritual,” 109.

33 Killion specific death rite where ash and bone from the cremation pyre are submerged in the Ganga,54 are performed only once at the time of death. How then can the “last sacrifice” be seen as a mundane ritual act? According to Jackson, the emotions and theory behind performing the ritual can be carried over to everyday behaviours of coping with life circumstances. Therefore, although the ritual performance of the

“last sacrifice” only occurs when family members die, the motivation and emotional outcome of the ritual can be compared to other daily mundane actions. Jackson’s theory with respect to the “last sacrifice” presents the ritual practice in a new light as relatable and accessible as any other coping mechanism.

Similar to Jackson’s theory that ritualization is mundane action, Jonathan Z.

Smith also discusses the notion that ritualization is a form of routinization. It is not so much the action, but rather the beliefs of the purpose of the fulfillment of action that matter in the process of ritual. The “last sacrifice” contributes to the belief that by performing the dharma of cremating one’s deceased relative, the same rites will be given to you at the time of death. Thus, by contributing to the successful passage of breaking samsāra for another human, the karmic effects will be beneficial towards descendants’ future liberation likewise.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the “last sacrifice” of Vārānasī, India, suggests a multifaceted and complex ritual theory. There are a number of key driving forces that motivate individuals to perform the cremation rites. The most significant force that I have focused on is the theory of self-empowerment and control. The “last sacrifice” is a

54 Lochtefeld, God’s Gateway, 32.

34 Killion mechanism that internally promotes the sense of self-empowerment. The individuals performing the cremation ceremony acknowledge the conception of death during the time spent in Vārānasī and through ritual. Through the meticulous steps of the ritual, the individuals find a path that advances a sense of control. It is in the precise moment of feeling in control through performing the detailed steps of the “last sacrifice” that the individuals feel accomplished and at peace. The significance of sacrifice in Hindu tradition contributes in the attempt to reconcile the gap between the controlled and uncontrollable factors of life. After considering three major theorists and applying their theories to the “last sacrifice,” I concluded that there are various elements of each theorist that are adequate in explaining the funeral rites in Varanasi and other factors that were insufficient. The theory and method of the “last sacrifice” is important in understanding the significance and impact of the ritual in Hindu tradition and the reason it continues to play a large role in the culture and religion throughout India. In the end, the “last sacrifice” acts as a significant part of Indian culture that recognizes the cultural thought and practice and the individuals’ effort and gain from the ritual practice.

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