Books Within Books

Books within Books

Studies in Jewish History and Culture

Edited by Giuseppe Veltri

Editorial Board Gad Freudenthal Alessandro Guetta Hanna Liss Ronit Meroz Reimund Leicht Judith Olszowy-Schlanger David Ruderman Diana Matut

Volume 42

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sjhc ‘European Genizah’: Texts and Studies

Editorial Board Mauro Perani (University of Bologna) Judith Olszowy-Schlanger (École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris) Andreas Lehnardt (University of Mainz) Simcha Emanuel (The Hebrew University, Jerusalem)

Volume 2 Books within Books

New Discoveries in Old Book Bindings

Edited by Andreas Lehnardt Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2014 Cover illustration: Staatsarchiv Wertheim, StAWt-G Rep. 108.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Books within books : new discoveries in old book bindings : European Genizah texts and studies volume 2 / edited by Andreas Lehnardt, Judith Olszowy-Schlanger. pages cm. — (Studies in Jewish history and culture ; v. 42) (‘European Genizah’: text and studies ; v. 2) Includes index. Proceedings of the Eleventh eAJS Summer Colloquium, “Books within books-New discoveries in old book-bindings”, held at Wolfson College, University of Oxford (July 18–20, 2011). ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-25850-1 (e-book) 1. Manuscripts, Hebrew—Europe—Congresses. 2. Manuscripts, Aramaic—Europe—Congresses. 3. Manuscripts, Medieval—Europe—Congresses. 4. Paleography, Hebrew—Congresses. 5. Judaism—History—Medieval and early modern period, 425–1789. 6. Rabbinical literature— Bibliography. I. Lehnardt, Andreas editor of compilation. II. Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith editor of compilation. III. Lehnardt, Andreas. Newly discovered Hebrew fragments in the State Archive of Amberg (Bavaria).

Z115.4.B66 2014 091—dc23 2013024392

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ISSN 1568-5004 ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-25850-1 (e-book)

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. Contents

List of Illustrations ...... xi Contributors ...... xv Editors’ Foreword ...... xix

Introduction: “Books within Βooks”—The State of Research and New Perspectives ...... 1 Andreas Lehnardt and Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

Part I History of Research

Carta Pecudina Literis Hebraicis Scripta: The Awareness of the Binding Hebrew Fragments in History. An Overview and a Plaidoyer ...... 11 Saverio Campanini

Part II Studies in Hebrew Fragments

The First Autograph of the Tosafists from the European Genizah ...... 31 Simcha Emanuel

The Reconstruction of a Sefer Haftarot from the Rhine Valley: Towards a Typology of Ashkenazi Pentateuch Manuscripts ...... 43 Judith Kogel

A Newly Discovered Fragment from Midrash Tanhuma in the Collection of Western European Manuscripts in the Russian State Library (Moscow) ...... 69 Alina Lisitsina viii contents viii

Josephus Torn to Pieces—Fragments of Sefer Yosippon in Genizat Germania ...... 83 Saskia Dönitz

Binding Accounts: A Leger of a Jewish Pawn Broker from 14th Century Southern France (MS Krakow, BJ Przyb/163/92) ... 97 Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

Hebrew Fragments as a Window on Economic Activity: Holdings in the Historical Archives of Girona (Arxiu Històric de Girona) ...... 149 Esperança Valls i Pujol

Part III Regional Projects

A Regional Perspective on Hebrew Fragments: The Case of Moravia ...... 185 Tamás Visi and Magdaléna Jánošíková

Bindings and Covers: Fragments of Books and Notebooks from the Angelica Library (Biblioteca Angelica, Rome) ...... 237 Emma Abate

Medieval Hebrew Manuscript Fragments in Switzerland: Some Highlights of the Discoveries ...... 255 Justine Isserles

Newly Discovered Hebrew Fragments in the State Archive of Amberg (Bavaria)—Some Suggestions on Their Historical Background ...... 271 Andreas Lehnardt

European Fragments in the Spines of the Book Collection of a Yemenite Community ...... 287 Michael Krupp contents ix

Genizat Yerushalayim: The National Library of Israel in Jerusalem ...... 299 Abraham David

Fragments as Objects: Medieval Austrian Fragments in the Jewish Museum of Vienna ...... 311 Martha Keil

Index of Persons ...... 329 Index of Subjects ...... 336

List of Illustrations

3.1 Melk, Benediktinerstift Fragm. XI (recto) ...... 39 3.2 Graz, Universitatsbibliothek, Cod. 1206 (before detaching) .... 40 3.3 Graz, Universitatsbibliothek 1206 (after partial detaching) .... 41 3.4 Graz, Universitatsbibliothek 1206 (after full detaching) ...... 42 4.1 Colmar, Bibliothèque municipale Inc. VIII 204 / fr. 7 ...... 46 4.2 Colmar, Bibliothèque municipale Inc. XII 2570 / fr. 4 ...... 47 4.3 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 1885 f. 38v ...... 50 4.4 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 3194 f. 168v ...... 53 4.5 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 3081 f. 289r ...... 56 4.6 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 2824 f. 271r ...... 57 4.7 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 2942 f. 157v ...... 58 4.8 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 3111 f. 49r ...... 59 4.9 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 3083 f. 291v ...... 60 4.10 Colmar Bibliothèque municipale Inc. IV 8819 / fr. 2 ...... 63 4.11 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 3085 f. 219r ...... 64 4.12 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 2945 f. 53r ...... 66 4.13 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. 3197 f. 53r ...... 67 5.1 Lenin State Library, Moscow, Markushevich collection No. 755 (72) recto ...... 81 5.2 Lenin State Library, Moscow, Markushevich collection No. 755 (72) verso ...... 82 6.1 München, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek 153/VIII 1r/2v ...... 92 6.2 München, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek 153/VIII 2r/1v ...... 93 6.3 München, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek 153/VIII 3r/4v ...... 94 6.4 München, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek 153/VIII 4r/3v ...... 95 7.1 Krakow, BJ Przyb/163/92 fol. 29r–30v ...... 107 8.1 Girona, Arxiu Històric de Girona FH 28.21 (Gi 1,256 s.s, a/1397) ...... 157 8.2 Girona, Arxiu Històric de Girona FH 28.22 (Gi 1,256 s.s, b/1397) ...... 158 8.3 Girona, Arxiu Històric de Girona FH 11.23 (Gi 1,115-codavant 3a/1377) ...... 159 xii list of illustrations

8.4 Records where the amounts of the total of the agreed final payments exceed the initial capital ...... 160 8.5 Number of debtors per entry ...... 162 8.6 Distribution of borrowers according to debtors per loan ...... 162 8.7 Number of loans according to their value (in solidi) ...... 163 8.8 Percentage of guarantors in the records ...... 164 8.9 Percentage of loans with credit guarantors per register ...... 164 8.10 Timeframes for loan agreements ...... 166 8.11 Distribution of loans per year (as a percentage of total loans analyzed) ...... 166 8.12 Percentage of loans granted per month ...... 166 8.13 FH 28.21 (Gi 1,256 s.s, a/1397) [131 x 168,4 mm] ...... 179 8.14 FH 28.22 (Gi 1,256 s.s, b/1397) [131 × 168,4 mm] ...... 180 8.15 FH 11.23 (Gi 1,115–codavant 3a/1377) [246,7 × 169,3 mm] ..... 181 9.1 Olomouc, Vědecká knihovna v Olomouci, M II 31/fr. 1 ...... 206 10.1 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Frg. Semag, back board of XX.16.28 ...... 242 10.2 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, incunabulum 844 (cover) ...... 244 10.3 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Frg. Mahzor, Fondo Leg. D 152 . 245 10.4 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Fondo Leg. D. 80 Fr. 1 ...... 249 10.5 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Fondo Leg. D. 80 Fr. 4 ...... 251 11.1 Geneva, Bibliothèque de Genève, Ms Lat. 160 ...... 257 11.2 Fribourg, Bibliothèque Cantonale et Universitaire, Inc. Z196 260 11.3 Solothurn, Zentralbibliothek, BI 273 and BI 243 ...... 263 11.4 Zurich, Staatsarchiv, Hagenbuch IV A 1 ...... 266 11.5 Solothurn, Staatarchiv R.1.2.121 ...... 267 12.1 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Hofkastenamt Amberg 113 ...... 275 12.2 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 598 ...... 278 12.3 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Briefprotokolle Weiden 1068 01 ...... 280 12.4 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 595 ...... 282 13.1 Ms Krupp 1000_13 ...... 289 13.2 Ms Krupp 1000_14 ...... 290 13.3 Ms Krupp 1000_22 ...... 291 13.4 Ms Krupp 1000_32 ...... 292 13.5 Ms Krupp 1000_24 ...... 293 13.6 Ms Krupp 1000_12 ...... 295 13.7 Ms Krupp 1000_40 ...... 296 13.8 Ms Krupp 1000_47 ...... 297 list of illustrations xiii

14.1 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. Heb. 38° 6650 1r ...... 304 14.2 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. Heb. 38° 6650 1v ...... 305 14.3 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. Heb. 38° 6650 2r ...... 307 15.1 www.wulz.cc ...... 317 15.2 St. Florian, Cod. XI3, 3 ...... 323 15.3 Salzburg, Archabbey St. Peter Ink 182 (Ave Maria) ...... 325

Contributors

Emma Abate (PhD 2006, University of Rome “La Sapienza”, and PhD 2010, EPHE Paris—SAS Modena) is an associate researcher of the Equipe “Saprat” (Savoirs et pratiques du Moyen Âge au XIXe siècle), EPHE (Paris). She is the author of the books: Manoscritti della Genizah alla biblioteca dell’ Alliance Israélite Universelle: uno sguardo sulla magia ebraica, Officina di Studi Medievali, Palermo (in press), and La fine del Regno di Sedecia in 2Re e in Geremia, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Madrid 2008 and of the catalogue I libri ebraici della Biblioteca Angelica I. Incun- aboli e cinquecentine (with S. De Gese), (Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 2005).

Saverio Campanini is Directeur de recherche at the Institut de Recher- che et d’Histoire des Textes (CNRS) in Paris and Chargé de conférences at the École Pratique des Hautes Études (Sorbonne). His main research focus is on Jewish mysticism, its academic study and its reflections within Christianity, especially the Christian Kabbalah of the Renaissance. He has prepared several critical editions of Hebrew kabbalistic texts and of their Latin translations. Among his recent publications are (with S. Jurgan and G. Busi), The Gate of Heaven (Turin: Nino Aragno, 2012); Francesco Zorzi, L’armonia del mondo (Milan: Bompiani, 2010); The Book of Bahir. The Hebrew Text, Flavius Mithridates’ Latin Translation and an English Version (Turin: Nino Arangno, 2005).

ABRAHAM DAVID (PhD 1976, Hebrew University Jerusalem). Formerly the Head Researcher of Hebrew Manuscripts at the National Library, Hebrew University. He is dealing with Jewish history in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period. Among his publications are: A Hebrew Chronicle from Prague, c. 1615 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press 1993), To Come to the Land: Immigration and Settlement in 16th-Century Eretz-Israel (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press 1999) and In Zion and Jerusalem. The Itinerary of Rabbi Moses Basola (1521–1523), (Jerusa- lem: C. G. Foundation 1999) and numerous scholarly articles.

Saskia Dönitz is currently a research assistant at the Free University Berlin and at the Goethe University Frankfurt am Main. Her forthcoming xvi contributors

PhD presents a study of the reception and transmission of Sefer Yosippon. Latest publications: “Puzzling the Past: Reconstructing a Mahzor from Receipt Wrappings,” in Genizat Germania: Hebrew and Aramaic Binding Fragments from Germany in Context, ed. Andreas Lehnardt, (Leiden, Bos- ton: Brill, 2010), 31–40; “Historiography among Byzantine Jews: The Case of Sefer Yosippon,” in Jews in Byzantium: Dialectics of Minority and Major- ity Cultures, ed. R. Bonfil, O. Irshai, G. A. Stroumsa et al., (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2012), 951–968.

Simcha Emanuel (PhD 1993, Hebrew University Jerusalem) is the head of the Department of Talmud and Halacha at the Hebrew Univer- sity of Jerusalem and the holder of Ludwig Jesselson Chair of Codicol- ogy and Palaeography. His main field of research is Halakhic literature in the Middle Ages. Among his numerous books are Newly Discovered Geonic Responsa and Writings of Early Provencal Sages (Jerusalem, Cleve- land: Ofeq Institute, 1995); Fragments of the Tables. Lost Books of the Tosa- phists (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2006). Derasha for Passover of R. Elʽazar of Worms (Jerusalem, Mekize Nirdamim Press, 2006); Responsa of Rabbi Meʽir of Rothenburg and his Colleagues, 2 vols., (Jerusalem, World Union of Jewish Studies: The Rabbi David Moses and Amalia Rosen Foundation, 2011).

Justine Isserles (PhD 2012, École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris and University of Geneva) is currently an associate researcher, EPHE-SAPRAT (Paris), and a Leverhulme Fellow at the Department of Hebrew and Jew- ish Studies at University College London, where she is a member of the research project directed by Professor Sacha Stern (UCL, London) on Medieval Jewish and Christian Calendar Texts in Franco-Germany. She is the author of “Some Hygiene and Dietary Calendars in Hebrew Manu- scripts from Medieval Ashkenaz”, in Time, Astronomy and Calendars in Jewish Tradition, ed. Charles Burnett and Sacha Stern, (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2013); Mahzor Vitry: étude d’un corpus de manuscrits réglant la vie liturgique et légale des juifs en France et en Ashkenaz entre le XII e et le XIV e siècle (doctoral dissertation, forthcoming).

Magdaléna Jánošíková (MA 2012, Palacký University, Olomouc) is a graduate student in history and a member of the Moravian Genizah research project at the Kurt and Ursula Schubert Center for Jewish Stud- ies, Palacký University, Olomouc, Czech Republic. In preparation: Stratená knižnica: Stredoveké hebrejské zlomky na Moravy (Lost library: Medieval contributors xvii

Hebrew fragments in Moravia) (MA thesis in history, Palacky University, Olomouc, 2013).

MARTHA KEIL is the director of the Institute for Jewish History in Austria (St. Pölten) and associated Professor at the University of Vienna, Depart- ment of History. Her research focus is on history of culture and everyday life of the Jews in Medieval Ashkenaz, Jewish Women and Gender history, and Austrian Jewish History. Beside numerous articles in this fields, she is one of the authors of Geschichte der Juden in Österreich (Vienna: Ueber- reuter, 2006), and the editor of Besitz, Geschäft und Frauenrechte. Jüdische und christliche Frauen in Dalmatien und Prag 1300–1600 (Kiel: Solivagus- Verlag, 2011).

Judith Kogel is a researcher at the Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes (CNRS) in Paris. Her main research focus is on medieval Hebrew grammars and vernacular glosses, and what they tell us about the transmission of texts and the teaching of the Bible. Her book on a grammatical commentary written in Provence, Joseph Seniri, Commentary on the Former Prophets, is about to be published at Brill.

Michael Krupp (PhD 1971, Free University Berlin) was a lecturer at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and the head of the program “Stu- dium in Israel” (1977–2003). He is the author of numerous books and articles, and the editor of the journals ‘Religionen in Israel’ and ‘Interfaith Encounter in the Land of the Bible’. Currently he is publishing a critical edition and translation of the Mishna ( Jerusalemer Mischna, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, up to now 3 vols.). He is a collector of Hebrew manuscripts and owns a large collection of Jewish manuscripts, among them a rich corpus of binding fragments from Yemen. He has recently published a new edition of Midrash Gedulat Moshe (Moses Himmel und Höllen- und Paradiesfahrt, Jerusalem: Lee Achim Sefarim, 2012).

Andreas Lehnardt (PhD 1999, Free University Berlin) is Professor of Jewish Studies at Mainz University. He is the head of the project on Hebrew binding fragments in Germany called ‘Genizat Germania’. He is the author of Qaddish. Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Rezeption eines rabbinis- chen Gebetes (Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 87) (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck 2002); Die Kasseler Talmudfragmente (Kassel: University Press 2007); editor of ‘Genizat Germania’ Hebrew and Aramaic Binding Frag- ments from Germany in Context (‘European Genizah’: Texts and Studies 1) xviii contributors

(Leiden, Boston, 2011) and author of Hebräische Einbandfragmente in Frankfurt am Main. Mittelalterliche jüdische Handschriftenreste in ihrem geschichtlichen Kontext (Frankfurter Bibliotheksschriften, 11) (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann 2011).

Alina Lisitsina is a researcher and PhD student at the Department of Manuscripts, Russian State Library, she also teaches at the Department of Jewish Studies, Moscow State University.

Judith Olszowy-Schlanger (PhD 1995, Cambridge University) is the Professor of Hebrew Manuscripts Studies at the Section des Sciences historiques et philologiques (Historical and Philological Sciences) of the École Pratique des Hautes Études, Sorbonne. She is the author of Kara- ite Marriage Contracts from the Cairo Geniza. Legal Tradition and Com- munity Life in Mediaeval Egypt and Palestine (Études sur le Judaïsme Médiéval 20) (Leiden: Brill 1997); Les manuscrits hébreux dans l’Angleterre médiévale: étude historique et paléographique (Collection de la Revue des études juives, 29) (Paris-Louvain: Peeters, 2003); editor of: Dictionnaire hébreu-latin-français de la Bible hébraïque de l’Abbaye de Ramsey (XIIIe S.) (Corpus christianorum: Continuatio medievalis; series 4°, Lexica latina medii aevi, 4) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008).

Esperança Valls i Pujol studied Hebrew Philology at the University of Barcelona. She is currently completing her doctoral thesis at the Uni- versity of Girona (The Hebrew and Catalan Fragments written in Hebrew characters of Arxiu Històric de Girona: Textual study, Linguistic Analysis and Palaeographical Edition). She is currently working for the Historical Archive of Girona on the classification, study and interpretation of the Hebrew manuscripts found in the notarial medieval bookbindings in this archive. She is a founding member of the Institut d’Estudis Món Juïc. She has published several studies about the Jewish Catalan world mainly on the medieval economy and history of Jewish sciences.

Tamás Visi (PhD 2006, Central European University, Budapest) is an associate Professor at the Kurt and Ursula Schubert Center for Jewish Studies, Palacký University, Olomouc, Czech Republic. He is the author of The Existence of God: Maimonides’ Intricate Argument (Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2008) and editor of Retelling the Bible: Literary, Histori- cal, and Social Contexts (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011) (together with Lucie Doležalová). EditorS’ foreword

Most articles in this volume were presented at the Eleventh EAJS Summer Colloquium, “Books within Books—New Discoveries in Old Bookbind- ings”, held at Wolfson College, University of Oxford (July 18–20, 2011). The seventeen papers delivered at this colloquium focused on the most recent discoveries of Hebrew binding fragments in Europe, Israel, and Yemen. This gathering was coordinated by the Chair of Judaic Studies (Judaistik) at the Johannes Gutenberg University (JGU, Mainz) and by the École Pra- tique des Hautes Études (EPHE, Sorbonne, Paris), in cooperation with the European Association for Jewish Studies (EAJS). This colloquium represents a significant step towards establishing a European network of researchers and creating a comprehensive online catalogue of all extant fragments of this nature found in European libraries and archives. The “Books within Books” project has three primary objectives: first, to provide a forum for cooperation between existing projects in various European countries; and, to make known the significant scholarly findings and publications in the field of Medieval Hebrew manuscripts; and, to make this corpus accessible for historical and cultural research on historical and cultural through a detailed inventory of these Hebrew fragments, published in a series of printed catalogues and as an online database which is freely accessible to registered users. Various papers included in this volume reveal methodological challenges facing Hebrew manuscripts studies, and notably the lack of crucial tools. These case-studies of the fragments preserved in book bindings and archival files highlight the desiderata in this field of research, such as the creation of tools which would enable more efficient description of the codicological and paleographical aspects of these remnants of Hebrew manuscripts. Major projects in Israel and France have shown that systematic research in the field of palaeography and codicology can yield reliable data for further investigation. It is our hope that this collection will further contribute to enhance these approaches and foster the study of Hebrew binding fragments and manuscripts in Europe and beyond. The editors wish to thank the many individuals and institutions who contributed to the success of the 2011 colloquium and the preparation of this volume, especially its language editor, Rabbi Sue Oren, and the staff of the “Genizat Germania” project in Mainz. We are ever grateful to the xx editors’ foreword staff of Wolfson College and the EAJS, as well as to the Fritz Thyssen- Stiftung für Wissenschaftsförderung, the German Research Council (DFG), and the JGU for their generous support. We address special thanks to the Rothschild Foundation Europe (RFE) for their support for the “Books within Books” project, since its inception in 2007. We are grateful to the archives and libraries for their permission to reproduce the material published within this volume. Our appreciation goes to the series editor, Pro- fessor Giuseppe Veltri, for including this book in the “Studies in Jewish History and Culture” series.

The Editors introduction: “Books within Books”—The State of Research and New Perspectives

Andreas Lehnardt and Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

It is hardly news to report that medieval and early modern bookbinders recycled parchment from medieval manuscripts, including those with Hebrew language contents. However, the recognition that this practice served as an inadvertent mechanism for textual preservation with significant research potential is recent indeed.1 From the contemporary perspective, the fragments of medieval Hebrew manuscripts preserved until today, through their numbers (estimated 30,000 fragments, more than double of the number of the known Hebrew volumes produced in medieval Europe),2 the texts they carry (some of them previously unknown), the insights into book making techniques and finally their economic impact, are an unprecedented source for our knowledge of the Hebrew book culture and literacy and the economic and intellectual exchanges between the Jewish minority and their non-Jewish neighbours. However, despite their importance, the Hebrew fragments found in book bindings are not readily available for scientific scrutiny and almost completely unknown to general public. Absent from the catalogues, hidden in the bindings of the Latin or vernacular books where nobody would look for Hebrew sources, often unknown to the librarians themselves, these fragments are today in urgent need of systematic research, description and conservation.

1 Cf. Mauro Perani, “Un convegno internazionale sui frammenti ebraici rinvenuti negli archivi italiani (la ‘Ghenizàh italiana’) e sul loro contributo allo studio del giudaismo.” Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato 56 (1996): 104–118; Simha Emanuel, “The European Genizah and its Contribution to Jewish Studies.” Henoch 19 (1997): 313–340. See also Andreas Lehnardt, ed., ‘Genizat Germania’: Hebrew and Aramaic Binding Fragments from Germany in Context, ed. Andreas Lehnardt, (Studies in Jewish History and Culture, 28; ‘European Genizah’: Text and Studies, 1) (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010), 1–28 (for extensive bibliography, see 335–363). 2 Although much better preserved than other aspects of medieval Jewish material culture, the manuscripts in Hebrew characters known today constitute a notoriously small percentage of the Hebrew books produced in the Middle Ages, see Collette Sirat, Hebrew Manuscripts of the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 2 andreas lehnardt and judith olszowy-schlanger

The present volume is the second collection of interdisciplinary articles in this emerging field of research, representing current scholarship and its international scope. These articles were written by the members of the research network “Books within Books” (BwB), which includes and coor- dinates projects in various European countries (Austria, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Israel, Italy, Poland, Russia, Spain, and Switzerland). From its inception in 2007, the BwB network benefits from the generous support of the Rothschild Foundation Europe, in addition to numerous national grants.3 Each team in our network of

3 For the description of the individual projects, see BwB website, www.hebrewmanuscript.com. In addition to online catalogues, see especially: Austria: Josef Oesch, “Genizat Austria: The ‘Hebrew Manuscripts and Fragments in Austrian Libraries’ Project,” in Genizat Germania, ed. Lehnardt, 317–328; Almut Laufer, “Überlegungen zu Relevanz und Zielset- zung des Projekts ‘Hebräische Handschriften und Fragmente in österreichischen Biblio- theken’ aus judaistischer Sicht,” in Fragmenta Hebraica Austriaca, ed. Ch. Glassner and J. M. Oesch, (Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2009), 33–48; Czech Republic: Daniel Polakovič, “Hebrew Manuscript Fragments in the Czech Republic: A Preliminary Report,” in ‘Genizat Germania’, ed. Lehnardt, 329–332; Petr Gajdošik, Tamas Visi, Alžběta Drexlerová, “Fragmenty hebrejských textů na knižních vaz- bách ve fondech Státního okresního archivu Olomouc,” in Olomoucký archivní sborník. Odpovědný redaktor Bohdan Kaňák (Olomouc: Zemský archiv v Opavě, Státní okresní archiv v Olomouci, 2011), 31–52; Tamas Visi, “Die Rebellion gegen die rabbinische Tradi- tion: Eine Episode in der intellektuellen Geschichte des mährischen Judentums,ˮ in Indi- viduum und Gemeinde. Juden in Böhmen, Mähren und Schlesien 1520 bis 1848, ed. Helmut Teufel et al., (Judaica Bohemiae 46 Supplementum) (Praha and Brno: Židovske muzeum v Praze, Společnost pro Dějiny Židů v ČR, 2011), 11–32; France: Judith Kogel and Simha Emanuel, “Des Fragments du commentaire perdu de Samson de Sens sur le Talmud décou- verts à la bibliothèque de Colmar.” REJ 170 (2011): 503–519; Germany: Andreas Lehnardt, “Die hebräischen Einbandfragmente in Friedberg. Verborgene Zeugnisse jüdischen Lebens in der Wetterau.ˮ Wetterauer Geschichtsblätter 58 (2009): 137–350; Idem, Hebräische Ein- bandfragmente in Frankfurt am Main. Mittelalterliche jüdische Handschriftenreste in ihrem geschichtlichen Kontext (Frankfurter Bibliotheksschriften, 11) (Frankfurt am Main: Kloster- mann, 2011); idem, “Neue Funde hebräischer Einbandfragmente im Staatsarchiv Wertheim am Main (Bronnbach).ˮ Wertheimer Jahrbuch 2010/2011, 137–160; idem, “Die Trierer Tal- mud-Fragmente. Rekonstruktion der Kodizes und ihre Bedeutung für die Forschung,ˮ in Die Bibliothek des Mittelalters als dynamischer Prozess, ed. Michael Embach, Claudine Moulin, and Andrea Rapp, (Trierer Beiträge zu den historischen Kulturwissenschaften, 3) (Wies- baden: Reichert, 2012), 191–204; idem, “Ein mittelalterliches hebräisches Bibelfragment im Stadtarchiv Esslingen.ˮ Esslinger Studien 47 (2013): 25–36; idem, “Ein neues Fragment eines mittelalterlichen Kommentars zu den Chronikbüchern aus der Alten Bibliothek des Theologischen Seminars auf Schloss Herborn.ˮ Judaica 69 (2013): 60–69; Gregor Geiger, “Ein Blatt einer Talmudhandschrift aus der Franziskaner-Bibliothek St. Anna in München.ˮ Liber Annuus 62 (2012): 327–349; Hungary: Alexander Scheiber, Hebräische Kodexüber- reste in Ungarländischen Einbandstafeln (“Héber Kódexmaradványok magyorzági Kötés- táblákban: A Középkori Magyar zsidóság Könyukultúraja”) (Budapest: Magyar Israeliták Orszagós Képviselete, 1969); Italy: a series of catalogues by Mauro Perani and his team, recently: Mauro Perani and Luca Baraldi (eds.), I fragmenti Ebraici dell’ Archivo di Stato di Modena, (Inventari dei Manoscritti delle Biblioteche d’Italia, 114) (Firenze: Leo Olschiki introduction 3 affiliated projects conducts intensive and extensive research on its regional or national findings—cataloguing extant fragments with detailed descriptions as well as assessing their conservation needs—toward the development of a systematized and comprehensive inventory of extant medieval Hebrew bookbinding fragments. Most fragments are catalogued online, in the BwB database or in specific databases of particular teams which are linked to the BwB site.4 We anticipate that the resources produced by this unique network will support further study of cultural and historical European subjects. The results of the preliminary “documentary stage” are already contributing to the reconstruction of the ‘medieval Jewish bookshelf ’, to our understanding of the modes and techniques of book production, transmission and recycling, and to a deeper understanding of the role and scope of Jewish literacy in medieval Europe and its relationship to the non-Jewish majority cultures. By way of illustration, data from our project, and notably the reconstructed ‘virtual library and archives’ of medieval Jewish communities, have direct relevance for scholarship on the effect of writing on traditional modes of recording knowledge and shaping legal realities—a timely and thriving field of inquiry. The research conducted by our project indicates that Jewish communities in medieval Europe stood apart from their host cultures with regard to the content and context of literacy. In contrast to the norms of European Christendom, writing and reading skills within Jewish communities were not concentrated in the religious sphere but were also employed in daily life. The medieval Jewish minority often dwelled in urban environments and its members were typically involved in professions that required a certain level of literacy and numeracy, whereas the majority of their non-Jewish counterparts lacked any access to schooling. The corpus of medieval fragments has a unique potential to help reconstruct the exact scope of Jewish literacy and its role as a distinctive feature shaping Jewish identity in respect to the non-Jewish majority

Editione, 2012), 5–14; bibliography on pages 109–115; Poland: Judith Olszowy-Schlanger, “An Early Ashkenazi Fragment of the Babylonian Talmud from the Czartorski Museum in Cracow,” in ‘Genizat Germania’, ed. Lehnardt, 199–206; Spain: Mauro Perani, “The ‘Gerona Genizah’: An Overview and a Rediscovered Ketubah of 1377.” Hispania Judaica 7 (2010): 137–173 (includes images) and a detailed bibliography in the article of Esperança Valls Pujols in this volume; Switzerland: Daniel Teichman, “Ein hebräisches Bibelfragment aus dem 14. Jahrhundert als Einband eines Hagenbucher Gemeindebuches.” Zürcher Taschen- buch (2013): 1–40. Discoveries are made in other countries, such as the Netherlands, Great Britain, Sweden, or Croatia, see for example, Darko Tepert, “Fragment of Targum Onkelos of Exodus Recently Found in Rijeka.” Liber Annuus 61 (2011): 347–353. 4 For the BwB database, see http://www.hebrewmanuscript.com. 4 andreas lehnardt and judith olszowy-schlanger culture. This topic has been touched upon by several contributions in this volume, but remains open for further in-depth investigation. Jewish minorities in medieval Europe are usually portrayed as highly lit- erate communities.5 This assumption is not based on any comprehensive study of this topic but is rather deduced from the role of the books and the Book, the Bible, in Jewish religious and intellectual history. Indeed, since antiquity, Jewish liturgy had been built around written texts. The physical artifacts that carry them, the books, have been objects of veneration. Writing was also prominent in various domains of daily life: contracts and legal records written according to ancient traditional formulae seem to have accompanied all transactions and life events of average Jewish individuals. Public reading from a Pentateuch (Torah) scroll was a religious requirement expected of all Jewish males. In the Middle Ages, at least in theory, the schooling system where Jewish boys learned to read and write in Hebrew was a long established institution. Although probably more true for the Eastern part of the Mediterranean than for medieval Europe, the high scope and level of Jewish (male) literacy has recently attracted more scholarly attention.6 The systematic study of the fragments of Hebrew manuscripts is an essential contribution for the study of the extent and distribution of reading and writing skills in the West. Although, as has been argued for other ancient and medieval cultures, a vast quantity of literary texts can be produced by elites of societ- ies whose majority remains illiterate, confronted with large numbers and diversity of extant fragments and a highly sophisticated character of their contents one is tempted to follow the optimistic assessment of the Jewish communities as totally guided by writing. A good key to a better understanding of the distribution of reading and writing skills in various social and economic milieux is notably the assessment of the variable quality and destination of the books and documents. It is notably essential to examine the fragments from the point of view of their physical features (techniques and economics of production, creation of anthologies for

5 Salomo Dov Goitein, Jewish Education in Muslim Countries Based on Records from the Cairo Geniza (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1962); Stefan C. Reif, “Aspects of Medieval Jew- ish Literacy,” in The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, ed. Rosamond McKitterick, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 134–155; Robert Brody, The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Culture (New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 1998). 6 Ephraim Kanarfogel, The Intellectual History and Rabbinic Culture of Medieval Ashke- naz (Detroit: Wayne State University, 2013); Ivan G. Marcus, Rituals of Childhood. Jewish Acculturation in Medieval Europe (New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 1996). introduction 5 specific use, professionally copied display exemplars versus personal study books and notes, reuse of books and documents), to examine the use of writing in daily life contexts (legal documents, registers, private letters, informal notes, commercial ledgers and accounts, writing exercises), and to assess the role of ‘autographed’ personal documents as opposed to documents written by professional clerks and scribes. * * * Following the current state of research and the agenda for this project, this volume consists of three parts: the first is an historical and methodological overview of this research; the second is comprised of six studies reporting recent discoveries, each made in a different European institution; the third contains articles on seven regional projects, focusing each on a specific country or collection. The following paragraphs offer a brief summary of each chapter in this book. Saverio Campanini opens the volume with a historical overview of scholarly awareness of reuse of Hebrew manuscripts, already in the early modern period. He underscores the value of the BwB project, which is concerned not only with the contents of the Hebrew texts preserved in these manuscript fragments, but also with their provenance as well as the cultural and historical background of their host volumes: “not only should we always be able to tell where the fragment is, by way of signature, but also where it has been.” The second section, which contains studies on specific newly discovered fragments of literary and historical importance, opens with an analysis by Simha Emanuel of what may be the first known autograph fragment of an European author, recently discovered in Austria (University of Graz and the Melk Monastery). While autographs of famous authors are common among findings from the Cairo Genizah, this fragment is so far unique in the corpus from the European ‘Genizah.’ Judith Kogel offers a pioneering investigation of the codicological structure of the hitherto understudied books containing haftarot on the basis of a number of fragments from Colmar, France. The systematic analysis of the corpora of the Hebrew binding fragments in Europe has led to recognition that the seemingly straightforward category, “Bible fragment”, may refer to remnants of a variety of texts, including books specifically dedicated to the weekly haftarah. Alina Lisitsina presents a hitherto unknown witness of the famous text, Midrash Tanhuma. Manuscripts and fragments preserving Midrashic texts are very rare, with a notable exception of Italy. The fragment discussed 6 andreas lehnardt and judith olszowy-schlanger here has been found in the Moscow State Library, where we anticipate the discovery of additional Hebrew binding fragments. In her article, Saskia Dönitz presents fragments from the famed medieval chronicle, Sefer Yosippon. Although these fragments from the holdings of Bavarian State Library in Munich have been identified for some time, they have not yet been subject to a rigorous analysis. These fragments also include passages from Midrash Wa-Yosha, which prompt questions regarding the Sitz im Leben of their original manuscript. In a major study, Judith Olszowy-Schlanger analyzes fragments of a ledger that belonged to a Jewish pawn broker in Southern France. Not only do these unusual documents reveal groundbreaking information on the economic and social conditions of life among Comtadine Jews in the 14th century, but they also convey significant linguistic and personal data. To date, the “Gerona Genizah” is primarily comprised of fragments hosted in the bindings of the records of municipal notaries preserved in the Arxiu Històric of the Catalan town of Girona. In her study, Esperança Valls highlights the contribution of these documents to our knowledge of the economic and social history of this renowned medieval community. The third part of this volume, with its focus on regional and specific collections, opens with a comprehensive study of Hebrew binding fragments from Moravia by Tamás Visi and Magdaléna Jánošíková. The paper remarkably reconstructs the historical background and provenance of some of these fragments. The importance of international collaboration is stressed by the discovery of fragments from the same original volumes whose remnants have been discovered in Rome, and analyzed in this volume by Emma Abate. In her contribution to this volume, Abate outlines the most important Hebrew manuscript findings from the Angelica Library (Rome) and provides notes and commentaries on selected texts. Justine Isserles shares the results of her initial search for Hebrew binding fragments in Switzerland. To date, several fragments have been identified in Fribourg, Geneva and Solothurn as well as in Zurich and Schaffhausen (some of them outside the scope of this article). As a result of his search for binding fragments in several archives in Amberg (Upper Palatinate in Bavaria), Andreas Lehnardt surveys over 70 fragments from this city, located near the midpoint between Bayreuth and Nuremberg (in South-West Germany). This article aggregates these data, showing how they allow to trace the provenance of most of these manuscripts to a yeshivah in a small-town near Amberg. When Michael Krupp revised his private manuscript collection from Yemen he found several binding fragments of European provenance. introduction 7

Among them, he identified a rare fragment of Midrash Devarim Rabbah (ed. Lieberman). This discovery of European manuscript fragments in Jewish bookbindings from Yemen comes as a surprise, and makes it clear that intellectual relationship of Yemenite Jews with other communities requires further investigation. At an early stage of this project, one of this volume’s editors asked Abraham David (Institution of Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts, Jerusa- lem) whether Hebrew binding fragments were to be found also in the National Library of Israel. His report on the resulting investigation conveys many compelling insights from the general catalogue as well as noteworthy discoveries from the private collections of Ezra Gorodestky and Israel Mehlmann. In her article on the Austrian project, Martha Keil describes the curatorial vision for the new permanent exhibition of the Museum of Medieval Jewry in Vienna, where Hebrew binding fragments are displayed as witnesses and symbols of a once-thriving Jewish community which had been irretrievably destroyed.

part one history of research

Carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta: The Awareness of the Binding Hebrew Fragments in History. An Overview and a Plaidoyer1

Saverio Campanini

And yet—for, even as Must implants distaste, so does Can’t stir sweet longings—how eagerly would I devour these books within books! Max Beerbohm The only partly appropriate denomination of “European Genizah”, used to refer to the project of cataloguing and studying the Hebrew manuscripts recycled in book bindings all over Europe, has been recently renamed with the catchier title “Books within books”, which it is hoped, should characterize more precisely our shared endeavor. It is all too well known that the denomination “Genizah” is, and will always be, exposed to jus- tified criticism because of its lack of precision in describing its subject, which is certainly European but only remotely connected with the phe- nomenology of the actual genizot and their resurfacing from a forgotten past. Even the new name, as a matter of fact, is of metaphorical nature and it happens also to have a pre-history.2 Although its inventor, Judith Olszowy-Schlanger assured me that it was certainly not intended,3 the formula “Books within Books” repeats the title of an essay by the Victo- rian writer Max Beerbohm, who published it for the first time in 1914 and again, in the collection And Even Now, in 1920. Parallel to the inadequacy

1 I wish to thank the organizers of the colloquium, particularly Andreas Lehnardt and Judith Olszowy-Schlanger, for their kind invitation and Mauro Perani for helping me in retrieving information and material in his sole custody, as one of the original researchers of the European Genizah still on duty. 2 Among the earlier occurrences of this formula I have found also the dedication of a celebrated book by Elliott R. Wolfson, Through a Speculum that Shines. Vision and Imagina tion in Medieval Jewish Mysticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), where, on p. vii, one reads: “For Elisabeth. The book within the book”. 3 During the colloquium where this paper was first read, Judith Olszowy-Schlanger told the participants that in choosing this title she was inspired by the work of her almost homonymous mother-in-law, Judith Schlanger, and in particular by the reflections contained in her book La mémoire des oeuvres (Lagrasse: Verdier, 2008). 12 saverio campanini of the Genizah allusion, Beerbohm speaks actually of a special category of books, which have later been described as Pseudobiblia,4 that is to say books that do not exist, or at least, that did not exist when they were first described (nothing forbidding to compose them afterwards) and therefore, at the moment of their birth existed only by way of their description found within another, existing, or even not extant,5 book. As a matter of fact, what we look for are not “books within books” but rather, without even changing the acronym, “books without books”, to the point of taking into account the double entendre: books that have ceased to exist on the one hand and located on the external surface of other books, precisely in the binding or on the cover, thus giving to the verb “discover” a quite unexpected twist. It is somehow unexpected that Beerbohm, who makes explicit reference to his prestigious source, started his considerations from a venerable forerunner, Charles Lamb’s Essays of Elia. Lamb, in turn, had dedicated to the subject of books one of the essays of the second series (Last Essays of Elia)6 with the astonishingly apt title, given the circumstances, of “Detached thoughts on books and reading”. There, among other things, he goes a long way to describe the divorce of form and content on the shelves of a library, pointing out that—who could not agree—plenty of non-books circulate in disguise or that many books are wrongly clothed: I confess that it moves my spleen to see these things in book’s clothing perched upon shelves, like false saints, usurpers of true shrines, intruders into the sanctuary, thrusting out the legitimate occupants.7 When form and content diverge, the discovery of any significant anomaly usually depends on a slight shift of attention far more than on unearth- ing, digging, turning the soil upside down. The best place to hide anything is the surface, as Auguste Dupin very well knew, even more so if the observer has a reason to overlook it.

4 See Paolo Albani and Paolo Della Bella, Mirabiblia. Catalogo ragionato di libri intro vabili (Bologna: Zanichelli, 2003). 5 The dandy Beerbohm, in fact, describes a book, bearing the title Poments, Being Poems of the Mood and the Moment, written by a certain Aylmer Deane which he purportedly found in yet another book, whose title and author he forgot after having read it “once at the seaside”. See also Robert Lynd, Books and Authors (London: R. Cobden-Sanderson, 1922), 164–165. 6 [Charles Lamb], The Last Essays of Elia. Being a sequel to essays published under that name (London: Edward Moxon, 1833). 7 The Last Essays of Elia, 45. carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 13

There were many reasons indeed, to overlook the cover of the books or of the archival registers bound, in some cases, with Hebrew manuscripts. As we will see, although the recycling was widespread also among the Jews, many have turned their eyes to avoid the moral or religious con- sequences of this certainly economic but also surely forbidden practice. Even Christians, among whom the majority of the Hebrew folios covering books and registers were to be found, had multiple reasons for ignoring or even hiding this very fact. In the area surrounding the town of Mod- ena, for example, it was customary to erase the outer side of the parchment-binding, for aesthetic not less than for economic reasons: a polished surface, certainly more appealing, could invite to think that the register was bound in virgin parchment, a decidedly more expensive ware than scribbled (as they must have appeared) leaves of second hand, dismantled and out of order manuscripts. On the other hand, precisely the fact that the written surface was erased and hidden abundantly proves that the stationers and their customers were very well aware of the existence of the phenomenon. In many cases, one is inclined to assume, the stationer was probably also the binder and he must have known what he was doing. The customers, especially in the lands and towns where the external side of the binding was not erased, must have been aware of the phenomenon, because it had a remarkable impact on the price of the product. Neverthe- less, in recurring to the apparently psychological category of “awareness”, I refer rather to a historically graspable dimension, which can be formulated as a series of traditional questions: quis, quid, ubi, quibus auxiliis, cur, quomodo, quando. In other words: who showed attention for the Hebrew manuscripts recycled in book bindings, on the basis of what degree of knowledge, prompted by which impulses, how did it happen and when. What I would like to present here, as announced by the subtitle I have chosen for this communication, is a historical overview, which will amount, it is hoped, to a first draft of a possible typology of documents and sources and, as a hopeful conclusion, I will append a brief plaidoyer for a comprehensive systematic bibliography of the European Genizah, which would be best hosted on our internet homepage, and for a virtually open collection of testimonies concerning the awareness of the phenomenon of Hebrew manuscripts reused as book bindings or waste paper (in German “Makulatur”), of which I propose, standing on the shoulders of the giants, a first, very minimal and inevitably incomplete, while intermi- nable, sketch. As far as it is known to me, but I would be exceedingly glad to be corrected, the first explicit mention of the phenomenon of a Hebrew 14 saverio campanini manuscript reused as book binding comes from the pen of the Alsatian Hebraist and grammarian Konrad Pellikan8 (Kürsner, Rouffach 1478– Zurich 1556). It is of the utmost interest to recall the context in which Pellikan puts his late recollections of the beginnings of his interest for the Hebrew language and the Hebrew book. His Chronicon is a so called ego- document, that is to say an autobiographical testimony written in 1544, when the author could look back to a career of reformer, biblical exegete, translator and grammarian and, with the typical teleology of mémoirs, reconstruct the beginnings of his Hebrew learning, underlying, perhaps even beyond reality, the extreme poverty of sources and aids he once suffered. The story is so vividly written, telling and almost moving that it deserves to be quoted if not entirely, with a certain degree of amplitude: Sociorum autem in itinere permutatione, quia multi eramus, factum est, ut jungerer comes cuidam Patri, Paulo Pfedersheimer insigni praedicatori, qui ex Judaeis conversus Moguntiae dudum, et magister in artibus promotus, minorita postea factus et celebris erat, vocatus et ipse ad comitia, ad Oppen- heim.9 Eidem confabulatus per iter, significabam habuisse me a puero et a triviali schola affectum et desiderium sciendi Hebraeorum linguam. Cum enim puer, circiter undecim annorum vel minus, inter pueros audissem, quendam Doctorem theologum disputantem cum Judaeo de christiana fide, confusum fuisse respondendo, non solum a Judaeo, sed etiam a Judaea. Id ego audiens, puer, vehementer obstupui et indolui, non sine quodam con- scientiae scandalo, quod fides nostra christiana non solidioribus argumentis fulciretur, quam quae possent a Judaeis contra doctos Theologos convelli. [. . .10] Haec omnia visa, audita, lecta, puerum me, et jam adolescentem, sol- licitabant ad discenda hebraea, si quae occurrerent vel membranae, quibus nostri codices ligabantur.

8 Eberhard Nestle, Nigri, Böhm und Pellikan. Ein Beitrag zur Anfangsgeschichte des hebräischen Sprachstudium in Deutschland, Marginalien und Materialien (Tübingen: Heck- enhauer, 1893); Emil Silberstein, Conrad Pellicanus. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Studium der hebräischen Sprache in der ersten Hälfte des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Mayer & Mül- ler, 1900), 1–32; Bernhard Walde, Christliche Hebraisten Deutschlands am Ausgang des Mittelalters (Münster: Aschendorff, 1916); Otto Kluge, “Die hebräische Sprachwissenschaft in Deutschland im Zeitalter des Humanismus.” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland 3 (1931): 80–97; 180–193; Beate Ego and Dorothea Betz, “Konrad Pellican und die Anfänge der wissenschaftlichen christlichen Hebraistik im Zeitalter von Humanismus und Reformation,ˮ in Humanismus und Reformation. Historische, theologische und päda gogische Beiträge zu deren Wechselwirkung, ed. Reinhold Mokrosch and Helmut Merkel, (Münster: LIT Verlag, 1991), 73–84. 9 The gathering of the Franciscans took place in Oppenheim in 1499. 10 Here Pellikan recalls his reading of Nicolaus of Lyra and Paul of Burgos (author of the Additiones ad Lyram and of the Scrutinium scripturarum) and Petrus Nigri, in particular his Stella Messiae. carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 15

[Among the numerous companions in the journey, changing fellow every once in a while, it so happened that I found myself in the company of a certain monk, Paul Pfedersheim, preacher of note, recently converted from Judaism in Mayence, he obtained his degree to become later on a Franciscan and a very renown one: he was also invited to the election in Oppenheim. While holding a conversation with him during the journey, I told him that since my childhood and elementary school, I had a deeply felt desire to know the Hebrew language. As a child, at the age of eleven or less, I heard among other children that a certain theologian engaged in a disputation against a Jew, was defeated in the discussion and embarrassed not only by a Jew but even by a Jewess. Upon hearing that, I was shocked and suffering as a child can be, not without scandal that our Christian faith could not be better defended with more solid arguments than the ones the Jews could tear apart in their dispute against learned theologians. [. . .] Having heard, seen and read all these, even as a child and later as a young men I was stimulated to learn Hebrew also any time I found a parchment with which our books were bound]. This is not the appropriate time and place to discuss the way Pellikan managed to learn Hebrew;11 his self-portrait as a would-be Hebraist and the depiction of the first steps of his career remind the reader of the much later pioneers of the study of long dead languages. He started with absolutely no idea of the Hebrew grammar and compiled a Biblical con- cordance, not being able to analyze the various forms appearing in the Scripture to their corresponding root. The only grammatical tool he could find was the very short introduction to Hebrew with some chapters of the prophet Isaiah in Latin transcription and in Latin translation printed in Petrus Nigri’s Stella Messiae. For such a prudent and provincial approach, the very fact of being confronted with a Hebrew manuscript, upon taking some codex from the shelves of a convent and observing its binding and the Hebrew script on it, must have been a real memento and an invitation to learn the language of the Old Testament. Certainly Pellikan saw book bindings made with dismembered Hebrew manuscripts many years before he could see a Hebrew manuscript, an object which he managed only much later to call his own. If one observes the multiple efforts to learn Hebrew which took place all over Europe in the last decade of the XV century, one is tempted to draw a parallelism between book bindings harboring a language which

11 I have dealt with this topic in a forthcoming paper (Learning Hebrew in the Renais sance: Towards a Typology) read on the occasion of a colloquium on “Hebrew Between Jews and Christians” at the Ernst Moritz Arndt University in Greifswald. 16 saverio campanini was radically different from the contents of the book bound and the numerous converts who, especially from Spain and Germany, flooded the market offering Hebrew lessons for a new generation of Humanists eager to learn the language of the Bible but hesitating or even impeded by the sheer absence of real Jews in their country to appease their thirst of knowledge directly from the source. As it has been my conviction upon studying the phenomenon of the interest for Hebrew within the learned class in Europe in the age of the Renaissance, it is not surprising that Hebrew, just like the former Jewish upbringing in the case of many converts (Flavius Mithridates, Johannes Pfefferkorn, Moshe Peretz, Matthäus Adrianus etc.), should not be preserved on the inside, but rather, to use a paradoxical expression which would not displease Monsieur Dupin, hidden on the surface. Not by chance, I am convinced; the instances of awareness of the phenomenon coming from the Jewish world studied so far reveal also a long period of neglect. In particular Samuel de Medina (1505–1589), in his She’elot u-teshuvot, a source to which Benjamin Richler has already drawn attention,12 sets the halakhic decision, without hinting to a specific inquiry, about the custom of the book-binders in Saloniki, who used the remnants of the book production as “Makulatur”, he shows his puzzle- ment for such a defilement of a rejected object and suggests four possible ways of showing understanding for the phenomenon and try to set the basis for a lenient judgment, only to discard all of them in the end and invoke a strict interdiction of this practice.13 The material description of the phenomenon found in the responsum resembles the typology of the Catalan fragments, glued together to form a compact carton board plate. The very fact that the practice was tolerated although it was so obviously and blatantly against the halakhah, can be construed as an early testimony of another good reason for ignoring, not seeing or rather not noticing, the presence of these fragments, in order to avoid the

12 Benjamin Richler, I frammenti di manoscritti ebraici negli archivi e nelle biblioteche d’Europa e d’Italia, in Vita e cultura ebraica nello stato estense, ed. Euride Fregni and Mauro Perani, (Nonantola-Bologna: Comune di Nonantola, Fatto ad arte, 1993), 49–63; 52–53; see also Simcha Emanuel, “ ‘Genizat Europa’ u-terumatah le-madda‘e ha-yahadut.” Madda‘e ha-Yahadut 35 (1995): 5–29, updated in Idem, “La ‘Genizah europea’ e il suo contributo agli studi giudaici.” in La Genizah italiana, ed. Mauro Perani, (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1999), 21–64; 31–32. 13 Morris S. Goldblatt, Jewish Life in Turkey in the XVIth century, as reflected in the legal writings of Samuel de Medina (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1952), 159–160; Solomon B. Freehof, The Responsa Literature (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1955), 230. carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 17 embarrassment they could cause. This is even more evident in the later halakhic pronouncement, again from a purely juridical point of view, by Joseph Juspa Hahn (d. 1637), dayyan of Frankfurt on the Main, who, in his Joseph Ometz,14 not only condemns the usage of sacred texts as bookbinding material but examines also the slippery problem of what to do in case the book binding is found in the possession of a Christian.15 Implicitly this difficult juridical question enlightens a shadow zone tightly connected to the immediate process of production of testimonies and documents in our particular field: the lack of historical evidence from earlier Jew- ish authors, if confirmed, would not allow explaining it as an expression of missing information or of insufficient attention. As any argumentum e silentio, one should rather avoid to overestimate it. Summarizing all the reasons Jews and Christians alike had to keep silent on the phenomenon of recycling Hebrew manuscripts: 1) from a strictly halakhic point of view it can be described at best as a controversial if not slippery issue; 2) on the other hand, many Jewish and non Jewish bookbinders have practiced it and 3) it has been tolerated in the binding of Hebrew books in Jewish possession; 4) it might have cost a high price to denounce it or in trying to ransom the fragments if found in possession of Christians; and as far as the Christians are concerned: 5) it reduced the value, and therefore the price of the artifacts; 6) it diminished the value of the book in the eyes of its possessor; 7) plain ignorance of the features of the recycled sheets; 8) the very fact that the phenomenon was quite common and did not concern exclusively Hebrew manuscripts but, at the same degree, also Latin, musical and, although less frequently, even Greek manuscripts, was, among the other reasons, at the root of its going often unnoticed. If one considers all these reasons to pass the phenomenon under silence, it becomes indeed stunning that anyone should mention it at all. Long before a scientific interest in the textual fragments, in particular the Biblical passages, preserved in the parchment sheets or strips would develop, starting from Germany and expanding afterwards especially in the countries where the occurrence of the phenomenon is more frequent, one can find a significant evidence of yet another form of attention, which

14 Joseph Juspa Hahn, Joseph Ometz (Frankfurt am Main: Hermon Verlag, 1928), 275– 276 (ed. 1723, p. 155r–v). 15 Beside Richler, I frammenti di manoscritti, and Emmanuel, Genizat Europa, one can also refer to Simcha Emmanuel, “The ‘European Genizah’ and its Contribution to Jewish Studies.” Henoch 19 (1997): 285–313. 18 saverio campanini is also a peculiar source showing a minimal Hebrew literacy in XVI and XVII century Italy. This might seem a preposterous claim: it should be quite obvious that, especially when the bindings were not erased on the external side, anyone would be capable of detecting that the binding was the result of a recycling process. What I am referring to is rather the awareness of the fact that not only was the parchment recycled, but that it was inscribed, that is to say to be aware of the fact that the signs on the parchment were not meaningless scribbles, and on an even more sophisticated level, that the signs covering the parchment were in Hebrew characters. This degree of awareness, if the term literacy seems indeed too specific, is far from obvious, and one possible, albeit eccentric, way of substanti- ating this claim, could be derived from my own pluriennial experience as an Hebraist, consulted on many occasions to identify, or to decipher “Hebrew” texts on different material supports: possible tombstones, books and even knives. The owner or the discoverer of the various objects consulted me invariably with the hope of being told about the contents of this mysterious script, but they had to be slightly disappointed on hearing that the “Hebrew” text, was in fact, an incidental vein on the stone, an ordinary book printed in Cyrillic alphabet,16 or a nice Arabic engraved dagger, a soon forgotten touristic souvenir of some Mediterranean or even more plausibly, Red Sea journey. The degree of passive literacy in Hebrew in early modern Europe is still a largely questionable or underdeveloped field of studies, but it can be safely assumed that, in general, knowledge of Hebrew which could be sufficient for interpreting correctly the written surface of the book-cover was not very much widespread, or not much more than it is nowadays. Within this framework it is all the more noteworthy that, already in the XVI century, after the somehow isolated testimony of Pellikan, on a completely different scale, a certain number of obscure notaries and officers in Italy would show a certain degree of awareness of the usage of dismembered Hebrew manuscripts to the point of noticing it in written form. It is a peculiar feature of Italian notarial registers of the XVI and XVII centuries17 the annotation, added by the notaries usually at the beginning of their register, of the fact that the register is bound in parchment (1), sometimes that this parchment is written (2) and in some seldom but not too rare instances that the parchment is written in

16 In point of fact a Russian biography of Joseph Vissarionovic Stalin. 17 I have limited my survey to Italian material, in other words I cannot exclude that the same might be the case for different areas and epochs. carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 19

Hebrew (3). In order to show what I am referring to, I will report the example of a relatively small archive, the Archivio Comunale di Pieve di Cento. The fragments of Hebrew manuscripts of this small town in the province of Bologna, in the region Emilia Romagna in Northern-Central Italy, have been studied and catalogued by Mauro Perani already in 1993.18 In this archive, holding documents from the XIV to the XX century, 15 registers have been identified as preserving fragments of Hebrew manuscripts. Out of these 15 registers, three (that is 12,5%) bear variants of the first type of annotation, for example: “Questo sia un libro di C. n. 150 coperto di carta pecorina” [This is a register in book form, containing 150 pages and wrapped in parchment].19 In other words, the register is identified and protected against unlawful manipulation by a description of the number of the pages and binding type. Nevertheless the bare fact that the parchment was not new and it was written, not to speak that it was written in Hebrew, was left unnoticed or better unregistered by the officer of the Hospital of Santa Maria responsible for the compilation and the custody of the register. A second example, dated eight years later, is less laconic: “In questo libro di Carte n. cento settanta due coperto di carta pegorina scritta di varie lettere con un stringhetto di pelle gialla per serratura . . .” [In this register of 172 pages, wrapped in parchment with various letters inscribed and a lace of yellow leather to tighten it . . .].20 Here the very fact that the parchment is inscribed is diligently noted. As to the expression “lettere varie”, it could also be understood as “extravagant” or “exotic”. Be it as it may, sixty years earlier, in an account register of the same archive, we read the following annotation: “Questo è un libro o uno squarzo di cento quaranta otto (carte) coperto di carta pegorina scrita di letere hebraiche” [This is a book, or a register, of 148 pages, wrapped in parchment written in Hebrew letters].21 The anonymous officer compiling the latter register noticed, in order to identify more precisely his book or “squarzo”, that it was not only covered with parchment, somehow written, but he specified that the language of the text written on the cover was Hebrew,

18 Roberta Calzolari, Saverio Campanini, Paolo Levi, Mauro Perani, Gli ebrei a Pieve di Cento. Testimonianze e memorie storiche (Pieve di Cento: Comune di Pieve di Cento, 1993). 19 The fragment preserved as a binding in this case contains parts of the Commentary on Hosea, Micah, Amos by the French exegete Joseph ben Shimon Qara (signature of the catalogue: C.I: Archivio dell’Ospedale 4–17, Santa Maria 1621–1662). 20 Sign. T.II.2, Archivio dell’Ospedale 6–1, Francesco Saverio Mastellari 1629–1646: fragments of the Halakhot of Isaac ben Jacob Alfasi. 21 Sign. H.III.1, Archivio dell’Ospedale, Squarzi 1560: fragments of the Sefer Mitzwot Gadol of Moses ben Jacob of Coucy. 20 saverio campanini demonstrating thus at least a rudimentary knowledge of it. Notaries and public officers, it should be added, living in towns and villages where there were conspicuous Jewish settlements or full-fledged Jewish communities were likely to have seen Hebrew books because the Jews were allowed, as innumerable documents prove it, to swear on their own Bibles, when requested to perform a ritual oath in front of a public officer and in the presence of witnesses. As Mauro Perani has correctly shown, the annotations of the notaries on the first blank page and, as a rule, on the cover itself, dating with precision the beginning of their usage of the registers, can also be used as a proof that the bindings were not added after the usage (thus dating the re-usage is extremely difficult), but, rather, the notaries or the public officers bought them already bound, suggesting that the date of the first entry in the register and the one of the binding must have been very close or even contemporary.22 The tokens of this peculiar form of awareness of the nature of the artifacts wrapping the notarial or accountancy registers are not limited to this instance alone. I was able to gather, in a quick survey, more evidence: at least 9 instances (approximately 1% of the total fragments, corresponding to the evidence from Pieve di Cento) of what one could call the most complete awareness23 (wrappings of parchment written in Hebrew) have been inventoried among the registers preserved at the State Archives of Bologna. I sum up hereafter the essential elements to identify them: the signature, the text of the annotation, the date and a brief reference to the contents of the fragments.24

1) “Hic est liber . . . cartarum centum . . . coopertus carta pecudina ab utroque latere scripta literis haebraicis, bullatus . . .”;25

22 Mauro Perani, Morte e rinascita dei manoscritti ebraici: il loro riuso come legature e la loro recente riscoperta, in Studi di storia del Cristianesimo per Alba Maria Orselli, ed. Enrico Morini, Luigi Canetti, Martina Caroli, and Raffaele Savigni, (Ravenna: Longo, 2008), 313–336. 23 For some evidence of a lesser degree of awareness: 1) Sign. T. XXIII.2, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Podesteria di Galliera, Registro degli atti civili, 1575–1577: “Liber copertus carta pecudina scripta”. 2) Sign. T. XXVIII, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Castel S. Pietro 1604: “. . . liber . . . coopertus carta pecudina scripta”. 24 For a more extensive codicological and palaeographical description of the fragments and of the registers one can refer to the catalogue of this collection: I frammenti ebraici di Bologna. Archivio di Stato e collezioni minori, Inventario e catalogo redatti da Mauro Perani e Saverio Campanini (Firenze: Olschki, 1997). 25 Sign. B. II. 4, Ufficio dei Vicariati, S.to Giorgio. Hic est liber vicariatus S.ti Giorgi et not. is ser Jo. Lud(ovi)cus Zanuttinus 1593, fragments of the Prophets. carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 21

2) “liber . . . copertus carta pecudina ab uno latere litteris haebraicis scripta”;26 3) “liber . . . coopertus carta . . . scripta litteris hebraicis”.27 4) “In Christi nomine amen. Hic est liber Vicariatus Argilis Comitatus Bonon. Ad acta civilia et mixta cartarum centum, de cartis bambacinis coopertus carta pecudina ab uno latere literis haebraicis scripta . . .”.28 5) “Hic liber . . . ad acta civilia . . . coopertus carta pecudina scripta litteris haebraicis”.29 6) “Hic est liber . . . cartarum centum de cartis bombacinis coopertus carta peccudina alba litteris haebraicis scripta bullatus . . .”.30 7) “Hic est liber . . . coopertus carta pecudina ab utroque latere literis hebra icis scripta”.31 8) “. . . liber . . . coopertus carta pecudina litteris hebraicis foris scripta”.32 9) “Hic est liber . . . cartarum centum de cartis bambacinis coopertus carta pecudina litteris hebraicis scripta, bullatus . . .”.33

In other important archives and libraries of the very same region, for example the Archivio Storico Comunale di Modena,34 Archivio della Curia di Modena, Archivio Capitolare and Archivio Comunale di Correggio,35 and more recently published major36 and minor archives,37 the phenomenon seems unknown but, more simply, I assume (and in part I know for sure) that it was not systematically researched. The later point is already part

26 Sign. B. II. 5, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Argile 1593, fragments of 1 Chronicles. 27 Sign. B. XXXIII, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Giovanni Lodovico Zanettini, Vicariatus Argilis 1596, fragments of Leviticus. 28 Sign. B. LXXXVIII, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Argile 1592, fragments of the Haftarot. 29 Sign. H. XII, Ufficio dei Vicariati, S. Giorgio di Piano 1596, fragments of Moses ben Jacob of Coucy, Sefer Mitzwot Gadol. 30 Sign. H. XVI, Ufficio dei Vicariati, S. Giorgio di Piano 1595, fragments of the Asheri of Asher ben Yehiel. 31 Sign. H. XVII, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Argile, Giovanni Zanettini 1595, fragments of the Asheri of Asher ben Yehiel. 32 Sign. P. IV, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Podesteria di Galliera 1598–1602, liturgical fragment. 33 P. XV, Ufficio dei Vicariati, Reg. di cause civili e miste 1594, liturgical fragment. 34 I frammenti ebraici di Modena. Archivio Storico Comunale, Inventario e catalogo redatti da Mauro Perani e Saverio Campanini (Firenze: Olschki, 1997). 35 I frammenti ebraici di Modena. Archivio della Curia e Archivio Capitolare. Archivio Comunale di Correggio, Inventario e catalogo redatti da Mauro Perani e Saverio Campa- nini (Firenze: Olschki, 1999). 36 I frammenti ebraici dell’Archivio di Stato di Modena, Tomo I. Inventario e catalogo redatti da Mauro Perani e Luca Baraldi con la collaborazione di E. Sagradini (Firenze: Olschki, 2012). 37 See Frammenti ebraici negli archivi di Cesena, Faenza, Forlì, Imola, Rimini e Spoleto. Inventario e catalogo redatti da Mauro Perani e Enrica Sagradini, con la collaborazione di Mascia Muratori e Cristina Santandrea (Firenze: Olschki, 2012). 22 saverio campanini of the anticipated plaidoyer in the form of an invitation to learn from our mistakes. If a systematic inquiry of the notarial annotations, usually at the beginning of the register had been done working on the inventory of the findings, it would cost the researchers only a few minutes, whereas now a completely new campaign would be necessary, a time consuming search perhaps only to find out, ex negativo, that no one noticed anything particular about the writing on the cover. On the other hand, the very fact that in the province of Modena the vast majority of the bindings are erased suggests that it would have been preposterous to notice openly what one was gone long ways to hide. To sum up, it was not my intention to undertake a complete survey of the occurrence of signs of attention for the phenomenon of recycled Hebrew manuscripts on the part of notaries and public officers, but I believe we have enough evidence to state that, a very short time after the dismembering of the manuscripts and their new usage this very fact did not remain unnoticed, as the early testimony of Konrad Pellikan and the scattered annotations of the notaries in the region of Bologna abundantly show. For almost two centuries the fragments were, as it appears, effectively forgotten before a new form of attention, in its academic metamorphosis came to the fore, constituting the incunabula of our present research. In 1764, the German theologian, Illuminist, and Biblical scholar Johann Salomo Semler (Saalfeld 1725–Halle [Saale] 1791) published a solemn dis- course in honor of the Professor emeritus Christian Benedikt Michaelis with the following tile: Admonitio de observandis Hebraicorum manu scriptorum membranis quae tegendis aliis libris serviunt [Exhortation to observe carefully the parchment sheets of Hebrew manuscripts used to cover other books].38 Of the many elements that could be emphasized concerning this early and most interesting testimony of the beginning of our research in proto-liberal German theology, I will only enhance two points: the fact that already in the title the idea of careful attention (observatio), necessary to appreciate the origin and the value of the parchment fragments, certainly first of all as bearers of a text and not yet in their materiality, is connected with the idea of preservation, being tightly

38 Johann S. Semler, Admonitio de observandis Hebraicorum manuscriptorum membranis quae tegendis aliis libris serviunt (Halle and Magdeburg: Litteris Iohan. Iustini Gebauer, 1764). The essay has been reprinted in Johann S. Semler, Programmata academica selecta hic ibi auctiora (Halle and Magdeburg: Impensis Carol. Hermann. Hemmerde, 1779), 179–226. carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 23 linked to the academic interest of these testimonies, which leads to the second point I wish to underline. The first motor of the re-discovery of the “books without books” was the search for biblical variant readings. This point allows to measure the distance which separates us from the pioneers of our enterprise: the Bibles, although mostly precious, interesting in many respects (paleographical, codicological, masoretic, etc.) are not the greatest source of excitement in our research, in any case far less than a page of the Talmud, a vocalized Mishnah or some unknown uni cum, if one prefers not to confess the hope of finding even some lost work, at least as a fragment. Semler, despite what his title may suggest, did not simply discuss a general topic, but started from a very concrete point of departure. After having discussed the work of Kennicott about the critical text of the Bible, he suggests that a supplementary source of ancient variant reading could be preserved in Hebrew manuscripts reused as bookbindings and offers the variant reading he was able to find in a copy of the works of the heterodox mystic Kaspar Schwenckfeld, concerning some passages of the book of Job.39

39 The text of Semler is so interesting that a substantial portion of it deserves to be quoted: “Iam vero illud alterum observo, quo putem non parum adiuvari a nobis posse Kennicoti consilium: vel si maxime integris hebraicis codicibus careamus his in regioni- bus. Quod iam olim repereram, membranarum lacinias tegendis postea aliis libris adhibi- tas, non raro, quasi e naufragio bonas merces servari posse, ut quae latinorum patrum aliorumque vetustorum scriptorum fragmenta exhibeant, vitas sanctorum et martyrum, latinorumque bibliorum partes ut iam omnino negligam: id tandem et ad codicis hebraici fragmenta utilia ab interitu vindicanda non nihil facere posse, nuper intellexi. Infaustum hoc illorum hominum institutum, qui libris involvendis et tegendis operam dabant, iam seculo XVI valuisse, documentis certis mihi constat; cum sint in manibus meis libri, seculo isto excusi non solum sed etiam membranis hebraica scriptura plenis contecti. Atque facile intelligitur, ista per tempora, quibus bibliothecae multae barbarico ritu disiectae fuerunt et direptae, membranaceos codices cuiuscunque generis multos misere laceratos sordidorum in hominum manus plerumque venisse, qui furtim mercando iustis impensis parcere didicerant. Codices autem hebraicos, ob imperitorum in Iudaicam gentem odia atque contemtum, quasi fabulis aut maleficiis certis plenos, praecipue barbaris tractatos fuisse modis, facile est ad intelligendum. Sed utcumque ea res habeat, lacinium aliquam ipse quasi ex sepulcro reduxi, membranam tantae magnitudinis, ut Schwenkfeldiano- rum operum tomum, maioris formae volumen spissum, bene texerit. Opinabar partem esse rotuli, et voluminis cuius una tantum facies litteras prae se ferret: adeo altera facies improbissimo glutine adhaerebat papyraceae massae vilissimae. Tandem, adhibita sollicita cura et patientia manuum longa, qua vix leviter subinde scalpello uti audebam, reperio, etiam interiorem faciem scriptura plenam esse. Res parva et vilis, fateor, et quam vix ipse publice commemorarem, nisi iure eam in spem ingredi liceret fore, ut in ditioribus bibliothecis, quae vetustiorum librorum magnam copiam continerent, non rara reperian- tur huius generis volumina et tegumenta, libris quibus improbe serviunt, non parum util- iora. Quod si igitur plurium alacritas in re non illepida coniungatur: non dubito, utilium 24 saverio campanini

The pamphlet by Semler, together with the exhortations of another theologian of the historical school, Wilhelm Abraham Teller,40 triggered a vast reaction with their appeal to describe and publish collationes of these fragments, which would enrich significantly the quantity and quality of the Biblical manuscripts held by German public and private libraries as the wave of publications in the following years clearly proves. I will recall here only the most relevant examples, keeping in mind that a systematic research in this field, doctoral or inaugural dissertations, inaugural lectures and other academic publications concerning Hebrew fragments is still a desideratum, which is only partly becoming easier through the vast number of digitization projects recently initiated. A first orien- tation in this domain is offered by Hermann Friedrich Köcher who, in his Nova Bibliotheca Hebraica (1784),41 correcting and integrating the four volumes of the Bibliotheca Hebraea by Johann Christoph Wolf, presents a first resumé of the relevant publications, a thriving field of studies in his time. Short after Semler’s pioneering work, there have been the essays by Philipp Albrecht Christfels (1769),42 Maximilian Nagel (1770),43 Johann

lectionum hebraici codicis numerum non exiguum facile colligi posse.” Semler, Admonitio de observandis membranis, X–XI. 40 “Ut quodvis pretiosum fragmentum colligatur, magna cum cura examinetur, illiusque VV. LL. accurate publicantur”, as I gather from Johann F. Hirt, “Anzeige einiger kleiner Altorfischen Schriften.” Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek 3 (1773): 132–144, esp. 137–138. The source is in fact the Latin translation of the second dissertation by Benja- min Kennicot, Dissertatio secunda super ratione textus Hebraici Veteris Testamenti (Leipzig: Expensis Ioh. Godof. Dyckii, 1756), 570–571: “Itaque, age quodvis MS. quod temporis ini- uria nobis reliquit, sive integra Hebr. Biblia contineat, sive eorum partes, (nam quodvis pretiosum fragmentum, ne quidquam intercidat, colligere decet) magna cum cura exa minemus, variasque illorum lectiones accurate publicemus.” 41 Herrmann F. Köcher, Nova Bibliotheca Hebraica secundum ordinem Bibliothecae Hebraicae B. Io. Christoph. Wolfii disposita analecta literaria sistens, pars II, (Jena: Impensis Haeredum C. H. Cunonis, 1784), 35–36. 42 According to Köcher, Nova Bibliotheca Hebraica, cit., p. 35, the title of this essay is Comment. de variis lectionibus fragmenti codicis Hebraei ad librum Nehemiae pertinen tibus, quod ab ipso in membrana libri cuiusdam repertum est (Oettingae: 1769); the same title, probably depending on Köcher, is found in Julius Fürst, Bibliotheca Judaica, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Verlag von Wilhelm Engelmann, 1849), vol. 1, 177. I could only find, in very few libraries, the following abbreviated title: Viro summe reverendo et magnifico Domino Geor gio Adamo Michel, . . . interprete Philippo Alberto Christfelsio . . . qui simul duo Pentateuchi loca ad superstites ex antiquitate membranas breviter examinat, observantissime gratulan tur sex alunni superiores (Öttingen: Johann Heinrich Lohsius, [1768]). 43 Brevis commentatio (critica ex quatuor particulis Hebraicis biblicis) Viro summe vene rando atque excellentissimo Domino Adamo Rudolpho Solgero ipsi iobelaeum ob munus sacrum L annos curatum celebranti oblata (Altdorf: Hessel, 1770). carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 25

Friedrich Konrad Christoph Jacobi (1772),44 Johannes Andreas Sixt (1772),45 Johann Christian Friedrich Schulze (1775),46 and, for the first time in Ger- man, Jeremias David Reuss (1780).47 Worth recalling are also particularly the numerous contributions of Johann David Michaelis (1777).48 More- over, parallel to this explosion of interest and of publications, the first skeptical voices made themselves also heard, above all the one of the oriental scholar Johann Friedrich Hirt, who judged, in 1772, that the big fuss would not bring much to the variant readings of the Bible.49 Nevertheless, this first outburst of interest was not soon to be forgotten, as it is shown by the comprehensive work published between 1784 and 1788 (–1798)50 by Giovanni Bernardo de Rossi: Variae lectiones Veteris Testamenti, where the variants retrievable in book bindings are taken into account and seri- ously examined for the constitution of the biblical text. After this coordinated growth of scholarly energy, a period of re-thinking resulted in a cooling down of the enthusiasm: in the first half of the XIX

44 Dissertatio inauguralis de fragmento codicis biblici hebraici manuscripti, quam prae side Georgio Andrea Willio defendere conabitur auctor Ioan. Fridr. Conrad. Christoph. Iacobi (Altdorf: Typis Meyerianis, 1772). 45 Duorum fragmentorum S. codicis Hebraei descriptionem exhibet, praemissis nonnullis de theologico critico religioso, simulque orationem aditialem in alma universitate Aldorfina a.d. 6. Febr. 1772 habendam indicit Ioannes Andreas Sixuts S. Theol. Professor (Altdorf: Hes- sel, 1772). 46 Johann C. F. Schulze, Recensio duorum fragmentorum codicis hebraei V. T. manuscrip torum, quae in Bibliotheca academica Giessensi servantur (Giessen: Braun, 1775). 47 Jeremias D. Reuss, Beschreibung merkwürdiger Bücher aus der Universitäts-Bibliothek zu Tübingen vom Jahr 1468–1477, und zweyer hebräischer Fragmente (Tübingen: Jacob Friedrich Heerbrandt, 1780). 48 Johann D. Michaelis, “Von einigen aus Gotha erhaltenen Fragmenten einer hebräi schen Handschrift.” Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek 2 (1772): 196–209; Idem, “Fernere Nachricht von einigen aus Gotha erhaltenen Fragmenten einer hebräischen Handschrift. Eine Fortsetzung von N. 32 des zweyten Theils.” Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek 4 (1773): 239–252; “Beschreibung eines Fragments, so Herr Diederichs selbst besitzet.” Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek 6 (1774): 244–247; “Pragische Fragmente hebräischer Handschriften.” Orientalische und Exegetische Bibliothek 12 (1777): 101–111; Idem, “Von helmstädtischen Fragmenten einer hebräischen Handschrift.” Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek 8 (1775): 167–178; Idem, “Zwey bebenhäusische Fragmente des Jesaias und Jonas.” Orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek 13 (1778): 205–215. 49 Concerning the already mentioned essay by Andreas Sixt, Johann F. Hirt, Oriental ische Bibliothek 2 (1772): 485ff. pronounces quite a hard judgement: “Diese [Stellen aus Exodus] sind mit der Hooghtischen Bibel verglichen worden, und ich finde an den hier entdeckten verschiedenen Lesearten, dass sie wenig sagen wollen; wie ich sonst von den meisten verschiedenen Lesearten überhaupt, von denen man noch immer in unseren Tagen so viel Geschrey zum voraus macht, noch befürchte, dass es am Ende heissen wird: Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.” 50 If one considers also the Scholia critica in Veteris Testamenti libros seu Supplementa ad varias sacri textus lectiones (Parma: Ex Regio Typographeo, 1798). 26 saverio campanini century one witnesses rather episodic findings but no systematic attempt to search for Hebrew fragments, not even limited to a single country. What one finds are rather occasional, unsystematic observations, often connected with the description of the manuscripts and later the printed books preserved in a single library. This situation is at best exemplified in the bibliography collected by Moritz Steinschneider in 1897, in his Vorle sungen über die Kunde Hebräischer Handschriften,51 where, contrary to his attitude and method, tending rather to extensiveness and sistematicity, he could only give a sketch of single episodes, for example Trier, studied more recently by Andreas Lehnardt,52 but already object of a first survey by Jacob Bassfreund.53 During the XIX century and the first three quarters of the XX, there have been occasional discoveries, sudden revivals of interest, followed by a long period of silence, without a hint of European coordination, although the phenomenon has, as it has been later recognized, a decided European dimension. The first systematic attempt of cataloguing the fragments, by far not exhaustive, was the one initiated by Ernst Róth within the project of the Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, but it was interrupted before completion, and was anyway limited to Germany. It is only after the initiative of Giuseppe Sermoneta in 1981 that the review of the pre-history of our research starts coinciding with autobi- ography, which means, for the present purpose, it is time to understate, also because good bibliographies and surveys have been produced and kept updated by various researchers engaged in the field. Nevertheless, I wish to add, specialized articles and catalogues are not the only source for our research, the general catalogues of Latin manuscripts should not be neglected. Only to name one, quite arbitrarily chosen example, the

51 Moritz Steinschneider, Vorlesungen über die Kunde Hebräischer Handschriften, deren Sammlungen und Verzeichnisse (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1897), 8. 52 Andreas Lehnardt, “Hebräische und Aramäische Einbandfragmente in Mainz und Trier. Zwischenbericht eines Forschungsprojekts.” in Rekonstruktion und Erschließung mit telalterlicher Bibliotheken. Neue Formen der Handschriftenpräsentation, ed. Andrea Rapp and Michael Embach, (Beiträge zu den Historischen Kulturwissenschaften, 1), (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2008), 45–64. For a rich bibliography on various findings in the 19th century, see p. 48, n. 10. 53 Jakob Bassfreund, “Über ein Midraschfragment in der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier.” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 38 (1894): 167–176; 214–219; Idem, “Hebräische Handschriftenfragmente in der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier.” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 39 (1895): 263–271; 295–302; 343–350; 391–398; 492–506. carta pecudina literis hebraicis scripta 27 volumes of the catalogue of the Latin manuscripts of the Library in Ans- bach (nowadays in Munich Bayerische Staatsbibliothek) contain annotations about fragments of Hebrew manuscripts recycled as book bindings and, in some instances, even the description of the remnants or the specu- lar ink-traces (Abklatsch) of a now lost stripe from a Hebrew manuscript still preserved on the cardboard binding of a Latin manuscript.54 There is here an entire field of research which should be considered, even in the presence of a better description by a professional Judaic scholar: these timid instances of attempts at a description of the phenomenon belong, I believe, to our legitimate field of research. Even unpublished sources, such as handwritten catalogues or annotations authored by librarians or, in the case of parochial archives, conservators and vicars, should be gathered in order to attain the detailed picture of a general process of which I have attempted to trace here the historical development. As a way of reaching my concluding playdoier, I should like to mention a last example represented by the catalogue of the Hebrew manuscripts of the Austrian National Library, by Albrecht Krafft and Simon Deutsch,55 as a relatively early instance of a catalogue of Hebrew manuscripts compris- ing also fragments dismembered from books. When Krafft and Deutsch started their work, the fragments had already been detached, justify- ing the following remarks, worth considering especially for the adverbs employed by the authors: Hier sind leider nur einige wenige Fragmente einer schönen Handschrift des grossen Werkes vorhanden; sie bestehen aus 10 Folioblättern von Perga- ment, welche zum Einbande eines lateinischen Werkes verwendet waren, aber glücklich losgelöst wurden. [Unfortunately only a few fragments from a beautiful manuscript of the large work56 are still extant: ten parchment folios used to bind some Latin book, but happily they had been detached from it].

54 See Karl Heinz Keller, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Staatlichen Biblio thek (Schloßbibliothek) Ansbach. Band I. Ms. lat. 1–Ms. lat. 93, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994), 36; 133; 172; Karl Heinz Keller and Sabine Schmolinsky, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Staatlichen Bibliothek (Schloßbibliothek) Ansbach. Band II. Ms. lat. 94–Ms. lat. 173 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001), 1; 221; 251–252. 55 Die handschriftlichen hebräischen Werke der k. k. Hofbibliothek zu Wien, beschrieben von Albrecht Kraft und Simon Deutsch (Wien: Aus der kaiserlichen und königlichen Hof- und Stadtbücherei, 1847). 56 The authors are referring to the Asheri of Asher ben Yehiel’s Asheri (cf. Die hand schriftlichen hebräischen Werke der k. k. Hofbibliothek zu Wien, n. XLII, 50–51). 28 saverio campanini

I have been myself a staunch supporter of detaching the fragments from the bindings whenever the importance and the interest of the text would overcome the intrinsic value of the more recent “book”. At the end of the present survey I must admit that I have adopted a more prudent position. I am still convinced that detaching the bindings, especially if there is no other way of reading the text of the fragments, should be allowed on motivated occasions, but I have gathered good reasons to preserve to the utmost possible degree the connection, physical and historical, between the fragment and its “host book”. At this point, the anticipated plaidoyer should not come as a surprise: after having worked on a model focused primarily on the rescued texts (as in the cards of the Institute for Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts in Jerusalem), it should be our European pledge to dedicate a peculiar “attention” (the usage of this word cannot be casual) to the material aspect of the phenomenon, including any possible connection between the fragments and the odd place where they survived, namely the binding of a new book, all the way from highly abstract issues, such as historical awareness to the material ties that connect the text to the support and the artifact “Hebrew fragment” with the “host book”. This means, in principle, that the description of any given fragment should allow, at least ideally, an easy reconstruction of the retrievable stages of its journey to the present: not only should we always be able to tell where the fragment is, by way of signature, but also where it has been. Moreover, concerning our growing internet data-base, a special feature should be conceived, not only in order to annotate the signature and the characteristics of the register or book of which it serves, or served, as a book binding, but also to allow a systematic reconstruction of all the sign of interest for the Hebrew fragments, which should be retrievable in the individual description of a fragment, but also searchable in the broader domain of a certain archive or library, and more extensively a town or region. To free the fragments from their captivity was often the motivation that triggered the pioneers of our research, perhaps we are confronted with the historical task to understand that, if the fragments arrived to us, it was at times due to the attention of some people, which could become also fatal, sometimes, on the contrary because of the secular oblivion and blindness vis à vis our parchment sheets. In some inextricable way, binding and rescue are still singularly connected. part two studies in hebrew fragments

The First Autograph of the Tosafists from the European Genizah*

Simcha Emanuel

Introduction

The excitement engendered by the discovery of the Cairo Genizah has not waned to the present. Many diverse texts from all the fields of Jewish studies came to light in the Cairo Genizah, each presenting us with an additional small remnant from a world almost completely lost. One of the most moving experiences for a researcher of the Cairo Genizah is the discovery of an autograph of a renowned sage. Several such autographs have been found to the present in the Cairo Genizah, and they can be divided into two groups. One group, the larger one, consists of private or official letters written by various individuals. Some of these people are well-known from other sources and it is exciting to come across a piece of paper actually written by their hand.1 Another group of autographs discovered in the Cairo Genizah includes actual textual compositions. Neither a single letter, nor things that someone wrote for himself, but the first drafts of compositions, in the authors’ own handwriting. These autographs of the second group enable us to follow the manner in which the authors worked: what they wrote first, what they erased, what they added at a later time, and so on. The most important autographs discovered in the Cairo Genizah are without a doubt those of Maimonides. Sections from a long and important series of compositions that Maimonides wrote are preserved in the Cairo Genizah.2 As is commonly known, Maimonides lived in Fostat, where the

* This article was supported by the Israel Science Foundation. 1 Such, for instance, is the letter written by R. Judah Halevi to the merchant Halfon ben Netanel. In the words of Moshe Gil and Ezra Fleischer, who discussed this letter, whoever sees these pages that were written by Judah Halevi himself feels as if he stands face to face with the poet. See Moshe Gil and Ezra Fleischer, Yehuda ha-Levi and His Circle: 55 Geniza Documents (Jerusalem: World Union of Jewish Studies—The Rabbi David Moshe and Amalia Rosen Foundation, 2001), 21 (in Hebrew). 2 See, e.g.: Ben Outhwaite and Friedrich Niessen, “A Newly Discovered Autograph Frag- ment of Maimonides’ ‘Guide for the Perplexed’ from the Cairo Genizah.” Journal of Jewish Studies 57 (2006): 287–297; with a list of earlier publications, 287–288. 32 simcha emanuel

Cairo Genizah was found, and the discovery of several of his autographs in that Genizah is therefore not surprising. The Cairo Genizah, however, also contained autographs of sages who resided far from Cairo. For example: a responsum in the handwriting of R. Hai Gaon, who lived in Baghdad; letters in the handwriting of R. Samuel ben Ali, also of Baghdad; and even an autograph by a Provence sage—the commentary to the Mishneh Torah compiled by R. Manoah.3 Obviously, many more examples could be added to this partial list. Not a single autograph of a known author has been preserved in the European ‘Genizah’, at least not in that found so far in Central Europe. This ‘Genizah’ contains a few historical documents (contracts and bills) written in the author’s own hand; but to the best of my knowledge, not a single section of a textual composition has surfaced in the European ‘Genizah’ so far. In this article I will present the first discovery of a textual autograph: a section from a commentary to the Talmud, in the handwriting of its author, a member of one of the leading families in Germany in the early thirteenth century. The discovery and identification of this section is a fascinating detective story in its own right, one that illustrates the difficulties facing us in our exploration of the European ‘Genizah’.

The Leaves in Melk and Graz

A single leaf which contains a commentary of the Tractate Berakhot of the Babylonian Talmud is preserved in the library of the monastery in Melk, Austria (Melk, Benediktinerstift, Fragm. XI). The leaf had once been used in the binding of a book, as is attested by the fold through the length of the leaf. At some time, however, the leaf was detached from the binding, and consequently both its sides are legible. Unfortunately, there is no information in the monastery library concerning the origin of the leaf and the book it had been detached from. The leaf contains a few erasures, but they do not prove in themselves that this is an autograph; they could be easily explained as erasures made

3 Mordechai A. Friedman, “Responsa of Hai Gaon—New Fragments from the Geniza.” Te’uda 3 (1983): 71–75 (in Hebrew); Moshe Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1997), vol. 2: Texts from the Cairo Geniza, 204–212, nos. 75–82 (in Hebrew); Elazar Hurvitz, “Commentary on Hilchoth Tefillin of Maimonides by Rabbenu Manoach of Narbonne.” Hadorom 40 (1974): 57–122 (in Hebrew); Pinchas Roth, Later Provençal Sages—Rabbinic Creativity in the South of France in the 13th Century, PhD. Dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2012, 110–111 (in Hebrew). the first autograph of the tosafists 33 by a scribe, who erred in his labors and immediately corrected his mistakes. However, the leaf also contains lengthy additions in the margins— two on one side, and two on the other (see fig. 3.1). The margins do not contain text that the scribe mistakenly omitted during his copying, but rather constitute independent additions (see below). Consequently, this indicates an autograph of the author. Additional leaves from the same copy of the commentary to Tractate Berakhot are among the holdings of the library of the university in Graz. I visited this library on July 2010, and found a Latin manuscript with an inner binding made of leaves from a Hebrew manuscript (Graz, Univer- sitätsbibliothek, Cod. 1206). On one side of the book, the bookbinder used one double sheet, that is, two leaves, from the Hebrew manuscript. The inner part of the sheet is hidden by the binding and cannot be read, while the left side of the sheet is cut off in its entire length, leaving only one or two words in each line. On the other side of the book, the binder used additional two leaves from the same Hebrew manuscript. The binding was made mostly of a single leaf from the Hebrew manuscript, to which the second leaf was stitched upside down. Most of the first leaf is legible, but its right and left margins are concealed. Only two or three words can be read in each line, and that only after turning the book upside down (see fig. 3.2). During my visit to the Graz library and afterwards, the library staff member in charge of the conservation of manuscripts preservation, Mr. Manfred Mayer, was extremely helpful, and readily met all my requests. My first request was to detach the Hebrew leaves used to bind the Latin manuscript, so that both their sides could be read. After only three weeks I received from Mr. Mayer photocopies of the separated sections. After the sections had been removed from the binding, we realized that we actually had three leaves. The binder had taken three leaves of the Hebrew manuscript, and had turned them into one large sheet with which to bind the Latin manuscript. These three leaves constitute a single sheet and an additional leaf. The binder cut one leaf lengthwise, leaving only a word or two, and at times, three words, in each line. He left the second leaf, the middle leaf of the sheet as it is, without damaging it. Then he sewed the third leaf to the second, so that he would have a very long sheet. The binder patently did not pay attention to the fact that he had sewn the third leaf upside down: now the sheet must be inverted if we want to read the text (see fig. 3.3). The two sewn leaves overlap a little, so that the two leaves cannot be read in their entirety. My second request of Mr. Mayer was therefore to 34 simcha emanuel unstitch the two leaves, so that they do not cover each other. Mr. Mayer undid the stitches and sent me new images of the fragments. We now possess an almost whole single leaf, and an additional double sheet, one of whose leaves is whole, and the other cut. On the double sheet we can see once again the additions that the author wrote in the side margins, one to the right and the other to the left of the text (see fig. 3.4). My third and last request of Mr. Mayer was to prepare an ultraviolet photograph of this page. Indeed, while one side of the single leaf, the one that had been visible all the time, can be read clearly, the other side, the one that was attached to the book’s binding, is blurred, and a part of it is difficult to read. The ultraviolet image enabled me to read this page in its entirety. This page contains the commentary to the two last leaves of the Trac- tate Berakhot (fol. 62a–64a). At the end of the page, in the commentary for the last discursive unit of the tractate, I could now read the words: “I saw in the composition of my brother R. Judah: and may the Lord bless the house of Obed-edom [. . .].”4 These cited lines are a verbatim quotation of Yihusei Tannaim ve-Amoraim composed by R. Judah ben Kalony- mus ben Meir of Speyer.5 Now we can understand that the author of the commentary to Tractate Berakhot that is preserved in the bookbindings in Melk and in Graz was the brother of R. Judah ben Kalonymus.

The Nature of the Commentary

Thus, we possess a total of three whole leaves of the commentary—one leaf in the library of the monastery in Melk, and two leaves in the library of the university in Graz—and another narrow strip, also in Graz. These leaves are not consecutive. One leaf (from Melk) contains the commentary to a part of the fourth chapter of Tractate Berakhot, fol. 27b–28b; the narrow strip contains a commentary to a part of the fourth chapter, fol. 29b–30a (on one side) and to a part of the sixth chapter, fol. 35a (on the

ראיתי ביסודו של אחי רב יהודה ויברך י"י בית עובד אדו]ם וכת' פע[לותי השמיני וכת' 4 ולעובד אדום ששים ושנים. בירושלמי דהחול]ץ ליבמ[תו בהילכ' ארבעה מאחים נשואין לארבע נשים כת' וישב ארון י"י ]עם בית[ עובד אדום הגתי שלשה חדשים ויברך וגו', במה בירכו בבנים ה]דא הוא דכתי'[ כל אלה מבני עובד אדום המה ]ובניהם ואחיהם איש ח[יל בכח לעבד ש]שים[. 5 Erkhei Tannaim ve-Amoraim, ed. Moshe Yudah Blau, (New York: Moshe Yehuda Blau, 1994), 84–85 (in Hebrew). the first autograph of the tosafists 35 other side);6 the second leaf (from Graz)—a commentary to a part of the sixth chapter, fol. 40a–42a; and the third (also from Graz)—a commentary to part of the ninth and last chapter of the tractate, fol. 62a–64a. It should be noted that, unfortunately, most of the pages of the commentary are still missing. This is not a conventional commentary. A considerable part of it is dedicated to finding parallels from throughout the Rabbinic literature to the discursive units discussed in Tractate Berakhot. The collection of texts available to the commentator when he sought these parallels was large and impressive. He cites the Mishnah, the Tosefta, the Babylonian and Palestinian Talmud, Midrashei Halakhah—Sifra and Sifre;7 and also Midrashei Aggadah—Genesis Rabbah, Avot de-Rabbi Nathan, and Pirkei de-Rabbi Eliezer. At times, the commentator refers to a straightforward parallel. For example, in his commentary on the discursive unit (BT Berakhot 28a): “R. Johanan said: the law is that he recites the prayer for Minhah, and afterwards he recites the prayer for Mussaf,” he mentions explicitly that this unit also appears in Tractate Zevahim: “This is brought in Tractate Zevahim, the chapter of ‘Whatever is more constant’ ” [chap. 10].8 In many other instances, however, the commentator sought other, more sophisticated parallels. Thus, for example, when he came to the discursive unit concerned with the blessing recited over spoiled bread (BT Berakhot 40b), he collected a series of discussions in the Tosefta and the Babylonian Tal- mud regarding spoiled food. Our commentator deemed it important for the student to know the halakhah in the Tosefta, Tractate Terumot, that discusses the law of terumah (heave-offering) that became spoiled, the halakhah in Tractate Sheviit, that discusses seventh-year produce that became spoiled, and additional similar discursive units, even though the connection between all these discursive units is tenuous.9

6 It appears that the commentator skipped the fifth chapter and didn’t interpret it. לא יכנס אדם בהר הבית במקלו )ברכות סב ע"ב(. תניא ב]ספרא דבי :See, for example 7 רב )תורת כהנים, קדושים, פרשה ג, ח-ט( ומ[קדשי תיראו איזו היא מורא מקדש לא יכנס להר הבית במקלו וב]פונדתו. ותני[א בספרי )דברים, פיסקה רנח( והיה מחניך קדוש מיכאן אמרו לא יכנס אדם להר הבית ב]מקלו ובפונדתו. וב[מסכ' יבמות פרק קמא )יבמות ו ע"ב( אייתינן לה. אמ' ר' יוחנ' הלכה מתפלל של מנחה ואחר כך מתפלל של מוספין. במסכ' זבח' פרק כל 8 התדיר אייתינן להא. על היין שהקרים ועל פת שעיפישה שעיברה צורתו אומ' שהכל נהיה. תניא בתוספת' דמסכ' 9 תרומות פרק דג )תוספתא תרומות ט, י, עמ' 158( תרומה ניתנה לאכילה ולשתייה ולסיכה, לאכול דבר שד]ר[כו לאכילה ולשתות דבר שדרכו לשתייה כול'. כיצד אין מחייבין אותו לאכל קניבתו של ירק ולא פת שעיפשה ולא תבשיל שעיברה צורתו. תניא בתוספ' דמסכ' שביעית )תוספתא שביעית ו, א-ב, עמ' 190( שביעית נתנה לאכילה ולשתיה ולסיכה לאכול דבר שדרכו 36 simcha emanuel

The commentator devoted another detailed discussion to a discursive unit (BT Berakhot 28a), which cites in the name of the Amora R. Joseph the Aramaic translation of a verse from the book of Zephaniah. The commentator took pain to list nine additional discursive units in the Talmud in which R. Joseph translated a verse into Aramaic, although this collection adds nothing to our understanding of the specific unit in Bera- khot. Some of these units were added here in the margin of the text, but in the same handwriting. One discursive unit in Tractate Pesahim was listed here in the left margin, with additional two marginal notes added on the right side, in which the commentator lists three more discursive units: ואילו המקראות שתירגם רב יוסף, חדא ]]במסכת פסח' פרק אילו̊ דברים )פסחים סח ע"א( חרב]ות מ[חים, ואידך[[ הא נוגי }מ{מועד )ברכות כח ע"א( ]. . .[ ואידך במסכ' קידושין פרק בתרא )קידושין עב ע"ב( וישב ממזר באשדוד ]]ואידך עיר ההרס במסכ' מנחות פרק בתרא )מנחות קי ע"א([[ ואידך פרק חלק )סנהדרין צד ע"ב( יען מאס העם את מי השילוח ]. . .[ ]]במסכ' שבת פרק במה אשה )שבת סד ע"א( אמ' רב יוסף אי הכי היינו דמתרגמ' מחוך. בבמה מדליקין )שבת כח ע"א( אמ' רב יוסף היינו דמתרגמינ' ססגונא[[. These marginal notes clearly demonstrate that this is the autograph of the author, who later recalls these additional discursive units, and writes them in the margin.

The Commentator

Who, then, was this commentator who, as we saw, mentioned the teaching of “his brother” which can be traced back to R. Judah ben Kalonymus ben Meir? First, we should mention what we know about R. Judah,10 the brother of the commentator. R. Judah ben Kalonymus lived in Speyer, Germany, and died in the last years of the twelfth century. He came from the Kalo- nymus family, one of the most illustrious families in Germany in these days. His father was the leader in his community and was one of those responsible to the king for the collection of the community’s taxes. His

כול' עד כיצד אין מחייבין אותו לאכול קניבתו של ירק לא פת שעיפשה ולא תבשיל שעיברה צורתו. ובבבא בתרא פרק המוכר )דף צה ע"ב( גרס' אמ' רב }יהודה{ אמ' שמואל יין הנמכר בחנות מברכין עליו בורא פרי הגפן לימ' רב חסדא בהדי חמרא דאקרים למה לי. 10 See Ephraim Elimelech Urbach, The Tosaphists: Their History, Writings, and Methods (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 41980), 361–378 (in Hebrew). the first autograph of the tosafists 37 mother was the niece of Samuel b. Kalonymus he-Hasid, and R. Judah he-Hasid was her cousin. R. Judah is known mainly for his Yihusei Tannaim ve-Amoraim (or Seder Tannaim ve-Amoraim, apparently the original name of the book), the beginning of which is missing in the extant manuscripts.11 The work is an extensive and valuable Talmudic list of the names of the Tannaim and Amoraim and their teachings. Statements of those scholars found in the works available to R. Judah are listed, sometimes in the context of their discussions, and are provided with a comprehensive and extensive exposition, so that the text reads like a commentary on the Talmud in itself. R. Judah also wrote other works that are no longer extant, including Sefer ha-Agron12 and tosafot on a number of tractates. But who was his brother, the author of the commentary on Tractate Berakhot whose fragments are present in Graz and in Melk? We know of two brothers of R. Judah ben Kalonymus. One is R. Meir ben Kalonymus,13 who was older than R. Judah, and who is cited a number of times in his younger brother’s book. In contrast, we did not find anywhere R. Meir’s references to his younger brother R. Judah. It seems unlikely therefore that R. Meir, the older brother, was the author of this commentary to Tractate Berakhot. Another brother of R. Judah was R. David ben Kalonymus of Mün- zenberg. Ephraim Elimelech Urbach questions whether R. David was R. Judah’s brother at all, giving two reasons for his doubt. First, R. Judah mentions his brother R. Meir several times, but never refers to R. David. Second, R. David is depicted in the sources as a sage considerably younger than R. Judah: he was notably in contact with sages of the generation following that of R. Judah.14 However, Urbach’s second doubt resolves actually his first. R. David was indeed considerably younger than R. Judah, and lived many years after him, which is precisely why R. Judah never mentioned him in his book. R. Judah died toward the end of the twelfth century, while R. David was still alive in 1220, when he was a signatory of

11 The first part of the book was published by Judah Leib Maimon (Sefer Yihusei Tannaim ve-Amoraim, Jerusalem: Mosad Harav Kook, 1963) and the second part was published by Blau (see above, n. 5). Raphael Nathan Neta Rabbinovicz, who was the first to publish part of the book, called it Sefer Yihusei Tannaim ve-Amoraim (Lyck: Mekize Nirdamim, 1874), in order to distinguish it from the earlier work known as Seder Tannaim ve-Amoraim. 12 See Simcha Emanuel, Fragments of the Tablets: Lost Books of the Tosaphists (Jerusa- lem: Magnes Press, 2006), 307–308 (in Hebrew). 13 See Urbach, The Tosaphists, 363–365. 14 See Urbach, The Tosaphists, 365–366. 38 simcha emanuel the takkanot (regulations) of the Rhine communities.15 We possess several piyyutim (liturgical hymns) written by R. David, one of which contains דוד בן רבי קלונימוס ברבי מאיר חזק ואמץ אמן סלה :the explicit acrostic (“David ben Rabbi Kalonymus ben Rabbi Meir. Be strong and resolute, Amen Selah”).16 Thus, it seems that we cannot refute the family relationship between R. Judah ben Kalonymus and R. David ben Kalonymus. We may therefore reasonably argue that R. David ben Kalonymus of Münzenberg was the author of the commentary to Tractate Berakhot, remnants of which are extant in the monastery library in Melk and in the university library of Graz. This commentator cites what “my brother R. Judah” wrote, and this text is found in the book Yihusei Tannaim ve- Amora’im. Accordingly, the European ‘Genizah’ has preserved the commentary of a renowned European sage who was active in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. These fragments in the European ‘Genizah’ are most probably written in R. David’s own hand, and they constitute the first autograph known to us from the entire corpus of the works by the Tosafists.

15 See Louis Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1924), 218–251. 16 Leket Piyyutei Selihot (Preces Poenitentiales quae Selichoth vocantur a poetis Germani- cis et Francogallicis conscriptae), ed. Daniel Goldschmidt and Avraham Fraenkel, (Jerusa- lem: Mekize Nirdamim, 1993), 169–176 (in Hebrew). The editors observe that the piyyut has come to us in two different redactions; it should be stressed that in both redactions the poet mentions his grandfather Meir (see p. 172). the first autograph of the tosafists 39

Fig. 3.1 Melk, Benediktinerstift Fragm. XI (recto). 40 simcha emanuel

Fig. 3.2 Graz, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. 1206 (before detaching). the first autograph of the tosafists 41 U niversitatsbibliothek 1206 (after partial detaching). F ig. 3.3 G raz, 42 simcha emanuel

Fig. 3.4 Graz, Universitatsbibliothek 1206 (after full detaching). The Reconstruction of a Sefer haftarot from the Rhine Valley: towards a Typology of Ashkenazi Pentateuch Manuscripts

Judith Kogel

Did medieval scribes copy books of haftarot as independent codices? This question arose after my identification of forty-nine haftarah fragments in the libraries of Colmar and Strasbourg that all originated from a single codex.1 The study presented here proves that they did not, but the investigation itself offered me the opportunity to examine the typology of Ashkenazi Pentateuch manuscripts, with the frequent inclusion of the Five scrolls (megillot) and the haftarot, and to locate the Colmar fragments in this cultural and palaeographical context. The forty-nine fragments that served as the catalyst for this study are kept in three libraries: the Municipal Library of Colmar (Bibliothèque Municipale de Colmar),2 as well as the André Malraux Municipal Library (Bibliothèque Municipale André Malraux) and the National University Library (Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire)—both in Strasbourg. After the Municipal Library of Strasbourg was destroyed in a fire in 1870, the city of Colmar offered the city of Strasbourg second-copies of a

1 Professor Andreas Lehnardt has also uncovered a great number of folios of haftarot, some originating from codices that could be virtually reconstructed, which has led me to believe that, indeed, such books were relatively frequent during the Middle Ages. 2 The Municipal Library of Colmar (Bibliothèque municipale de Colmar), which pos- sesses one of the richest incunabula collections in France (approximately 2000 incunabula) was established under the decree of November 14, 1789, a phenomenon which is known as “confiscations of the revolution.” In Colmar, as throughout France, the libraries of the monasteries, abbeys and convents in the area were gathered and consolidated into a publicly held collection. The library of the city of Colmar was created by gathering books and manuscripts previously kept in the Benedictine abbeys of Murbach and Munster; the Cistercian abbeys of Lucelle and Pairis; the Dominican convents and monasteries of Col- mar, Guebwiller and Schoenensteinbach; the Regular Canons of Marbach; the Antonins of Issenheim; the Franciscans of Rouffach and Kaysersberg; the Capuchins of Neu-Breisach, Ensisheim and Thann; the Jesuits of Ensisheim; the collegiate church of Saint Martin in Colmar, and so on. Two significant collections without religious affiliation that became part of this consolidated collection came from the libraries of the Counts of Ribeaupierre and the literary Tabagie Colmar. Francis Gueth and Louis Demézières, “La Bibliothèque municipal de Colmar,” in Trésors des bibliothèques de Colmar et de Sélestat: exposition, Église des Dominicains de Colmar, 2 juillet–30 août 1998, ed. Ville de Colmar and Sélestat, (Ville de Sélestadt, 1998). 44 judith kogel selection of valuable incunabula which are still preserved in the holdings of the André Malraux Municipal Library;3 therefore, most fragments glued to the boards of these incunabula came from Colmar and thus belong to that same collection. I would also like to emphasize that the fragments at the National Uni- versity Library include those collected by the famous Professor of Theol- ogy, Edouard Reuss. These fragments were probably removed from the incunabula that had been donated to Strasbourg by Colmar and entrusted to Edouard Reuss for identification.4 After his death in 1891, Reuss’s collection, including the file containing these fragments, was donated to The Imperial University and Regional Library of Strasbourg (Kaiserliche Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek zu Straßburg),5 while the incunabula remained in the Municipal Library, now called by the name of André Mal- raux. Since that time, no one else has mentioned any link between the two collections.

Presentation of the Codex

Although several collections of haftarot have been identified among the fragments in the Colmar corpus, one of them is represented by no less

3 Strasbourg’s library, which had been hosted by the city’s Dominican convent, was destroyed by German bombs in August 1870; see Rodolphe Reuss, “Lettre de Mr Rodolphe Reuss sur les bibliothèques de Strasbourg (extrait de la Revue critique d’histoire et de litté- rature).” Bibliothèque de l’école des chartes (1871): 151–178. After its destruction, the German Empire founded a new library that was intended for the University of Strasburg and for the Region of Elsass-Lothringen, named the Kaiserliche Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek zu Straßburg. In response to an appeal by Karl August Barack, numerous libraries contributed to the reconstitution of the Strasbourg collection. The Kaiser Wilhelm I gave 4,000 volumes from his private collection. The municipal council, being unwilling to relinquish “a monopoly on the intellectual development and moral culture to the German university,” decided to found a new municipal library. Thanks to a plea from Major Emile Küss, books were offered by numerous European centers (Paris, London, Firenze, Utrecht and Colmar) and by individual German collectors. It is interesting to note that, until now, each institution recounts its history without mention of its sister institution. 4 His son, the historian Rodolphe Reuss (1841–1924), was appointed Chief Librarian in 1873, a post that he held until 1896. 5 The collection from Edouard Reuss, which was donated in 1891, contained 14,500 volumes and 9,500 booklets, with biblical texts and their exegesis as its primary focus. See Gérard Littler, “La Bibliothèque nationale et universitaire de Strasbourg—Constitution de la collection dans la période allemande (1871–1918).” Bulletin des Bibliothèques de France, 47,4 (2002): 36–46, p. 39. For a more detailed history of the library, see Henri Dubled, Histoire de la Bibliothèque nationale et universitaire de Strasbourg (Strasbourg: Société aca- démique du Bas-Rhin, 1963). the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 45 than forty-nine fragments from different bindings—4 bi-folios, 29 folios and 16 fragments (smaller than one folio)—numbers sufficient for a partial reconstruction of that codex. The parchment is fairly light in color and quite homogeneous, but slightly darker on the hair side. No ruling is visible, but clear traces of pricking can be distinguished in the exterior and interior margins. The largest fragment is a bi-folio that measures 296 by 478 mm, but the size of a virtual page was probably 308 by 242 mm,6 with a width-to-height ratio of 0.78. The text consistently appears in two columns of 25 lines per page. The copyist filled the lines by elongating or compressing letters; in some cases he anticipated the first word of the following line with a sign or a broken letter. The script is of a square calligraphic Ashkenazi type. The texts of the haftarot are fully vocalized and include cantillation marks. The ink used for the vowels and trope signs is identical to that of the letters, so they were probably written by a single copyist or in the same location. Every haftarah is preceded by a note in small square characters, indicating the biblical book from which it is drawn. The opening words of each haftarah are written in larger letters. Within each portion, new paragraphs are always indented. The name of the copyist is probably Barukh as indicated by three fragments: in the first, preserved in the incunabulum Colmar XII 2570 (fr. 4), the copyist emphasized the name Barukh appearing in Jer 32:13 by means הוָאֲצַוֶ תאֶ ּבָ רוך לְעֵ ינֵיהֶ ם—of decoration, probably to sign his work discreetly (I instructed Baruch in front of them); the other fragments are glued to the board of Colmar G 99 (fr. 1 and 2) and contain the text of Ruth—the יהי ,word barukh (verbal form) is emphasized twice in fr. 1, in Ruth 2:19 barukh) ברוך הוא ,yehi makirekh barukh) and in Ruth 2:20) מַּכִירֵ ך ברוך barukh). These words are) ברוך ,huʼ), and once more in fr. 2, in Ruth 4:14 all located alongside a margin, providing ample space for decoration. The pages of this codex are written with great care and artistry throughout, and they contain very few mistakes. Numerous questions arise: Do these fragments belong to a book of haftarot or to a codex including the Pentateuch and haftarot? Was writing in two columns typical? Is the number of lines an essential element of a typology? Was the copyist a professional scribe? When and where was this book written?

6 The outside margin of the left page of the bi-folio VIII 204 / fr. 7 remained untrimmed (with a width of 241 mm) and the height of CG 11441 / fr. 8 seems to be untouched (308 mm), hence this a posteriori estimate. 46 judith kogel I nc. V III 204 / fr. 7. F ig. 4.1 C olmar, Bibliothèque municipale the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 47

Fig. 4.2 Colmar, Bibliothèque municipale Inc. XII 2570 / fr. 4. 48 judith kogel

Manuscripts in Parma

These questions became for me an incentive to visit the Palatine Library (Biblioteca Palatina, Parma)7 to examine the Pentateuch manuscripts in that collection, irrespective of whether they included the Five scrolls and the haftarot, as well as the purported “books” and haftarah fragments that were copied in an Ashkenazi hand. Vowels and accents are included in all of these materials.

Preliminary Remarks

Haftarot collections are very rare. They have only been preserved as one component of a larger work: Parm. 2003–2004–2046 (dated from 1311)8 is in three parts—the first two volumes are comprised of the Pentateuch— Genesis to Leviticus 13:59 (through Parashat Tazria), and Leviticus 14:1 to the close of Deuteronomy—and the third contains the Five scrolls, the haftarot and Job; Parm. 2943–45 (mid-late 14th century)9 also has three volumes, with Genesis and Exodus, then Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy, and lastly the Five scrolls and haftarot; Parm. 2820–2830 (mid-14th century)10 is constituted of two volumes whose pages were not bound correctly, rendering it impossible to draw any conclusions based on its current ordering.11 The Parma catalogue has a section entitled “Haftarot Including Five scrolls,” but most entries represent fragments containing passages from haftarot. Five volumes have nearly complete haftarah collections, but how can one be certain that they were not part of a series that once included the Pentateuch plus haftarot? Two of these manuscripts include a colophon: Parm. 2857 (9 Sivan 5211 = 1451)12 and Parm. 1885 (1473).13 The copyist of Parm. 2857 indicates that he finished copying the haftarot with ”,all the haftarot have been completed“ ,נשלמו כל ההפטרות ,the phrase

7 Benjamin Richler, Hebrew Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Palatina in Parma. Paleo- graphical and Codicological Descriptions Malachi Beit-Arié (Jerusalem: Jewish National and University Library, 2001). 8 Ibid., No. 74, p. 18. 9 Ibid., No. 115, p. 27. 10 Ibid., No. 111, p. 26. 11 In its lacunary first volume (2830), Exodus 34:40 is followed by a quire containing the end of Ecclesiastes and the beginning of Esther. See Parma Catalogue, 26. 12 Richler, Hebrew Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Palatina in Parma, No. 267, 58. 13 Ibid., No. 268, 58: The folios were prepared for a two-column layout, but the copyist wrote this text in a single column. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 49

the book of“ ,נשלם ספר הפטרות which cannot be equated to a possible haftarot has been completed.” The case is different for Parm. 1885, since אני הסופר כתבתי ההפטרות :the following words can be read with ease I, the copyist, I wrote the haftarot for [. . .] and“ למר"ר . . . וסיימתי ביום . . . I finished on the 15th of Av 1473;” according to the palaeographical and codicological description by M. Beit-Arié, this text is from northern Italy. Unfortunately, neither the location nor the date allows us to extrapolate for twelfth-fourteenth century manuscripts written in Ashkenaz. Two codices deserve special attention because they also include the Torah readings accompanied by haftarah: Parm. 3237 (early 14th century)14 which was unfortunately unavailable for consultation during my visit at the library in 2011 and Parm. 3194 (late 13th century).15 Were these manuscripts freestanding or part of a larger works? The size of Parm. 3194 (400 × 310 mm) perfectly matches the dimensions of a large Pentateuch, indicating that it may have been a companion volume. In sum, because it seems impossible to determine whether separate books of haftarot or collections of haftarot existed, the brief typology which follows considers the features of the Parma manuscripts categorized by their contents: Pentateuch only, Pentateuch with haftarot, Penta- teuch with the Five scrolls, Pentateuch with haftarot and the Five scrolls, haftarot only, and haftarot with the Five scrolls. These manuscripts present a diversity of types, not only by their distribution in one or more volumes, by the format, the layout of text on one, two or three columns, the presence or absence of the Aramaic translation of the Bible, the presence or not of the Masorah parva and magna,16 but also by the organization of the text.

Material Description

This work represents a first attempt at classifying and establishing the basis for discussing this genre. The manuscripts were analyzed according to the following criteria: size, layout, ratio, number of columns per page

14 Ibid., No. 263, p. 57. 15 Ibid., No. 61, p. 15. 16 The Masoretic notes helped copyists and readers preserve the text exactly by noting unusual forms. Masorah parva or small Masorah consists of brief notes in the side margins or between the columns, indicating qere reading, full and defective spelling, and statistical information on the frequency of a word or an expression’s occurrence. Masorah magna or large Masorah, which provides lists of these cases, is written in the upper and lower margins. 50 judith kogel

Fig. 4.3 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Cod. Parm. 1885 f. 38v. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 51 and the ordering of the Five scrolls. The final criterion is tied to textual traditions and may provide supplementary information for identifying the place of production.

1. Size A corpus of thirty-eight manuscripts from the Palatine Library was selected for this study, ranging in size from 550 by 270 mm to 150 by 100 mm. It was possible to group these diverse works into three categories according to size: portable, intermediate and monumental formats. For smaller volumes, I followed Stephen Van Dijk’s convention: he considers a breviary portable if its height is under 200 mm.17 Despite their width, Mss Parm. 2338–39 and Parm. 2681 were nevertheless ranked as portable. The results show a balanced distribution of 8 portable and 7 monumental manuscripts, with 23 intermediate ones. Over half the manuscripts (60%) belong to the intermediate group, as do the Colmar fragments.

Portable size (8) Intermediate (23) Monumental size (7) Parm. 1884 (135 × 112 mm) Parm. 2523 (226 × 180 Parm. 3195 (396 × 310 Parm. 1836–38 (150 × 100 mm) mm) mm) Parm. 2857 (249 × 200 Parm. 3194 (400 × 310 Parm. 1885 (157 × 112 mm) mm) mm) Parm. 2003–4–46 (187 × Parm. 2821 (250 × 200 Parm. 3190 (410 × 343 144 mm) mm) mm) Parm. 2159 (190 × 140 mm) Parm. 2823 (251 × 188 mm) Parm. 3203 (415 × 240 Parm. 2168 (193 × 139 mm) Parm. 2818 (258 × 191 mm) mm) Parm. 2338–39 (205 × 156 Parm. 2858 (266 × 200 Parm. 3197–1093 (430 × mm) mm) 340 mm) Parm. 2681 (213 × 132 mm) Parm. 2820–30 (267 × 223 Parm. 3291 (437 × 326 mm) mm) Parm. 2824 (274 × 200 mm) Parm. 3289 (530 × 270 Parm. 2954 (275 × 233 mm) mm) Parm. 2969 (276 × 221 mm) Parm. 2952 (287 × 191 mm) Parm. 2942 (288 × 213 mm) Parm. 2943–45 (290 × 221 mm)

17 Stephen J. P. Van Dijk and Joan Hazelden Walker, The Origins of the Modern Roman Liturgy: the Liturgy of the Papal Court and the Franciscan Order in the Thirteenth Century (London: Longman and Todd, 1960), 528–530. 52 judith kogel

Table (cont.) Portable size (8) Intermediate (23) Monumental size (7) Parm. 3078 (298 × 219 mm) Parm. 3081 (306 × 223 mm) Colmar: 308 × 242 mm Parm. 3080 (315 × 230 mm) Parm. 3111 (315 × 237 mm) Parm. 3084 (323 × 240 mm) Parm. 3083 (327 × 238 mm) Parm. 3085 (327 × 246 mm) Parm. 3226–7 (335 × 257 mm) Parm. 3225 (344 × 277 mm) Parm. 3191 (355 × 317 mm)

A comparison according to these three categories yields a clear correla- tion between the dimension of a page and the copyist’s initial decision as to the mise-en-page. Most of the portable manuscripts examined here have one column per page; in the cases where they are copied with a two- column layout, they are written in square, non-calligraphic handwriting (Ms Parm. 2168, for example). The volumes in monumental format are written in three columns, with the exception of Parm. 3194 (a manuscript that Malachi Beit-Arié has dated as being from the late 13th century),18 which presents an unusual two-column layout. What about the intermediate format?

18 Catalogue, p. 16. According to the dating proposed by Beit-Arié, these monumental codices were all written during a hundred-year span from the mid-thirteenth till the mid-fourteenth centuries: Parm. 3195—early fourteenth century, Parm. 3190—fourteenth century, Parm. 3203—circa 1250, Parm. 3197—late thirteenth century, Parm. 3291—early fourteenth century, and Parm. 3289—late thirteenth century. This hypothesis must be rec- onciled with the data collected by the Comité de paléographie hébraïque, Colette Sirat, Malachi Beit-Arié and Mordechai Glatzer, Manuscrits médiévaux en caractères hébraïques, portant des indications de date jusqu’à 1540, vols. 1–8, (Paris, Jerusalem: Académie nationale des sciences et des lettres d’Israël and CNRS, 1972–1986), vol. 1, “Manuscrits de grand format.” The large sized dated Ashkenazi Bibles and Pentateuchs, housed in the libraries of France and Jerusalem, were copied between 1272 and 1304 (Paris Hébreu 1 to 3—1283, Hébreu 4—1286, Hébreu 3—1286, Hébreu 5–6—1294/95, Hébreu 9—(1304); see also Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Ebr. 18, written between 1273–1274. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 53

Fig. 4.4 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Parm. 3194 f. 168v. 54 judith kogel

2. Layout of Intermediate-Format Codices The following table presents the twenty-three intermediate-format Ashkenazi manuscripts by columns per page:

1 column 1 column (Torah) 2 columns 2 columns (Torah) 3 columns 2 columns 3 columns (Haftarah) (Haftarah) Parm. 2523 Parm. 2818 Parm. 2857 Parm. 3081 Parm. 2954 (226 × 180) (258 × 191) (249 × 200) (306 × 223) (275 × 233) Parm. 2823 Parm. 3080 Parm. 2821 Parm. 2943–45 Parm. 3225 (251 × 188) (315 × 230) (250 × 200) (290 × 221) (344 × 277) Parm. 2820–30 Parm. 3226–7 Parm. 2858 Parm. 3191 (267 × 223) (335 × 257) (266 × 200) (355 × 317) Parm. 2824 (274 × 200) Parm. 2969 (276 × 221) Parm. 2952 (287 × 191) Parm. 2942 (288 × 213) Parm. 3078 (298 × 219) Parm. 3111 (315 × 237) Parm. 3084 (323 × 240) Parm. 3083 (327 × 238) Parm. 3085 (327 × 246)

This table suggests that the intermediate format gave an opportunity for the scribe to choose from strikingly different layouts: some of the manuscripts are written from one—to three-column page layouts, with distinct formats for Pentateuch and haftarot within a single volume in some cases. This observation must be tempered by an acknowledgement that three manuscripts are comprised of fragments and the measures do not take into account the fact that their margins have been trimmed: this factor applies to Parm. 2969, Parm. 2952, and Parm. 2954. Although to a lesser proportion, the same is true for Parm. 3191, which is incomplete and bound out of order.19

19 Catalogue, p. 17: “Edges cropped by the binders with slight loss of text of Masorah.” the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 55

The two-column layout is the most common page design for haftarot copied without Rashi’s commentary (52% of intermediate format codices); therefore, before carefully presenting a detailed analysis of that group of manuscripts, I will briefly comment on the others. In our corpus, the one-column layout was usually employed when the biblical text is paired with Rashi’s commentary, which always appears in the exterior margin; e.g., in Parm. 2820–2830, the scribe seems to have copied the entire biblical text in a column of a fixed width, and then to have inserted the Aramaic version to the Pentateuch and the haftarot for Passover in the inner margins, while he copied Rashi’s commentary beside the text to which it refers, in the outer margins.20 At first glance, some folios look incomplete due to the blank spaces between many glosses (f. 280v), whereas for others the copyist used the upper and lower margins to fit Rashi’s commentary onto the page when he was incorporating heav- ily glossed sections, as in the case of Song of Songs (f. 359v). Another technique appears in Parm. 2823, where the width of the column of biblical text is modified in response to the space required for Rashi’s commentary on any given page.21 The scribe tackled the problem of layout differently, writing page by page, so he could plan the width of each column according to the length of the commentary on those verses. The organisation of the last volume using one column of biblical text in this corpus is unusual: in Parm. 2523, each haftarah follows its assigned weekly section of the Torah portion and the Five scrolls are inserted after Exodus. Three manuscripts belong to the second group, with a one-column layout for Torah and two-column for haftarot. Parm. 2818 and 3080 are written with Rashi’s commentary alongside the Pentateuch, the haftarot and the Five scrolls. In Parm. 3227, the haftarot are written in a somewhat different layout that made no provision for Rashi’s exegesis. Among the manuscripts with two- and three-column layouts, Ms Parm. 3081 (dated by Beit-Arié from the late 13th century) has an unusual layout, with one or two columns of principal text from the Pentateuch plus a column of Rashi’s exegesis, and three columns for haftarot. In this beautiful albeit incomplete manuscript,22 the scribe probably seems to have copied

20 The custom of translating the haftarot for Pesah and Shavuot into Aramaic continued in Ashkenazi communities through the Middle Ages. See Tosafot on BT Megilla 24a s.v. we-im hayu. 21 See Christopher De Hamel, Glossed Books of the Bible (Woodbridge: Brewer, 1984), 14–27. 22 The preparatory ruling for copying the Masorah magna is visible: three lines along the upper margin and four along the lower. 56 judith kogel

Fig. 4.5 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina Parm. 3081 f. 289r. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 57

Fig. 4.6 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2824 f. 271r. 58 judith kogel

Fig. 4.7 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2942 f. 157v. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 59

Fig. 4.8 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3111 f. 49r. 60 judith kogel

Fig. 4.9 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3083 f. 291v. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 61

the biblical text of Esther and the Aramaic Targum verse by verse, broad- ening and reducing the columns according to the volume of demands of the text (f. 369v). Although less aesthetically appealing, Ms Parm. 2943–45 (mid-14th century) includes Rashi’s commentary on the Pentateuch. The layout of the third volume in this category was almost certainly prepared to include Rashi’s commentary, although it lacks in this manuscript: the haftarot and the Five scrolls, except for the Song of songs and the first page of Ruth, are written in three columns. Finally, concerning the three-column group of manuscripts, it should be kept in mind that Mss Parm. 2954 and 3191 have been trimmed, and that Ms Parm. 3225 is damaged and was likely trimmed too. It can reasonably be assumed that these codices were designed in a monumental format.

3. Two-Column Manuscripts As mentioned above, a layout with two columns for writing Pentateuch and haftarot is the most common, if Rashi’s commentary is not included. The table below presents each two-column manuscript according to its page dimensions and ratio (height-by-width), the dimensions of the writing frame and its ratio, and the number of written lines per page.

Manuscript/ Leaf Ratio Writing frame Ratio Date shelfmark Torah (2) & Torah (2) & Haftarah (2) Haftarah (2) Parm. 2857 249 × 200 mm 0.80 187 × 141 mm 0.75 1451 Parm. 2821 250 × 200 mm 0.80 188 × 141 mm 0.75 14th century Parm. 2858 266 × 200 mm 0.75 188 × 115 mm 0.61 14th century Parm. 2824 274 × 200 mm 0.72 188 × 115 mm 0.61 14th century Parm. 2969 276 × 221 mm 0.81 206 × 166 mm 0.80 13th century Parm. 2952 287 × 191 mm 0.66 220 × 145 mm 0.65 Late 13th century Parm. 2942 288 × 213 mm 0.72 192 × 146 mm 0.76 14th century Parm. 3078 298 × 219 mm 0.73 220 × 160 mm 0.72 Early 13th century Colmar 308 × 242 mm 0.78 220 × 163 mm 0.74 undetermined Parm. 3111 315 × 237 mm 0.75 195 × 147 mm 0.75 Late 13th century Parm. 3084 323 × 240 mm 0.74 229 × 160 mm 0.69 Late 14th century Parm. 3083 327 × 238 mm 0.72 229 × 155 mm 0.67 1341 Parm. 3085 327 × 246 mm 0.75 218 × 163 mm 0.74 Early 14th century 62 judith kogel

Shelfmark Content Measures Lines Ruling Leaf size

Pencil 288 × 213 21/22 30+66+15+65+37 × 31+192+64 תורה ומגילות Parm. 2942 Pencil 315 × 237 21/22 50+67+15+65+40 × 50+195+70 הפטרות Parm. 3111 )incomplete( Pencil 344 × 277 21/22 50+70+19+73+40 × 51+200+80 תורה מגילות Parm. 3227 והפטרות 200 × 266 ? 22/23 12+66+17+67+38 × 20+225+21 הפטרות )Parm. 2858 )fragment Pencil 327 × 238 22/23 42+65+25+65+41 × 38+229+60 תורה הפטרות Parm. 3083 ומגילות 191 × 287 ? ? 22/23 7+65+20+60+39 × 42+260+25 תורה Parm. 2952 Pencil 274 × 200 24/25 42+50+15+50+43 × 33+188+46 תורה הפטרות Parm. 2824 ומגילות Pencil 327 × 246 25/26 43+71+21+71+40 × 35+218+67 תורה מגילות Parm. 3085 והפטרות Colmar 25+221+60 × 31+75+15+75+9 25 No traces 308 × 242 H. point 276 × 231 27/28 24+78+20+78+21 × 25+230+15 הפטרות )Parm. 2969 )fragment Both 323 × 240 29/30 40+72+16+72+30 × 30+229+64 תורה הפטרות Parm. 3084 ומגילות Pencil 249 × 200 30/31 30+60+21+60+29 × 24+187+38 הפטרות Parm. 2857 )incomplete( Pencil 250 × 200 30/31 28+61+20+61+30 × 20+188+42 תורה Parm. 2821 H. point 298 × 219 30/31 30+70+20+70+29 × 28+220+50 תורה מגילות Parm. 3078 והפטרות

The majority of the manuscripts have a page ratio of 0.72–0.76, with the exception of those that were trimmed, which exist mostly as fragments, and that have been dated by Beit-Arié from the thirteenth century or the very beginning of the fourteenth century (1300). If confirmed by subsequent surveys, the leaf ratio could become an additional element for dating. The proportions of the margins and texts in two-column layout vary significantly. The most obvious difference is the number of lines per page—from 21 to 30—which is not related to the height of the page, or to the width of the column. The following table is organized according to the lines of writing per page.23 The comparison of manuscripts with the same number of written lines was quite disappointing; it failed to identify families of manuscripts, except for two 25-lines manuscripts: Colmar fragments and Parm. 3085. Although they were probably written by different scribes who each signed his work (Barukh for the Colmar fragments and Samuel ben Isaac for the Parma manuscript), based on palaeographic criteria, these are very similar works.

23 The measures are recorded from upper side to bottom side, and from outer side to inner side; the bold numbers stand for written text. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 63

Fig. 4.10 Colmar Bibliothèque municipale Inc. IV 8819 / fr. 2. 64 judith kogel

Fig. 4.11 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3085 f. 219r. the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 65

That close physical resemblance nearly masks a distinction in textual traditions: not only do the Five scrolls appear in different orders, but haftarat Wa-era’ begins at an atypical place in Parm. 3085 (Ezekiel 29:1 rather than Ezekiel 28:25). Could this last point prove that these manuscripts come from different regions? What about the scribes? Might they have been trained by the same master? Was the similar finishing of these two manuscripts (e.g., the insertion of vowels and the stylisation of letter forms) the work of a third man who was an artist? At present we have insufficient data and tools to answer these questions.

Textual Description

One of the most tangible differences among these textual tradition concerns the Five scrolls, which were principally copied in two different orders:24 the biblical one (Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes and Esther) and an alternate, with Ruth preceding Song of Songs, though the order of the latter three scrolls also varies.

Ruth, Song of Ruth, Song of Songs, Song of Songs, Ruth, Song of Songs, Ruth, Songs, Ecclesiastes, Lamentations, Lamentations, Lamentations, Esther, Lamentations, Esther Ecclesiastes, Esther Ecclesiastes, Esther Ecclesiastes (Massoretic Text order) Parm. 3084 Parm. 2945 Parm. 3226–7 Parm. 3289 Parm. 3197 Colmar (probable) Parm. 3080 Parm. 2823 Parm. 2824 Parm. 2818 Parm. 3191 Parm. 3190 Parm. 2523 Parm. 3225 ? Parm. 2046 Parm. 2942 Parm. 2168 Parm. 3085 Parm. 3194

24 See also Thérèse Metzger, Les manuscrits hébreux copiés et décorés à Lisbonne dans les dernières décennies du XVe siècle (Paris: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1977), 188–189. It was however not possible to establish a link between the order of the Five scrolls and some .in Mss Parm ,יהוה appears, rather than אלהי ,textual variants: for example, in 1 Sam 2:1 3084, 3197, 3190 (no qere/ketiv and no correction), 3080 and 3085. See Giovanni Bernardo De Rossi, Variae lectiones veteris testamenti (Parma: ex Regio typographeo, 1784–1788), Vol. 2, 136. 66 judith kogel

Fig. 4.12 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2945 f. 53r.

It is difficult to decide whether Parm. 3289 and Parm. 2945, with their unique ordering of the scrolls, represent isolated cases solely due to their uniqueness in the corpus examined here. The latter text probably seems to share the order in the Colmar codex. The manuscripts gathered in the first column are more intriguing, since four of the five scrolls differ from the order presented in the Bible. They do also share a palaeographic family resemblance, probably originating in the Rhine Valley, with script leaning toward the left, and the inclusion of fine elongated vowels. The fragments from Colmar likely belong to this same group. One more detail deserves mention: Parm. 3197 features the the reconstruction of a sefer haftarot 67

Fig. 4.13 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3197 f. 53r. 68 judith kogel name Barukh, decorated with ornamentation that resembles the embel- lishments of this same name in the Colmar fragments, though the script differs subtly.

Conclusion

The Colmar fragments surely belong to a codex that once included the Pentateuch with megillot and haftarot (though the ordering of the last two sections remains uncertain). In France, the custom of copying texts in two columns, whether in Latin or in vernacular, in prose or in poetry, became increasingly normative during the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries, as Gen- eviève Hasenohr has proven.25 This change improved the readability of texts by breaking up long lines. The three-column layout was reserved for prestigious copies, mainly during the last quarter of the thirteenth century to the mid-fourteenth century. Such volumes generally measured over 400 by 300 mm in the case of Hebrew manuscripts. The width of columns and the number of lines varied according to the copyist, an element that helps us to better understand the great variance in this feature. Barukh, the probable copyist of the Colmar fragments, was a professional scribe who perfectly mastered page design, but we lack any other information about him. The study of this fragments also enable us to identify possible links between dating and the ratio of codices, a result that requires further research to confirm and better understand this relationship. Finally, it appears that manuscripts in which the Five scrolls were not copied according to Masoretic Bible order shared physical characteristics. Fur- ther research on these patterns might indicate their geographic origins.

25 Geneviève Hasenohr, “La prose,” in Mise en page et mise en texte du livre manuscrit, ed. Henri-Jean Martin and Jean Vezin, ([Paris]: Édition du cercle de la librairie Promodis, 1990), 265–271. A Newly discovered Fragment from Midrash Tanhuma in the Collection of Western European Manuscripts in the Russian State Library (Moscow)

Alina Lisitsina

Since the discovery of the Cairo Genizah, Jewish Studies scholars have dreamt of finding an analogous repository in Europe. Despite the fact that climatic conditions in most of Europe would cast doubt on this possibility, the search continued. These efforts were finally rewarded when fragments from Hebrew manuscripts began to be identified in the bindings of medieval sources, especially in Italian books and manuscripts. Thousands of fragments from a wide range of manuscripts have been uncovered this way, including some that had previously been considered lost, constituting what is now known as the ‘European Genizah’. New discoveries are still being made, and one of them is analyzed in this study. The fragment examined here was found in the binding of La Concezione della Immacolata Virgine Maria (Statutes and Regulations of the Frater- nity of the Immaculate Conception), an Italian manuscript from the town of Orzinuovi,1 which became part of The V. I. Lenin State Library of the USSR (as it was known at that time), as one volume from the manuscript collection that was assembled by A. I. Markushevich (1908–1979).2 This holding was obtained after his death in 1979 and since that moment has been held as collection number 755. Our fragment was a component of the binding material for the Italian manuscript bearing the number 72. The history of this volume’s ownership and the dates when it was transferred from one location to the next cannot be ascertained due to the absence of any explanatory marks; nevertheless it is reasonable to assume that this manuscript came to the USSR following the Second World War among other “trophies.” The manuscript was written in Orzinuovi from 1533–1599. The volume was written on parchment with the exception of the final lists, which were on paper. Its brown leather binding dates from the 17th century,

1 Orzinuovi—a town the Brescia region, in the province of Lombardy, Italy. 2 For details see A. I. Markushevicha in “Rukopisnye sobraniya v Gosudarstvennoy bib- lioteke SSSR imeni V. I. Lenina”, vol. 1, issue 3, Моscow, 1996, 439–451. 70 alina lisitsina and it was restored during the late 19th or early 20th century. While being repaired, the Hebrew fragment was detached and used as the upper flyleaf of the manuscript.

A Codicological Description of the Fragment

Our fragment was written on a 28 × 17.5 cm leaf of parchment. The parchment is quite thick, worked in such a way that its flesh and hair sides are practically indistinguishable from one another. The recto displays many traces of glue which raises problems when studying it. The quality of this fragment resembles the parchment used in the rest of the book. Whereas the pages of the manuscript are rather bright with darker spots on the margins, residue from being handled by readers, the parchment of the fragment is comparatively dark (yellowed), evidence that it may be older. The text is written in two columns, measuring approximately 10 cm in width. Each contains 15 fully visible lines plus an additional line that has been partially preserved along the upper edge of the fragment. While that top line was severed by a cut in the parchment, enough of the text remains for limited portions of it to be reconstructed. A space measuring 5 cm is visible below the columns, on the left margin of the recto side and on the right margin of the verso side. Beside the margins of each column, traces of the pinholes that would precede the ruling can be detected, though the ruling itself cannot be seen. The text is written with black ink, in an Italian semi-cursive script that was widespread during the late 13th century.3 The ligature of the letters alef and lamed appear with their legs recto side).4 Although) אלהים stretched upwards exclusively in the word the lines of text are not identical in length, it is evident that the scribe tried to minimize their variation by abbreviating terms or dividing words between the end of one line and the beginning of the next. Two noteworthy abbreviations represent the name of God: the Tetragrammaton is with dots הקב"ה usually represented by the four letters of the acronym appearing above those letters; and, in one instance, the letter yud appears

3 I would like to acknowledge Professor Semen Morduchovic Yakerson, Malachi Beit- Arié, Dr. Nurit Pasternak and Dr. Edna Engel for their invaluable contributions in identifying this script. 4 One of the names of God, typically translated as “The Omnipotent.” It is often marked graphically in Jewish manuscripts or represented by a fixed sequence of letters (e.g. yud- yud, yud-vav-yud, etc.). a newly discovered fragment from midrash tanhuma 71 three times, forming a graphic cluster reminiscent of a crescent (recto, right column). With respect to its content, this fragment contains a midrash about the death of Moses. There are numerous extant midrashim on this topic, such and ,(ילקוט) Yalkut ,(פטירת משה רבינו) as: The Death of Our Teacher Moses however, our analysis of this fragment ;(דברים רבה) Deuteronomy Rabbah unmistakably reveals that it comes from Midrash Tanhuma: Parashat Va- ethanan,5 Paragraphs 4–5 (recto, right column) and Paragraph 6 (recto, left column and verso, both columns). Midrash Tanhuma is a collection of homilies and aggadic midrashim arranged according to the weekly Torah portions. Contemporary scholars are aware of three versions of a text with this title. One is partially known, only through citations in other works. As for the other two versions, one was first published in Constantinople (1520–22),6 combining the available manuscripts with passages from the medieval midrashic anthology, Yal- kut Shimoni. That volume served as the basis of the Warsaw edition (19th century).7 The second is an edition prepared by Salomon Buber (1885),8 resulting from his examination of eight manuscripts of this text.9 While a comparison of these two editions yields differences throughout, most variants appear in the books of Genesis and Exodus. While Buber was

5 Literal translation is “and I pleaded.” The Pentateuch is divided into weekly portions whose names are drawn from first significant words in that text. “Va-ethnan” corresponds to Deut. 3:23–7:11. 6 Venice, 1545 (second edition) and Mantua, 1563 (third), all the later versions were copied from it. The title of the Venetian edition reads: תנחומא הנקרא ילמדנו והוא מדרש על חמשה חומשי תורה נדפס בבית דניאל בומברגי בשנת חמשת אלפים ושלש מאות וחמשה ליצירה, ויניציאה Translation: “Tanhuma,” (also) called yelamdenu (lit. “we were taught”), is a midrash on the Pentateuch that was printed in Venice by the [printing] house of Daniel Bomberg in the year 5305 of Creation [of the world] (1545 CE). 7 Yona Fraenkel, Midrash and Aggadah (Ramat Aviv: Open University of Israel 1996), p. 831 (in Hebrew). מדרש תנחומה הקדום והישן מיוחס לרבי תנחומה ברבי אבא על חמשה חומשי תורה אשר 8 היה טמון וספון בכתב יד באוצרות הספרים עד כה. יצא עתה פעם ראשונה לאור עולם על פי כתב יד ישן נושן, הנמצא באוצר הספרים באוקסםורד . . . ועל ידי השואה עם עוד שמונה כתבי יד אחרים . . . ממני שלמה באבער מלבוב, מבו''א התנחומ''א, ווילנא Translation of the title: Midrash Tanhuma, the old and ancient [text], attributed to Rabbi Tanhuma, son of Rabbi Abba, on the Pentateuch, which was hidden and concealed in a manuscript in a library until the present day. It is being published for the first time on the basis of the old manuscripts from a library in Oxford . . . that I compared to other eight manuscripts—Shlomo Buber, of Lvov, Vilna. 9 For details concerning different versions of Tanhuma, see Günter Stemberger, Intro- duction to the Talmud and Midrash (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996), 302–306. 72 alina lisitsina convinced that he had identified the original Midrash Tanhuma, contemporary scholars consider his edition to reflect an Ashkenazic version of an older text from Byzantine Italy.10 The passage in our fragment generally corresponds to the versions that will henceforth be referred to as the Buber and Warsaw editions. The table presented below cites each instance where the Moscow fragment differs from one or both of the editions and presents the comparative material.

Moscow Warsaw (fol. 331b–312a) Buber (fol. 5b–6b) עליו בו עליו ואמר להם בקשו עלי אמר להם בקשו רחמים ואמר להם בקשו עלי רחמים רחמים אמרו לו אמרו ליה אמרו לו שנאמר שכתוב 'שנ הלך אצל חמה ולבנה ------הלך אצל חמה ולבנה על עצמנו ------עלינו ]עד שנבקש רחמים עליך[ א"ל נבקש על עצמנו עד שנבקש עליך רחמים נבקש רחמים על עצמנו נבקש על עצמינו ]שנאמר[ שנאמר ------הלך אצל ים הגדול הלך אצל הים הגדול הלך אצל הים בקש עלי רחמים בקש עלי רחמים ------א''ל הים א''ל אמר לו הים מיומים מיומים מימים הלא הלא והלא שבאת עלי במטך והכיתני שבאת עלי במטך הכיתני במטך הכיתני וחילקתני לשנים עשר וחלקת לי"ב שבילים וחלקתני לשנים עשר שבילין חלקים הייתי יכול יכולתי הייתי יכולה שכינה שהיתה מהלכת שכינה שמהלכת לפניך שהשכינה עומדת לימינך לימינך לימינך

רבונו של עולם ]יוכבד[ רבון העולמים יוכבד אמי רבונו של עולם יוכבד שקהו אמי שהקהו שהוקהו שיניה בשני בניה בחייה שיניה בחייה בשני בניה שיניה בשני בניה בחייה יקהו שיניה יקהו עוד שיניה יקהו שיניה במחשבה וכך מנהגו במחשבה וכן מנהגו במחשבה לפני וכך מנהגו לשרת לשרת לפני לשרת לפני

10 Andreas Lehnardt, “A New Fragment of Midrash Tanhuma from Cologne University Library.” Zutot: Perspectives on Jewish Culture 7,1 (2010): 1–16, here p. 2. a newly discovered fragment from midrash tanhuma 73

Table (cont.) Moscow Warsaw (fol. 331b–312a) Buber (fol. 5b–6b) ]ועכשיו הגיע חלקו של ועכשיו אבד חלקך והגיע ועכשיו הגיע חלקו של יהושע יהושע תלמידך לשרת[ שעה של יהושע תלמידך תלמידך לשרת לפני לשרת רבונו של עולם רבוני רבונו של עולם ואהיה תלמידו ואהיה לו תלמיד ואהיה תלמידו אתה רוצה אתה רוצה רוצה אתה כך לך עשה כך לך עשה כך עשה מיד והיה יהושע היה יהושע והיה יהושע ועמד משה וכפף קומתו ועמד משה וכפף קומתו וכפף משה קומתו וישלים עצמו ]למיתה[, וישלים עצמו למיתה והלכו וישלים עצמו הלכו לפתחו והלכו ישראל אצל פתחו ישראל אצל משה לפתחו של משה וכל ישראל של משה, ומצאוהו בפתחו ללמוד תורה ושאלו ואמרו ומצאוהו בפתחו של יהושע של יהושע משה רבינו היכן הוא, אמרו להם השכים והלך לפתחו של יהושע, הלכו ומצאוהו בפתחו של יהושע מה עלתה לך מה עלתה על לבך מה עלתה לך וראהו וראהו וראה קרע את בגדיו קרע בגדיו קרע את בגדיו

שנאמר שנאמר ]וכת'[ וכרת עמו ברית וקיימתו וכרת עמו ברית וקיימתו וכרתה עמו ברית שנאמר שנאמר ואני עבדך ואמרת לי, הנה ואני עבדך ואמרת לי, הנה ואנוכי עבדך וכרתה עמי אנכי כורת ברית אנכי כורת ברית ברית וגו' ולא קיימתה ולא קיימת ולא קיימת אלא אמרת לי אלא אמרת אלא אמרת לי כתבת בתורה ואמרת ואם כתבת בתורתך ואם כתבת בתורה ואמרת אם בבקשה שמעה אלהים בבקשה ממך שמעה אלהים בבקשה ממך שמע אלהים רנתי ואל תתעלם מתחנתי רנתי ואל תתעלם מתחנתי תחינתי אי אפשר ------כבר הוציא עליך כבר הוציא עליך הוציא שלך גרם מיתה גזר מיתה גרם מיתה ד''א ------אלי הקדימך ------הקדימו שכבר ------שכך ואיזה ]ספר[, זה ספר ------ואיזה זה זה ספר קטון ------קטן

הרשע, שהחריב מקדשך יצחק יצא ממנו עשו שעתיד הרשע, שהחריב מקדשך ושרף היכלך להחריב בית המקדש ושרף היכלך ולשרוף את היכלך א''ל אמר ליה אמר ליה 74 alina lisitsina

Table (cont.) Moscow Warsaw (fol. 331b–312a) Buber (fol. 5b–6b) שיצאו שיצא שיצא ------ולא היה בהם שום דופי ------יעקב לא עלה לרקיע יעקב לא עלה לרקיע לא עלה לרקיע ולא דשו ולא דשו לא דשו ולא קיבל תורה מידך ולא ולא היה כמלאכי השרת, ולא קיבל תורה מידך ולא דיבר עמך פנים אל פנים ולא דברת עמו פנים בפנים, דיבר עמך פנים אל פנים ולא קבל את התורה מידך א''ל אמר ליה אמר לו אל תוסף דבר אל תוסף דבר ------שמא יאמרו רבונו של עולם, שמא עכשיו יאמרו יאמרו ולא קם ולא קם לא קם [רבונו של עולם שמא] שמא יאמרו הדורות רבונו של עולם, שמא יאמרו יאמרו הבריות בקטנותי עשיתי רצונך בקטנותי עשיתי רצונך בקטנותי עשה רצונו כן בזקנותי לא עשיתי רצונך ובזקנותי לא עשיתי רצונך בזקנותו לא עשה רצונו כבר כתבתי ]על אשר כתבתי בתורתי, על אשר כבר כתבתי על אשר מעלתם בי וגו'[ על אשר מעלתם בי קידשתי אותי לא קדשתם אותי אם רצונך אכנס לארץ אם רצונך אכנס לארץ רבונו של עולם איכנס לארץ ואחר כך אמות ואחרי כן אמות ואחר כך אמות גזירה היא מלפני ושמה לא תבא גזירה היא מלפני שלא תיכנס לשם א"ל אם לא אכנס בחיי, אמר לפניו, אם לא אכנס אמר לפניו ,רבונו של עולם, איכנס לאחר מותי בחיי, אכנס לאחר מותי אם לא אוכל ליכנס בחיי, איכנס במותי

In most cases where the Buber and Warsaw versions of Midrash Tanhuma diverge, our fragment tends to correspond to Buber, but there are numerous exceptions to that pattern. Instances where the Moscow fragment concurs with the Warsaw edition rather than Buber include:

.לשרת rather than לשרת לפני verso, left column, line 6: reads .ולא קיימתה rather than ולא קיימת recto, right column, line 4: reads .שיצאו rather than שיצא recto, left column, line 2: reads .אי אפשר recto, right column, line 10: omits .ד''א recto, right column, line 13: omits

The remainder of this discussion analyzes the patterns of difference that emerge between our fragment and the language found in the Buber a newly discovered fragment from midrash tanhuma 75 and Warsaw texts, which are divided into four categories. Except where otherwise noted, the distinctions itemized below separate the Moscow fragment from both the Buber and Warsaw editions. The first class of distinctions between our fragment and the Buber and Warsaw editions involves the inclusion or absence of the letter vav as the conjunctive prefix “and.” While this factor does not influence the semantics or content of the text, it is a noteworthy point of comparison. For example:

ואם buber & Warsaw אם : recto, right column, line 6 Moscow הלא והלא :verso, right column, line 13 ולא דשו לא דשו :recto, left column, line 3 ולא קם לא קם :recto, left column, line 8

Analogous differences in the use of vav with respect to orthography are relevant here, such as:

מיומים buber & Warsaw מימים : verso, right column, line 13 Moscow קטן קטון :recto, right column, line 15

These irregularities may be due to scribal error, though we cannot be certain. The second involves the inconsistent appearance of whole words between our fragment and the two manuscripts which, naturally, have a greater but not major influence on the content.

.(attributed to scribal error) שנאמר verso, right column, line 9: omits attributed to scribal) וקיימתו and שנאמר recto, right column, line 2: omits error). ,appears instead of the full word שנ' In various cases, the abbreviation .שנאמר .יוכבד אמי rather than יוכבד :verso, left column, line 1 .במחשבה rather than במחשבה לפני :verso, left column, line 3 .לשרת rather than לפני לשרת :verso, left column, line 6 .עשה לך rather than מיד עשה :verso, left column, line 8 אתה appears in inverse order to רוצה אתה :verso, left column, line 8 .רוצה הוציא שלך וגו' furthermore, it reads ;כבר recto, right column, line 11: omits .הוציא עליך וגו' rather than 76 alina lisitsina

fits עליך The latter difference can be attributed to scribal error since logically and contextually.

seems אלו the term ,ויאמר ה' אלו recto, right column, line 13: In the phrase indicating that God addresses ,אליו to be a condensed spelling of Moses here, which conveys a specificity that is absent from the Buber version.11 .in the Buber edition שכבר rather than שכך :recto, right column, line 14 reads awkwardly; it seems ואיזה זה זה ספר :recto, right column, line 14–15 or as the ,ואיזה ספר זה זה ספר that the phrase was intended to read .איזה ספר זה ספר ,Buber manuscript presents in the Buber על עצמנו rather than עלינו verso, right column, line 6:12 manuscript. עליך רחמים inverting the ,עליך רחמים verso, right column, line 8: contains in the Buber edition (which is absent from the Warsaw text). though the context affirms that Jacob ,יעקב recto, left column, line 3: omits is referred to here. which would otherwise) אל תוסף דבר recto, left column, line 5: omits conveying a greater degree) עכשיו יאמרו and ;(רב לך follow the phrase .שמא יאמרו of certainty) appears, rather than without ,כבר כתבתי rather than כתבתי בתורתי :recto, left column, line 10 inclusion of a citation. רבונו של עולם from the phrase אם רצונך recto, left column, line 11: omits .אם רצונך absent from the Buber and ,רבונו של עולם recto, left column, line 14: adds Warsaw edition. אם לא אכנס rather than אם לא אוכל ליכנס בחיי :recto, left column, line 15 using a more) איכנס לאחר מותי rather than איכנס במותי ,and ;בחיי literal emphasis “I shall enter [the state of] being dead” over “I shall enter after my death”). ועמד משה וכפף rather than וכפף משה קומתו :verso, left column, line 10 .קומתו .שבאת עלי verso, left column, line 13: omits חל from the Warsaw edition and שביל ים verso, left column, line 14: omits .from Buber קים

11 The Warsaw edition lacks the material that corresponds to lines 13–16 in the Moscow fragment and Buber manuscript. 12 The Warsaw edition does not include this material. a newly discovered fragment from midrash tanhuma 77

appears to גזירה היא מלפני שלא תיכנס לשם :recto, left column, line 13–14 join one brief phrase from each of the manuscripts into a more complex גזירה היא מלפני) construction without a significant change in meaning .(from Warsaw ושמה לא תבא from Buber and

The third category represents examples where differences in grammar are evident.

is the (masculine singular) subject of the הים :verso, right column, line 14 where the verb appears in the feminine singular ,לא הייתי יכולה phrase .in Warsaw לא יכולתי in Buber and לא הייתי יכול form, in contrast to ,וכרת עמו ברית rather than וכרתה עמו ברית :recto, right column, line 2 with its second-person, masculine singular verb form (presumably due to scribal error). with its specification of ,וראהו rather than וראה :verso, left column, line 16 exactly what Moses saw. in the Buber הקדימך rather than הקדימו :recto, right column, line 14 manuscript (the suffix indicating the object does not appear in the Warsaw edition).13 is followed by a phrase written in בקטנותי :recto, left column, line 9 the third-person singular form; if the corresponding material in the Buber and Warsaw editions weren’t in the first-person singular, this discrepancy might be attributed to scribal error. Rather, it seem that the scribe responsible for our fragment was either working from several different versions or was copying from a manuscript that transmitted this error. על אשר לא rather than על אשר קידשתי אותי :recto, left column, line 10–11 in the Buber version; the latter correlates more accurately קידשתם אותי to the meaning and context, taking into account that it is a citation from Deut. 32:51, as confirmed by the first section of this line in the על ,Buber version and its corresponding form in the Warsaw edition .אשר מעלתם בי

In the fourth group of textual differences influence the content and, as such, deserve special mention.

13 Probably due to scribal error. 78 alina lisitsina

הנה אנכי כורת ברית recto, right column, lines 3–4: The passage that follows ואנכי a quotation from Exod. 34:10) in the Moscow fragment reads) in the Buber ואני עבדך ואמרת לי rather than עבדך וכרתה עמי ברית and Warsaw versions, describing an action rather than a promise. Ps. 6:10) in contrast) שמע אלהים תחינתי Then our fragment presents ,(from Ps. 61:2 and Ps. 55:2) שמעה אלהים רינתי ואל תתעלם מתחינתי to substituting a single citation for one that integrates material from two .(תחינתי) verses, though one key term unites both versions which can be understood as “he ,וישלים עצמו :verso, left column, line 12 that may be rendered ,וישלים עצמו למיתה subdued himself,” rather than as “he subdued himself to death.”14 verso, left column, line 12–13: A similar issue arises regarding the phrase ibid., 12–13), where our fragment and the Buber) בפתחו של יהושע version differ strongly from the Warsaw edition, which offers greater detail for why the Israelites searched for Moses and ultimately found him with Joshua. Not only does this passage only appear in the Warsaw version, but it includes details that differ from Buber’s version, such as as Buber) אצל rather than הלכו after the verb ל placing the preposition which are clearly not in ,וכל ישראל did) and inclusion of the phrase In addition the vav .הלכו their proper positions, for they should precede that would be expected to join these two sentences has been omitted. rather than שהשכינה עומדת לימינך :verso, right column, line 15 שכינה in the Warsaw manuscript and שכינה שמהלכת לפניך לימינך .in Buber שהיתה מהלכת לימינך

Based on this aggregated evidence, it can be safely assumed that our fragment originated in a 13th-century Italian manuscript that included a version of Midrash Tanhuma that closely resembles Buber’s text; however, it contains differences that typify free transmission of the text. This Moscow fragment will prove useful in preparation of future academic editions of Midrash Tanhuma.

14 Nevertheless, scribal error cannot be ruled out. a newly discovered fragment from midrash tanhuma 79

Text Recto 1 והוא מתחנן לפניך וכת' הירבה אליך תחנונים )איוב מ כז(. 2 תחינת ליויתן שמעת וכרתה עמו ברית היכרות 3 ברית עמך תקחנ' לעבד עולם ואנכי עבדך וכרתה 4 עמי ברית )שמות לד י( ולא קיימת אלא אמרת לי ומות בהר 5 אשר אתה עולה שמה )דברים לב נ(. ולא עוד אלא כתבת בתורה 6 ואמרת אם אמר יאמר העבד וגו' ואני )שמות כא ה(. ואני אהבתי 7 אותך ותורתך ובניך לא אצא חפשי )שם( איני מבקש 8 למות. והגישו אדוניו אל האלהים ועבדו לעולם )שם שם ו( 9 ולא קיימת עימו. ועכשיו בבקשה ממך שמע אלהים 10 תחינתו וגו'. אמ' לו ה' ק'ב'ה' רב לך בעל דין שלך 11 הוציא שלך וגו' גזירה שתמות וכל הבריות כמותך. 12 אדם הראשון שאכל מן האילן הוא גרם מיתה 13 לכל: ויאמר ה' ]אלו[ רב לך בעל דין שלך כבר 14 הקדימו שכך אמ' איוב מי יתן שומע לי וגו' )איוב לא לה(. ואיזה 15 זה זה ספר תולדות אדם ומה אמר איוב, קטן 16 וגדול שם הוא )שם ג יט(. הוי רב לך אל תוסף וגו':

1 הרשע שהחריב מקדשך ושרף היכלך. אמ' לו, 2 הרי יעקב שיצא ממנו שנים עשר שבטים אמ' 3 לפניו, לא עלה לרקיע, לא דשו רגליו ערפל, ולא 4 קבל תורה מידך ולא דיבר עמך פנים אל פנים 5 אמ' לו הקב''ה רב לך. אמ' לפניו עכשיו יאמרו 6 הדורות, אילמלא לא מצא במשה דברים רעים, 7 לא היה מסלקו מן העולם. אמ' לו כבר כתבתי בתורתי 8 לא קם נביא עוד בישר' כמשה ]דב' לד י[. אמ' לפניו רבונו 9 של עולם, שמא יאמרו, בקטנותי עשה רצונו 10 בזקנותו לא עשה רצונו. אמר לו כבר כתבתי על 11 אשר קידשתי אותי. אמ' לפניו,רבונו של עולם 12 איכנס לארץ ואהיה שם שנים ושלש שנים 13 ואחר כך אמות. אמ' לו גזירה היא מלפני שלא 14 תיכנס לשם אמ' לפניו רבונו של עולם אם לא 15 אוכל ליכנס בחיי איכנס במותי. אמ' לו לא

Verso

1 שאין משגיחין עליו הלך אצל שמים וארץ ואמ' 2 להם בקשו עלי רחמים. אמרו לו עד שנבקש רחמים 3 עליך נבקש רחמים על עצמינו שנ' כי שמים כעשן 4 נמלחו וגו' )ישעיהו נא ו(. הלך אצל חמה ולבנה אמ' להן בקשו 5 עלי רחמים. אמרו לו עד שנבקש רחמים עליך נב' 6 נבקש רחמים עלינו שנ' וחפרה הלבנה וגו' )שם כד כג(. הלך 7 אצל כוכבים ומזלות אמ' להם בקשו עלי רחמים 8 אמרו לו עד שנבקש עליך רחמים נבקש על עצ' 80 alina lisitsina

9 עצמינו ונמקו כל צבא השמים )שם לד ד(. הלך אצל הרים 10 וגבעות אמ' להן בקשו עלי רחמים. אמרו לו עד 11 שנבקש עליך רחמים נבקש עלינו כי ההרים ימושו )שם נד י( 12 הלך אצל הים, אמ' לו הים בן עמרם מה היום מי 13 מימים. והלא אתה בן עמרם במטך הכיתני והילי 14 וחלקתני לשנים עשר שבילין ולא הייתי יכולה לי 15 לעמוד לפניך מפני שהשכינה עומדת לימינך,

1 ] [ לפניו רבונו של עולם יוכבד שקהו 2 שיניה בשני בניה בחייה יקהו שיניה במיתתי. אמ' 3 לו כך עלתה במחשבה לפני וכך מנהגו של עולם 4 דור דור ודורשיו דור דור ופרנסיו דור דור ומנהיגיו 5 עד עכשיו היה חלקך לשרת לפניי ועכשיו הגיע 6 חלקו של יהושע תלמידך לשרת לפני. אמ' לפניו 7 רבונו של עולם אם מפני יהושע אני מת אלך ואהיה 8 תלמידו. אמ' לו אם רוצה אתה לעשות כך עשה מיד 9 עמד משה והשכים לפתחו של יהושע.והיה יהושע 10 יושב ודורש וכפף משה קומתו והניח ידו על פיו 11 ונתעלמו עיניו של יהושע ולא ראה אותו כדי ש' 12 שיצטער וישלים עצמו. הלכו לפתחו של משה וכל 13 ישר' ומצאוהו בפתחו של יהושע. והיה יהושע י 14 יושב ומשה עומד. אמרו לו ליהושע, מה עלתה לך 15 שמשה רבינו עומד ואתה יושב. כיון שתלה עיניו 16 וראה מיד קרע את בגדיו וצעק ובכה ואמר רבי a newly discovered fragment from midrash tanhuma 81 M arkushevich collection No. 755 (72) recto. M oscow, L ibrary, S tate Fig. 5.1 L enin 82 alina lisitsina M arkushevich collection No. 755 (72) verso. M oscow, L ibrary, S tate Fig. 5.2 L enin Josephus torn to pieces—fragments of Sefer Yosippon in Genizat Germania

Saskia Dönitz

The Hebrew paraphrase of Flavius Josephus’ Jewish War written in the tenth century in Southern Italy is one of the most important medieval Hebrew works. It does not only represent one of the few Jewish historiographic works in the Middle Ages, its status can also be shown by the rapid dissemination of copies of this book. Only a hundred years after its production, Sefer Yosippon was read among Jews in Palestine, Egypt, Byzantium, Spain, France, and Germany. Telling the history of the Sec- ond Temple, it influenced the development of Jewish identities in the Diaspora communities. Research on the textual transmission of Sefer Yosippon has to start with David Flusser. His work on Sefer Yosippon comprises two volumes. The first volume contains Flusser’s reconstruction of the Urfassung. The second volume is dedicated to the discussion of origin and dating as well as the sources and the cultural background of the text and its author.1 Flusser’s edition of Sefer Yosippon is based on several Ashkenazi fifteenth-century manuscripts as well as on the variants given by the Jerusalem manuscript dated to 1282.2 In the course of my research on the transmission and reception of Sefer Yosippon, I discovered that Flusser’s text does not represent the oldest recension. After analyzing the manuscripts of Sefer Yosippon known to us today, I was able to record twenty-five Hebrew manuscripts preserved in the Cairo Geniza which were only partly included in Flusser’s edition. Some of them can be dated to the eleventh century, i.e. they are much older than the manuscripts used by Flusser.3 Moreover, they show a structure and text that is different from the Flusser-version. Therefore, it

1 David Flusser, The Josippon. [ Josephus Gorionides]. Edited with Introduction, Commen- tary and Notes, 2 vol., (Jerusalem: The Bialik Institute, 1980–81) (in Hebrew). The numbers of the chapters in Sefer Yosippon given in this article refer to this edition. 2 MS Jerusalem, Jewish National and University Library 8° 41280; published as facsimile by David Flusser, (ed.), Josippon: The Original Version MS Jerusalem 8° 41280 and Supple- ments (Texts and Studies for Students “Kuntresim” Project, 49) (Jerusalem: The Zalman Shazar Center, 1978). 3 I want to thank Dr. Edna Engel (Institute for Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts in the National Library, Jerusalem) for her very kind help in dating the fragments. 84 saskia dönitz can be concluded that there is an older recension of Sefer Yosippon which is transmitted in the fragments of the Cairo Geniza.4 A similar notion was discussed by Shulamit Sela in her work concerning the Arabic translation of this book.5 She argues that the Judeo-Arabic translation of Sefer Yosippon as well as the Arabic Book of the Maccabees represent a glimpse of an earlier textual stage of Sefer Yosippon which to her mind is not transmitted in Hebrew. She derives her arguments from a literary analysis comparing motifs in the Arabic Book of the Maccabees, the Judeo-Arabic translation of Sefer Yosippon, and the Hebrew text. This methodology seems problematic since she does not refer to the manuscripts of Sefer Yosippon, but to Flusser’s edition instead. Nevertheless, a central part of her book constitutes the publication of the Judeo-Arabic fragments of Sefer Yosippon. The transmission history of the Arabic Sefer Yosippon has to be reconsidered with regard to her studies.6 The importance of the textual history of Sefer Yosippon should not be underestimated. The book was redacted several times. According to Flusser, Sefer Yosippon is transmitted in three recensions (A, B, and C) that differ in style and wording as well as additional texts (interpolations) which were added or detached from the book.7 Today, we know of about seventy manuscripts. Moreover, there are abridged versions, written by the Spanish authors Samuel ha-Nagid and Abraham Ibn Daud.8 The number of manuscripts, the fact that this book underwent several redactions,

4 See Saskia Dönitz, Überlieferung und Rezeption des Sefer Yosippon, Tübingen (Texts and Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism, 29) (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), especially chapter 2. My next project will be an edition of the Cairo Genizah fragments. 5 One of these stages could be a Hebrew translation of the Arabic Book of the Macca- bees as argued by Josef Wellhausen, “Der arabische Josippus.” Abhandlungen der königli- chen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Neue Folge Vol. 1, No. 4 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1897) and by Shlomo Pines, “Additional Observation Concerning the Arabic Translation of the Book of Yosippon.” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 6 (1985): 154–161. 6 Shulamit Sela, The Arabic Josippon, 2 vol. (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 2009) (in Hebrew). On this occasion, I would like to express my special gratitude to Professor Haggai Ben Shammai for allowing me to read Shulamit Sela’s manuscript at Makhon Ben Zvi prior to its publication. 7 E.g., parts of the Hebrew Alexander Romance are integrated into recension B. For a detailed description of the recensions of Sefer Yosippon; see note 4 and Flusser, vol. 2, 3–53. Recension C was published by Hayim Hominer, Josiphon of Joseph Ben Gorion ha- Cohen. Reprinted according to the complete Edition of Venice 5304 (1544) with Supplements from the Mantua Edition 5238–5240 (1478–80) and the Constantinople Edition 5270 (1510) (Jerusalem: Hotzaat Hominer, 31967). 8 Abraham Ibn Daud, Divre Malkhe Israel ba-Beit Sheni (Mantua: Shmuel Latif, 1514); see Katja Vehlow, Dorot Olam (Generations of the Ages). A Critical Edition and Translation with Com- mentary, (The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World, 50) (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2013). josephus torn to pieces 85 and the considerable number of quotations show that Sefer Yosippon was one of the most disseminated works in medieval Jewry. This situation questions Yosef Haym Yerushalmi’s famous thesis of the non-existence of historiographic literature in medieval Jewish society.9 I do not want to repeat the discussion at this point, but I would like to draw attention to the following arguments: Many Hebrew works have been copied, revised and rewritten during the Middle Ages. Instead of writing new texts, the Jewish authors reworked existing texts. By reading and rework- ing historiographic texts the Jewish society showed a deep interest in history and historiography. Therefore, Yerushalmi’s famous notion can be countered by emphasizing the fact that existing Hebrew historiographic works were rewritten and copied in the Middle Ages time and again. This can be said about Sefer Yosippon as well as about the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles (lately edited and analyzed by Eva Haverkamp), Iggeret de Rav Sherira Gaon, Seder Olam and other historiographic works.10 Yerushalmi did not take into account the many revised copies of historiographic literature that were produced during the Middle Ages, although an aggres- sive style of transmission was common practise among medieval copyists. There was a historiographic tradition among the Jews in medieval times that consisted of reading, reshaping, and rewriting existing texts rather than producing new works.11 Research on the transmission history of

9 Yosef H. Yerushalmi, Zakhor. Jewish History and Jewish Memory (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982); see idem, “Clio and the Jews: Reflections in Jewish Histori- ography in the Sixteenth Century.” PAAJR 47 (1979): 607–638, esp. 616f. His notion was challenged by Robert Bonfil, “Jewish Attitudes toward History and Historical Writing in Pre-Modern Times.” Jewish History 11 (1997): 7–40; idem, “How Golden was the Age of the Renaissance in Jewish Historiography?” in Essays in Jewish Historiography, ed. Ada Rapoport-Albert, (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), 78–102, esp. 85f.; idem, “Esiste una storiografia ebraica medioevale?” in Aspetti della storiografia ebraica, Atti del IV Congresso internazionale dell’AISG. Miniato, 7–10 novembre 1983, ed. Fausto Parente, (Roma: Carucci, 1987), 227–247. 10 See Margarete Schlüter, Auf welche Weise wurde die Mishna geschrieben? (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1993) and Eva Haverkamp (ed.), Hebräische Berichte über die Judenverfolgun- gen während des Ersten Kreuzzugs, (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2005); Gottfried Reeg (ed.), Die Geschichte von den zehn Märtyrern. Synoptische Edition mit Übersetzung und Einleitung (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1985). 11 Malachi Beit-Arié, “Publication and Reproduction of Literary Texts in Medieval Jew- ish Civilization: Jewish Scribality and Its Impact on the Texts Transmitted,” in Transmitting Jewish Traditions: Orality, Textuality and Cultural Diffusion, ed. Yaakov Elman and Israel Gershoni, (New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 2000), 225–247; idem, “Transmis- sion of Texts by Scribes and Copyists: Unconscious and Critical Interferences,” in Artefact and Text: The Re-Creation of Jewish Literature in Medieval Hebrew Manuscripts, ed. Philip S. Alexander and A. Samely, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 33–52. 86 saskia dönitz medieval Hebrew texts therefore constitutes an important part of Medi- eval Jewish studies. During my research on Sefer Yosippon I found several new manuscripts for recensions A, B, and C. For the purpose of this article I will introduce the findings concerning the transmission of the B-recension of Sefer Yosippon. The witnesses of recension B raise a textual problem. It is represented by three manuscripts: MS Budapest 355,12 MS Vatican 408,13 and MS Milano I 6714 (the latter not included in Flusser’s edition).15 The earliest edition of Sefer Yosippon, produced in 1480 by Abraham Conat in Mantua, is also based on recension B. But, there is a striking difference between the text of the Mantua edition and the one given in the manuscripts. The text in Abraham Conat’s edition is much shorter.16 This fact raises the question on which manuscript the edition was based exactly. In addition to the textual witnesses mentioned above we know a manuscript that contains an extract from Sefer Yosippon starting from chapter 72 until the end (chapter 89).17 The text of this extract is very close to the one in the Mantua edition. Flusser already assumed that the earliest printed version of Sefer Yosippon published by Abraham Conat is based on some kind of version that is similar to the one in the Oxford extract.18 But there was a lack of more evidence. Therefore every newly discovered manuscript as well as every fragment contributes to our knowledge about the transmission history of Sefer Yosippon. Fortunately, such a manuscript fragment was found in the bindings of a Medieval Latin manuscript in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. Using manuscripts as book bindings or covers of registers is a well known practise beginning after the invention of printing by Johannes Gutenberg. Also Hebrew manuscripts were reused in this way. Projects searching for these recycled Hebrew manuscripts have been carried through in Italy, Spain and Austria. In other European countries the search still continues.19 In Germany, the search for Hebrew fragments that were reused as book bindings or covers is organised in the framework of the DFG-funded

12 Budapest, Magyar tudomanyos akademia, Kaufmann Collection A 355 [F 15131]. 13 Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica ebr. 408 [F 08636]. 14 Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana I 67 Inf. [F 41181]. 15 See Flusser, vol. 2, 16–24. 16 E.g. every remark mentioning the author of the text was erased. 17 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Huntington 345 (Neubauer 793/2), fol. 218v–245v [F 20330]. 18 Flusser, vol. 2, 16f., 63. 19 See the Books within Books online database (http://www.hebrewmanuscript.com). josephus torn to pieces 87 project Genizat Germania supervised by Professor Dr. Andreas Lehnardt. Hundreds of fragments have been found.20 The vast majority of these fragments contain texts from the Bible, Talmud, Liturgy and their commentaries. Other kinds of literature are barely found, notwithstanding some exceptions.21 Such an exception is represented by the fragments of Sefer Yosippon reused as binding for the Latin manuscript Clm 3560 housed in the Bay- erische Staatsbibliothek in Munich.22 The special character of these fragments consists of the fact that they contain Sefer Yosippon that means historiography. To my knowledge only one more fragment in ‘Genizat Europa’ comprises this genre of Hebrew literature.23 Why is that so? The general explanation may be that the quality of the material decides about its reuse as bindings and wrappings. Only strong parchment sheets of large size were useful for medieval bookbinders. In Hebrew literature, mostly biblical and liturgical codices were written on this kind of material. Secular texts, like Sefer Yosippon, were usually written on smaller parchment sheets. The parchment of these small codices was inappropriate for bookbinding. Another explanation could be that there existed many more Bible and Liturgy manuscripts than manuscripts of other texts. In this case, the distribution of genre represented in the fragments of Genizat Germania may reflect the actual proportions of the number of manuscripts of each genre in the Middle Ages.24 But this is a

20 See an updated list of publications by Andreas Lehnardt on http://www.ev.theologie. uni-mainz.de/419.php. I thank Andreas Lehnardt for the opportunity to learn everything about the recycled Hebrew fragments while participating as a research assistant in the project from 2008 to 2011. 21 The findings in the archives in Spain, especially in Gerona represent an exception from this rule. The fragments reused as covers contain records from Jewish communities; see Mauro Perani, “The ‘Gerona Genizah’ an Overview and a Rediscovered ‘Ketubah’ of 1377.” Hispania Judaica Bulletin 7 (2010): 137–173. For more exceptions see Abraham David, “Hebräische Dokumente und Geschichtsquellen in der ‘Europäischen Geniza’ ” in ‘Genizat Germania’: Hebrew and Aramaic Binding Fragments from Germany in Context, ed. Andreas Lehnardt, (Studies in Jewish History and Culture, 28; ‘European Genizah’: Text and Studies, 1) (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010), 171–181. 22 Cod. Hebr. 153/VIII; Ernst Róth, Hebräische Handschriften, Teil 2, ed. Hans Striedel and Lothar Tetzner, (Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, 6,2), (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1965), 263, No. 384. The host volume is an autograph written in 1444 and 1452 by the early humanist Sigismund Gossembrot from Augsburg and contains theological-didactic writings. 23 Vatican, Bibliotheca Apostolica Ebr. 617/1 [F 74201]. The fragment also contains Sefer Yosippon. 24 Simha Emanuel, “The ‘European Genizah’ and its Contribution to Jewish Studies.” Henoch 19 (1997): 313–340, especially 315. 88 saskia dönitz highly speculative assumption, since only a very small number of manuscripts survived until today. Nevertheless, the fragments of Sefer Yosippon in the Munich Library are a special and a fortunate finding. The Munich fragments consist of two parts, each one cut from a bifolio.25 The text is written in one column, fol. 1v/2r in 12 lines, fol. 3r/4v with 13 lines. Parts of the text are rubbed off. The lining is recognizable. The script is Ashkenazi semi cursive, probably dating from the 14th or 15th century. Fol. 1r–v presents an extract from Sefer Yosippon, chapter 29 (letter of the Romans to John Hyrcanos affirming their assistance in asking for the return of the territories Antiochus took from the Jews), fol. 2r–v continues with chapter 35 (struggle between Hyrcanos and Aristobulos). Fol. 3r–v presents parts of chapter 82 (speech of Josephus outside Jeru- salem) and fol. 4r–v gives text from chapter 89 (speech of Eleazar ben Anani26 on Massada). Now, a comparison of the fragmentary parts of the text in the Munich fragments with the text of Sefer Yosippon shows that the fragments belong to recension B. Interestingly, the text is not close to the longer manuscript versions, but to the shorter text in the Oxford extract Huntington 345 and in the Mantua edition.27 Thus it seems that the Munich fragments support Flusser’s hypothesis. There possibly was a short version of recension B of Sefer Yosippon which could have been the Vorlage for Conats edition.28 Therefore, we actually have to speak of two versions of recension B of Sefer Yosippon. The long version is embodied in the complete manuscripts. The short version is represented by the Munich fragments and MS Huntington 345. A manuscript containing this short version probably was in the possession of Abraham Conat. Thus, the Munich fragments are of special importance concerning the problem of the differences between the Mantua edition of 1480 and the manuscripts of recension B of Sefer Yosippon and enrich our knowledge about the transmission history of Sefer Yosippon in an outstanding way. The Munich fragments show another exceptional feature: On the margins of fol. 3 and 4 a different text is added. It present extracts from

25 See Fig. 6.1-4 and the coloured digital images in the digital library of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München (http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/~db/0003/bsb00039620/ images). 26 For his name see Flusser, vol. 1, note to chapter 82, line 1 and chapter 89, line 1. 27 Although being very fragmentary the Munich text starts at an earlier point than MS Huntington 345, i.e. with chapter 29. For the similarities in the text see the synoptic text in the Appendix. 28 See above, n. 18. josephus torn to pieces 89

Midrash Wa-Yosha (commentary on Exodus 15:2–3 and Exodus 15:16–18).29 To my knowledge this is the only manuscript containing Sefer Yosippon that shows a text on the margins designed like a commentary.30 More- over, this is an interesting combination since the extracts from Midrash Wa-Yosha encounter the description of the destruction of Jerusalem in the last chapters of Sefer Yosippon with a prospect of salvation. Despite the catastrophe that has fallen on the Jews there still is hope for God’s mighty deeds as they are shown in the history of the Exodus.

Appendix: Partial Synoptic Edition

Munich, Staatsbibliothek 153/VIII MS Oxford, Huntington 345 וידבר32 ויעבור תחת החומה ועיניו צופות מדבר31 ויעבור תחת החומה ועיניו צופות אל המגדל אשר גוריון אל המגדל אשר גוריון אם יוסף אסורה שם בנחושתים וישליכו אביו אסור שם בנחושתים וישליכו עליו שם אבנים הפריצים הפריצים עליו אבנים ותכהו האבן על ראשו ותפול ארצה. ותכהו האבן על ראשו ותפל לארץ. ויריעו ויריעו הפריצים תרועה הפריצים תרועה גדולה מאד ותרעש הארץ לקולם33 גדולה מאד ותרעש הארץ לקולם בשמחתם במפלת יוסף. וימהר בשמחתם למפילת יוסף וימהר טיטוס וארבעים גבורים ויסובבו עליו מגנם טיטוס וארבעים גבורים ויסובבו עליו וישאוהו ויאמרו במגעיהם וישאוהו ויאמרו לאם יוסף על בנך יוסף הריעו הפריצים כי לאם יוסף על בנך יוסף הריעו הפריצים כי נפל. ותרץ ליפול נפשה נפל ותרץ ליפול נפשה מעל החומה ויסמכוה ותקרא בקול בכי מעל החומה ויסמכוה ותקרא בקול בכי ונהי בני בני יוסף זה היום ונהי בני בני יוסף זה היום אשר ידעתי ואשר חכיתי להקבר מידך אשר מאד יראתי ואשר חיכיתי להקבר והנה לא אוכל מידך והנה לא אוכל לקברך יוסף בני בני. ותשב אל הפריצים לקברך יוסף בני בני ותשב אל הפריצים לאמר הרגוני גם אני לאמר הרגוני גם אני ואמותה עם בני ויפול פגרי על פגרי יוסף ואמותה עם בני ויפול פגרי על פגר יוסף ואכסהו בבגדי ואכסנו בבגדי

29 See Elisabeth Wies-Campagner, Midrasch Wajoscha: Edition—Tradition—Interpreta- tion (Studia Judaica, 49) (Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2009), pages 58, 63, 92, 97. The text in the Munich fragments apparently belongs to text Group 1 according to Wies- Campagner, see chapter 2 in her work. 30 In MS Jerusalem Rothschild 24 the text of Sefer Yosippon itself is written as a com- .by Joseph ben Salomo of Carcassone. Cf אודך כי אנפת mentary to the text of the Piyyut Isaac Davidson, Thesaurus of Mediaeval Hebrew Poetry, 4 vols, (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1970), vol. 1, Alef no. 1651 (in Hebrew). 31 Fol. 3v; chapter 82 in Flusser’s edition. 32 Fol. 236v. 33 Fol. 237r. 90 saskia dönitz

כי יכסה שני מתים המיתוני כי אנכי כי יכסה בגד אחד שני מתים המיתוני כי ילדתי את אנכי ילדתי ] [ יוסף בני אשר הרגתם ויבכו רומיים לקולה יוסף בני אשר הרגתם ויבכו רומיים לקולה והפריצים לעגו וישחקו על והפריצים לעגו על אמריה. ויהי כשמוע יוסף את קול אמו אמריה. ויהי כשמוע יוסף לקול אמו ויקח ויקח מגנו בידו ויקרב ]. . .[ מגינו כי אינו ויקרב

ישלח35 אליו צא משם וברח וישמח ישלח34 אליו צא משם וברח וישמח בצאתו כי ישוב אל ארצו. אם שמרו בצאתו כי ת]שוב[ אל ארצו אם ]שמרו[ במשפט ימצא חן בעיניו ואם פשע בו במשפט ימצא חן ]בעיניו[ ואם פשע בו ייסרהו וגם יחמול כי עבדו ייאסרוהו וגם יחמול כי עבדו הוא. ועל זאת אמר שלמה טוב יום המות הוא ועל זאת אמר שלמה טוב שם משמן מיום הולדו. טוב. ויום המות מיום הולדו כי אדם למות יולד ואם המות ידעו כולם כי אדם לעמל יולד. ויום המוות ידעו הכל כי לא יעמול ולא ייגע עוד. כי לא יעמול ולא ייגע עוד וחכמי הודו כן עושין במות האדם ינגנו וחכמי הודו כן עושים במות האדם ינגנו לפניו בכל מיני זמר ודיצה לפניו בכל מיני זמר והנה הם לאותם אשר בתורת משה מאמינים כי אשר להם תורת אלקים חיים מאמינים כי יש תקוה לאחריתם ואף יש תקוה לאחריתם. ואף כי אנחנו יודעי גמוליו הטובים אם גם אנחנו עבדיו יודעי גמוליו הטובים אם תאמרו מי יודע אם נמצא תאמרו מי יודע אם נמצא חן בעיני ייי נלמוד מיאשיהו אשר נשא חן בעיני ייי לנו ללמוד מיאשיהו אשר נשא פניו ללכת אל המאור הגדול פניו ללכת אל האור הגדול וישלח אליו פרעה מה לי ולך ולא וישלח אליו פרעה מה לי ולך מלך יהודה אבה להורות בחיי ההבל לא אבה לחיות בחיי ההבל הזה. על כן אנו יודעים כי יש תקוה הזה. על כן ידענו כי יש תקוה לאחרית לאחריתנו וכאשר36 אמר יעקוב ליוסף בנו וכאמר אבינו יעקוב ליוסף בנו עשה עמי חסד ונשאתני ממצרים וקברתני עשה עמי חסד ונשאתני ממצרים וקברתני בארץ כנען. ויוסף ביקש גם כן בארץ כנען. ויוסף כה ביקש מאחיו בדבר הזה הלא העצמות לאחיו מה ראו בדבר הזה הלא העצמות ירקבו ויבשו אך ידעו כי יש ירקבו ויבשו אך ידעו כי יש תקוה לאחריתם. וכן נשמותינו אתנו כעבד תקוה לאחריתם. וגם נשמתינו אתנו כעבד שומר ולמי הצרה. שומר ולמי הצרה הזאת

Text on the margin of fol. 3v:37 מן הריח ואף הק הביא עליהם את

34 Fol. 4r; chapter 89 in Flusser’s edition. 35 Fol. 243v. 36 Fol. 244r. 37 Compare Wies-Campagner, Midrasch Wajoscha, 62. All corrections of the text are mine (SD). josephus torn to pieces 91

הדבר והיו מתים הם ומקניהם ובהמתם מריח עשב שבשדה ואחר כך יורה בהם והוא שורף אותן וכן היה השחין שורף כל גופם ונעש אבעבועות? ואחרכך משליך עליהם אבני ליטרא ומחי הקבליות כך השליך עליהם

Margin of fol. 4r:38 ]רעד[ נמוגו כל יושבי כנען תפל עליהם ]אימת[ה39 הק ריבונו של עולם כשיבא עמלק להלחם עם ישר ת] כשיבואו מלכי האמורי לחכמיו עצמן בנחלי ארנון ]ידמו[ עמך יי עד שיעברו עמך40 ישר שנית לימות המשיח ]לש[ון ים ]מצרים[ והניף ידו על הנחר בעיים רוחו והכ]הו לש[בעה41

38 Compare Wies-Campagner, Midrasch Wajoscha, 92. All corrections of the text are mine (SD). 39 Ex 15:15f. 40 Ex 15:16. 41 Isa 11:15. 92 saskia dönitz niversitätsbibliothek U niversitätsbibliothek III 153/V 1r/2v. S taats- und ig. F ig. 6.1 M ünchen, josephus torn to pieces 93 niversitätsbibliothek U niversitätsbibliothek III 153/V 2r/1v. S taats- und ig. F ig. 6.2 M ünchen, 94 saskia dönitz niversitätsbibliothek U niversitätsbibliothek III 153/V 3r/4v. S taats- und ig. F ig. 6.3 M ünchen, josephus torn to pieces 95 niversitätsbibliothek U niversitätsbibliothek III 153/V 4r/3v. S taats- und ig. F ig. 6.4 M ünchen,

Binding Accounts: a Leger of a Jewish PAWN BROKER from 14th Century Southern France (MS Krakow, BJ Przyb/163/92)*

Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

The systematic search for Hebrew fragments preserved in book bindings in various European archives and libraries has recently led to the discovery of a new range of writings. In addition to fragments from literary codices or liturgical scrolls, also pragmatic documents such as contracts, inventories, accounts, letters and registers have been found. Many of these documents were recovered from the bindings in the rich collection in the Arxiu Històric of the town of Girona in Catalonia and various other collections in Spain, but new discoveries are being now made in other European countries. While pragmatic writings are but a small minority of known Hebrew fragments, they provide essential first-hand knowledge regarding the legal and economic dimensions of Jewish life in medieval Europe. Such is the case of the documentary fragments presented in this paper. They come from a ledger of a Jewish pawn broker active in the third decade of the 14th century in Comtat Venaissin, very probably in Avignon. Once out of use, the paper folios of the accounts were glued together in order to produce cardboard binding covers for Latin manuscript Cod. 781 housed at the Jagellonian University Library in Krakow Poland. Kept today separately from its ‘host volume’, under the shelfmark BJ Przyb/163/92, these 51 folios, come from three different Jewish account books from Pro- vençal-speaking part of today’s France. In medieval society, with its need of ready cash, credit and usury were an important aspect of economic foun- dations. Practiced by Christians and Jews alike, credit was closely regulated

* I thank the Jagellonian University Library in Krakow, and in particular its director of Special Collections, Monika Jaglarz, for their kind permission to study and publish the manuscript, and their friendly and scholarly support during my research in Krakow. I would like as well to express my gratitude to Claude Denjean, Juliette Sibon and Noël Coulet who read and commented on the preliminary version of this paper. Marc Bompaire has given me precious advice concerning numismatics, Fabio Zinelli concerning Provençal words, and Sacha Stern discussed with me calendar discrepancies found in the text. Their erudite comments were a precious contribution to my research. 98 judith olszowy-schlanger by the ruling authorities.1 In the Dauphiné in the first half of the 14th century, for example, the right to trade in money was granted to the Jews (and to other bankers, such as the Lombards) by the Dauphins but also by local noblemen and bishops. In exchange for taxes, the authorities promised the creditors some help with recovering the debts, and granted pawn brokers the right to sell the pawns after one year’s delay in repayment of the debt.2 In various towns of Provence and Languedoc such activities were usually tolerated, except for short periods of time when some rulers forbade usury.3 The Jews were actively involved in various form of monetary loans on interest, although usury was not an exclusive source of income for Jew- ish individuals but was practiced as a ‘side-business’, in addition to trade, crafts or medicine.4 Joseph ibn Kaspi, for example, described a wealthy man of his community not only as a merchant and money lender but also as a farmer.5 That said, the Jews were present in money lending to varying extents in different towns and regions.6 It has been often claimed that the

1 A distinction should be made between lending on interest, which was permissible when keeping to a ‘legal’ interest rate, and usury which was damnable since it involved a profit above the ‘legal’ interest rate. For a recent study of credit and usury, see esp. Claude Denjean, La loi du lucre. L’usure en procès dans la Couronne d’Aragon à la fin du Moyen Âge (Madrid: Casa de Velazquez, 2011). Thus, the ‘moderate’ and therefore legally admissible interest rates were fixed by the authorities: for the town of Marseille for example, the Municipal Statutes imposed by the Angevin monarchs between 1252 and 1257 established a legal interest rate at 15% per annum, a lower rate than that of 25% per annum established for Provence in 1245, see Joseph Shatzmiller, Shylock revue et corrigé. Les juifs, les chrétiens et le prêt d’argent dans la société médiévale (Paris: Les belles lettres, 2000) (first published in English, in 1990), 78. The records of Puigcerdà show a ‘legal’ interest of 20%, see Claude Denjean, Juifs et Chrétiens. De Perpignan à Puigcerdà, XIIIe–XIVe siècles (Canet: Trabucaire, 2004), esp. p. 30. 2 For Jewish money trade and privileges in the Dauphiné, see Auguste Prudhomme, Les Juifs en Dauphiné aux XIVe et XVe siècles (Grenoble: G. Dupont, 1883), 12–16; Frédéric Char- train, “Die Siedlung der Juden in der Dauphiné während des Mittelalters,” in Geschichte der Juden im Mittelalter zwischen Nordsee bis zu den Südalpen. Kommentiertes Kartenwerk, Teil 1: Kommentarband, ed. Alfred Haverkamp, (Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden, Abteilung A, Abhandlungen 14/1), (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2002), 143–168. 3 In the first half of the 14th century, after the Concile of Vienne, there were more restrictions on money lending. Juliette Sibon describes its effects on Marseille, pointing out that usury was nonetheless very common, though more strictly controlled by the authorities, see Juliette Sibon, Les Juifs de Marseille au XIVe siècle (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2011), 37. 4 See esp. Sibon, Les Juifs de Marseille, 38–39. 5 Commentary on Proverbs 1:10. 6 In Perpignan, 80% of Jews mentioned in Latin sources were involved in money lending, see Richard W. Emery, The Jews of Perpignan in the XIIIth Century. An Economic Study based on Notarial Records (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959). In Aix and Arles where the Jews represented 10% of the population, they were in control of some 70% of small credit transactions, but in Montpellier they represented only 30% of the creditors, binding accounts 99

Jews specialized rather in small consumer credit (including pawn broking involving relatively small sums), which was geared towards artisans, farmers, modest tradesmen and impoverished nobility,7 rather than large-scale business credit more often practiced by the Lombards or other Christian businessmen.8 Although such a clear-cut division cannot be claimed for all periods and places, our accounts do confirm that their author specialized in the credit of the first type. In addition to their importance for our understanding of small scale credit, our ledger fragments give us a fresh glimpse into medieval accountancy techniques. They notably enable us to understand the practices of documentary writing and archiving in a domain which, in the Middle Ages, was an important aspect of Jewish economical life. So far we know of only one example of medieval Jewish private account books from what is today France: the two volumes of accounts of Héliot de Vesoul and his partners. These accounts from Burgundy, from the time span between 1300 and 1318, are kept today in the Archives Départementales de la Côte d’Or in Dijon.9 Our ledger fragments are only a few years later than the accounts of the Vesoul partnership. They are earlier or contemporary with the earliest French or Provençal commercial and credit ledgers kept by Christian merchants, such as the accounts of Ugo Teralh of Forcalquier of 1330–1332 (also found in book-bindings),10 of Joan Saval of Carcassonne

see Sibon, Les Juifs de Marseille, 34–35; Kathryn Reyerson, Business, Banking and Finance in Medieval Montpellier (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1985), 67. 7 See Aryeh Grabois, “Rôle et fonction de l’usure juive dans le système économique et social du monde médiéval (IXe–XIVe siècle),” in La société juive à travers l’histoire, ed. S. Trigano, 4 vols. (Paris: Fayard, 1992), vol. 3, 177–205. 8 See François Gasparri, “Juifs et Italiens à Orange au XIVe siècle: métiers comparés,” in Minorités, techniques et métiers, (Aix-en-Provence: Institut de recherchés méditerranée- nnes Université de Provence, 1980), 47–54. 9 AD Côte d’Or B 10410 and B 10411. See Isidore Loeb, “Deux livres de commerce du commencement du XIVe siècle.” REJ 8 (1884): 161–196; REJ 9 (1884): 21–50 and 187–213. More recently, see the detailed studies by Annegret Holtmann, and especially her “Jewish settlement and economic activity in the medieval Franche-Comté: the account books of Heliot of Vesoul.” Jewish Studies 40 (2000): 69–82; Idem, Juden in der Grafschaft Burgund im Mittelalter (Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden, Abteilung A, Abhandlungen 12), (Hannover: Verlag Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2003), especially pages 155–182. An additional fragment from the account book of Héliot de Vesoul was found in a book binding of a 16th century printed volume from Lyon, see Moïse Schwab, “Notes de comptabilité juive du XIIIe et XIVe siècle.” REJ 30 (1895): 289–294. 10 Edited by Paul Meyer, Le livre-journal de Maître Ugo Teralh, notaire et drapier à Forcalquier (1330–1332), in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale et autres bibliothèques t. XXXVI, pp. 129–170 (also printed separately [Paris: C. Klincksieck, 1898]). See as well a summary in the Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 42 (1898): 110–112. 100 judith olszowy-schlanger

(1340–1341)11 or of an anonymous draper from Lyon of 1320–1323.12 The main difference between our account book and those of Christian merchants (and to some degree of the Vesoul partnership) is the fact that our document deals exclusively with pawn broking, while the others include, at least to some degree, straight-forward issues of trade and commercial credit. This paper focuses on one of the three fragmentary account books: unit 1, the most voluminous of the three units containing 35 folios. The text which ,פ''ט and פ''ה ,פ''ד :contains several mention of the year of the loans correspond to 1324, 1325 and 1329 AD. Unlike the date, the precise geographical location of the money lender is difficult to ascertain. The only names of localities mentioned are those describing the borrowers. These place names are numerous and include towns so far apart as Manosque, Montpellier, Bédarrides in the South, and Valence and Lyon in the North. As we shall see, if these places do designate the borrowers’ place of residence (rather than their family origins), the geographical spread of our money lender’s activities was impressive. Still, this does not provide the information about his own place of residence or origin. The philological analysis of his language may help here: as we shall see, many of the words he used, especially names of the gaged objects, are in Provençal written gardeqos de] ,גרדקוש דשייה in Hebrew characters. A relevant example is seyya], “a silk overcoat” (n° 12, 224, 273, 287, 520, 551). The word “silk”, here ‘seyya’, is most frequently attested in Provençal in the form of ‘seda’.13 According to Fabio Zinelli the softening of the [d] and its replacement by a [ j] sound (reflected by the Hebrew double yod) may indicate the Northern part of the Provençal-speaking domain. The present paper contains a preliminary edition of this account book. The edition is introduced by a reconstruction of the ledger, its codicological and palaeographical features as well as some preliminary remarks on the accounting system and credit-based relationships it reflects. It also

11 See Charles Portal, “Le livre-journal de Jean Saval, marchand-drapier à Carcassonne (1340–1341).” Bulletin historique et philologique du Comité des travaux historiques et scien- tifiques (1901): 423–449. 12 See Paul Meyer and Georges Guigue, “Fragments du grand livre d’un drapier de Lyon (1320–1323).” Romania 35 (1906): 428–444. 13 See François Raynouard, Dictionnaire de la langue des troubadours, comparée avec des autres langues de l’Empire latin, 6 vols. (Paris: Silvestre, 1834–1844), vol. 5, p. 176; Emil Levy, Petit dictionnaire provençal-français (Heidelberg: Winter, 1909), p. 337; Emil Levy, Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörterbuch. Berichtigungen und Ergänzungen zu Raynouards, 8 vols. (Leipzig: Reisland, 1915), vol. 7, p. 508. binding accounts 101 examines evidence used to try and identify with more precision the place of the money lender’s activities. The reading and interpretation of this poorly preserved and complex text, and especially the correct identification of the numerous terms in Provençal still remains problematic in many respects. These terms reflect rich material culture and daily life of medieval Comtat Venaissin, and as such require a further in-depth philological and archaeological study.14 It is hoped that the publication of this unprecedented document will lead scholars in relevant fields to shed further light on these aspects.

The Binding and the Host-Volume

The binding in which the fragments that concern us were incorporated was made following a well know technique applied in North Africa, Spain, Southern France and Italy, whereby recycled folios of paper manuscripts are glued together in order to produce cardboard for hard book covers.15 51 paper fragments originating in four different Hebrew codicological units have been recovered during the restoration of the binding by the Jagello- nian Library. The Hebrew fragments were used together with non Jewish fragments, some of them pertaining to the papal curia in Avignon.16 The bulk of this bound Latin volume dates from 1334. It is a medical anthology containing some works of 14th century authors together with more standard curriculum texts. The volume contains Expositio Avicen- nae Canonis medicinae (f. 1–68r) and Questiones super Tegni Galeni Def. (103r–130r), both by Bartholomew of Bruges, a physician and philosopher trained at the University of Paris in the first half of the 14th century; Thaddaeus de Florentia’s Commentum in Avicennae Canonis medicinae

14 Provençal terms have been read and interpreted with the help of the following dic- tionaries and word lists: Raynouard, Dictionnaire de la langue des troubadours; Levy, Petit dictionnaire provençal-français; Levy, Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörterbuch; Matériaux pour l’étude de la vie domestique et de la culture matérielle en Provence aux derniers siècles du Moyen Age, in Razo. Cahiers du centre d’études médiévales de Nice 13 (Université de Nice: Sophia Antipolis, 1993), which contains lists of tools, furniture, garments and cloth mentioned in some selected dowries and post-mortem inventories of the notaries in Provence. Pierre Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale à Avignon du XIIe au XIXe siècle, vol. 3, (Avignon: Aubanel, 1922; reprint Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1966), is particularly relevant, as it is based on the documents from the Comtat Venaissin in particular. 15 For this type of binding, see Hellmuth Helwig, Einführung in die Einbandkunde (Stutt- gart: Hiersemann, 1970), 96. 16 Bound today separately as MS BJ Przyb/158/92 (years 1302–1349). 102 judith olszowy-schlanger

(69r–102r), Arnoldus de Villa Nova, Commentum in De accidenti et morbo Galeni cum quaestionibus dubitationibusque (131r–157v), Petrus Hispanus vel Ioannes de Sancto Amando, Quaestiones super Viaticum Constantini Africani vel Isaac Iudeus (158r–204v). Some notes were added after the manuscript was transferred to Poland (via Leipzig) by the mid-15th century, such as Questio de medicina by Ioannes Stanco (from Bratislava, who studied medicine in Krakow c. 1470) on fol. 68v, and some marginalia by the hand identified as Matthew of Szydłów. In addition to these medical texts, the binding of the volume contains as well a Papal Bulla, dated 1396.17 The Latin script of the anthology has been attributed to a French hand. The manuscript contains pecia marks which indicate that it was copied in a university context, which, in the cataloguers’ view, suggests towns such as Montpellier or Toulouse.18 We may add that in the period under consideration, there was as well a young university in Avignon, founded in 1303.19 Given the date of the Bulla bound together with the anthology, the binding itself cannot date before 1396; its date c. 1400 was suggested by the cataloguers.20 We have no direct information concerning the reasons and circumstances of the use of this several decades old Hebrew account book for the binding of this particular medical Latin manuscript at the turn of the 14th and 15th century. One does not necessarily need to look for confiscation of Hebrew books or anti-Jewish persecutions as a reason and source of manuscripts for recycling. If our hypothesis that Avignon is the place of origin of our account book is correct, the reason for the reuse can be sought in the close contacts in book trade and book binding between Jews and Chris- tians, well attested in Avignon in the 14th century. Not only Jews traded in Christian books, but, more importantly, Christians, and notably the Papal Library or collections of the bishops, employed Jewish book-binders. Thus, in 1368, the accounts of Sicard du Fresne, the treasurer of the bishop of Avi- gnon, list expenses for the binding of several volumes by a Jew Salgueti.21

17 Maria Kowalczyk, Anna Kozłowska, Miecislaus Markowski, Lucina Nowak, Anna Sobańska, Richardus Tatarzyński, Sophia Włodek, Marianus Zwiercan, Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Medii Aevi Latinorum qui in Bibliotheca Jagellonica Cracoviae Asservantur, vol. 6, numeros continens inde a 772 usque ad 1190 (Wrocław: Institutum Ossolinianum Officina Editoria Academiae Scientiarum Polonae, 1996), cod. 781, 64–69. 18 Catalogus, vol. 6, p. 68. 19 See Jacques Verger, “L’Université médiévale d’Avignon dans le contexte de son temps.” Etudes Vauclusiennes 69 (2003), 13–19. 20 Catalogus, vol. 6, p. 68. 21 See Pansier, Histoire du livre et de l’imprimerie à Avignon du XIVe au XVIe siècle, vol. 1, (XIVe et XVe siècles), p. 26 and vol. 3, ‘Pièces justificatives’ 2, n° 16, p. 9, n° 19–21, p. 9. binding accounts 103

At the end of the 14th century, in 1393, another Jewish book-binder, a certain Jaffet, worked for the library of the Pope Clement VII.22

Codicology of the Fragments

The Hebrew fragments discovered in the binding belong to four different original codicological units, and certainly to four different palaeographical units, since they were copied by four different hands: Unit 1. 35 fragments belonging to one or more ledgers of a money lender from the Comtat Venaissin, informal script. Dates mentioned in the document correspond to 1324, 1325, and 1329. Unit 2. 4 fragments of a list of debts, Sephardi cursive script, 14th century. Unit 3. 10 fragments of yet another list of debts and pawns, Sephardi cursive script, dated by a note recording an overdue debt to 1336. Unit 4. 2 fragments of writing exercises, square script. As indicated, in this paper we will focus on the first account book (Unit 1). Its fragments were trimmed and suffered damage during the reuse, and are unfortunately poorly preserved despite their careful conservation in the Jagellonian library. The double sheets which were originally folded to create bifolios of the register’s quires are today open, flattened, and, of course, separated from their original quires. The order of the folios is not indicated, and was reconstructed on the basis of the text and dates it mentions (see below, the text edition). These fragments belonged originally to registers which covered several years of the business activity of a money lender, whose name is not preserved. As stated, the preserved dates are and ([50]89) which correspond to (85[50] ,84[50]) פ''ט and פ''ה ,פ''ד 1324, 1325 and 1329 AD. It is difficult to ascertain whether this register, covering several years, was written in one or several books. The order of the reconstructed text presents a challenge: the mentions of the year in quire III concern the year [50]85 in entries dated from the months before the month of Tishri (which marks the beginning of the Jewish calendar year) as well as after the month of Tishri. As we shall see later on, the days and months in both cases correspond to the year [50]85. Thus, although the edition below follows the order of the reconstructed text, it is possible that parts of it were written in a different chronological order.

22 Pansier, Histoire du livre, vol. 1, p. 18. 104 judith olszowy-schlanger

The fragments in their present state of conservation have three different formats, but these variations may result from subsequent damage: a/ 13 (26 folios) irregular fragments measuring roughly c. 140 × 240 mm (double sheets, they were folded in half to make bifolios, the width of one folio was c. 120 mm). Two of these 13 fragments are incomplete, and three are disjoined single folios. b/ 2 small fragments c. 35 × 115 mm c/ 3 large sheets (6 folios) which seem to have been folded in half to create very tall and narrow bifolios: 295 × 216 mm, the page 295 × 108 mm. Some of the fragments are today smaller (a and b), but the folios have been trimmed considerably, and it is possible that the original height of the page was larger, and that all the folios were originally tall and narrow, like those of the format group c. Indeed these three large double sheets seem to have preserved most of their original height. They measure 295 × 216 mm: the size of a folio in its actual state is 295 mm × 108 mm, and its original size must have been around 300 × 120 mm, so the ratio was 1:2,5. This specific format of very tall and narrow books is commonly found in Latin notarial registers of Provence. Jewish merchants and financiers used similar ledgers: for example, the well preserved pinqas of Mordacays Joseph, a coral merchant from Marseille, covering the years 1374–1375 measures c. 290 × 130 mm.23 It is likely that the other double sheets which measure today c. 140 × 240 mm (so a folio measures 140 × 120 mm) originally came from equally tall bifolios whose head and /or foot is not preserved. The register is written on hemp or linen cloth paper of a kind often used in southern notarial registers, including the aforementioned pinqas of Mordacays Joseph. The paper is grey with dark brown stains. The chain and laid lines are clearly visible. A partly visible trace of a watermark is discernible at the foot of fol. 20: a top of a circle with a vertical line in the middle, and a full watermark on fol. 30: two circles crossed by a vertical line passing by their centres. The latter full watermark is analogous, but not identical to Mošin, series 1937–1970, all examples from the

23 Moïse Schwab, “Livre des comptes de Mardoché Joseph (manuscrit hébréo- provençal), in Notices et extraits de manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autres biblio- thèques, publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, t. XXXIX,ˮ (Paris: Impri- merie Nationale, 1916), 496–502. See recently, M. Blasco Orellana, J. R. Magdalena Nom de Déu and J. Sibon, Le pinqas ou carnet personnel en hébreu de Mordacays Joseph (1374–1375), corailleur juif de Marseille (in print). I thank the authors for sharing with me their work prior to its publication. binding accounts 105

14th century. This series includes Italian papers: e.g. 1939 (Genova, 1339) or 1941 (Genova, 1349).24 But in none of listed examples the two circles are as close together as they are in our watermark. All the listed examples are later than the date explicitly mentioned in our fragments. The text is written in brown ink fading to grey.

As for the composition of the register, following the text and the codicological features I was able to reconstruct four different quires, unfortunately none of them complete. Two of the quires cover most of the year 1325, one concerns 1324 and one 1329. Here are the (incomplete) quires and the dates they contain:

I (incomplete, two disjoint folios with missing twins are preserved), fol. 1–2: 17 Sivan to 5 Tammuz year 1324 II (incomplete, five still joint bifolios), fol. 3–12: 5 Adar-Nisan-23 Iyyar, year 1325; III (incomplete, five still joint bifolios and one folio without its twin), fol. 13–23: 11 Sivan-Tammuz-Elul-Tishri-(middle of the quire—end of Tishri and the whole of Marheshvan are missing—probably a missing middle bifolio of the quire)-Tevet, 22 Shevat, year 1325 IV (incomplete, six still joint bifolios), fol. 24–35, 5 Tammuz-Av-Elul- Tishri-Marheshvan-Tevet-Shevat-Iyyar-18 Sivan, year 1329

The largest preserved quires contained more than 6 double sheets (12 folios, 24 pages): quire III (one bifolio misses its twin, it is a single fol. 15), and IV. Both quires are incomplete.

The Script and the Handwriting

The entire preserved account book is written by the same hand. The scribe wrote the main entries as well as notes added at a later stage, for instance when the debt was reimbursed in part. The handwriting is informal. The scribe writes fluently but makes no efforts to produce a calligraphic or careful impression. Despite this lack of calligraphic efforts, the characters are clear and distinct, the reading is easy when the state of preservation

24 See Vladimir Aleksejevič Seid Mustafa Traljić, Vodeni znakovi XIII. i XIV. Vjeka (Fili- granes des XIIIe et XIVe ss) (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti, 1957), vol. 1, tables 212–214 (krug—cercle). 106 judith olszowy-schlanger is satisfactory. The writing is relatively quick, and the letters are traced with the minimum number of possible strokes: lamed, for example, is traced with two strokes whose mutual relationship and inclination form the width of the body of the letter: , letters such as gimel, nun and final nun are devoid of additional ‘heads’, and their downstrokes are pointing sharply upwards: gimel: , nun: , final nun: . Vav: and yod: are simple vertical strokes, and the body of final pe is reduced to a short slanted line, which gives the letter an aspect of a digit 1 whose descender is long and goes below the baseline: . Despite this simplicity of the ductus, the style of the script cannot be defined as typically cursive: the letters in a word are well separated, similar letters such as beth: and kaph: , daleth: and resh: , he: and ḥeth: , final mem: and samekh: differ. The informal and highly personal nature of the script makes its typo- logical qualification uneasy: the script is different from the typical contemporary Sephardi cursive and semi cursive scripts as used in more professionally written documents and books in Catalonia or Provence. A few morphological features of some letters indicate however a Sephardi influence. One can mention here the shape of the aleph, whose mainstroke is curved and attached to the left-hand downstroke on its extrem- ity, forming a shape similar to the letter ḥeth, and whose right-hand stroke is attached to the top of the mainstroke, and points straight upwards: . Such a shape of the aleph is reminiscent of Sephardi semi-cursive scripts, as attested in Catalonia and Southern France. Shin: composed of three strokes whose middle stroke is attached to the left-hand arm of the letter, most frequently to its top, is also reminiscent of Sephardi semi-cursive scripts. A few words are vocalized (see Edition below). The vowels are used to render as faithfully as possible the sounds of Provençal words. The vowel-system used in this sporadic vocalization is a simplified non standard Tiberian system, which uses only six vowels signs: pataḥ for [a], ṣere and sheva for [e], ḥiriq for [i], ḥolam for [o] and shuruq for [u].

The Content of the Ledger and Its Arrangement

Our Hebrew-Provençal account book belongs to the genre of ‘day-books’, similar to the Christian merchants’ accounts of Ugo Teralh and Joan Saval, described by their editors as ‘livre-journal’. Indeed, the separate entries follow the chronological order of transactions, without any other form of arrangement. binding accounts 107

Fig. 7.1 Krakow, MS BJ Przyb/163/92, fol. 29r–30v. 108 judith olszowy-schlanger

The preserved part of the register contains 566 independent entries corresponding each to a single transaction. In the edition of the text (below), each entry received a consecutive number. The introductory discussion follows this division and refers to the entries by their numbers. Theses entries are separated with a horizontal line traced after the entry was written, and a broader blank space was left between them. Each new entry is written from the beginning of a new line. Some entries are crossed out by diagonal lines—they probably designate cancellation of the record after the reimbursement of the totality of the loan. Partial repayments are noted in the blank spaces below the original entry. Such partial repayments are mentioned in n° 47, 61, 166, 263, 387, 388, 404, 479, 527. They .he reimbursed”, followed by the date“ ,פרע are introduced by the verb In n° 352, an additional sum is written next to the original entry: it is possible that this loan was extended. It is interesting to note that some of the entries were not crossed out. This may suggest that the loans were overdue for long periods and had still not been repaid when this account book was no longer in use.25 The entries are written as running text, without column layout, but they contain four distinct elements which follow each other in an establish order, from right to left: 1. the borrowed amount; 2. the pawn; 3. the date of the loan; 4. the name of the borrower.

1. Each entry begins by the borrowed sum. There are several types of currency used:

tornes/turnes’ corresponds to the ‘sou tournois’.26 It was the‘ טורנש • standard silver coinage of good alloy (so called ‘white’, with a high contents of silver) most widely used in France since the 13th century. It is the most frequently quoted currency in our account book. The Hebrew transcription seems to reflect the form ‘tornes/turnes’ which is similar to that found in the Provençal account book of Ugo Teralh of

25 It has been noted that even modest loans often remained unpaid for many years, see e.g. Frédéric Chartrain, “Neuf cents créances des juifs du Buis (1327–1344),” in Les Juifs dans la Méditerranée médiévale et moderne (Cahiers de la méditérranée, 32), (Nice: Uni- versité de Nice, 1986), 11–24. 26 For the value of the silver tornes (gros tournois) in the 14th century Languedoc, see Marc Bompaire, “Un livre de changeur languedocien du milieu du XIVe siècle.” Revue Numismatique (6e série) 29 (1987), p. 120 and p. 130. binding accounts 109

Forcalquier (turnes). It differs from the French form ‘tournois’, attested 27.(טורנוייש) notably in the accounts of Héliot de Vesoul ’which designates the silver ‘pound לטרין .pl ,לטרא abbreviation of ליט' • (livre) (worth 20 sous). This term is used infrequently without specify- ing what kind of pound (n° 305, 366, 524, 530). In n° 360, it is specified .(לט' טורנש) that the loan concerns tournois pounds ,corresponding to sous (solidi) (e.g. n° 2, 3 דינרים abbreviation for דינ' • 4, 9, 11, etc.). .which designates deniers (e.g פשיטים or פשוטים abbreviation for פשו' • 1, 12, 42, 48, etc.) gillats (It. gigliati), silver coins minted by Robert of Anjou, king גילטס • of Naples and count of Provence (1309–1343) in frequent circulation in the time of his reign in Provence and Rhone valley (e.g. 16, 34, 38, ,כסף etc. In most cases, the name of the coin is followed by ,148 ,136 “silver”) peraḥim corresponding to golden florins (= 32 sous). They can פרחים • -which is probably a corruption for Flor ,דפולדנצה be described as ence (e.g. n° 387, 388, 404, 406, 416, 432, 443, 444, 448, 451, 452, 453, ”del papa’, “of the pope‘ ,דלפאפה or ,(499 ,497 ,494 ,468 ,464 ,457 ,454 (n° 429, 442, 479). It is interesting to note that these valuable gold cur- rencies are attested only in the part of the accounts concerning the year 1329.

Thus, the entries mention a variety of coins: current pounds (livres) (= 20 sous), sous (= 12 deniers) and deniers. Also gold and silver coins appear in the text. The gold coins are florins of two origins—Florence and “of the Pope”. Since their first issue around 1252 in Florence, golden florins became a solid and reliable currency which was commonly used in trade and banking in France, despite the opposition from French kings. From the beginning of the 14th century, it was imitated in various places.28 John XXII was the first pope to mint florins in the Comtat Venaissin: since 1322, just two years before the date of our account book, they started to be minted in Pont-de-Sorgues, and later in Avignon and Carpentras, and used as the main currency at the papal court in Avignon.29 As for silver coins, the most frequent currency is the tornes/turnes—the French

27 Loeb, “Deux livres de commerce,” REJ 9, p. 24. 28 See Jean-Baptiste Giard, “Le florin d’or au Baptiste et ses imitations au XIVe siècle.ˮ Bibliothèque de l’école des chartes 125 (1967), p. 94. 29 Giard, “Le florin d’or,ˮ 105–109. 110 judith olszowy-schlanger grossus of Tours—a sou of good alloy, as well as the aforementioned gillats of Robert of Anjou. The various types of coins mentioned in our account book are consistent with the coins circulating and even minted in the Comtat Venaissin.30

This .עים Pawned objects are usually introduced by an abbreviation .2 abbreviation is never written in full in our document, and its meaning is uncertain. It can be suggested that it is an acronyme for an expression such on the pawn, on the surety”. This expression can stand on“ ,על יד משכון as its own or, in the large majority of cases, it is followed by a description of an object which was deposited as a pawn. The most frequent formulation is: “So much (the sum) on the surety or on + pawned object”. The pawns are described either in Provençal in Hebrew characters or in Hebrew, or in a mixture of both. Very often such hybrid expressions fol- טשה low Romance syntax. This is the case with a frequently pawned item -silver cup” (n° 3, 47, 138, 157, 308, 451, 514, 531), where the first ele“ ,דכסף ment, ‘tassa’, “cup” is in Provençal, and the second, “silver” is in Hebrew, and the possessive relation between the two is expressed by the Proven- çal ‘de’. The Hebrew genitive construction, the status constructus, is also attested, but sometimes the form is incorrect: for example, the repeatedly -silver belt”, appears without a tav-marker of the con“ ,חגורה כסף pawned struct state (n° 23, 57, 241, 314, 334, 354, 443, 457). Our text is exceptional in the diversity of the objects deposited as pawns. The number and variety of cloth and textiles are especially striking. The origins of the textiles are rarely stated, unlike for instance in the book of Ugo Teralh, where it has been possible to ascertain that most textiles were produced locally in Provence and Languedoc region, but some also in Rouen, Provins and Saint Denis.31 When stated, the provenance of cloth and fabrics mentioned in our Hebrew-Provençal account book can also be local, such as Avignon (n° 344, 541), or Northern, such as Mâlines in Flanders (n° 15, 174, 190, 205, 283, 300, 357, 524). The preponderance of the variety of textiles suggests that the place of activity of the money

30 A list of coins in circulation in the mid-14th-century Avignon appears in a later Aba- cus treatise by a merchant from Sienna, Tommaso della Gazzaia, see Rafaella Franci, “The coins in the ‘Abacus Treatise’ by Tommaso della Gazzaia.” Revue Numismatique 167 (2011): 54–56. I thank Marc Bompaire for his advice and for this bibliographical reference. The list of Tommaso della Gazzaia (that he copied from a 14th century document) corresponds to the coins mentioned in our account book. 31 See Meyer, Le livre-journal, 9–10. binding accounts 111 lender was in the area where trade in textiles had a considerable economic importance, and where textiles were a privileged trade commodity. The pawns include:

קלפ־ pairol’, “cauldron” (n° 94, 532),32‘ ,פַ יירול household items, such as • °forni(l)’, “stove, brasier” (n‘ ,פורני ,(calfador’,33 “kettle” (n° 408‘ ,דור (סכינין for) ב' סאכינין ,(sarta’, “frying-pan”35 (n° 542‘ , שַ רְ טַ ה 34,(408 (Hebrew), “2 knives” (n° 436). ayysiyada’ for ‘aisada’, “hoe” or “truel” (n° 150),36‘ ,אַ יישייַדַ ה tools, such as • אשכ־ mostier’, probably for ‘mestier’, “loom, frame” (n° 442),37‘ ,מושטייר escanha’, “spool, skein-winder” (n° 419, 434)38—in both‘ ,נייה/אשקיינה fusel’, “little spindle, distaff ” (derived‘ ,פשול/פשיל cases followed by ’bossa‘ ,בושה from ‘fus’, ‘spindle’, and Lat. fusellus).39 The meaning of (n° 366) is unclear, but it coud have ment “a rope, bowline”, unless it is a corrupted spelling of a frequent term ‘borsa’, “purse”.40 סדין cabesa’, “bolster, pillow” (n° 413, 504)41 or‘ ,קבשה bedding, such as • (Hebrew), “bed-sheet, bed-cloth” (n° 1, 34, 55, 60, 65, 69, 104, 128, 146, 149, 160, 180, 183, 193, 209, 292, 307, 313, 336, 337, 355, 413, 438, 442, -Hebrew), “duvet pil) כר נוצה ;(553 ,542 ,517 ,497 ,496 ,486 ,476 ,460 ,tablecloth” (n° 18, 89, 96, 115, 124, 127, 131, 132, 133“ ,מפה ,(low” (n° 536 145, 146, 193, 194, 198, 274, 295, 304, 310, 320, 327, 336, 385, 485): this Hebrew word has a Latin homophonous equivalent, mapa or mappa,

32 See Matériaux, p. 150: often found in the sources under the Latin form payrolum. Forms ‘pairol’ and ‘peirol’ are attested in the 14th century in the texts from Avignon, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 124. 33 Under the Latin form calfatorium, the item appears in the notarial lists, see Matéri- aux, p. 126. 34 For the Latin equivalent, fornellum, see Matériaux, p. 139. 35 For the forms sartan, sartaia, sartas, see Levy, Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörter- buch, vol. 7, p. 518. Latin sartago and provençal ‘sartaye’ are listed in Matériaux, p. 154. 36 ‘Aysada’ is a frequent item in notarial lists in Matériaux, p. 121. Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, III, p. 7 gives the two attested meanings: “hoe” and “instrument used by builders to mix the mortar”. 37 For ‘mestier’, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 113. 38 Attested as ‘scanha’ in the notarial lists edited in Matériaux, p. 155. 39 Frédéric Mistral, Lou Trésor dóu Felibrige ou Dictionnaire provençal-français (Aix-en- Provence: Marcel Petit, 1979), vol. 1, p. 1195. For ‘fus’, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 89. 40 For ‘bossa’, ‘rope’, see Matériaux, p. 124. 41 Attested forms include ‘cabes’ and ‘cabesal’, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue pro- vençale, vol. 3, 31. 112 judith olszowy-schlanger

attested, with the same meaning of “tablecloth”, in the inventories from Provence.42 Hebrew), “fringe” (usually made of silver (always) ציץ jewels, such as • ,n° 14, 103, 137, 196, 240, 270, 349, 366, 374, 511, 546 ,(כסף ,in Hebrew חגורה ,(de perlas’ (Provençal‘ ,דפרלש—and once made of pearls ,564 (Hebrew), “belt” (n° 23, 47, 56, 57, 70, 79, 82, 83, 95, 122, 136, 241, 270, 314, 321, 334, 354, 366, 419, 443, 457, 468, 481, 494, 504, 507, 511, 539: it ,n° 23, 57, 241, 270, 314 ,(כסף ,can be made of silver (always in Hebrew n° 321, 366, 481, 507, of ,(משי ,silk (in Hebrew ,468 ,457 ,443 ,354 ,334 ,(’vel‘ ,וול) n° 419 or in fabric ,(דעור :’leather (Hebrew with Provençal ‘de ’marga‘ ,מרגה Hebrew) which is probably equivalent to) כיס ,(n° 504 (probably corresponding to ‘manega’) decorated pouches, sleeves or n° 23, 296, 321, 354, 366, 380, 504, 505, 507, 530, 539, often :כיס) cases °n :מרגה ,silk” (Hebrew), n° 296, 354, 380, 505, 530, 539“ ,משי made of Hebrew), “ring”, n° 133 (made) טבעת ;(504 ,484 ,483 ,474 ,460 ,442 ,434 ,’redondel‘ ,רדנדיל of silver), 424, 475: maybe its Provençal equivalent is “small ring”43 (n° 481, 527 (made of silver)). -gardecqos’, probably equivalent to ‘gardacors’, “over‘ ,גרדקוש :garments • coat with long sleeves” corresponds to gardacossum or gardacorssium attested in Latin documents.44 It is the most frequent item, attested gonela’, “tunic”, attested 92 times and‘ ,גונלה ,no less than 204 times ,gonel’, “tunic” (n° 302‘ ,גונֵ ל—its less frequent equivalent in masculine ,Hebrew), ‘cloak’ (n° 15, 22, 41 (twice), 50, 72, 116) סרבל 45,(356 ,313 117, 118, 119, 125, 126, 144, 151, 161, 202, 204, 228, 261, 263, 271, 293, 299, 300, 305, 333, 346, 348, 357, 364, 385, 429, 441, 465, 477, 515, 524, ,Hebrew), “pants, trousers” (n° 99, 197, 378) מיכנסים ,(540 ,538 ,530 ,Hebrew), ‘garment’ (n° 99, 197, 338, 341, 378) חלוק ,(חלוק always with jo/upa’ probably for ‘gipa’ or ‘gippa’, “short pourpoint‘ ,יופה ,(550 ,510 capa’, “cape, mantle, short coat‘ ,קפה ,(overcoat with sleeves” (n° 206 ’Hebrew), ‘robe) גלמה opened at the front” (n° 163, 207, 221, 262),46 ,manton’, “coat” (n° 21, 28, 77, 97, 101‘ ,מנטוא ,(n° 46, 283, 294, 351) 134, 143, 164, 186, 203, 293, 318, 390, 400, 411, 422, 423, 433, 456, 463,

42 See Matériaux, p. 147. 43 Levy, Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörterbuch, vol. 7, p. 134. 44 See Matériaux, p. 141. For ‘gardacors’ see Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 91. 45 For ‘gonela’, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 94, and for the masculine form ‘guonel’, see Meyer and Guigue, “Fragments du grand livre d’un drapier,” p. 441. 46 See Matériaux, p. 127. binding accounts 113

,’probably for ‘garnacha or garanachia ,גרנייה ,(522 ,493 ,474 ,472 ,471 “a long-sleeved robe open on the sides”47 (n° 31, 113, 117, 399, 419, 452), ,tabart’, “tabard”, probably a short sleeveless jacket (n° 7, 92‘ ,טברט 106, 130, 187, 226, 247, 324, 330, 333, 381, 391, 414, 429, 442, 474, 479, אפובל/אפובלל ,(jaqueta’, “jacket” (n° 30‘ ,יאקטה ,(555 ,554 ,506 ,496 ‘afublalh’, “attachment of a mantel”: it is not a clasp but rather a band °band of dyed fabric”, n“ ,אפובלל דטנט :or girdle made of cloth (n° 153 .(”green band“ ,אפובלל ירוק :266

The various pieces of clothing are described according to their colours or fabric. Very often the name of a colour is equivalent to the name of the גרד־) textile. Lighter cloths worn under outer garments, such as overcoats are very frequently made of green ,(סרבל) or cloaks (גונלה) tunics ,(קוש ’ver‘ ,וייר It is possible that Provençal .(ירוק fabric (described in Hebrew as -vera’ (e.g. n° 26, 31, 323, 455, 549) cor‘ ,ויירה e.g. 225, 260, 559), feminine) responds to Hebrew and designates green colour. It is however possible that in some cases it should be read as ‘vair’ (in this case, the name of a textile meaning “changing, variegated” rather than “squirrel fur”). Indeed, vair (Provençal) adom‘ ,וייר אדום in n° 31, a ‘gonela’ tunic is made of ,בלב Hebrew)’, “red vair”. ‘Gardeqos’ is often blue (always in Provençal) ‘blav’)—in over 30 cases (e.g. n° 253, 312, 557). Indeed, in the 14th century, due to the spread of woad dye (isatis tinctoria), light blue was very popular and relatively cheap, so that even modest individuals including ,(’brun‘ ,ברוא/בורוא) peasants could often afford it.48 Shirts can be brown ,Hebrew), in n° 24, 68, 230) אדום) in n° 2, 92, 214, 303, 326, 466, 523, red -Hebrew) in n° 40, 521 (prob) לבן) white ,(558 ,475 ,370 ,350 ,301 ,300 ,282 גונלה ably corresponding to ‘blanquet’, a type of woolen fabric),49 as in Hebrew) in n° 28, 372),50) שחור) gonela bla(n)ca’ in n° 154), black‘ ,בלקה Provençal) ‘clar’51 in n° 210). In n° 252, ‘gardeqos’ is) קְ לַ ר) light-coloured ,(?) ”which can be tentatively read as “orange coloured , אַ רַ י ַ י ט described as

47 I thank Juliette Sibon for this suggestion. See Matériaux, p. 140. 48 See Françoise Piponnier and Perrine Mane, Se vêtir au moyen âge (Paris: Biro, 1995), p. 25. 49 For blanquet of Béziers and Limoux, see Meyer, Le livre-journal, p. 8. 50 For the more expensive dark-coloured textiles and the fashion to wear black, see Piponnier and Mane, Se vêtir, 89–90. 51 ‘Vert clar’ of Limoux is mentioned in the accounts of Ugo Teralh, see Meyer, Le livre- journal, p. 9. 114 judith olszowy-schlanger

‘ara(n)jat’. Levy gives the form ‘aranjilat’ for “orange-coloured”,52 but pieces of textile ‘coloris de arenghat (arangat/aranjat)’, “candy orange coloured”, are mentioned in medieval sources from Avignon.53 Two most popular ארוגט pieces of clothing, ‘gardeqos’ and ‘gonela’ are sometimes described as (n° 13, 216, 242, 298, 373, 406): this term is unclear and may be related to ‘argaut’, a garment made of wool,54 unless it represents a different and less adequate spelling of ‘arangat’, “orange candy (coloured)”. ‘Gardeqos’ and ,lit. “divided ,מייטפרטידה .fem/מייטפרטיט gonela’ are often described as‘ halved” (‘gardeqos’: n° 231, 287, 332, 338, 394, 411, 414, 457, 527; ‘gonela’: 31, 73, 139, 185, 251, 415, 495, 513 (‘gonel’). This may designate a type of garment made of two different fabrics: such garments were fashionable in the ,פלץ from the root ,מפלצת 14th century. It is possible that the Hebrew term “to split”, is the equivalent of ‘mitpartit’ garment (n° 16, 19, 38, 75, 120, 126, 160, 169, 183, 193, 214, 336, 346, 397, 401, 412, 448, 561). Different garments ,Provençal) ‘escort’) in n° 219, 245, 254, 285) אשכרט/אשקרט) can be short ,Provençal) ‘de seyya’) in n° 11, 12, 224, 273) דשייה) made of silk ,489 ,435 Provençal) ‘de) דקמלי) of woolen cloth of mediocre quality ,551 ,520 ,287 cameli(n)’)55 in n° 358, once, in n° 159, it is mentioned as made of rough burel’), and sometimes as‘ ,דבורול/דבורל) woolen textile, probably baize ,Provençal), ‘de mesclat’)56 in n° 25, 36, 64) דמשקלט) made of mixed cloth 129, 147, 267, 275, 367, 391, 403, 459, 496, 516. ‘Mesclat’ corresponds probably to the ‘dras meslez’ of the North57 and designates apparently cloth of mixed colours.58 However, it may also designate cloths of heterogeneous -maybe a cor—שעטנש thread. In one case, n° 246, a tunic is described as -term for “cloth mixed of wool and linen”, for—שעטנז ruption of Hebrew ,’sergé‘ ,שרייה bidden by Lev. 19:19 and Deut. 22:11. Cloths can be made of “twill” (woolen textile woven in such a way that the weft thread is passed regularly over one, two or more warp threads, to obtain a decorative relief texture of diagonal parallel ribs) in n° 31, 98, 280, 340, 442. Linen cloth lana’) appears‘ ,לאנה) tela’). Plain wool‘ ,טלה) is used for a jacket in n° 30

52 ‘Aranjilat’ as a name for a type/colour of a textile appears in the account book of Ugo Teralh, see Meyer, Le livre journal, p. 10 and art. 66, 71, 154 and 160. 53 Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 13. 54 For ‘argaut’, see Matériaux, p. 120. 55 For camelin, see Meyer and Guigue, “Fragments du grand livre d’un drapier,” p. 431; for camelin of Carcassonne and Montolieu, see Meyer, Le livre-journal, art. 32, 117, 159 (Carcassonne) and 100, 153, 155 (Montolieu). 56 For mesclat of Toulouse or Carcassonne, see the account book of Ugo Teralh, ed. Meyer, Le livre-journal, p. 9. For the Latin form mesclatum, see Matériaux, p. 147. 57 See Du Cange, s.v. pannus mixtus. 58 See Pipponier and Mane, Se vêtir, p. 89. binding accounts 115 in n° 165, where the name of the object itself is not preserved, and in n° The name of a textile seems to be used .קשריל where it describes a ,175 sometimes to designate a piece of cloth made of this textile, for instance, fustani’, attested in n° 49 and 121, which can designate both‘ ,פושטני “fustian” (cotton cloth) and a short sleevless waistcoat (Lat. fustanium).59 Hebrew), “robe”, in) גלמה More precious textiles are also attested: a camelot’, which is probably wool with an‘ ,קמלוט n° 351 is made of black ,’escarlat(d)a‘ ,אשכרלטדה admixture of goat hair,60 or a shirt of bright-red “scarlet”, in n° 360, which usually designates cloth dyed in red with expensive kermes dye of Oriental origin. Indeed, the shirt in n° 360 is worth a relatively large sum of 39 tournois. Less expensive red dyes were also available locally, such as dyer’s madder (rubia tinctorum). Some garments brontada’, such as a tunic in‘ ,ברונטדה ,”are described as “embroidered n° 524. In some cases, the geographic origin of the textile is mentioned: de Mâlines”,61 appears in n° 205“ ,דמלינש the expensive northern cloth d’Avignon”, in n° 220. Coats and outer covers or capes were“ ,דאביניוא or is described in 7 cases as made of מנטוא :usually made of heavier textiles n° 28, 422, 456, 471, 472, 474 and 522, and a cape or mantle ,(בורל) baize in n° 207. The popular dark-coulored (דפלטרי) is described as made of felt buruneta’)63 was used for light undercloths‘ ,בורונטה/בורונט) brunette62 .(מנטוא :n° 22, 370, 414, 436, 496), but also for a coat or mantle (n° 463) Despite its name, ‘bruneta’ was not necessarily brown: in n° 22, a cloak is .(’rosa‘ ,רושה) made of a red brunette

• units of measure of textiles are also found among the pawned objects: -probably Hebrew, but it could also corre) קנה וחצי n° 199 mentions spond to Provençal ‘cana/canna’, a cloth measure corresponding to c. 1,80 m),64 “a measure and a half ” of a textile whose name is not a measure of lit. ‘brown’—i.e. brown“ ,קנה דבורוא—preserved, n° 292 .”a measure of linen cloth“ ,קנה דטלה—fabric”, n° 518 orah (Hebrew) desqurol‘‘ ,עורה דְשְ קורול :animal skins or fur garments • orah me‘ ,עורה מאירמיניש de esquirol)’, “squirrel fur”, in n° 6, and)

59 See Matériaux, p. 140. 60 See Meyer and Guige, “Fragments du grand livre,ˮ p. 446. 61 See Ch. Barnel and H. Bresc, “La maison et la vie domestique: l’apport des inven- taires,” in Matériaux, p. 41. 62 See Meyer and Guige, “Fragments du grand livre,ˮ p. 436. 63 For ‘bruneta’ as a “kind of fabric”, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 30. 64 See Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 34. 116 judith olszowy-schlanger

(Hebrew) ermines’ (eirmineis (erminas ?), “ermine fur”, in n° 452. In Hebrew), “skin”, but without) עורה n° 100, 182, 216, 272 and 380 we find a further description.

Since each entry of our account book opens with a borrowed sum of money on the surety of the specified pawns, it will be interesting to study the value of the deposited objects. However, such a study cannot be based on the account book alone: indeed, the loans were much lower than the actual market value of the pawned objects.65

3. Unlike the majority of the known registers of Jewish moneylenders which prefer non-Jewish dating system, here the mention of the date follows in principle Jewish calendar. It contains the day of the month, day of the week and, in 14 entries,—the year. The month is designated by its Hebrew name, except for two entries where the name in Provençal was (’dedembre’ (for ‘decembré‘ ,כב' דדֵ מבְרִ י :added to the Hebrew one: n° 474 januvier’ “2 January”. The day‘ ,ב' יאנובייר :of December” and n° 497 22“ of the week is also mentioned in Hebrew, by consecutive letters of the .יום א' day”, beginning by Sunday as“ ,יום Hebrew alphabet introduced by Of course, no transactions are carried out on Saturday, but all other days of the week are attested. The year is given according to the era of Cre- ,year”, and always in abbreviated form“ ,שנה for שנ' ation, introduced by ,שנ' פה' :n° 215 ,שנ' פה' :n° 155 ,שנ' פד' :without the thousands66 (n° 27 precedes) שנ' פה' :n° 256 ,שנ' פה' :n° 255 ,שנ' פה' :254 ,שנ' פה' :n° 216 שנ' פה' :n° 317 ,שנ' פה' :n° 287 ,שנ' פה' :n° 286 ,שנ' פה' :the item), n° 285 precedes the item), 435 and 436. In) שנ' פט' :precedes the item), n° 400) three cases, the year is written at the head of the page. (fol. 18v, 23r, 28r). When recalculated, some dates do not match the day-of-the month and day-of-the week in the year 1325. The differences are small, of one day only. There is as well a problem of the aforementioned dates in the year [50]85 listed in the text both before and after the entries concerning the month of Tishri. It is difficult to explain these mentions, but it seems that they are not a writing error: the days and months match. It is possible that this part of the account book was used to register outstanding debts (unpaid on time?) from the previous months.

65 From the examples from 14th century Latin sources from Marseille quoted by Juliette Sibon, we gather that the actual value of the pawn might have been some 40% higher than the loan secured on it, see Sibon, Les Juifs de Marseille, p. 56. .corresponds to the year 5085 AM corresponding to 1324/1325 AD ,85 ,פ'ה Thus 66 binding accounts 117

There is no indication in the text whether the date specified for the loan is the date when the loan was contracted or on the contrary the stipulated date of repayment. The regularity of the entries suggests that it is the date of the loan. The account book of Ugo Teralh also contains the date when the credit (usually in the form of measures of textiles) was made, written at the end of the entries. Unlike our account book, however, Ugo Teralh mentions as well the date of repayment, introduced by ‘pagar a’, “to pay at . . .”. In our accounts, only n° 474 contains information which can be interpreted as a term of repayment: after the mention of the starting date (22 December), the entry adds: “time until Easter”. The lack of the systematic mention of the reimbursement date is a common feature of account books of Jewish money lenders, including the book of the Vesoul partnership as well as most Italian account books known to us. One may argue that the loans were given for a fixed, regular period, probably for a short term not exceeding one year. But it is difficult to imagine that the reim- bursements were not agreed upon individually, and that such an important information was committed to memory alone. This vital information must have been registered elsewhere. The rich Latin documentation for the period reveals that the loans were registered with local notaries, and were often accompanied by written contracts. The agreements before notaries did stipulate the date of repayment as well as the security for the loan.67 It is likely that the account book found in Krakow was privately held by the Jewish creditor in parallel with the records of the transactions which were carried out in front of the Christian tabellions.

4. Name of the borrower. The borrowers include both men and women, and are most frequently designated by their first name followed either by their family name, or the toponym, or the name of their profession. Very מאישטרי rarely, the name is preceded by a honorific expression, such as מאיש־ maistre (maestre)’, “Master Joan the tailor”, in n° 461, or‘ ,יואן חייט maistre’, “Master Bonafus”, in n° 447. In a few cases, we‘ ,טרי בונאפוש find the honorific Provençal prefix n- (from en-) and feminine form na- in נאמרייא ,Na-Duranta’, in n° 162‘ ,נַאַ דּורנְתַ ה .front of a proper name, e.g ,Na-Maria Espaniola’, “Mistress Mary the Spaniard”, in n° 496‘ ,אשפניולה Na-Lo(m)barda’, “Mistress Lo(m)bart”, in n° 518 (mentioned‘ ,נַאַ לוֺבַרְדַ ה or immediately after Pere Lombard in n° 517). The study of the proper names reveals unsurprisingly that a large majority of the borrowers were Christian. In 18 cases, their names are not

67 See Sibon, Les Juifs de Marseille, p. 60. 118 judith olszowy-schlanger

,(גוי דואַ לֵשַ ה) a Gentile” (n° 2, 8, 40“ ,גוי mentioned; they are designated as -a Gen“ ,גוייה or (466 ,(ג]ו[י קורטדא) 463 ,457 ,407 ,397 ,381 ,356 ,303 ,284 tile woman” (n° 104, 209, 229, 401, 465, 563). However, in no less than 22 cases—just about 4% of the transactions—the borrower was undoubtedly :Joseph Kohen), n° 32, 103, 347, 361, 373) יוסף כהן :a Jew: n° 15, 31, 357, 524 ,(Moses Robert) משה רוברט :Moses of Lyon), n° 43, 351) משה דלאכדנה מאיר דמנואשכה :Isaac of Lyon), n° 69, 270, 316, 416) יצחק דלאכדנה :n° 56 נאבל ]ד[ :Esther Roberta), 158) אסתר רוברטה :Meir of Manosque), 157) :Esther), 271) אסתר :Na-Belle of Moses of Bédarrides), 167) משה דבדרידה Astruq) אשטרוק כהן :Meir Natalina, weaver), 312) מאיר נטלינה טיישריש Kohen). There are as well some cases where the name could indicate both who appears several ,דלבב a Jewish and a Christian individual. Salves times in the accounts, bears a vernacular name which is, however, usually attested as born by Jewish individuals.68 Four of these Jewish individuals borrowed more than once: Joseph Kohen four times, Moses de Lyon five times, Meir de Manosque three times, and Moses Robert twice (n° 43, 351). This is interesting insofar as Jewish law forbids lending money on interest to fellow Jews.69 Nevertheless, various sources attest to the Jewish loans to fellow Jews. Les Libri debitorum of Puigcerdà, analysed by Claude Denjean, for instance, contain records of loans by Jews to Christians, but also by Jews to Jews and by Christians to Jews.70 Of course, the interest as such is not explicitly mentioned in our account book, but nothing indicates that these individuals were treated differently from the other borrowers. Claude Denjean, in her study of the credit practices in Cerdagne and Roussillon has suggested that there was a clearly perceived difference between ‘legal interest’ and ‘usury’.71 Indeed, interest was acceptable within the rate limits fixed by the authorities. Lending money on the authorized interest rate (e.g. up to 20% per annum in Provence) was not treated as usurious. It is possible that the Jews just like the Christians perceived the interest on a limited ‘legal’ rate as non-usurious.

68 See Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 198. 69 Forbidden in the Bible (Exod. 22:24; Lev. 25:35–37; Deut. 23:20–21; Ezek. 18:11–13), usury was further prohibited in post-biblical times (see e.g. BT Bava Metzia 61b). Several devices were used to circumvent this prohibition, but none applies here. 70 Denjean, Juifs et Chrétiens, 29. 71 Claude Denjean, “Crédit et notariat en Cerdagne et Roussillon du XIIIe au XVe siècle,ˮ in Notaires et crédit. Le crédit en Méditerranée occidentale aux derniers siècles du Moyen Age, Ecole Française de Rome—Ecole Normale Supérieure, ed. François Menan and Odile Redon, (Rome: Ecole Française, 2005), 190. binding accounts 119

of Les“) דלבב Some names appear several times in the ledger. Salves Baux”, Prov. ‘Lo Baus’ in Bouche du Rhône? or Digne-les-Bains?)72 is mentioned no less than 25 times, throughout the records (n° 6, 22, 46, 94, 223, 231, 243, 247, 283, 332, 333, 348, 353, 358, 359, 360, 362, 368, 370, 377, 519, 520, 526, 532, 534). Many others borrowed at least twice (e.g. Ugon Jodef in n° 86, 160, 169; Joanna of Vienne in n° 338, 405, 406 or Joanna de Lyon in n° 18, 434, and many others). Without claiming the existence of a business monopoly relationship akin to the ma‘arufiya attested in medieval sources,73 our money lender clearly managed to have a faithful clientele. Borrowers turned to him several times during the years covered by the account book (e.g. Salves or Joanna of Lyon who borrowed in 1324 and also in 1329). Several individuals are designated by their profession. It is not surprising that they were often involved in various aspects of textile or garments pro- ,(טיישייר ,טיישריש , טיישיירי :various spellings are attested) טיישרי .duction ‘teisier’, “weaver”, follows the name of the borrowers in n° 30, 39, 111, 113, ’pelhier‘ ,פלייר ,(all six concerning Joan de Bédarrides, the weaver) 127 ,115 ,cloth merchant or tailor”,74 in n° 14, 17, 23, 25, 26, 58, 73“ ,(פליירה .fem) 139, 156, 175, 185, 187, 218, 282, 294, 301, 323, 331, 343, 354, 366, 367, 372, °tailor”,75 in n“ ,(פיישוניירה .peysonier’ (fem‘ ,פיישונייר ,(566 ,531 ,514 ,374 41, 98, 117, 122, 124, 125, 130, 144, 152, 161, 191, 201, 202, 213, 299, 306, and ,tailor” in n° 109, 116, 226, 242, 269, 275, 281, 287, 319“ ,חייט ,in Hebrew ;juaupiera ( jupiera) ?’, “overcoats maker” in n° 438‘ ,יואופיירה ;392 ,389 .sabatier’, “cobbler”, in n° 85, 87, 88, 184, 200, 529, 553‘ ,שבטיירה/שבטייר obraira’ (feminine form‘ ,אובריירה There are also modest workers such as ,לאבנדיירה ;obraire’), “worker, craftsmen”, in n° 227, 228, 246‘ אובריר of ,”gipier’, “plasterer, mason‘ ,ייפייר ;lavandiera’, “washer-woman”, in n° 420‘ attested in n° 159, whose unvocalised Hebrew ,קבשייר :in n° 472; craftsmen transliteration may hide a ‘cabasier’, “basket (‘cabas’) maker”, or a ‘cabesier’, ”forbieri’ (?), “sword-cutler‘ ,פורביירי ;”bolster or pillow (‘cabesa’) maker“ /veirier‘ ,ויירייר ;pargaminier’, “parchment maker” in n° 322‘ ,פרגַמִ ינְייֵר ;(?)

72 This reading and identification is highly uncertain. It is however the case that the ,for Andrieu אנדרייב u/ of a diphtongue is, in our text, rendered by a beth, for instance/ “Andrew”, in n° 17, 26, 430 and 566. 73 See Shlomo Eidelberg, “Ma‘arufia in Rabbenu Gershom’s Responsa.” Historia Judaica 15 (1953): 59–66; Simon Schwartzfuchs, Les Juifs de France (Paris: Albin Michel, 1975), p. 45; Shatzmiller, Shylock revu et corrigé, 137–142. 74 Levy, Dictionnaire, s.v. Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, translates ‘pelhier’ as “hides merchant”. 75 The word could be as well read as ‘peissonier’, “fishmonger”, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue Provençale, vol. 3, 128. 120 judith olszowy-schlanger verier’, “glass (or stain-glass)76 maker/seller”77 in n° 439, 541. Some names ,”Hebrew), “butcher) טבח include small craftsmen/merchants such as pestre’/ fem. ‘pestoresa’ “baker”, in‘ ,פשטורשה/פשטרי ;in n° 311, 427, 491 pastesier (pastisier)’, “pastry-maker”, in‘ ,פשטשייר ;n° 230 (fem.), 259, 260 ,(pâtissier, n° 409 ,פאטישייר n° 267, 478 (once in a French sounding form ,’(feirier (ferrier‘ ,פְיירְ ייֵר ;tavernier’, “tavern-keeper”, in n° 13, 251‘ ,טַ וְרְ נְייֵר “ironmonger”, in n° 375, 559. There are as well agricultural professions ,fagier=fachier’, “metayer, small farmer”,78 in n° 102, 140‘ ,פאגייר such as in) עטר To the names of profession belongs probably the word .148 ,142 n° 286, 459, 548) which is an Arabic term to designate “parfumer”. ‘Aṭṭar is a frequent Jewish profession in the East, as attested by the documents from the Cairo Genizah.79 Many are defined by their place of origin or dwelling. These place- names can refer to regions, or more frequently to towns and villages. In דבור־) the first category we may mention Jean the tailor of Bourgogne in n° 403, 414, 496, or (אשפניולה) in n° 281, Maria the Spaniard (גונייה in n° 24, or Thomas le engles, “Thomas (דאְ קלַטֵרַ ה) (?) Avnes of England in n° 528. In the second category, the names of (לאגלש) ”the English towns and villages indicate the large spread of the business activities of our money lender (see below). Unfortunately, in some cases it was impossible to identify the place or to read correctly its Hebrew transliteration. , אַ לֵ ש The identified places, in alphabetical order are as follows: Alès (80 ,(n° 111, 113, 115, 127, 158, 238, 429 ,בדרידה n° 1, 538), Bédarrides (81 Castel—probably ,(492 ,(באלאביילה) n° 476 ,בלאביילה) Belleville ,n° 488 ,קורטדוא n° 236), Courthézon (82 ,קשטל) (?) Châteauneuf-du-pape

76 On ‘veyrerius’ as stain-glass master, see Joёlle Guidini-Raybaud, Pictor et veyrerius. Le vitrail en Provence occidentale. XIIe–XVIIe siècle (Paris: Presses de l’université de Paris- Sorbonne, 2003). 77 See Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, 173. 78 See Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, 82. 79 See Shlomo D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society. The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents from the Cairo Geniza, 5 vols, (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1967–1993), vol. 2, 261–272. the latter close to ,אליש or אליץ Gross in the Gallia Judaica quotes the spelling 80 the vocalised form in our manuscript, see Heinrich Gross, Gallia Judaica. Dictionnaire géographique de la France d’après les sources rabbiniques (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1897; reprint Amsterdam, 1969, with a supplement by S. Schwartzfuchs), 59. 81 See Gross, Gallia Judaica, 105. 82 The Hebrew spelling seems to reflect the Latin form for Curthedon, see Gross, Gallia Judaica, 573–574. binding accounts 121

n° 549), Lunel ]א[שְטְרְ י and maybe also n° 463 and 550),83 Istres (?) (84 לטור n° 84, 189; in n° 379 there is ,לטור) n° 452, 468), Le Thor ,לונל 85) לאכדנה or (542 ,521 ,434 ,418 ,180 ,(ליואן) n° 4, 18 ,לִ יוא Lyon (86 ,(דלפי (derived from the Latin form Lugdunum) n° 32, 56, 57, 103, 347, 361, ,n° 69, 137, 138, 240, 270 ,מנואשקה 87 /מנואשכה) Manosque ,(558 ,373 -n° 28, 269, 473, 515, 516, 527), Montéli ,מונפיילייר Montpellier (88 ,(316 °n , פַ רֵ ַ נ ש) (?) n° 35), Pernes ,אברגהn° 328), Orange (89 ,מוֺנטְ ל אַדְ מר) mar °n° 313), Pont-de-Sorgue (n ,פוֺשְ קייֵרֵ ש Posquières (today Vauvert) (90 ,(136 n° 317),91 Saint-Alban (maybe Saint-Alban-du-Rhône ,פּויוֺיי) (?) Puy ,(336 °n ,טורנש) (?) n° 21), Tavernes (?) or Tournus , שַ לְ טַ לְ בַ ה) (?or Saint-Auban ,n° 338, 394, 405, 406, 424 ,וְיֵינַ ה) Valence, n° 40), Vienne) ואַ לֵשַ ה ,(481 .(Vaison,92 n° 513, 533 and 535) ויידוא\וְ דוא ,(480

incomplete in n° 550) seems to be an abbreviation, see) קורדוא ,The form in n° 463 83 Gross, Gallia Judaica, p. 574. 84 See Gross, Gallia Judaica, 55. 85 See Gross, Gallia Judaica, 277–290. 86 See Gross, Gallia Judaica, 306–307. 87 See Gross, Gallia Judaica, 361–362. The Hebrew spelling with aleph indicates a Provençal form of the name: Manoasca, see Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, 196. 88 For different spellings, see Gross, Gallia Judaica, 322–323. .see pp ,אברנגה or אברינגא ,אברינגא Gross in the Gallia Judaica quotes the spelling 89 without yod attested here is consistent with the well attested אברגה The spelling .19–18 omission of nun in the –an, –en, etc, in our text. 90 See Gross, Gallia Judaica, 446–450. 91 The reading of the Hebrew transliteration as ‘Puy’ is possible. It is however unclear what locality is intended. Pansier, Histoire de la langue provençale, vol. 3, p. 198 identifies ‘Puei’ mentioned in the documents from Avignon, for the 15th century, with Puy-en-Velay, in Auvergne (there was a Jewish community there in the 14th century, see Danièle Iancu- Agou, “Les juifs de Puy-en-Velay au Moyen Age,” in La cathédrale du Puy-en-Velay, ed. Xavier Barrat y Alter, (Milan and Paris: Éditions du Patrimoine, 2000), 118–119 and Moïse Schwab, “Le meurtre de l’enfant de choeur du Puy.” REJ 33 (1896): 277–282). ‘Lo Puay’ (Podium) appears also in the accounts of Ugo Teralh (Meyer, Le livre journal, art. 106, 130). P. Meyer does not propose any identification, but does not exclude the possibility that ‘Puay’ is identical with ‘Puey della Roca’ in art. 147. There are several small localities in the Bouche-du-Rhône region, which contain the element ‘Puy’ in their name, such as Puyloubier or Puyricard, see Danièle Iancu-Agou, Provincia Iudaica. Dictionnaire de géog- raphie historique des juifs en Provence médiévale (Paris and Louvain: Peeters, 2010), p. 110, but their names are normally not abbreviated as Puy. 92 The identification is hypothetical. It is however the case that Hebrew daleth is used .for Courthézon, in n° 488 קורטדוא in our account book to render the sound [z], as in 122 judith olszowy-schlanger

Interest Rate

It is very difficult to figure out what was the interest rate of the loans. In no case we find the final amount reimbursed by the debtor. The date mentioned in the entry is most probably the date of the loan, but there are no mentions of the stipulated date of reimbursement. In two entries (n° 307 and n° 429) however a short note may give us a glimpse into the amount of the interest. In n° 307, the loan of 5 turnes of silver, was of 3 halves (or shares) in a week for 4“ ,(רבית for) רביש ,lent on interest -shares, halves” desig“ ,פלגויות If .(ג' פלגויות לשבועה ד' חדשים) ”months nate half-deniers, the interest rate of 1 ½ deniers in a week for 4 months would bring an interest of 25 d., corresponding to 41,6% of the authorized ‘moderate’ interest rate of 25% imposed in Provence since the 13th century (which could be even lower in some places).93 The interest rate in n° ,amounts to 1 florin per month (רבית for ,רביש and פרי called both) 429 for the initial loan of 4 golden florins. If the loan lasts one month only, as mentioned in the document, the interest rate corresponds to the standard 25% of the loan, but it would be an enormous 274% if calculated on an annual basis!

The Scope of the Lending Activities

In order to understand the scope of the lending activities of our money lender as well as their financial impact, I have studied in more detail the transactions for the month of Tevet of the year 1329. The records for this month are almost complete: they begin on 2 Tevet and take up four folios and a half of the long format. A total of 47 transactions were carried out in that month. The total sum lent in this month was relatively modest: 42 gold florins and 358 sous.

Some Information about the Money Lender and His Places of Activity

The text does not reveal the identity of the money lender. In one case, n° 194, he mentions his brother as an intermediary in a transaction: the by my brother’s mediation”. In n° 432, he“ ,ביד אחי sum was received .יְרושַ ה אישתי נבונאפי ,”mentions “the inheritance of my wife, Na-Bonafey

93 See Shatzmiller, Shylock revue et corrigé, p. 78. binding accounts 123

But this is of course insufficient to reconstruct the identity of the money lender. The toponyms mentioned as the origin or gentilics of the borrowers are the only way to locate an approximate region of the money lender’s activities. The Provençal terms in Hebrew characters indicate rather the Northern part of the Provençal zone. The handwriting of the register does not contain the obvious features of the Sephardi type of script as the ones used further South, notably in Catalonia. While it is difficult to be precise at this stage, interesting observations and hypotheses can be formulated concerning the geographical zone covered by the toponyms of the borrowers. The first observation to make is that the identifiable names of the localities are remote from each other: Lyon in the North to Montpellier in the South. It is difficult to imagine how the banking activities of a pawn broker could be carried out in places so distant from each other. The studies on Jewish credit in Provence suggest that the range of activities of money lenders was rather limited to their dwelling town and neighbouring villages. More rarely had they some interests in more remote places situated on principal commercial routes. For example, Danièle Iancu-Agou shows that Jewish money lender from Montpellier operated in a range of some 30 km around the town.94 As for Marseille, the recent study by Juliette Sibon shows that Jewish creditors were active in the town itself and in the castra in a similar range of 30 km, but that they were also spreading the net of their activities to the eastern part of Provence and along the commercial route of the Durance valley (from Cavaillon to Sisteron), along the ancient via aureliana (Salon, Aix-en-Provence and Trets) and along the coast (Toulon, Hyères), up to the Maures and Esterel regions. Thus Marseille Jews controlled the South- East of the Provence.95 Their influence did not go further West than Salon- de-Provence, where they met with competition of Jewish money lenders from other centres, such as Avignon, Aix, Arles and Montpellier.96 Our pawn broker clearly belonged to a group which controlled a very different territory than the Marseille money lenders. Indeed, the clients came from the places West and North of the territory of the Marseille money lenders. The Southern-most places mentioned in our account book are in the

94 Danièle Iancu-Agou, “Les Juifs à Montpellier à la fin du XIVe siècle,ˮ in L’expulsion des Juifs de France. 1394, ed. Gilbert Dahan, (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2004), 51–67. 95 Sibon, Les Juifs de Marseille, p. 47. 96 See Monique Wernham, La communauté juive de Salon-de-Provence d’après les actes notariés, 1391–1435 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1987), 127–129; Sibon, Les Juifs de Marseille, p. 47. 124 judith olszowy-schlanger

Languedoc region, to the West of the Rhone. These are Montpellier, Lunel and Alès. Then, to the North, there are places situated on the river Rhone, several in the vicinity of Avignon. The identified name places from South to North are Le Thor, Posquières (today Vauvert), Sorgues (?), Bédarrides, Châteauneuf (?), Pernes, Courthézon, Orange, Vaison (?), Montélimar, Valence, Saint-Alban (unless Saint-Alban in our document concerns the homonymous place in the Alpes region), Vienne and Lyon. Many of these places are situated in the Comtat Venaissin (Le Thor, Posquières (Vauvert), Sorgues (?), Bédarrides, Châteauneuf (?), Pernes, Courthézon, Vaison (?), Orange). The other places are in the Drôme region, and are situated on the Rhône—an ancient commercial traffic route, which still had some importance in the 14th century. The exception is Manosque, mentioned several times in the account book, which is situated to the East. Was our pawn broker a specialist itinerant money lender or a travel- ling merchant on the Rhône, with, in addition to his main commercial activity, some banking interests in various towns on the way? It has been indeed claimed that the Jews, and more specifically those of Arles and St. Giles, controlled the greater part of the commercial traffic on the Rhône.97 However, had our pawn broker been an itinerant businessman, we would expect that the names of neighbouring towns appear by coherent groupings in the accounts. Sometimes indeed, the same place is mentioned several times in a close chronological vicinity, for example Valence appears in n° 220–221 from 12 Elul than again in n° 234 and 237 from 19 Elul and in n° 268, but all four entries concern the same individual (Jean de Valence), and there are mentions of other place names far from Valence in between. It is not possible to claim that the place names are mentioned in any order of a commercial route. Was our money lender located in an important urban centre where he met his clients coming from different places to this town for a special occasion, such as a fair? In this case, unlike in our account book, the dates of the loans would be probably clustered around specific periods of the year. The third possibility is that he was established in a thriving centre, which attracted both local clientele from neighbouring towns and villages, and tradesmen from more distant places along the same commercial route. As well, it cannot be excluded that our money lender might have worked with agents located in different

97 Robert Michel, L’administration royale dans la sénéchaussée de Beaucaire au temps de saint Louis (Paris: Picard, 1910), p. 316; Gérard Nahon, “Condition fiscale et économique des Juifs,ˮ in Juifs et judaïsme de Languedoc, XIIIe siècle-début XIVe siècle, ed. Marie-Hum- bert Vicaire and Bernhard Blumenkranz, (Cahiers de Fanjeaux 12), (Paris: É. Privat, 1977), 51–84, here p. 71. binding accounts 125 towns on the commercial route (we saw that he worked with at least one partner—his brother). If the third hypothesis is correct, the number of places in the Comtat Venaissin and the main centres on the Rhone, as well as the types of currency used may indicate that our account book was written in Avignon or its close vicinity. The location of our money lender in Avignon itself may be paradoxi- cally argued from the absence of Avignon among the places of origin of the borrowers, while most of them come from surrounding towns. The concerns the type of fabrics (אוינְ יוא) only attested mention of Avignon produced there (n° 344 and 541). At the same time, a large proportion of the names of the borrowers are not accompanied by their place of origin. These borrowers are referred to by their first name, sometimes followed by their profession, or just by their profession. These must be clients from the money lender’s dwelling place whom he knew well in person. It stands to reason that their dwelling place is not mentioned, because they are neighbours living locally. In this case, the account book was written in a place which is not explicitly mentioned in the book. As a thriving economic centre, a university town and a place which had a Jewish community, Avignon, rather than any other town of the Comtat Venaissin, is a likely candidate. An additional strong argument in favour of Avignon as the origin of our account book is the fact that in the period under consideration, 1324–1329, Avignon was one of the few centres in the Comtat Venaissin where the Jews could carry on their activities in relative peace. The much discussed correspondence of the pope John XXII analysed by Solomon Grayzel suggests indeed that between 1321 and 1323 several Jewish communities of the papal dominion in the Comtat Venaissin were expelled. A letter dated 20 February 1321 announces the establishment of a chapel in a place where there used to be a synagogue in Bédarrides after “the filth of the Jews was eliminated”, a letter of 27 May 1323 talks about the expulsion of the Jews of Châteauneuf, and one of 27 May 1323—of Carpentras.98 It seems however that this wave of expulsions from various towns of the Comtat Venaissin did not affect Avignon itself. Although the

98 See Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century, vol. 2, 1254–1314, edited and arranged, with additional notes by Kenneth R. Stow, (New York and Detroit: Jewish Theological Seminary of America and Wayne State University Press, 1989), Appen- dix, 301–340, [[based on S. Grayzel, “References to the Jews in the Correspondence of John XXII.” HUCA 23/2 (1950–1951): 37–80.]]: n° XIX, n° XXIV B and n° XXV. For the discussion on this expulsion and its possible reasons, see also Valérie Theis, “Jean XXII et l’expulsion des Juifs du Comtat Venaissin.” Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 67e année (2012/1): 41–77. 126 judith olszowy-schlanger town was the pope’s place of residence since 1309, it did not yet belong to the papacy until 1348.99 It was a property of King Robert of Naples, and as such was apparently not the scene of the expulsion of the Jews in the early 1320s. While the Jews were absent from the Comtat between 1323 and their readmission by Clement VI some twenty years later,100 there is evidence of 1327 (mentioned by I. Loeb) that they dwelled in Avignon.101 Given that the language and contents of the account book discovered in Krakow point to the Comtat Venaissin and its dates show regular money lending activity between 1324 and 1329—the time the Jews were expelled from most places of importance in the Comtat—it is likely that its author was active in Avignon.

Edition

Year 1324 1r 1 יד' פשו' על סדין יז' סיון יום ב' יואנה דאלש 2 ב' דינ' על גרדקוש בורוא יז' סיון יום ב' גויי 3 מה' דינ' על טשה דכסף יז' סיון יום ב' יואנה דקוגַ ן 4 כ' דינ' על גרדקוש דמשקלט יז' סיון יום ב' פיירוב דליוא 5 כד' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ירוק יז' סיון יום ב' | יואנה פורְ טַ ט}י{ש 6 כו' טורנש כסף עים א]ו על[ גרדקוש ירוק ועורה דְשְ קורוֺל | יז' סיון יום ב' שלוש דלבב 7 ח' טורנש כסף עים או על טברט דמשקלט יח' סיון יום ג' | גילם פורשלט 8 ד' טורנש כסף על גרדקוש וקפוי וייר יח' סיון יום ג' גוי 9 ב' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק יח' סיון יום ג' פֵ י פורְ]. . .[ירַ ש 10 ע' טורנש כסף עים או על גו]נלה[ דשייה שחורה יח' סיון יום ג' מריטה

1v 11 יא' דינ' על גרדקוש דשייה דְאִרְ לַנדַ ה יח' סיון יום ג' | שַ לְ וֺנַ ה 12 יד' דינ' וד' פשו' על גרדקוש דשייה ]. . .[ יח' סיון יום ג' שַ לְ בוֺנַ ה 13 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ארוגט יט' סיון יום ד' | טורנייר 14 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על ציץ כסף יט' סיון יום ד' פטיטה | פליירה 15 פ' טורנש כסף עים או גונלה ]וגרד[קוש וסרבל דמלינש | כ' סיון יום ה' יוסף כהן

99 Grayzel (K. R. Stow), The Church and the Jews, p. 323. 100 Theis, “Jean XXII et l’expulsion des Juifs”, p. 50. 101 Isidore Loeb, “Les Juifs de Carpentras sous le gouvernement pontifical.” REJ 12 (1886): 34–64; 161–235, here p. 49. The evidence for the 1320s and 1330s is scarce and uncertain, but in 1358 there were no less than 210 Jewish families (c. 1000 individuals) in Avignon, see Ibid., p. 34. binding accounts 127

16 ג' גילטש כסף על מפלצת כ' סיון יום ה' פי קושטה 17 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה ארוגט כא' סיון יום ו' | אנדרייב לפלייר 18 טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש גורויוק ומפה כג' | סיון יום א' יואנה דליואן

2r 19 ד' דינ' על מפלצת כד' סיון יום ב' יקט מַאַ שו]. . .[ 20 יח' ט]ורנ[ש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ]דמ[שקלט | כו' ס]יון י[ום ד' בַרְ גַמִ י 21 ב' דינ' על מנטוא בְ רוא כח' סיון יום ו' יאקט | דְשַ לְטַ לְבַ ה 22 כה' דינ' על סרבל דבורונט רושה כח' סיון יום ו' שלוש | דלבב 23 ב' דינ' על טשה וחגורה כסף וכיס כח' סיון יום ו' ]נא[פטיטה102 | פליירה 24 י' טורנש ]. . .[ עים או על גרדקוש אדום כח' סיון אבְ נֵ ש | דאְ קלַטֵרַ ה 25 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דמשקלט כח' סיון | יום ו' פטיטה פליירה 26 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה ויירה ב' תמוז יום א' | אנדרייב לפלייר

2v 27 שנ' פד' 28 ו' טורנש גרדקוש שחור ומנטוא דבורל ב' סיון יום א' דומנייה | דמונפיי־ לייר103 29 ו' דינ' על ]. . .[ קורודה 30 ו' דינ' ו]. . . פ[שו' על יאקטה דטלה קורודה ב' תמוז | יום א' יואן טְיישְרִ י 31 נב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וגונלה דוייר אדום | וגונלה מייטפר־ טידה וגונלה ויירה וגרנייה דשרייה שחורה | ג' תמוז יום ב' יוסף כהן 32 יד' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ירוק ג' תמוז יום ב' משה | דלאכדנה 33 יד' ו]. . .[ על אוֺלַ ה דְמְטַ ל ד' תמוז יום ג' יוא]נה[ דְ בְרְ גוֺנְייַה 34 גילט כסף על סדין יום ג' ד' תמוז יואנה דבורגונייה 35 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ירוק ה' תמוז יום ד' מוֺנַ ה | דאברגה

Year 1325 3r 36 ח' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ירוק | וגרדקוש משקלט ה' אדר יום ג' ּבַבדַ ה רַ יימוֺנַ ה 37 סו' טורנש כסף עים או על ג' טשש דכסף ה' אדר יום ג' דולשַ ה דמ{ש{איר דשאברדוא104 38 ב' גילטש על מפלצת ה' אדר יום ג' דורן מאי רופי

.is only partly legible, but see n° 25 פטיטה 102 103 This entry mentions the date at the beginning of the moth Sivan, which was dealt with on previous pages. The entries concerning Tamuz have already started on the previous page, fol. 2r. It is possible that this entry in Sivan was forgotten and inserted here as an afterthought. .Saverdun in the department of Arriège ,דשאברדוא 104 128 judith olszowy-schlanger

39 ב' דינ' וחצי על ה' קנים דטלה קורודה ה' | אדר יום ג' יואן טיישיירי 40 ב' טורנש על גרדקוש בלב לבן ה' אדר יום ג' גוי דואַ לֵשַ ה 41 ס' דינ' על סרבל וגונלה גרדקוש ירוק וסרבל וייר וגונלה אדומה ו' אדר יום ד' אבנש פיישוניירה

3v 42 כ' פשו' על ב' ולש ה' אדר יום ד' פיירונט 43 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש מייפרטי105 | ה' אדר יום ד' משה רוברט 44 ה' דינ' על גרד]ק[וש בלב ה' אדר יום ד' ]. . .[ 45 פרח זהב על גרדקוש ירוק ו' אדר יום | ד' באבדויוֺא דְ מוֺיַה 46 כד' טורנש כסף עים או על גלמה בלב | ו' אדר יום ד' שלוש דלבב 47 מאה וי' דינ' על ב' חגורות וטשה דכסף | ו' אדר יום ד' דולַ שה דמאיר דשורדוא106 | פרע ד' ליט' וחצי יט' אדר יום ג' 48 ח' פשו' על גונלה לבנה ז' אדר יום ה' | גילם גבטייר

4r 49 ח' פשו' על פושטני ט' אדר יום ]. . .[ 50 כ' ]. . .[ על סרבל ]. . .[ משקלט י' ]אדר[ | אַ יישלינַ ה 51 כ' פשו' על פַאַ גַ ה י' אדר יום ב' ]. . .[ 52 כד' טורנש כסף עים או על ס]. . .[ | איינש מרשיירה 53 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרני]ה . . .[ | יא' אדר יום ג' פריא טאיויור 54 ה' דינ' על ט]בר[ט דטנט יב א ]. . .[ | קטרינה 55 כ' פשו על סדין יד' אדר יום ]. . .[ 56 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על חגור]ה . . .[ | יצחק דלאכדנה

4v 57 ]. . .[ עים או על חגורה כסף טו' | ]. . .[ה דלאכדנה 58 ]. . .[ עים או על ג]ונ[לה בלב ]. . .[ | ]. . .[ורן לופלייר 59 ]. . .[ גרדקוש ירוק וגונלה בלב | ]. . .[ וגרדקוש דשרייה יט' | ]. . .[ון אדרייב כתב לוברט 60 ]. . .[ת וסדין יח' אדר יום ב' | ]. . .[ירה 61 ]. . .[ה דכסף כ' אדר יום ד' | ]. . .[ פרע פרח ב' תשרי יום ד' 62 ]. . .[ דטנט כ' אדר יום ד' | ]. . .[וייטוש

5r 63 ה' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב כא' אדר יום ה' | אוק מנעלי 64 ]. . .[ דינ' על גרדקוש דמשקלט ]. . .[ א' אדר | ]יו[ם ה' יואנה טוריירה 65 כ' פשו' על סדין כא' אדר יום ה' 66 יד' דינ' על ד' בראכנה כב' אדר יום ו' ברגיירה | דשרנייק

.מייטפרטיט is probably a misspelling for מייפרטי 105 .משאיר דשאברדוא :see n° 37 ,דמאיר דשורדוא 106 binding accounts 129

67 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על סרבל בלב כב' אדר | יום ו' גילם דְקַ ם בְרַ ייש107 68 יח' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש אדום | כב' אדר108 יום ו' ברטומייבה דפורטייגיירה 69 ב' דינ' וב' פשו' על סדין כב' אדר יום ו' | מאיר דמאנואשכה

5v 70 כ' פשו' על חגורה כג' אדר יום א' ביד שיפחה אדמארי 71 ג' דינ' וחצ]י ע[ל ב' סדינין וול כג' אדר | יום א' אַ לֵ ]. . .[ 72 ח' טורנש כסף עים או על סרבל וייר כד' אדר יום ב' | קְרְ שטְ ייַנַ ה דְ נְאְ ד?די 73 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה מייטפרטידה | כד' אדר יום ב' ברטרן לאפלייר 74 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דבורנטה | כה' אדר יום ג' יואן פלישיירי 75 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על מפלצת כו' אדר יום ד' | ראוש קַרְ לִ י 76 ה' דינ' על גונלה ויירה כו' אדר יום ד' שברטיירה

6r 77 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על מנטוא כאפול | כו' אדר יום ד' שנ' פה' טומש לוברט 78 ד' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דטנט | כז' אדר יום ה' רְ ייַרט 79 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על חגורה כז' אדר | יום ה' גיוטה דמאריטה 80 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על כט' אדר יום ו' | ג]י[לם דקמברייש על גרדקוש וגונלה בלב וסכין109 81 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על אפובל דטנט ואפובל | דאשטפורט ב' ניסן יום א' כטאלינה שבטיירה 82 ד' טורנש כסף ]. . .[ על חגורה ב' ניסן יום א' | ביד גיוטה דמריטה 83 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על חגורה דכסף ב' | ניסן יום א' פיירי אִ גְלְ ]י[ ש

6v 84 יט' פשו' על ה' קנים דטלה ג' ניסן יום ב' | יאקטה דלטור 85 כא' פשו' על גרדקוש בלב ג' ניסן יום ב' | שבטייר 86 ו' דינ' על גונלה מייפרטידַ ה ד' ניסן יום ג' | אוגוא יודֵ ף 87 ג' דינ' וד' פשו' על גרדקוש בלב ג' ניסן יום ב' | שבטייר 88 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש בלב ד' | ניסן יום ג' ]א[וגוא שבטייר 89 ד' דינ' על מפה ד' ניסן יום ג' ביד גיוטה דמארטה 90 כ' פשוט' על ב' ולש ד' ניסן ]יום[ ג' פ]י[נולַ ה 91 ב' דינ' על ב' סדינין ד' ]ני[סן יום ג' נַאַפִינולַ ה

.דקמברייש :see n° 80 דְקַ ם בְרַ ייש 107 .אדר Another word was written by mistake, erased and replaced by 108 109 He made a mistake in the order of the entry, forgetting to describe the pawn, and adding the description at the end, after the name of the borrower. 130 judith olszowy-schlanger

7r 92 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על טברט בלב וגרדקוש | בורוא ה' ניסן יום ה' שלויי]ר[י פיישונייר 93 ד' טורנש כ]סף[ עים או על ד' טשור ה' ניס]ן[ | יום ה' נ]א[טלינה 94 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על פַ יירול ה' ניסן יום ה' שלוש דלבב 95 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על חגורה ו' ניסן יום ו' מריטה 96 כ' פשו' על מפה ו' ניסן יום ו' מונה טורייה 97 ד' טורנש כסף עים או על מנטוא דמשקלט ו' ניסן יום | ו' בְאְטִ י קוֺרַ אַטְ ייֵר 98 ב' דינ' על גונלה דשרייה גורויוגה ו' ניסן יום ו' פְ יישוֺנְייֵרַ ה

7v 99 כ' פשו' על חלוק ומיכנסים ח' ניסן יום א' אוגה | מנעלי 100 ר' ]. . .[ על א עורה ח' ניסן יום א' לַ ]. . .[ קוֺדוֺנֵלַ ה 101 ב' ]טו[רנש כסף עים או על מנט]וא[ גורויוק | ]ט'[ ניסן יום ב' יואן לאגליש 102 דינ' על פאגה ט' ניסן יום ב' יואן פאגיירי 103 פרח זהב ויג' טורנש כסף עים או על | ציץ כסף ט' ניסן יום ב' משה דלאכדנה 104 ה' דינ' על ג' סדינין י' ניסן יום ג' גוייה 105 ט' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק וגונלה ויירה י' ניסן | יום ג' שַ בַאַטְ ייֵרַ ה

8r 106 ה' טורנש כסף עים או ע]ל[ טברט וייר יג' ניסן | יום ה' טבח לוברט 107 ה' דינ' ]על ס[רבל בלב וסכין יג' ניסן | יום ]. . .[ם דְקַ ם בַרַ ייש110 108 ד' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה דמשי | יד' ניסן יום ו' ריקוא מנעלי 109 יח' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקו ירוק יד' | ניסן יום ו' פרוט חייט 110 ב' ב' וֵ לש 111 ב' דינ' על ב' ולש יד' ניסן יום ו' יואן דבדרידה | טיישיירי 112 ה' דינ' על גונלה וייר יז' ניסן יום ב' יארארד]ה[ | שבאטיירה

8v 113 ]. . .[ פשו' על גרנייה ירוקה וסק יז' ניסן יום ב' | יואן דבדרידה טיישיירי 114 ב' טורנש ]כ[סף עים או על}]גרדקוש{ וייר יז' ]ניסן[ יום ב' | פוש שַרַ אַ לְ ייֵר 115 ד' דינ' מפה יט' ניסן יום ד' שנ' פה' יואן111 | דבדרידה טיישיירי 116 ]פ[רח זהב ויב' דינ' על סרבל ירוק כב' ניסן | יום א' פרוט חייט 117 כו' דינ' על סרבל וגרדקוש ירוק }פליר דכסף וגרנייה דמשקלט ו}ב{ראננה כב' ניסן | יום א' אבנש פיישוניירה 118 כד' טורנש כסף עים או על סרבל בלב כג' ניסן | ]י[ום ב' שנ' פה' איינש מרשיירה 119 ]. . .[ טורנש כסף עים או על סרבל וייר כד' ניסן יום ג' אִרַ בֵ ל

.looks like a samekh, but see n° 67 and 80 דְ קַ ם The final mem in 110 111 Written twice and corrected by the author. binding accounts 131

9r 120 ד' טורנש כסף עים או על מפלצת ופודד ויירה | כו' ניסן יום ד' רושטיין יוילייֵה כרטייר 121 ב' דינ' על פושטני כח' ניסן יום ה' פיירי לומברט 122 ב' דינ' על פורוטל וחגורה וול כח' ניסן יום ה' אבנש פיישוניירה 123 יב' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב כח' ניסן יום ה' גילם | לוי]. . .[ 124 ב' דינ' וחצי על מפה כט' ניסן יום ו' פיישונייר 125 טו' דינ' על סרבל וייר וגונלה ]א[דומה כ']ח[' ניסן | יום ו' אבנש פיישוניירה 126 מב' דינ' על סרבל ירוק וג' מפלצת כח' ניסן יום | ו' ביטיטש ש]. . .[נה

9v 127 ב' דינ' וחצי מפה וסק א אייר יום א' | יואן דבדרידה טיישיירי 128 ב' דינ' וחצי על סדין א' אייר רישן אלישיידר 129 יו' דינ' על גרדקוש דמשקלט ב' אייר יום ב' | שנ' פה' אירבל אישתו יואן לובשטישייר 130 ד' טורנש כסף על טברט משקלט ב' אייר יום ב' | שלויירי פיישונייר 131 ב' דינ' על מפה 132 ד' דינ' וחצי על מפה ב' אייר יום ב' יְאְ לי 133 כ' פשו' על מפה וטבעת כסף ב' אייר יום ב'| בורונישן מובניירה 134 י' דינ' על גונלה וייה ומנטוא וייר ב' אייר יום ]. . .[

10r 135 י' דינ' על גרדקוש דבלב ד' אייר יום ד' | אבנש מרשיירה 136 גילט כסף על חגורה ]וכי[ס דמשי ג' אייר | יואן דְ פַרֵ נַ ש 137 ב' פרחים זהב וי' דינ' על ב' ציץ כסף ד' | אייר יום ד' מאיר דמאנואשקה 138 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על טשה דכסף ו' | אייר יום ו' בואנואורה דמאיר דמנואשכה 139 טו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וגונלה מייטפרטי}ד'{ ו' אייר יום ו' ברטרן פלייר 140 דינ' על פַאַ גַ ה ח' אייר יום א' ברגייר יולייַה | פאגיירי

10v 141 טו' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק ט' אייר יום ב' יואנה | מונדריש 142 ב' דינ' וחצי על גונ]לה ל[בנה ט' אייר יום ב' | פיירי פאגייר 143 דינ' על מנטוא וייר דבורול יא' אייר יום ד' | דוֺמנט 144 ה' דינ' על סרבל וייר וגונלה יג' אייר יום ו' | איינש פיישוניירה 145 כ' פשו' על מפה יג' אייר יום ו' מ]ו[נה טורייר 146 ג' דינ' וחצי על מפה וסדין יג' אייר יום ו' אליש 147 ח' טורנש כסף על גרדקוש דמשקלט יו' אייר בבדה פשקור 148 גילט כסף על פאגה יו' אייר יום | ב' פיירי פאגיירי 132 judith olszowy-schlanger

11r 149 ו' דינ' על ב סדינין יו' אייר יום א' רישן 150 גילט כסף על אַ יישייַדַ ה יו' אייר יום א' | קטלינה 151 ה' דינ' על סרבל ]ויי[ר יו' אייר יום א' מַאַרִ ינה 152 יד' דינ' על גרדקוש דמשקלט יו' אייר ים ב' דולשַ נַ ה פיישוניירה 153 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על אפובלל דטנט יז' אייר יום ג' פיירונלה 154 יד' פשו' על גונלה בלקה יז' אייר יום ב' פירי]. . .[ 155 ד' דינ' על גרדקוש וייר יח' אייר יום ד' שנ' פה' | מויינה 156 ב' גילטש כסף על גונלטה בלב יח' אייר יום ד' | פלייר

11v 157 יג' טורנש כסף עים או על טשה דכסף יח' אייר | יום ד' אסתר רוברטה 158 ח' טורנש כסף עים או ע]ל גר[דקוש בלב יט' | אייר יום ה' נַאבֵלַ ]ה112 ד[משה דבדרידה 159 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דבורל יט' | אייר יום ה' מוניט קבשייר 160 כ' פשו' על מפלצת וסדין ]י[ט' אייר יום ה' אוגוא יוֺדֵ ף 161 כד' דינ' על סרבל וייר וגונלה אדומה כ' אייר יום ו' איינש פיישוניירה 162 ב' 113דינ' על טשה כ' אייר יום ו' נַאַדּורַ נְתַ ה 163 ד' טורנש כסף עים או על קפה ויירה כ' | אייר יום ו' ריימון ברמון

12r 164 ה' דינ' על מנטוא ]. . .[ | יום א' מִקֵ ל קבשיר 165 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על ]. . .[ | לאנה }וחלוק{ כא אייר יום א' ]. . .[ 166 ח' טורנש כסף עים או על וַ א]. . .[ | יום א' שַ לוש דְ בְדַ]ר[ידַ ה ד' פרא114 167 ד' פרחים על טשה דכס]ף . . .[ | כא' אייר יום א' אסתר ]. . .[ 168 טו' טורנש כסף עים או ע]ל . . .[ | אייר יום ב' אשטורוק דב]. . .[ 169 ה' פ' ה' דינ' על מפלצת וב' ]. . .[ | כב אייר יום ב' אוגוא יודף

12v 170 ]. . .[ות כסף כב' אייר יום ב' 171 ]. . .[ כב' אייר יום ב' מאריטה 172 ]. . .[ם או על גונלה ירוקה | ]. . .[נטולי שבט]י[יר 173 ]...כ[סף ]. . .[ כג' אייר יום ג' | ]. . .[יל 174 ]. . .[ גרנייה דמלינש ארוגדה | ]. . .[נייה 175 ]. . .[ או על קשריל דלאנה | ]. . .[ פלייר 176 ]. . .[ כב' אייר יום ג' מרגרידה 177 ]. . .[ על גרדקוש וייר כג' | ]אייר . . .[ דלקריש

112 See n° 238. .and erased it דינ' The author wrote 113 .פרע For 114 binding accounts 133

13r 178 דינ' על וְ ל יא' סיון יום ה' גיוטה 179 ב' דינ' וח' ]. . . ע[ל ב' ס}ד{ינין יא' סיון יום ה' יואן דקמ]. . .[ 180 ב' דינ' ו]. . .[ על ב' סדינין יג' סיון יום א' | מרגרי]ט[ה דליוא 181 ד' טורנש כסף עים או ]ע[ל גרדקוש דב]ר[ונט | יג' סיון רְ ייַרט דשלשיוייר יום א' 182 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על עורה יג' סיון יום א' | גלייר 183 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על ח' סדינין ומפלצ]ת[ | וגרדקוש וייר יד' סיון יום ב' שימון 184 ס' דינ' על גרדקוש וגונלה מייפרטיט וגרדקוש ירו]ק[ | יז' סיון יום ה' שבטיירה

13v 185 ]. . .[ד' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה מייטפרטידה | יח' סיון יום ו' פלייר 186 ]. . .[ דינ' על מנטוא בורוא יח' סיון יום ]ו' . . .[רְ ייֵנְשַ ה 187 ]. . .[ טורנש כסף עים או על טברט ]. . .[ט יט' | סיון יום א' ברטרן פלייר 188 ]. . .[ טורנש כסף על גרדקוש בלב כ' סיון יום א' | ברטרן מנעלי 189 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על טרימנטל כסף כא' | סיון יום ב' יוסף דלטור 190 ב' פרחים זהב על גרנייה דמלינש כ' סיון | יום ב' דומנייה 191 ט' דינ' על גונלה אדומה כג' סיון יום ה' | איינש פיישוניירה

14r 192 דינ' על אודלש כג' סיון יום ה' מנעלי 193 ו'115 טורנש כסף עים או על ז' סדינין ומפה וגרד]קוש . . .[ | ומפלצת כד' סיון יום ה' שימון 194 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על מפה כו' סיון יום א' ביד אחי מריטה ועוד טורנש כסף יב' | אלול 195 י' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק כז' סיון יום ב' אַ יינֵ ש 196 ס' דינ' על ציץ כסף כז' סיון יום ב' שנ' פה' גילם | ברטומייב לוֺיְנבְ ש 197 טו' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב וחלוק ומיכנסים כז' | סיון יום ב' שנ' ]פ[ה' יאקט דמונטלבה 198 ב' טורנש כסף על מפה ד' תמוז יום א' מריטה ]. . .[ | 199 ב' דינ' על קנה וחצי דבור]. . .[| יום ב'

14v 200 ט' טורנש כסף על גרדקוש בלב כח' סיון | שבטיירה יום ג' 201 יב' דינ' על גרדקוש ארוגט א' תמוז יום ד' | פיישוניירה 202 ו' דינ' על סרבל וייר ב' תמוז יום א' אבנש פיישוניירה 203 ]. . .[ דינ' על מנטוא בורו א' תמוז יום ה' | 204 ב' )?( פרחים זהב על גר סרבל ירוק ה' תמוז יום | ב' בורונה דבדיט לאלמן

.and crossed it out יט The author wrote 115 134 judith olszowy-schlanger

205 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דמלינש | אדומה ז' תמוז יום ד' שנ' פה' יואן לפלייר 206 ג' פשו' על יופה ד' תמוז יום א' לוברט 207 דינ' כסף על קַ פֵ ה דְ פֵלְטְרִ י ה' תמוז יום א' | ]. . .[

15r116 208 ]. . .[ | אייר 209 דינ' על סדין כ' תמוז יום ג' גוייה 210 ג' פרחים זהב על גרדקוש ירוק וגרדקוש | קְלַ ר כא' תמוז יום ד' בורונה ד>. . .< | לאלמן 211 י' דינ' על גר[דקוש בלב כד' ]תמוז . . .[ | פיר]. . .[ 212 גילט ]. . .[ כד' תמוז יום | ]. . .[ לס]. . .[בוגדיי 213 ג' דינ' על גונלה דבורל כד' תמוז יום ]. . .[ | איינש פיישוניירה 214 י' דינ' מפלצת וגרדקוש בורוא כג' תמוז יו]ם . . .[ | רושטיין יולייה

15v 215 ]. . .[ כב' תמוז | ]י[ום ו' שנ' פה' ראייר דשלשיוייר 216 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה וגרדקוש | ]א[רוגט ועורה כב' תמוז יום ו' שנ' פה' | ראייר דשלשיוייר 217 טי' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה בלב | ]וג[ונלה אדומה כב' תמוז יום ו' פראששי | ]. . .[מברט נא]. . .[ר ויירה ו]ע[ור וסק 218 ]. . .[ דינ' על פו]. . .[דינַ ה דשמ]. . . כ[ד' תמוז יום | ]א'[ בראגייר פלייר 219 ]. . .[ דינ' על גרדקוש אשקרט כה' תמוז | ]יו[ם ב' מאריטה

16r 220 ח' פשו' על גרדקוש ד]ט[נט דאביניוא יב' אלול | יום א' יואן דאבלשה 221 יב' דינ' וד' פשו' על גרדקוש וקפוי בלב יב' אלול יום]א[ | יואן דבאלשה 222 ז' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב יד' אלול יום ג' יואן | קושטה דלמונטייר 223 ס' דינ' על גרדקוש וגונלה ארוגט וקושריל | יד' אש אלול יום ג' שלוש דלבב 224 פרח זהב על גרדקוש דשייה דקסש שחור | טו' אלול יום ד' קטלינה ]מנ[עליה117 225 יב' דינ' על ב' גרדקוש וייר יד' אלול יום ד' דומני]ה[ | נאחתום 226 פרח זהב על גרדקוש דטנט וטברט אדום טו' | אלול יום ה' מקל חייט 227 יד' טורנש כסף עים או גרדקוש בלב טו' אלול | יום ה' אשטורגה לאבריירה

16v 228 יח' טורנש כסף }עים או{ על סרבל ירוק טו' אלול יום ה' | באבגודה לאובריירה

116 This folio is particularly difficult to read: it suffered from very liquid ink, but also the books seems to have been closed when the ink was still wet. .in n° 554 קטלינה מנעליה See 117 binding accounts 135

229 ו' פשו' על גרנייה ירוקה יב' אלול יום ו' גוייה | ספק 230 ]. . .[ח' טורנש עים או על גרדקוש אדום וב' מפות יו' אלול | יום ו' יואנה דטור פשטורשה 231 דינ' וב' פשו' על גרדקוש מייטפרטיט יו' אלול יום ו' | שלוש דלבב 232 ]. . .[ טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ]. . .[ בלב יח' אלול | ]יו[ם א' יואן קושטה 233 ]. . .[ דינ' על גרדקוש ]אש[כרט וגונלה שחורה יו' אלול | ]י[ום ו' מַרְ גַ דוֺא 234 ]. . .[ דינ' על גרדקוש וקפוי יט' אלול יום ב' יואן דְ וַאַ לְשַ ה 235 ]. . .[ דינ' על גונלה בלבה יט' אלול יום ב' נַאַבַ רה

17r 236 ]. . .[ | יום ב' יואן דקשטל 237 ז' דינ' ופשו' על גרדקוש וקפוי יט' אלול יום ב' יואן | דואלשה 238 ח' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש אדום כ' אלול | יום ג' בלה דמשה דבדרידה 239 לה' דינ' על גַ רדקוש וגונלה מייפרטידה כ' | אלול יום ג' בלה דמשה דבדר]י[דה 240 יט' דינ' וט' פשו' על }ציץ כסף{ מ]א[יר דמנואשכה כ' | אלול יום ג' 241 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על חגורה כסף כא' אלול יום ד' | פשטוֺרְ שַ ה 242 כב' דינ' על גרדקוש ארוגט כא' אלול יום ד' | פרוט חייט ואשתו אשטונה

17v 243 ]. . .[ ארוגט ]כא[ אלול | יום ד' שלוש דלבב 244 ]. . . טו[רנש על ב' טשורש כא' אלול יום ד' אלישייא | באדיירה 245 ד' דינ' על גרדקוש אשכרט כד' אלול יום ]ה'[ מרגדוא 246 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה דשעטנש כד' אלול | יום א' שנ' ]. . .[ אשטורוגה לאובריירה 247 לה' דינ' ע]ל[ טברט וקפוי ארוגט כה' אלול יום | ב' שלוש דל]בב[ 248 גלט כסף על גר]ד[קוש אשכרט כה' אלול | ]יו[ם ב' מרגדוא 249 ד' דינ' על גונלה ויירה וגונלה בלב כו' אלול | ]י[ום ג' גילמה דייאלוא

18r 250 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה לבנה כו' אלול | יום ג' גילמה 251 ח' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה מייטפרטידה כו' אלול | יום ג' מְרְ לִ יק טַ וְרְ נְייֵר 252 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש אַרַ ייַט | ג' תשרי יום א' ארְ טַבְדַ ה דלאקושטה שַ נְטַ נְדְרְ ייֵב 253 יח' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק וגרדקוש בלב ד' תשרי | יום ב' שנ' פה' פְרִ י דַ לְרְ קְ נִ י טְאְ יוֺרְ ייֵר 254 ה' דינ' על גרדקוש אשכרט ה' תשרי ]יו[ם ג' | שנ' פה' מַרְ גַ דוא 255 ט' ד]ינ' ע[ל גונלה דטנט ה' תשרי יום ג' שנ' פה' | כתף דַשְשטְ ייֵר 136 judith olszowy-schlanger

18v שנ' פה' 256 יב' דינ' על גונלה אדומה ו' תשרי יום ד' בַרְ גַאַמִ י 257 דינ' על גרדקוש וייר ו' תשרי יום ד' כתף דלששטייר | פְ ייֵר 258 ג' דינ' על גרדקוש מייפרטיט ו' תשרי יום ד' | גילם דפריש פלשייר 259 כ' דינ' על ג' גרדקוש ז' תשרי יום ה' דומנ]ייה[ | פשטרי 260 ח' דינ' על גרדקוש וייר י' תשרי יום א' רַ ייְנְ ייר פשטרי }יום א'{ 261 יו' טורנש כסף עים או וט' גילטש יב' תשרי יו]ם . . .[ על | סרבל ]. . .[ ריי}א{וה ועוד ו' טרנש כסף עים או ]. . .[ש | ]. . . ת[שרי יום ג' 262 ו' טורנש ]כסף[ עים או על קַ פַ ה ויירה וגונלה ד]. . .[טה | אשקרל]. . .[ יב' תשרי יום ב' ד}ו{מְ נְייַה 263 יו' טורנש כסף עים או וט' גילטש יב' תשרי יום ב' על סרבל | ירוק מריטה וב' דינ' וה' פשו' על פי ז' מרחשון יום ה'

19r 264 י' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וייר | ג' טבת יום ה' גילם דְ כַ}מ{בְרַ ייש 265 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וייר ג' טבת יום ה' גילם דְשַ לְ טוֺמַ ש 266 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על אפובלל ירוק ד' טבת | יום ו' טומש לוברט 267 ל' דינ' על גרדקוש דמשקלט ד' טבת יום ו' אירבל | אי}ש{תו יואן לופ שטשייר 268 ד' טורנש כסף }ו' פשו'{ עים או על }גרדקוש וייר{ ד' טבת יום ג' יואן | דְ וַאַ לֵ נְשַ ה 269 ו' דינ' וחצי על ב' ס]דינ[ין ו' טבת יו]ם . . .[ יואן | אִיבֵ רט דמונפי]ילייר[ חייט

19v 270 ד' פראחים זהב על ציץ וה' כפות וב' חגורות | ]. . .[ ובר]. . .[אל כסף ח' טבת יום ב' מאיר דמאנואשכה 271 ]. . .[ דינ' על סרבל ירוק ח' טבת יום ב' נטלינה טיישריש 272 ]. . .[ דינ' על עורה ח' טבת יום ב' מאריטה דְאַרַ ש 273 טו' דינ' על גרדקוש דשייה דקסש שחורה | ח' טבת יום ב' גילם קורייר 274 ]. . .[ דינ' על מפה ט' טבת יום ג' דולשה 275 ]. . .[לח' דינ' וחצי על גרדקוש דמשקלט וג' קנים | ]ד[טלה ט' טבת יום ג' פרוט חייט 276 ]. . .[י' טורנ]ש[ כסף עים או על [גונ[לה בלב ט' טבת | ]י[ום ג' יאק]ט[ לוברט 277 ]. . .[ח' טורנש כסף עים או על אפובלל בלב ט' | טבת118 ]יום ג' . . .[ פוֺרוֺמְ י

20r 278 ]. . .[ על גונל דבורל ט' טבת | יום ג' טומאשי 279 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וייר י' טבת יום ד' | ברטרן פילייר

118 Written twice and crossed out. binding accounts 137

280 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש }ד{שרייה י' טבת | יום ד' רוברט לוברט 281 ה' דינ' על אולה דְמְטַ ל י' טבת יום ד' יואן חייט | דבורגונייה 282 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש אדום יא' טבת | יום ה' ברטרן פלייר 283 י' טורנש כסף עים או על גלמה דמלינש י' טבת | יום ה' שנ' פה' שלוש דלבב }ועוד ה' דינ' וחצי{ 284 פרח זהב }וכט' פשו'{ וכה' טורנש כסף עים או על ב' טשש | י' טבת יום ה' גויי

20v בית דדי 285 כ' דינ' על גרדקוש אשכרט יא' טבת | יום ו' שנ' פה' טוֺמַאַ שי 286 ב' פראחים זהב על אְשְטְ יטּוי יג' טבת יום א' | שנ' פה' פיירי א]. . .[ עטר 287 יב' דינ' על גרדקוש דשייה וגרדקוש מייטפרטי}ט{ | דשייה יד' טבת שנ' פה' פרוט חייט 288 כ' פשו' על דשטרל טו' טבת יום ג' בְרְ נַ ט לוֺמַאדְ לְ ייֵר 289 דינ' על לטר' דפשיל כורו טו' טבת יום ג' ריימון | ריידה 290 ה' דינ' על גרדקוש וייר יו' טבת יום ד' גילם קוֺרְ ייֵר 291 פרח זהב על בְ וְ דור כסף בורונה דביריט לאלמן | יו' טבת יום ד'

21r 292 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על ב' סדינין וקנה דבורוא יז' | טבת יום ה' פיירי לובארוטליירי 293 ל' דינ' על שרבל ירוק וסרבל ומנטוא אשכרט | יז' טבת יום ה' יאקומי נאחטום 294 כ' דינ' על גלמה בלב יז' טבת יום ה' ברטרן | פלייר 295 ב' דינ' וחצי }ופלג{ על מפה יט' ט כ' טבת יום | א' שיפחה מאריטה 296 ג' גילטש על ג' טשוש וכיס דמשי יח' | טבת יום ו' נאבינדולה 297 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על בארכנה כ' טבת | יום א' ]ר[יינה דְ לַאַמַ לַדֵ ן

21v 298 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש | ארוגט כא' כט טבת יום ב' פורבְ יירי 299 יד' דינ' על סרבל ויירה כא' טבת יום ב' | איינש פיישוניירה 300 ח' פראחים זהב על גרדקוש אדום וסרבל | דמלינש כד' טבת יום ה' בורנטה דבדיט | לאלמן 301 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש אדום | כה' טבת יום ו' ברטרן פופלייר119 302 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על גונֵ ל כו' טבת יום א' | טוֺמַשִ י לוברט 303 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש בורוא כו' | טבת יום א' גויי

22r 304 יו' פשו' על מפה כט' טבת יום ג' רושטיין כַבַטְ ייֵר 305 ו' לטר' על סרבל וגרדקוש וגונלה ירוק]ה . . .[ | טבת יום ג' יאקומי נאחטום 306 ז' דינ' על גונלה אדומה א' שבט יום ד' | אבנש פיישוניירה

.see the same Bertran pelhier in n° 187, 282, 294, 331, 343 ,פלייר Should be 119 138 judith olszowy-schlanger

307 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על ב' מפות וסדין ג' שבט | יום ו' יואן דְ בֵלְוְ ש רביש ג' פלגויות לשבועה ד' חדשים | זמן 308 ב' פראחים זהב על טשה דכסף ג' שבט יו]ם[ ו' אשת | מאיר דמאנושכה 309 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש אדום ד' שבט | יום ו' ברטרן לופלייר 310 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על מפה ו' שבט יום א' | יאנויוא ולורייה

22v 311 דינ' על בתי שוקים ירוקות ו' שבט יום א' | גילם טבח 312 כ' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב ז' שבט יום ב' אשטרוק כהן 313 ב' פראחים זהב גרדקוש וגונלה דבורל וגונלה בלב | ווגונל120 דארנייה וגרדקוש מייפרטיט וגונל וייר | וסדין ח' שבט יום ד' בונט דְ פוֺשְ קייֵרֵ ש 314 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על חגורה כסף ח' | שבט יום ד' יַאַבְרַ ה יעקב 315 ה' דינ' על גונלה ירוקה ח' שבט יום ד' | שנ' פה' מו]נ[ה דַ לְ פּוי]ו[י121 316 פרח זהב ויג' טורנש כסף עים או על טשה | דכסף ט' שבט יום ה' מאיר דמאנואשכה

23r שנ' פה' 317 ד' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה ירוקה | יב ש]בט[ יום א' המוֺנַ דלפּויוֺיי 318 ב' טורנש ]כ[סף עים או על מנטוא וייר י]ב'[ | שבט יום א' פרוט דְאַרַ ש 319 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה ארוגדה יב | שבט יום א פרוט חייט 320 טורנש כסף עים או על מפה יז' שבט יום ה' | מוֺנַ ה ט]. . .[וזַ יה 321 גילט כסף על כיס וחגורה דמשי יז' שבט יום ה' | יואן דפרֵ ננַ ש 322 ד' דינ' על בַ . . . כַ ל יח' שבט יום א' פֵ יירוגול | פרגַמִ ינְייֵר

23v 323 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וגונלה ויירה | יט' שבט יום ב' יואן פלייר 324 כו' ]טו[רנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ]וגו[נלה ויירה | וג]. . .[ ארוגדה וטברט בלב יט' ]שב[ט דורן | אַבנטַ ה יום ג' 325 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש שייה | אדומה כ' שבט יום ג' פוֺרוֺדוֺמְ י 326 טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש בורוא כ' שבט | יום ג' אלְ ייֵש 327 ט' טורנש כ' פשו' על מפה122 כב' שבט רְ בולְיונַ ה 328 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דבל ו}ב{ גונלה | דבורנטה כב' שבט יום ה' פיירונה דְ מוֺנטְ ל | אַדְ מר 329 י' פשו' על וְ ל כב' שבט יום ה' טְיישיירְ י

Year 1329 24r 330 יז' טורנש כסף עים או על טברט בלב ה' תמוז יום ד' | אַ נְטונִ י יְאְ נוֺבְ ש 331 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גלמה בלב ה' תמוז יום ד' | ברטרן לפלייר

.וגונל for ווגונל 120 121 See n° 317. 122 A samekh was written before mem and then erased. binding accounts 139

332 מ' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק וגרדקוש מייטפרטיט ה' תמוז | יום ד' שלוש דלבב 333 כ' דינ' על סרבל וייר וטברט בל' ו' תמוז יום ה' שלוש | דלבב 334 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על חגורה כסף ו' תמוז | יום ה' א]ש[תר רוברטה 335 כד' טורנש כסף עים או על כופרי יו' חציצות ו' תמוז יום ה' | יוֺאַ נַ ה דְ ]. . .[ ורְ נְ ש 336 יב' דינ' על ב' סדינין ומפה ומפלצת ו' תמוז יום ה' פְ יירוֺנַ ה ]ד[פוֺן דְ שוֺגַ ה

24v 337 יח' פשו' על סדין יום ז' תמוז אבנש 338 ו' דינ' על גרדקוש מייטפרטיט וחלוק ז' תמוז יום ו' | יואנה דְ וְיֵינַ ה 339 ח' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש בלב ז' תמוז יום ו' | וְגַ ש רוברטה 340 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה שרייה בורונה | ט' תמוז יום א' יואן דְ בֵלְבְ ש 341 טורנש כסף עים או על חלוק ט' תמוז יום א' | יאקטה 342 ב' טורנש כסף על גונלה בלב ט' תמוז יום א' גוייה 343 י' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ירוק ט' תמוז | יום א' ברטרן לופלייר 344 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דו]יי[רי בלב דְ אוינְ יוא ט' תמוז יום א' גילם דאנטרייגש 345 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש בלב יא' תמוז יום ג' | גילם פיירי פַבְרִ יש

25r 346 ה' דינ' על סרבל וייר ומפלצת יא' תמוז יום ג' גיל]ם[ | בוֺנְ טח 347 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על גר]ד[קוש ארוגט יב' תמוז יום ד' | משה דלאכדנה 348 לו' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה וסרבל ירוק יב' תמוז יום ד' שלוש דלבב 349 י' דינ' על ב' ציץ כסף יב' תמוז יום ד' שלוש | דויידוא 350 ]. . .[ דינ' על גרדקוש אדום יג' תמוז יום ה' פיירי למנוב | מנעלי 351 יא' דינ' על גלמה דקמלוט שחורה יג' תמוז יום ה' | משה רוברט 352 י' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב יג' תמוז יום ה' פיורי | לגש]. . .[א ]טו[רנש כסף עים או יז' תמוז 353 לו' טורנש כסף עים א]ו[ על גרדקוש ירוק יד' תמוז יום ו' | שלוש דלבב

25v 354 ב' דינ' על חגורה כסף וכיס דמשי יד' תמוז יום ו' | פטיטה פליירה 355 ]. . .[ טורנש כסף עים או על ב' סדינין יו' תמוז יום א' | סִ ינִ יוֺלַ ה 356 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גונל בלב יו' תמוז יום ב' | גויי 357 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על סרבל דמלינש יו' תמוז | יוסף כהן 358 ]. . .[ גילטש כסף על גונלה וג]ר[דקוש דקמלי לבן יז' | תמוז יום ג' שלוש דלבב 359 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על ברנכנה יז' תמוז יום ג' | שלוש דלבב 360 לט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דבורנטה | אשכרלטדה יח' תמוז יום ד' שלוש דלבב 361 ה' טורנש כסף עים או על ג]רד[קוש בלב יט' תמוז יום ה' | משה דלאכדנה ועוד ב' גילטש כסף

26r 362 נ' דינ' על ח]. . .[ בגד בלב יט' תמוז | יום ה' שלוש דלבב 363 ב' גילטש על ב' גרדקוש קפוי כ' תמוז יום א' | יואן דְ וַאַ לְ צייַה 140 judith olszowy-schlanger

364 יח' טורנש כסף על גונלה וגרדקוש וייר וגונלה דמשקלט | וסרבל אדום כא' תמוז יום א' מַאַ סיפ123 ל]. . .[ 365 יב' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק כא' תמוז יום א' אְטַ נְייֵרַ ה 366 ד' לטרי' וחצי על ]. . .[ בושה וציץ כסף וציץ דפרלש וכיס וחגורה דמשי כב' תמוז יום ב' נאפטיטה פליירה 367 יב' טורנש כסף עים או גרדקוש דמשקלט כד' תמוז יום ד' | יואן לפלייר 368 ס' דינ' על ד' רו]. . .[ליא כד' תמוז יום ד' שלוש | דלבב 369 ו' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה בלב כד' תמוז | יום ד' נַאַבַרַ ה 370 לד' דינ' וד' פשו' על גרדקוש אדום וגרדקוש דבורונטה | כד' ת]מוז[ יום ד' שלוש דלבב

26v 371 ו' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק כה' תמוז יום ה' אבנש 372 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש שחור כה' תמוז | יום ה' אנדרייב לפלייר 373 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש אדום ארוגט | כה' תמוז יום ה' משה דלאכדנה 374 לח' דינ' על ציץ כסף כח' תמוז יום א' נאפטיטה פליירה 375 טורנש כסף עים או על ]. . .[קות כח' תמוז יום א' | פְיירְ ייֵר 376 יו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דטנט ב' אב יום ב' | גילם פושלט 377 טו' טורנש כסף עים או על ב ]. . .[רש ]. . .[כח' תמוז יום א' | שלוש דלבב 378 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וגונלה }וקפוי{ ויירה והבשה | גוריוגש וחלוק ומיכנסים א' אב יום ב' ריי]ניי[ר124 ללופשטר

27r 379 טו' פשו' על קפוי דמשקלט כא' | אלול יום ב' יאנה דלטורי דלפי 380 י' דינ' על עורה וק וכיס דמשי | וקפוי יר]ו[ק כא' אלול יום | ב' יואן דפולודנצה 381 ה' דינ' על טברט אדום כא' | אלול יום ב' גוי 382 כ' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב כה' אלול | יום ד' פולשיירה 383 טו' דינ' על גרדקוש וייר כה' | אלול יום ד' פיירונלה 384 יב' דינ' על גונלה ויירה וגרדקו' | דמשקלט כה' אלול יום ד' מרגריד}ה{ 385 יז' דינ' על מפה וסרבל בלב | כה' אלול יום ד' גילם דקמבריי}ש{ 386 ה' דינ' על גונלה לבנה כה' | אלול יום ד' יוסף דשלטיברי 387 ג' פרחים זהב דפולדנצה כו' | אלול יום ה' על טשה ובְ וְיירִ י | דכסף נולי בְ אְ גְ ש פרע פרח | יב' תשרי יום ו' 388 ב' פרחים דפולדנצה ס על גרדקוש | בלב כו' אלול יום ו' גיוטה פרע גיוטה פר]ח . . .[

123 The last letter is only partly visible, but its upper part suggests that it is a pe, and the name is Mancip (with a vocalized aleph to express a nasal sound). One would expect to find a final pe at the end of the word. The use of the median pe is probably intended to maintain the labial [p] pronunciation. 124 See n° 260. binding accounts 141

27v 389 ז' דינ' על גרדקוש ]וי[יר כו' אלול | יום ד' חייט 390 ו' דינ' על מנטוא בלב כח' | אלול יום א' נַאבַרִ ]. . .[ 391 כ' דינ' ו' פשו' על גרדקוש | דמשקלט ב' תשרי יום ד' וטברט | שנ' פ]ט[ פיירונלה 392 ח' דינ' על גונלה ויירה ב' | תשרי יום ד' יואן חייט ועוד | ג' דינ' 393 ט' דינ' על קורשרידה בלב ב' | תשרי יום ד' יוסף דשלטיברי 394 יח' דינ' על גרדקו' מייטפרטי' | ב' תשרי יום ד' גיללמה דויינה 395 ד' דינ' על סדין ב' תשרי יום ד' | גיללמה דויינה 396 י' דינ' על פרט דכויירי ב' | תשרי יום ד' יואן פיירולייר 397 יח' פשו' על מפלצת ד' תשרי | יום ו' גוי 398 ז' דינ' על פיירולייר פרט ו' תשרי | יום א' יואן פיירולייר 399 כא' פשו' על גרנייה אדומה ו' | תשרי יום א' מרג]רי[דה

28r שנ' פט' 400 ו' דינ' על מנטוא בלב ו' תשרי | יום א' נַאַבַ רש 401 ה' דינ' על מפלצת ]ז'[ תשרי יום ב' | גוייה 402 ט' דינ' על יואופה וגונלה | לבנה ח' תשרי יום ג' יו]ס[ף | דשלטיברי 403 כ' דינ' על גרדקוש דמשקלט ח' | תשרי יום ג' מרייה אשפניולה 404 ב' פרחים דפולדנצה ויח' דינ' | על גרדקוש בלב ח' תשרי יום ג' | גיוטה }פרע פרח יו' תשרי{ 405 ב' פרחים זהב על גרדקוש | וגונלה ירוקה י' תשרי יום ה' | גרדקוש בלב יואנה דְ וְייֵנַ ה 406 ג' פרחים זהב דפולדנצה וה' דינ' | על גרדקוש וגונלה ירוקה וגרדקו' | בלב וגרדקוש ארוגט יא' תשרי | יום ה' יואנה דויינה 407 ג' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקו' | דשקכט יא' תשרי יום ה' גוי 408 י' דינ' על קלפדור ופרני דקויירי | יב' תשרי יום ו' יואן פיירולייר

28v 409 יח' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב יד' | תשרי יום א' יואנה פאטישייר 410 ד' טורנש כסף עים או וט' דינ' | וד' פשו' על גרדקוש בלב | יח' תשרי יום ד' יואן יְואו 411 י' דינ' על גרדקוש מייטפרט' | ומנטוא דמשקלט יח' תשרי ]י[ום ]ד י[וסף דשלטיברי 412 ה' דינ' על מפלצת יח' תשרי | יום ד' אינייש 413 ג' דינ' וד' פשו' על סדין וקבשש | רוֺיַש וטשור יח' תשרי יואנה 414 כה' על טברט דבורונטה | וגרדקוש מייטפרטיט יח' תשרי | יום ה' מאריי אשפניולה 415 ג' דינ' על גונלה מייטפר' ומטוא125 | דבורא יח' תשרי יום ד' נאחטום 416 פרח זהב דפולדנצה על גרדקוש | וגונלה בלב יח' תשרי יום ה' מאיר דמנואשקה

.מנטוא 125 142 judith olszowy-schlanger

417 י' דינ' על פרט דקויירי יט' תשרי יום ו' | יואן פיירולייר 418 כ' דינ' על גונלה אדומה כ' תשרי יום | א' ליוא 419 ב' דינ' על גרנייה דבורל וחגורה דעור | ואשכנייה דפשיל כ' תשרי יום א' מראגריד 420 יו' דינ' על גרדקוש ירוק כד' תשרי | ]יו[ם ה' יואן לאבנדיירה

29r 421 ג' דינ' על גונלה לבנה כ' תשרי יום א' יוסף | דשלטיב]ר[י 422 יח' פשו' על מנטוא דבורל כ' תשרי יום א' | נאחטום 423 ו' דינ' על מנטוא אשכארט כ' תשרי | יום א' נאברש 424 ב' דינ' על ב' טבעות כסף כד' תשרי | יום ד' גללמה דויינה 425 יח' פשו' על סדין כד' תשרי יום ד' מייגרידה 426 ג' דינ' על פרט דקויירי כד' תשרי | יום ד' יואן פיירולייר 427 ז' דינ' על גורל וייר כה' תשרי יום ה' | מאיינלוא טבח 428 יח' פשו' על גונל דבורל כה' תשרי יום | ה' מרגרידה 429 ד' פרחים זַהַ ב דַ לפַאפַ ה כה' | תשרי יום ה' נאשטש דבדרידה | על טברט וגונל וקפוי בלב | וסרבל ירוק ערך דינ' פרי פרח | רביש החודש 430 ח' דינ' על גרדקוש וייר כז' | תשרי יום ו' אנדרייב טיישרי 431 פרח זהב דפולדשה126 וכה' תשרי יום ד' | על גרדקוש בלב גיוטה 432 פרח זהב דפולדנצה ויח' דינ' על | גרדקוש וגונלה דברט כו' תשרי | יום ו' יְרושַ ה אישתי נבונאפי 433 יז' דינ' על מנטוא וייר כו' תשרי יום ו' | יואן חייט 434 טו' פשו' על מרגש אדומות ואשקיינה | דפשיל כח' תשרי יום א' יואנה דליוא

29v 435 ח' דינ' על גרדקוש אשכארט | כח' תשרי יום א' שנ פט מוידוא 436 כ' דינ' על גלמה דבורונטה וב' | סאכינין כט' תשרי יום ב שנ פט | ברנט טיישיירי ד]. . .[ה 437 טו' דינ' וי' פשו' על גרדקוש דמשקלט | כט' תשרי }א' מרחשון{ יום ב' פיירונלה רוֺשַ ה 438 ד' דינ' וחצי על סדין וטשור א' | מרחשון יום ב' יואנה יואופיירה 439 ד' דינ' על ואנואה א' מרחשון | יום ב' אוגוא ויירייר טו' 440 יב' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב א' מרחשון127 | יום ב' }ד{מרחשון יואן פיירושַ ל 441 יב' דינ' על סרבל128 ירוק ב' מרחשון יום | ד' יואן בוגדייר 442 ב' פרחים זהב דלפאפה ויז' | דינ' על ב' סדינין גרדקוש דשריי]ה[ | גרדקוש ד' מושטייר ולייר | טברט בלב ב' מרגש וד' קפוי | ברביירי וסק ג' מרחשון יום ו' | פיירי אמ]. . .[ ועו' יז' קניתי ב' סדינין | יז' }דינ'{ יום ג' ]. . .[שן נקו]. . .[ טו' יומים129 443 ב' פ]ר[חים זהב דפולדנצה על | חגורה כסף ג' מרחשון יום ו' | נאוליבה

.דפולדנצה :Usually 126 127 Qof was written by mistake instead of ḥet, and shin was added above the line. .סרבל Written by mistake insterad of 128 .ימים Should be 129 binding accounts 143

444 פרח זהב דפולדנצה על גרדקוש | בלב א' מרחשון יום ד' גיוטה 445 ד' דינ' וד' פשו' על גרדקוש בלב א' | מרחשון יום ד' אלדייש מרופייה

30v 457 ב' פרחים דפולדנצה על גרדקוש | מייטפרטיט וחגורה כסף ו' טבת | יום ו' אשטוק דשלוש שנפט 458 יט' דינ' על גונלה דמשקלט ו' | טבת יום ו' גיללמה 459 י' דינ' על גרדקוש דמשקלט | ו' טבת יום ו' גד עטר 460 ד' ]. . .[ על סדין ומרגה וקפוי וייר | ז' טבת יום א' פיירונה 461 ג' דינ' על אולה דמטל ז' טבת | יום א' מאישטרי יואן חייט 462 י' דינ' על גרדקוש דויירי בלב | ו' טבת יום א' גיללמה 463 ד' ד' דינ' על מנטוא דבורונטה | ח' טבת יום ב' ג]ו[י קורטדא 464 ה' פרחים דפולדנצה על | ב' טשש כסף יא' טבת יום ה' | בונברה 465 יא' דינ' על סרבל ירוק יא' | טבת יום ה' גוייה 466 ד' דינ' וחצי על גרדקוש בורוא | יא' טבת יום ה' גוי 467 ב' דינ' גרדקוש בלב יא' טבת | יום ה' אבנש

31r 468 ב' פרחים דפולדנצה על ב' | חגורות כסף יב' טבת יום ו' | אברהם דלונל ועו' ג' פרחים 469 י' דינ' על גונלה ירוקה יב' | טבת יום ו' ר]. . .[ 470 ח' דינ' על קורש]. . .[ה130 לבנה יב' | טבת יום ו' גילמה 471 ז' דינ' וחצי על מנטוא דבורל | יד' טבת יום א' יוסף ד}ש{לטיברי 472 ב' דינ' על מנטוא דבורל יב' טבת יום ו' ייפייר 473 כ' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב יח' טבת יום ד' בלה דמונפיילייר 474 }יד' דינ'{ב' פרחים דפולדנצה ויח' דינ' | וחצי על גרדקוש וקפוי דמישטיש | ולייר וטברט בלב וקפוי ומרגש | וגרדקוש וקפוי דשרייה ומנטוא דבורל | וסיף יט' טבת יום ה' פיירי אישק כב' דדֵ מבְרִ י זמן עד פסח

.in n° 393 קורשרידה See 130 144 judith olszowy-schlanger

475 י' דינ' על גרדקוש אדום וטבעת | יט' טבת יום ה' לי]. . .[נדה 476 יב' דינ' על ב' סדינין יט' טבת יום ה' | יואנה דבאלאביילה 477 טו' דינ' על סרבל וייר יט' טבת יום ו' | יואנה ארנבדה 478 ע' דינ' על גרדקוש וגונלה ירוקה | יט' טבת יום ו' יואנה פשטישיירה

31v 479 י' פרחים דלפאפה על ב' גרדקו' | וטברט בלב גרדקוש ירוק | ובנואה ב' גרלדש כסף יט' | טבת יום ו' שנ' פט' יצחק דשקולה | פרע ב' פרחים יום ו' 480 ]. . .[ דינ' על ה' אשקנייש דפשיל | יט' טבת יום ו' גיללמה דויינה 481 ד' דינ' וחצי על ב' חגורות דמשי | ורדנדיל כא' טבת יום א' יואנה | דטורנש 482 יב' דינ' גונלה ויירה כב' | טבת יום ב' מורה דלמונשטייר 483 יב' דינ' על מרגש דבו}ר{ל כב' | טבת יום ב' אוניישה 484 ג' דינ' על מרגש אדומה כב' | טבת יום ב' יוסף דשלטיברי 485 ד' דינ' על מפה יט' טבת יום | ו' נאמריא אש]ת[ו יולה 486 ח' דינ' על ב' סדינין כג' טבת יום | ג' יוסף דשלטיברי 487 ו' דינ' על גרדקוש מיטפרטיט כג' טבת יום ג' יוסף דשלטיברי 488 ד' דינ' על מפלצת כג' טבת יום | ג' ארנב דקורטדוא 489 י' דינ' על גרדקוש אשכאבט כג' | טבת יום ג' אוֺדְ ט 490 כ' דינ' על ב' גרדקוש וייר ובשינה | ארם??? ארס?? כד' טבת יום ד' ]. . .[

32v 502 יב' דינ' על תאשה131 דכויירי | ד' שבט יום ה' יואן פיירויילר 503 ד' דינ' על ב' קפויש ד' שבט | יום ה' פיירונלה 504 ]. . .[ דינ' על קבשה בלב ומרגש | ]ג[ורויוגש וכיס וחגורה }ב{וול | ]. . .[ שבט יום ה' גילמה 505 ]. . .[ ה' דינ' על כיס דמשי ו' שבט | ]יו[ם ו' גילמה 506 ]. . .[ דינ' על טברט בלב ה' שבט יום | ]. . .[ גיא כתב ועוד דינ'

.טשה Probably for 131 binding accounts 145

507 ]. . .[ דינ' על ב' כיסות וחגורה דמשי | ]. . .[שור ז' שבט יום ב' גיללמה 508 ]. . .[ דינ' וחצי על ב' חלוק ומיכנס' | ]. . .[ שבט יום ב' אוניישה 509 ]. . .[ דינ' על גרדקש132 וייר ז' | ]ש[בט יום ב' יוסף דשלטיברי 510 ]. . .[ו' פשו' על פנש דחלוק ז' | ]ש[בט יום ב' ברטרנה דינ' ע' 511 ]. . .[ טורנש כסף וג' דינ' פחות ב' פשו' | ]ע[ל חגורה וציץ כסף ח' שבט יום | ]ג'[ גיוטה 512 ]. . . פ[רחים דלפאפא על עשרה | ]. . . י[ב' שב]ט[ יום ה' יואנה

33r 513 ]. . .[ כסף עים או על גרדקוש גויוק וגונל מייטפרטי}דה{ | וסדין ובֵ ל כד' אייר יום א' }ב'{ פְ יירוֺנְ ט דְ וְ דוא 514 י' דינ' על טשה דכסף כד' אייר יום ב' פטיטה פליירה 515 ט' טורנש כסף עים או גרדקוש בלב וסרבל וייר כד' אייר יום ד' | דוֺמְ נְייַה דמונפיילייר ועוד טורנש 516 ב' טורנש כסף או על גרדקוש דמשקלט כד' אייר יום ב' פיירי | וְייֵלַ ה דמונפיילייר 517 ]. . . ע[ל סדין כד' אייר יום ב' פיירי לוברט 518 ט' פשו' על קנה דטלה כד' אייר יום ב' נַאַ לוֺבַרְדַ ה 519 ל' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וגונלה דמשקלט כה' | אייר יום ג' שלוש דלבב 520 יב' דינ' על גרדקוש דשייה שחורה כה' אייר יום ג' שלוש | דלבב 521 ב' דינ' על גרדקוש לבן כו' אייר יום ד' בריון דְ לִ יוא

33v 522 כ' פשו' על מנטוא דבורל כח' אייר יום ה' ]. . .[ 523 ב' דינ' וד' פשו' על גרדקוש דבורוא כח' אייר יום ה' בְרְ קט 524 י' לטר' סרבל וגרדקוש וגונלה דמלינש ברונטדה וגונלה אדומה | א' סיון יום ו' יוסף כוהן 525 לו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ירוק ]. . .[ אנובט א' סיון | יום ו' שלוש דלבב 526 לו' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש ירוק א' סיון ]. . .[ | שלוש דלבב 527 מב' דינ' על גרדקוש מייטפרטיט ורדונדל דכסף א' | סיון יום ו' דומנייה דמונפיילייר פרע כ' ד' ג' אב יום ד' 528 ד' דינ' על גרדקוש דויירי דאביגניוא ג' סיון יום א' טומש | לאגלש 529 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש דשטאפורט ג' | סיון יום א' בְ לוֺנַ ה שבטיירה

34r 530 י' לטר' וחצי על ]. . .[קו ]. . . כ[סף וכיס של משי וסרבל | ירוק ד' סיון יום א' ]פ[טיטה ]פליי[רה 531 ? דינ' על טשה דכסף ד' סיון יום ]א' ?[ פטיטה פליירה

.גרדקוש For 132 146 judith olszowy-schlanger

532 טו' דינ' על פיירול ד' סיון יום א' שלוש דלבב 533 מ' דינ' על ב' טשש כסף ה' סיון יום ב' שלוש דויידוא 534 פ' דינ' על בכאבות ה' סיון יום ב' שלוש דלבב 535 מ' דינ' על טשה ב' חצבות כסף ה' סיון יום ג' שלוש דיויידוא 536 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על כר נוצה ז' סיון יום ו' יואן | אְשְטֵ וִ י 537 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גונלה דְמְ ייֵלַ נה ז' סיון יום ו' | פוֺש פוֺדִ ייֵרַ ש 538 ט' טורנש כסף עים או על סרבל בלב ז' סיון יום ו' אשטורוגה | דְאַ לֵ ש 539 ס' דינ' על חגורה וטשה וכיס משי ט' סיון יום א' פטיטה | פייליירה 540 י' טורנש כסף על גונלה גרויוגה וסרבל וייר

34v 541 ב' גילטש כסף על גו]. . .[רט דאויניוא ט' סיון | יום א' פיירוא וְרְ ייֵר 542 ב' דינ' וחצי על סדין וְשַרְ טַ ה י' סיון יום ב' יואנה | דְ לִ יוא 543 ה' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב קפוי י' סיון יום ב' יואן שאבטייר 544 ה' דינ' על טדויידה ואפובל גורויוק יום ב' י' סיון | דוֺמְ נְיְיה 545 ד' טורנש כסף על גרדקוש וייר יא' סיון יום ג' רְ בוֺלִ י 546 כ' דינ' על ציץ כסף יא' סיון יום ג' בלאקה דקלרמון 547 ג' טורנש כסף עים או ע>ל< כר דנוצה יב' סיון יום ד' | יואן אְשְטֵ וִ י 548 י' דינ' על גונלה בלב יב' סיון יום ד' לֵיאונַ רט | עטר

35r 549 יב' דינ' על גרדקוש וגונלה ויירה יב' סיון יום ד' רימייר | פלונה דְא?שְטְרְ י133 550 טורנש כסף עים או על חלוק יב' סיון יום ד' קטלינה קורדו]. . .[ 551 פרח זהב על גרדקוש דשייה דקם יב' סיון יום ד' קטל]ינה[134 | מנעלי 552 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וייר ו]מ[נטוא בורל יג' | סיון יום ה' גילם אידַ בְ ט דְ לְבְ נַ ש 553 ב' טורנש כסף עים או על ב' סדינין יג' סי]ו[ן יום ה' ]. . .[ | שַ בַטְ ייֵרַ ה 554 ה' גילטש כסף על טברט דְטַ נְ ט יג' סיון יום ה' קטלינה | מנעלי 555 ח' טורנש כסף עים או פחות ה' פשו' על טברט בלב יג' ס]יון[ | יום ה' אשטורה ברוא 556 ד' דינ' על גרדקוש בלב יד' סיון יום ו' יואן שבט]ייר[ 557 יב' טורנש כסף עים או על גרדקוש בלב יד' סיון יום ו' גילם ]. . .[

35v 558 ]. . .[ דינ' על גרדקוש א]דו[ם יד' סיון יום ו' אסק דלאכדנה 559 ]. . . ד'[ינ' על גרדקוש ירוק יד' סיון יום ו' פְיירְ ייֵר פיפורְ ייֵרש 560 ]. . .[ דינ' על גונלה בלב יו' סיון יום א' אבנש 561 ]. . .[ ו' דינ' על' מפלצת דבניולש ומִ יכס בלב יו' סיון | ]יו[ם א' ברט}ר{ן | פי]. . .[י דְ לַאַפַ רוֺקְ ייֵ דְ בְרִידַ שוֺא

133 Aleph is not clear. The place-name could be Istres (or Istre in Provençal). Hebrew is mentioned in Heinrich Gross, Gallia Judaica. Dictionnaire géographique אישטריא spelling de la France d’après les sources rabbiniques (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1897; reprint Amsterdam, 1969, with a supplement by S. Schwartzfuchs), p. 55. 134 See n° 554. binding accounts 147

562 ]. . .[ דינ' וחצי על מ}פ{לצת יו' סיו>ן< יום א' | ו]. . .[ בונט 563 ]. . .[ על גונלה לבנה יו' סיון יום א' גוייה 564 ]. . .[ על ציץ כסף יום א' יו' סיון יו135 ברטרן משייר אורטלה | דְ פוֺנְפְרַ ייַה 565 ]. . . די[נ' על גלמה משקלט יו' סיון יום א' יאקט דְשַלטַ לְבַ ה 566 ]. . . טור[נש כסף עים או על גרדקוש וגונל אשככט יו' סיון יום א' | אנדרייב לוֺפלייר

.יום For 135

Hebrew Fragments as a Window on Economic Activity: Holdings in the Historical Archives of Girona (Arxiu Històric de Girona)1

Esperança Valls i Pujol

Introduction

Hebrew manuscript fragments that were reused as bookbinding material are found in many medieval notarial protocols in the Historical Archive of Girona (Arxiu Històric de Girona henceforth, AHG), in Catalonia, Spain. This paper analyzes these findings, with a particular focus on fragments from documents relating to the conditions of borrowing and lending.2 Of the 962 fragments that have been restored to date, nearly one-quarter (223 fragments, representing 23.19%) originate from financial documents. The vast majority of these (205 fragments, representing 91.9%) record the activities of Jewish moneylenders, predominantly from the 14th century. These manuscripts were all written on paper in a cursive script, in a combination of Catalan and Hebrew. These manuscripts document communal records and private documents that comprise part of the corpus of

1 This research is being conducted with the support of a doctoral grant from the Roth- schild Foundation (Hanadiv) Europe. 2 As of January 2012, 962 Hebrew fragments and 1157 Latin fragments have been extracted from the bookbindings of the eleven fourteenth- and fifteenth century notarial registers. This project of extraction and restoration is not far from complete. We have estimated that approximately ten additional Hebrew manuscript fragments will be recovered from the 110-plus remaining notarial registers that were bound from the thirteenth- to fifteenth centuries. We anticipate that this expanded corpus will enable further study of the Jewish community of Girona, probably through additional texts of an economic nature. These documents are all being cataloged in an online database (http://manuscritshebreus .cultura.gencat.cat/), which is linked to the governmental website of the Directorate- General for the Cultural Heritage of Catalonia (http://www.patrimoni.government gencat. cat). For an overview of the ‘Girona Genizah,’ see Mauro Perani, “The ‘Girona Genizah’: An Overview and a Rediscovered Ketubah of 1377.” Hispania Judaica Bulletin 7 (5770/2010): 137–173. For an addendum to that study consult the edition and translation of a pinqas from AHG: Esperança Valls i Pujol, “The Electronic Cataloguing of the Fragments and a Sample of a Moneylender Register of the Year 1342,” pp. 153–159. Also see Esperança Valls i Pujol, “De què parlen els manuscrits hebreus de l’AHG?” Els Apunts 11 (2010): 1–2; Espe- rança Valls i Pujol, “Tipologia i descripció textual dels fragments hebreus catalogats de l’Arxiu Històric de Girona” in Homenatge al professor Luís Diez Merino, ed. Meritxell Blasco and Ana María Bejarano, (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2010), [in press]. 150 esperança valls i pujol

historical documents from the Jews of Girona and its surroundings. Once the debt had been repaid or the outstanding amount was transferred from the registers to another notebook, such accounting notes were no longer needed and the paper on which they were written could be used for other purposes, namely the binding of notarial records. The discovery of Hebrew documents within medieval bookbindings in Catalonia has already provided data on Jewish financial dealings: pages from a moneylender’s notebook (14th century, Girona) in the City Archive of Barcelona (Arxiu de la Ciutat de Barcelona);3 various fragments in the holdings of the Municipal Archive of Girona (Arxiu Municipal de Girona) and in the Cathedral Archive of Girona (Arxiu de la Catedral de Girona); findings from Perpignan;4 pages from an account book found within the covers of a codex binding in the Library of Catalonia (Biblioteca de Catalunya);5 and, a text called La Pabordia de’n Xuclà in the Diocesan Archive of Girona (Arxiu Diocesà de Girona).6 Although each of these manuscripts is preserved in a different archive, some are linked to one other or to AGH fragments.7 Now that so many additional manuscripts

3 Josep Maria Millàs i Vallicrosa, “Petita llista d’un prestamista jueu.” Estudis Univer- sitaris Catalans 13 (1928): 188–290; Jordi Casanovas Miró et al., Libro de cuentas de un prestamista judío gerundense del siglo XIV (Barcelona, Universitat de Barcelona, 1990). 4 A thirty-two folio pinqas from the Perpignan Synagogue is in the collection of the Historical Archives of the City of Girona (Arxiu Històric Municipal de Girona; henceforth, AHMGi). See J. Ramon Magdalena Nom de Déu, “A Fifteenth-Century Hebrew Manuscript from the Aljama of Perpinyà.” Hispania Judaica Bulletin 3 (5760/2000): 145–183. 5 Meritxell Blasco Orellana, “Aspectos económicos y comerciales de los judíos de la Corona de Aragón a finales del siglo XIV (Ms. 3090 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Cata- lunya),” Anuari de Filologia. Estudis Hebreus i Arameus, 22/secció E, 9, (2000): 89–100; “Lèxic català en un manuscrit hebraicoaljamiat del segle XIV (Còdex Soberanas, Ms. 3090 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Catalunya)”, in Actes del I Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territori de llengua catalana, Barcelona—Girona, del 15 al 17 d’octubre de 2001 (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2004), 139–145; Manuscrito hebraeicoaljamiado de la Biblioteca Nacional de Cataluña “Codex Soberanas” (ms. Nº 3090, siglo XIV) (Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 2003). 6 Meritxell Blasco Orellana, “La Pabordia de’n Xuclà: un manuscrit hebraicocatalà de 1398 de l’Arxiu Diocesà de Girona,” in Actes del IV Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana. Barcelona—València 18, 19 i 20 d’octubre de 2010 (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Món Juïc, 2012) (in press). 7 The pinqas edited by Jordi Casanovas, et al. (see footnote 3), is linked with some fragments from AHG and from the Cathedral Archive of Girona, as I indicate in the online catalogue and in my previous works (see n. 2): five bifolios and one folio containing a 14th- century moneylending register (Gi 1,51-codavant 1–5 and codarrere 1/1361; Gi 1,62-codavant 1–2/1363; Gi 1,140-codavant 4–5 and 8/1391–1392; Gi 1,56-codarrere 1 and codavant 2/1361– 1362; Gi 1,140-codarrere 1/1391–1392). For part of this notebook, see the recent article by Meritxell Blasco Orellana, “Notas sobre algunos fragmentos hebraicos de la ‘Genizàh de Girona’ (Arxiu Històric).” Miscelánea de estudios árabes y hebraicos. Sección de Hebreo 60 hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 151 have been uncovered, we have a sufficiently large corpus to begin evaluat- ing Jewish economic activity and lending practices in the Girona region as documented by Jewish sources. Of the nearly one thousand fragments detached from bindings in the AHG, this study analyzes fragments from pinqasim (records) that reflect economic life: registers kept by moneylenders, internal community records of taxes levied on the purchase and sale of goods and services, borrowing and lending; community financial records; miscellaneous private accounts (e.g., records of payment, receipts, documentation of work preformed, inventories kept by traders, merchants and craftsmen). Eco- nomic activity recorded in legal documents—such as decisions by the beit din, ketubbot, records of donations, disputes, agreements, etc.—extend beyond the scope of this investigation.8

(2011): 49–66. On other hand, J. Ramon Magdalena and Jaume Riera assert that the thirty- two paper fragments from an accounting record from the Perpignan Synagogue (AHMGi) are linked with a book discussing economic subjects from Roussillon, currently preserved in the Royal Archive of Barcelona (Arxiu Reial de Barcelona), also known as the Archive of the Crown of Aragon (Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó). 8 Among these legal documents on economic matters, we find a range of texts, including: a draft of a document from the beit din of Girona, that resolved a disagreement prompted by the ketubbah of a woman named Falcó, (Gi 5,120-codarrere 1/1361); a document that discusses a dispute concerning a number of houses, that involved a woman named Dolça and several notable members of the Girona community (Gi 1,51-codarrere 1/1361); property records, a text granting Shemuel Cresques ownership of goods that had belonged to Esther, daughter of Miriam and Yitzhak (Gi 1,260-codavant 1/1400); formal agreements, such as a record of the reconciliation between Shelomoh Falcó and Shelo- moh Gracian, (Gi 1,182-codavant 2/1368–1369); court records from Girona, namely an act related to a record from the Barcelona court—a draft report on houses in Barcelona that list the names of several witnesses (Gi 5,120-codavant 1/1361) and a statement made before a rabbinical court from the year 5109 (corresponding to 1309 CE), where Yitzhak, Joseph and Shelomoh Benvenist are mentioned (Gi 5,136–9/1351–1352); several drafts of the agreements and elections of treasurers for the community (including one dated from 1353) that refer to delegates and the “community affairs in Barcelona” (Gi 5,120-codarrere 2/1361) which appears beside a list of people who were participants in the governance of the Jewish community, and a statement from the rabbinical court in relation to houses in the Jewish quarter that Ananias sold to Maimon Vidal in order to pay Bonafilla, Hanan’s widow, in fulfillment of her ketubbah (Gi 5,120-hecodarrere 3/1361); another legal document contains a mix of subjects—it mentions several witnesses with regards to certain amounts of money, while also referring to parcels of land, properties and other possessions, and an assertion that a certain individual named Shem Tov forced a boy, Iqsal, to be in his service (Gi 5,120-codarrere 4/1361); and, the ketubbah of Castelló d’Empuries, analyzed in Perani, “The ‘Girona Genizah’ ”, 153–159. The present author has also published an analysis of a manuscript that contains a decision of a case brought by Hasday ben Avra- ham and Yehudah ben Moshe Abarbalia before the beit din of Girona in response to a previous decision by the beit din of Barcelona: Mauro Perani, “A Testamentary Dispute from the Year 1307 from the “Girona Genizah.” The Hebrew Fragment Girona 1,264,1 and 2.” Materia Giudaica 14/2 (2009): 407–410. 152 esperança valls i pujol

Lending Activity

The fragments examined here offer Jewish records of lending activity in Catalonia, and especially the Girona area. Unfortunately, this is not a collection of organized and systematic documents such as the libri iudeorum or other medieval notarial registers. In contrast to such systematic records, due to the process of reuse and rediscovery, our evidence varies widely in terms of its state of conservation, the portion of a page preserved and its source—at best a dozen full pages originate from the same volume.9 By definition, these Hebrew fragments cannot provide full details: from some we can decipher all information provided, whereas from others we can discern partial data: names, figures or dates. In many instances we are unable to trace their exact origins, due to their private or provisional nature and to missing or illegible identifying details. This analysis is based on 1631 loan records that were gleaned from 126 fragments, a significant sample for the study of Jewish lending activity that complements previous studies of contemporaneous Christian sources. Our data reflect a period when medieval Catalan society had entered a cycle of constantly revolving debt. Prior studies of this dynamic, based solely on Christian documents, affirm the indispensible role of this activity for developing the medieval Catalan economy. Credit operated in many strata of society: for instance, artisans, small traders, merchants and farmers all depended on the credit that Jewish lenders could offer them, whether to buy tools and raw materials, or to cover the expenses that inevitably arose between harvests. In no case was this system a tool of impoverishment and misery; rather, such loans facilitated business as usual. Many Jews in Catalonia served as moneylenders in this economic system, be it as their main profession or as a supplement to their primary occupations. As lenders, they engaged with borrowers who were able to pay back the capital loaned with interest, thus excluding members of the lower classes.10 Moneylending concentrated on short-term monetary

9 This material was not taken from the covers of notarial books. It contains the state of accounts from 1443 by Yosef Zabara, treasurer of the Girona Jewish community (Gi 2,212, 1–9). See Eduard Feliu, “Llibre de comptes de Jucef Zabara, col·lector del clavari de la comunitat jueva de Girona (1443).” Tamid, 5 (2004–2005): 87–138. 10 Jewish lending activity has been studied from the perspective of Christian sources by several researchers. For lending activity by Jews in the area around Girona, see: Víc- tor Farías Zurita, “Iudei de Petralata. Un estudi de les activitats econòmiques dels jueus d’una vila catalana a l’entorn del 1300,” in Actes del I Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana. Barcelona—Girona, del 15 al 17 d’octubre de 2001 (Barcelona: hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 153 loans, typically in small sums, variable from a term of one month to one year. In the lands surrounding Girona, much of this activity took place

Universitat de Barcelona, 2004), 239–256; Claude Denjean, Juifs et chrétienes. De Perpig- nan a Puigcerdà (xiiie–xive siècles) (Canet: Trabucaire, 2004); Manel Grau, La judería de Besalú (Girona): siglos XIII–XV (Olot: Imprenta Auber, 1997). Christian Guilleré, “Juifs et chrétiens à Gerone au XIVème siècle,” in Jornades d’història dels jueus a Catalunya (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1987), 45–65 and “Les Juives de Gerone au milieu du XIVeme siècle” in Temps i espais de la Girona Jueva. Actes del simposi internacional celebrat a Girona. 23, 24 i 25 de març de 2009 (Girona: Patronat del Call de Girona, 2011), 175–204; Josep M. Marquès, “Nota sobre crèdits de jueus de Girona. 1418–1420.” Jornades d’història dels jueus a Catalunya, (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1987), 333–338; Maria Dolors Mercader, L’aljama jueva de la Bisbal de l’Empordà abans de la pesta negra. Els Libri Iudeorum del segle XIV (La Bisbal de l’Empordà: Ajuntament de la Bisbal de l’Empordà, 1999); Albert Riera, “Deutes insatisfets i dret de marca: l’exemple de Bàscara al segle XIV.” Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos 29 (1996): 79–98; Xavier Soldevila, Els jueus de Torroella de Montgrí (1270–1348) (Torroella de Montgrí: Museu de Montgrí i del Baix Ter, 2002), 60–95 and the same author Crèdit i endeutament al comtat d’Empúries (1330–1355) (Castelló d’Empúries: Ajuntament de Castelló d’Empúries, 2008). Outside Girona, for Catalonia in general, see: Teresa Aleixandre, El Liber Iudeorum núm. 90 de l’Aleixar (1344–1348) (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2004); Montserrat Casas, “El Liber Iudeorum de Cardona (1330–1334). Edició i estudi.” Miscel·lània de Textos Medievals 3 (1985): 119–350; Claude Denjean, “Les sources de l’histoire du crédit juif en Catalogne.” in Chrétiens et juifs au Moyen Âge: sources por la recherche d’une relation permanente ( Lleida: Mileno, 2006); “Crèdit jueu i usures cristianes a les viles rurals catalanes a la fi del segle XIII: el jueu Issach Biona, el corredor Guillem Franchea i els canvistes de Barcelona: un mercat d’usures i barates a Vilafranca del Penedès a la fi del segle XIII.” Revista de dret històric català 6 (2006): 259–283; Richard W. Emery, The Jews of Perpignan in the thirteenth century, an economic study based on notarial records, (Nova York: Columbia University Press, 1959), and “Le prêt d’argent juif en Languedoc et Roussillon.” Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 12 (1977): 85–96; Jordi Fernández-Cuadrench, “El crèdit jueu a la Barcelona del segle XIII.” Barcelona Quaderns d’Història 13 (2007): 157–196 and “Crèdit jueu i solidaritat vilatana en el Vallès del segle XIII.” Estudis històrics i documents dels arxius de protocols 15 (1997): 43–58; Antoni Furió, “Diners i crèdit. Els jueus d’Alzira a la segona meitat del segle XIV.” Revista d’Història Medieval 4 (1993): 127–160; Arcadio García Sanz, “Los intereses en los préstamos de los judíos de Vich durante la primera mitad del siglo XIV.” Ausa 41 (1962): 247–255; Montserrat Graells, “L’activitat creditícia dels jueus de Cervera a mitjans del segle XIV.” Miscel·lània cerverina 11 (1997): 45–69; José Hinojosa, “El préstamo judío en la ciudad de Valencia en la segunda mitad del siglo XIV.” Sefarad 45 (1985): 325–399 and “Actividades judías en la Valencia del siglo XIV”, En la España Medi- eval 23 (2000): 1547–1565; Irene Llop, “Els libri iudeorum als arxius catalans”, in Actes del IV congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana, Barcelona—Perpinyà, 15, 16, 17 i 18 d’octubre de 2007, (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Mön Juïc, 2010, in press); José Ramon Magdalena, Judíos y cristianos ante la “Cort del Justícia” de Castellón (Castelló: Diputació de Castelló, 1988); Enric Mateu Boada, “Notes sobre les mencions a jueus en els Llibres de Claveria (Tortosa, segles XIV i XV),” in Actes del I Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana. Barcelona-Girona, del 15 al 17 d’octubre de 2001 (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2004), 299–315; Antonio José Mira, “Els diners dels jueus. Activi- tats econòmiques d’una família hebrea al món rural valencià.” Revista d’Història Medieval 4 (1993): 115–119; Imma Ollich, “Aspectes econòmics de l’activitat dels jueus de Vic segons els Libri Iudeorum (1266–1278).” Miscellània de Textos Medievals, 3 (1985): 1–118; Ana Rich, La comunitat jueva de Barcelona entre 1348 i 1391, a través de la documentació notarial (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 1999). 154 esperança valls i pujol in rural areas and emergent urban settlements. In cities such as Barce- lona, credit trends were similar, but the borrowers were more diverse.11 Most documents record mutuum loans, i.e. simple financing by means of a document that established the debt or articulated the terms of obligation. These short-term loans brought necessary liquidity to a broad spectrum of the medieval society: farmers, craftsmen, bourgeoisie, nobility and clergy. It allowed debtors fast access to money, the recovery of capital by creditors and enabled ready movement of funds, in contrast to alternative lending mechanisms that immobilized borrowed capital for years. This process developed as a small-scale response to changing dynamics in trade, the emergence of new markets and new urban areas that was encouraged by Christian law, despite its official sanctions against loans on interest.12 Christians typically opted for formulas of credit which masked the interest component, which could not always be accessed. The Christian sources analyzed in earlier studies show that, starting in the second half of the 13th century, Jews acted as moneylenders for 40%–50% of capital loans, and the majority of those incorporated the payment of interest. This type of loan remained dominant until the mid-14th century, when it gradually became less common, as loans that offered lower interest rates over a longer term gained popularity (such as violaris and censals, that Jewish moneylenders also carried, but to a lesser degree).13 The strong preference by

11 Fernández Cuadrench, “El crèdit jueu,” 167: “A partir de la dècada dels quaranta i durant la resta del segle XIII, queden ben definides les dues formes de crèdit jueu: els préstecs amb interès -els més nombrosos, car representen el 81,18% dels contractes estu- diats—i els préstecs gratuïts, que suposen el 18,82% restant,” (From the decade of the forty and during the rest of the 13th century, remain very clear-cut the two shapes of Jewish credit: the loans with interest—the most numerous, because they represent 81,18% of the agreements studied—and the free loans, that suppose 18,82% remaining). However it is very likely that many of these loans were not in fact “free.” 12 The development of the credit market among Christians during the medieval period was limited by the Church’s prohibition against applying interest in loans. The ecclesiastical councils—especially the Fourth Lateran Council (1215)—and several royal decrees from the mid-thirteenth century onwards confirm this prohibition. But the reality was more complex. The Catalan constitution, local laws and other lending mechanisms approached this activity to Christians. On this issue, see Soldevila, Els jueus, n. 4, 83. The matter of Christian-owned capital that was loaned to Jews presents another angle on this issue, which is somewhat difficult to verify in the absence of written records. Alternatively, the Bible permitted Jews to profit from loans made to Gentiles (Deut. 23:20–21). 13 The censal was one mechanism for extending credit during the Middle Ages, and it spread throughout most of Europe under various names. A censal was a perpetual annu- ity paid to an investor in return for a (typically substantial) cash investment. The violari is a type of loan that is particular to medieval Catalan civil law. Conceived as a form of long-term credit, generally reputed as a financial scheme that evaded the ecclesiastical restrictions on usury. The violari was arranged for a set period, usually one or two lifetimes, hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 155

Christians for these newer forms of credit gradually displaced Jews from this sector and weakened their position as lenders. Hence, both Christians and Jews were involved in borrowing and lending, as regulated activities between their respective communities.

Evidence for the Regulation of Credit

These Hebrew documents include several lists that illustrate how Jew- ish moneylenders were obligated to declare their lending activities. They appear in two formats. Each listing has two sections: one provides the creditor’s name, followed by the debtor’s name, place of origin/residence, amount of the loan and the notary’s name; the other records the lender’s name and the sum payable, which corresponds to the called tax of “ajuda” or “cisa” (that literally translates as aid tax) in Catalan or ezer tax in Hebrew texts, a set of indirect taxes on goods, loans and merchandises, paid both by Christians and Jews. These lists have a two-fold significance: as the only findings of this type in Catalonia so far, and as evidence which can be compared with the taqqanot of Castelló d’Empuries (a town in the vicinity of Girona), where similar regulations were probably in place).14 In Castelló d’Empúries, these taqqanot, written in Hebrew, Catalan and Latin, included regulations of the tax of “ajuda” during the one-year span form 1 August 1392 to 31 July 1393. The enforcement of this tax was also included in this provision. Under the title “tax debts,” these taqqanot also regulated all matters relating to various aspects of debts between Jews themselves as well as between Jews and Christians: the obligation to declare the agreement, swearing the oath, circumstances of the declaration, along with the tax rates, sanctions, exemptions and requirements incumbent on such

after which the pension automatically expired. Because of its fixed temporal scope, the loan contracted through the violari, it carried double the rate of interest of the censal. On this issue, see: David Rubió, “El circuit privat del censal a Barcelona.” Barcelona qua derns d’història 13 (2007): 239–255; Juan Vicente García Masilla, “La formació d’un mercat de crèdit. Orígens i difusió del censal en la societat valenciana (segles XIII–XIV).” Butlletí de la Societat Catalana d’Estudis històrics 12 (2001): 135–144; Josep M. Passola i Palmada, “Introducció del censal i el violari en el Vic medieval.” Ausa 12/117 (1986): 113–123; Jeffrey Fynn-Paul, “Civic Debt, Civic Taxes, and Urban Unrest: A Catalan Key to Interpreting the late Fourteenth-Century European Crisis,” in Money, Markets and Trade in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Lawrin Armstrong, Ivana Elbl, and Martin M. Elbl, (Leiden: Brill, 2007). 14 Edited and translated by Miquel Pujol, “Dues tabes hebraiques de l’aljama de Castelló d’Empúries.” Calls 4 (1990): 7–52. 156 esperança valls i pujol

transactions, and the rights and duties of the tax of “ajuda” as they applied to purchasers. It was assumed that these loan agreements would be for- malized with a notarial document. The obligation to make a declaration is repeatedly mentioned in these taqqanot, as a mechanism for preventing tax evasion. Notary publics were required to swear a general oath twice a year plus a specific oath required by buyers of the tax of “ajuda”. Members of the Jewish community were prohibited from working with notaries who did not take these oaths. If a notary declined, another would need to be hired. Oaths for loan agreements were taken in the synagogue, where the proceedings—including the loan amount and the names of the lender and of the notary were transcribed in a book specially designated for these records. When applicable, debts had to be registered in Christian notarial books known as Llibre Comun (The common book) or Manual comun i Nota (The common manual and notes) or, in the towns where there was a sizeable Jewish community, in specially designated notarial records, the libri iudeorum (the books of the Jews).15 Such lists appear in two Girona manuscripts—Gi 1,256 a/b sense signatura (transcribed and translated in the Appendix as an example) and Gi 1,256 codavant 3–4—restored from the binding of the Pere Despont’s notarial file of 1397; these fragments may have originated in the aforementioned Jewish community account book (or its draft). No date is evident, since it would have appear in the epigraph, which is missing from this fragment. Based on the lenders’ names, these lists appear to be from the records of the Jewish community of Girona between the late 14th and the early 15th centuries. The lender who appears most frequently in this record is Avraham Ravaya, the Head and Counselor of the Jewish community who also served as the Secretary of the Pious Foundation from 1388 to 1390; two lenders had 17 loans in their names: Belshom Benet, from 1374 to 1391; and Yossef Falcó, another prominent member of the Girona community, from 1366 to 1391. Bonastruc de Maestre was registered for 11 loans, from 1412 to 1423. Also listed as lenders are: Avram Cabrit, Belshom Benet, Adret Haninai, Yitzhak Bonjudà, Escapat Vidal, Astruc Ananies, Astruc Bonet, Astruc Cohen, Astruc Lobell, Arnal Shelomo Bonafed, Belshom Moshe Falcó, Belshom Falcó, Benet Avram, Benet Belshom, Bonet Shaltell,

15 Such books were created as a result of decrees promulgated by James I, and are known from his reign onwards. The names of the Jewish lenders had to be noted in these public books. Thus, by law, loans between Christians and Jews were routinely recorded in these books or common manuals. The majority of contracts recorded in these registers are debts recognitions, in which the debtor acknowledges owing a particular sum of money to the lender. For an overview of libri iudeorum in Catalonia, see Llop, “Els libri iudeorum.” hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 157

Fig. 8.1 Sample of Gi 1,256 a/b sense signatura and codavant 3–4.

Bonassan Astruc, Bonjudà Escapat, Bonastruc Atsmies, Bonjudà Astruc, Bonjudà Yitzhak, Bonjudà Maimon, Astcapat Cabrit, Falcó Bondia, Falcó Moshé, Ferrer Bonassan, Yom Tov, Bonitsac Bonsenyor, Yom Tov’s son, Yossef Belshom, Yossef Astruc, Yitzhak Belshom, Yitzhak Benet, Nassan Moshe, Natanel, Rouben Nissim, Todros de (?), Todros Hasday, Vidal de Cal Ramont, Vidal Lobell, Shelomo sa Porta, Shelomo Adret, Shelomo Bon- juda and Shelomo de Bellcaire.16 This record itemizes 338 loans—ranging from 2 to 900 solidi—and contains the names of 215 Christian borrowers from several villages near Girona.

16 Many of them are documented in the extant regesta. See the classic regesta by Fritz Baer, Die Juden im Christlichen Spanien, Erster Teil: Urkunden und Regesten: vol. 1: Ara- gonien und Navarra (Veröffentlichungen der Akademie für die Wissenschaft des Juden- tums, Historische Sektion, 4,1), (Berlin: 1929/1936; reprint Farnborough, Gregg, 1970) and Joseph Jacobs, An Inquiry into the Sources of the Jews in Spain (London: Nutt, 1894); Jean Régné, History of the Jews in Aragon: Regesta and Documents 1213–1327, ed. Yom Tov Assis, (Hispania Judaica, 1), (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1978); Gemma Escribà and Maria Pilar Frago, Documents dels jueus de Girona: 1124/1595 (Girona: Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat/Arxiu Diocesà de Girona, Ajuntament de Girona, 1992); David Romano, Per a una història de la Girona jueva, 2 vols. (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1988). Several names on the list are among the members of the Jewish community of Girona documented after the pogrom of 1391: Jaume Riera, “Els avalots de 1391 a Girona.” in Jornades d’història dels jueus de Cata- lunya, abril 1987 (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1990), 157–158. 158 esperança valls i pujol

Fig. 8.2 Abbreviated names of notaries.

The names of the notaries in these lists are abbreviated, which compli- cates the task of identifying them. The notaries who have been identified ,(Guillem Llobet (1354–1399, Gi-01—לובט :are all from the Girona district ,Bernat Pintor (1362–1409—פינטו' ,(Pere Mut (1362–1442, Gi-01—מוט Simó—בסגאי' ,(Joan de Fontcuberta (1365–1393, Gi-05—פונקו' ,(Gi-07 Francesc de Cantallops (1376–1384—קנטל' ,(Bassagais (1349–1390, Gi-02 בנגילס'—Gi-04) or Bernat de Cantallops (1353–1368, Gi-05 and 11), and Guillem Banyils (1330–1388, Gi-07). In the group of manuscript fragments Gi 1.51-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b; 3a–b; 4a–b; 5a–b/1361; Gi 1.62-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b/1363; Gi 1.140-codavant 4a–b; 5a–b and 8a–b/1391–1391, where loans from 1324–1331 are recorded, the Girona notaries Arnal Mas (or Arnau Delmas, 1324–1333, Gi-05–8) and Jaume Transfort (1315–1348, Gi-04) frequently appears. The requirement for Jewish community members to work with notaries who swore oaths cannot be over- emphasized. Similarly, the obligation for notaries to declare before Christian authorities is underscored by documents that mention such an oath. It is noteworthy that the loan amounts, generally listed in pounds and solidi, are often estimates. Several sums in these lists reflect the rates applied to taxable loans in Castelló Empúries. It seems that the interest on the lent capital mirrors precisely the tax levied on that sum. hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 159

Record Capital borrowed Among according Interest rate the dead (of total loan) 15.23.1 120 s. 90 (interest rate 30 s.) 33.34% 15.23.2 436 s. 370 (interest rate 66 s.) 17.84% 15.23.3 240 s. 210 (interest rate 30 s.) 14.29% 15.23.4 145 s. 130 (interest rate 15 s.) 11.54% 15.23.5 140 s. 120 (interest rate 20 s.) 16.67% 15.24.6 17 s. 15 (interest rate 2 s.) 13.34% 15.24.7 120 s. 110 (interest rate 10 s.) 9.10% 15.24.8 73 s. 58 (interest rate 15 s.) 25.87%

Fig. 8.3 Records from Gi 1,178-codarrere 12b/1368 (FH 15.23) and Gi 1,178– codarrere 13/1368 (FH 15.24).

Within the broader theme of credit regulations, the documents from Girona also give an indication of the interest rates actually charged. Often camouflaged in the guise of mutuum amicale—term designating a loan free of interest—the absence of interest recorded in many Christians contracts should not be interpreted to mean that it was not applied. Rather, a clause was often added stipulating that if the loans were not liquidated by an agreed upon deadline, future sanctions would be imposed at 20% of the original loan (namely the legally permitted annual interest rate).17 In our corpus, a record of payments is commonly listed beside each initial entry, next to the records of the subsequent payments. Most records do not specify a required annual increase of the capital, i.e., do not show the interest, but we can determine its inclusion within the total capital repayment. Some records, however, show clearly that the increment was concealed after the capital was recorded in the notarial contract: the amount paid was recorded and confirmed in the Hebrew deed with the expression “according to the (Christian) deed”, followed by the payment (Fig. 8.3). Still other records enumerate the payments and schedules for payments, and the sum of all these installments significantly exceeds the initial amount of accorded loan (Fig. 8.4). These few records allow us to

17 On this topic, see Jean Régné, History of the Jeves in Aragon: Regesta and Documents 1213–1327, ed. Yom Tov Assis (Hispania Judaica 1), (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1978): doc. 4, 5, 10, 11; García Sanz, “Los intereses,” 251; Fernández Cuadrench, “El crèdit jueu,” 168. 160 esperança valls i pujol

Hebrew Register Capital Increment Capital Interest Date Term fragment in deed total paid rate Gi 1,62- 5.2.1 700 s. 100 s. 800 s. 14.29% May/1324 4 years/ Codavant 1b/ 200 per 1363 (FH 5.2) annum Gi 1,62- 5.2.3 600 s. 150 s. 750 s. 25% August/ 5 years/ Codavant 1b/ 1324 150 per 1363 (FH 5.2) annum Gi 1,62- 5.3.1 350 s. 50 s. 400 s. 14.29% 1322 8 anys/ Codavant 2a/ 50 per 1363 (FH 5.3) annum Gi 1,62- 5.4.3 50 s. 16 s. 66 s. 32% 1321 Final Codavant 2B/ Payment 1363 (FH 5.4)

Gi 1,178- 15.20.2 50 s. 12 s. 62 s. 24% 135x Final codarrere Payment 11a/1368 (FH 20.2) Gi 1,178- 15.20.4 40 s. 10 s. 50 s. 25% December Final codarrere 1350 Payment 11a/1368 (FH 5.2)

Fig. 8.4 Records where the amounts of the total of the agreed final payments exceed the initial capital.

calculate the real interest rates, which cannot be determined based on the information in Christian sources. The lowest annual rate of interest is 9.10% and the highest is 33.34% (over 60% above the legal limit); most range from 11% to 26%. The applied interest rate is independent of the borrowed amount, of the number of borrowers, of the presence of guarantors, or of the terms of the loan. Thus, conditions were apparently agreed upon on a case-by-case basis.

Analysis of Creditors’ Records

As mentioned above, our findings include fragments from moneylenders’ accounting records, with varying levels of detail and representing both occasional and more regular ongoing activities of a particular creditor. Despite the differences among individual lenders, their levels of activity hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 161 and styles of bookkeeping, these sources on the whole document a continuous stream of activity. These records share an overall format that includes essential elements—each borrower’s identity and place of residence, the amount of the borrowed capital and the term or maturity date of the loan, as well as a mixture of optional additional information, such as18 the borrower’s profession, the name and trade of the guarantor(s), the date and location when the agreement came into effect19 the loan’s conditions, the reference to the corresponding Christian documents, an itemization of payments, the capital remaining after each installment and the resulting balance, as well as other related details (e.g., transfer of debts, oaths, notaries, brokers, exemptions, etc.). In contrast to Christian records, in Jewish sources the purpose of the loan is rarely recorded. Usu- ally the different records are written one after another in a sequence. In some documents, the lines or full text pertaining to it have been blotted out after the loan had been repaid. The loans were most commonly sought by individuals, but different associations of relatives and partners would also borrow money collectively (i.e. a father and children, siblings, partners, and, in some cases- 0,5%-, unmarried women and widows). The majority of debtors (68%) are men alone. In 31,5% of cases the debtor is accompanied generally by his wife and/or by their sons (216). On 49 occasions we have registered loans with the father—and on 2 further occasions with the mother. The remaining joint loans are carried out mostly by men from the same or from a neighboring village (31), and finally by a brother or by a father-in-law (27 cases). The bonds between debtors could be familial or socio-professional. Unfortunately, the professions of the borrowers are seldom included in these entries; they are generally noted only when the profession or role conferred status or served as a primary identifier (over his name): priests (10), knights (1), batlles/mayors (3), physicians (3), furriers (2), barber (1), carpenter (1), jeweler (1), and tailor (1). Loans varied greatly in size, but those granted to Christians in small towns were generally quite modest, averaging approximately 100 solidi.20 Only 15% of loans to Christians exceeded that sum. There is a small

18 The “literature of pinqasim” is characterized by its schematic style and limited vocabulary. See Blasco, “Aspectos económicos y comerciales,” 93–94. 19 Maçanet de la Selva (37), Fornells de la Selva (24), Franciac (18), Fortià and Santa Coloma de Farners (2). 20 The loan of a smaller sum of 1 s. for En Rissec de Montnegre was assigned in February 1338 and reached maturity in June of that same year (Gi 1,56-codarrere 1a /1361–1362). 162 esperança valls i pujol

Number of debtors Number of registers 1 695 2 272 3 45 4 o + 8

Fig. 8.5 Number of debtors per entry.

0,75% 4,50%

26,25%

1 2 3 4

68,50%

Fig. 8.6 Distribution of borrowers according to debtors per loan. hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 163

50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 1 6 17 12 73 27 38 43 56 95 65 84 49 0 13 105 150 120 0 19 410 253 0 22 350 540 800 22,5 32,5 400?

Fig. 8.7 Number of loans according to their value (in solidi). number of loans between members of the Jewish community (0,5%), and always involving higher amounts. In these cases of inter-community loans the borrower was exempted from the payment of interest (such as a record of the year 1337 that scores 4000 s. for the expenses of the marriage of a certain Cresques).21 The presence of a guarantor in the loans depended on several factors. The guarantor could be the same person for different transactions or, inversely, one transaction could involve more than one guarantor. There are some loan notebooks in which these guarantors always appear, while in other fragments they are almost never mentioned. The number of guarantors is not fixed. There is not always a relationship with the amount of the loan and the number of the guarantors. On the other hand, individuals recorded as debtors in some documents, may act as guarantors in the others. The origin of the guarantors is to be sought in the mediaeval solidarity. Most of the guarantors are from the same town as the debtor and there is not always a family relationship. In the rare loans granted to Jews, the guarantors never appear, and the loans are conceded without guarantee or in exchange for a pledge. These transactions are monetary and we rarely find transactions with agricultural products.22 In some cases, when there is no guarantor, the guarantee consist of everyday items, such as: cups, silver belts, trays,

21 Gi 7,71/1397–1398–8a. 22 Mitgeres (measure of weight) of wheat (Gi 1,5–4a/1341–1343) and ground grain (Gi 1,178-codarrere 5a/1368). 164 esperança valls i pujol

24,50%

With guarantor Without guarantor

74,50%

Fig. 8.8 Percentage of guarantors in the records.

2,00% 5,00% 13,000%

0 1 2 30+

80,00%

Fig. 8.9 Percentage of loans with credit guarantors per register.

cutlery, silks and dresses.23 Very few loans are guaranteed by land or real estate, and only in two by hostages as a security.24 Regarding the way the time is reckoned, the records are schematic and the dates were commonly noted according to the Christian calendar (often without noting the first millenium, and at times without the

23 Gi 1,51-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b; 3a–b; 4a–b; 5a–b/1361; Gi 1,62-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b/1363; Gi. 1,140-codavant 4a–b; 5a–b i 8a–b/1391–1391 (1320–1340). See n. 7. 24 Gi 1,211/1378–1379 (records from 1339–1355) and Gi 7,71/1397–1398–8a (1347). hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 165

hundreds, assuming that these numbers were understood; as a result, current readings can err by a factor of a full century), with the months in Cat- alan and days according to Christian observances: the feast days of Sant Miquel, Sant Feliu, Sant Ramon, Sant Lluc, Sant Martí and Sant Gregori, Martror (All Saints’ Day), Carnes Tollendas (Carnival), Nadal (Christmas), Corpocrist (Corpus Christi). Hebrew substitutes for the terms ‘kalends’, ‘nones’ and ‘ides’ were regularly used; and one group of documents works ,(קלינד') ”directly with vocabulary from the Roman calendar: “kalends —instead of their Hebrew equivalents )יד'( ”and “ides (נונש) ”nones“ -It was clearly practical to record infor .(יציאה) יצי' and חצי )כניסה( ,כני' mation regarding loans to be paid in accordance to Christian dates by the terminology of that calendar. The loan period typically ranged from 15 days to one year, though it was longer in some cases.25 Some entries record partial payments distributed over two or more terms. Our corpus records loans dated from 1261–1355, years that can be reasonably considered as terminus ante quem for these Hebrew documents.26 The books in the Historical Archive of Girona from which these fragments were detached are dated between 1345/1346 (Arnau Despoll) and 1498/1499 (Fons Hospici, 67). Most records reveal high levels of credit activity until the deep crisis that began in 1333 (lo mal any primer) and persisted through the years prior to the onset of the Black Death in 1348. We have to keep in mind, on the other hand, that not all the loans could be liquidated. Several documents show payments or enlargements of the initial agreement. Only 174 records are clearly cancelled. Finally, as for geographical area, this corpus includes over 315 toponyms, most derived from towns in the Catalan regions of Alt and Baix Empordà, La Selva, Pla de l’Estany and Gironès. Based on these names, the radius of moneylending recorded here can be calculated at 20–30 kilome- ters from Girona.27 Of the thousand of names that have been culled from

25 The longest recorded term for a loan is eight years, for 300 s. in 1321 (1,62-Gi Coda- vant 2b/1363). The shortest term is a week and a half (55 s. in 1330), Gi. 7,71, 10 a, 8. 26 These are the dates on the registers from Gi 1.S–4a/1341–1343 and Gi 7,71–2/1397– 1398. 27 This radius of activity is similar to the Jewish lenders from La Bisbal and Peralada. See Mercader, L’aljama jueva, 55 and Farías Zurita, “Iudei de Petralata,” 242. On the other hand the villages with more recorded loans are Celrà, Riudellots de la Selva, Juià, Madremanya, Campllong, Cassà de la Selva, Fornells de la Selva, Sarrià de Ter, Mieres, Llambilles, Palol de Revardit, Camós, Amer, Corçà, Felines, Llagostera, Rupià, Corçà and Salt. 166 esperança valls i pujol

1,00% 2,50% 3,50% 4,00% 5,00% less than 1 year34,50% 34,50% 4,50% 1 year 28,00% 1 year and half 17,00% 2 years 4,50% 4 years 5,00% 5 years 4,00% 17,00% 6 years 3,50% 7 years 1,00% 8 years 2,50%

28,00%

Fig. 8.10 Timeframes for loan agreements.

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1321 1323 1325 1327 1329 1331 1333 1335 1337 1339 1341 1343 1345 1347 1350 1353 1355 1363 13881391 1393

Fig. 8.11 Distribution of loans per year (as a percentage of total loans analyzed).

60 50 40 30 20 10 0 y April Ma June July ober March August ember January February Oct Sept NovemberDecember

Fig. 8.12 Percentage of loans granted per month. hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 167 these fragments, most come from individually recorded notebooks, and 85% are identifiably Christian.

Miscellaneous Economic Activity and Catalan Vocabulary in Hebrew Transaction Records

The fragments analyzed here also provide incidental data relating to other economic activity, relating to local trade and crafts:

• Sales records: some fragments document the purchase and sale of textiles and bedding.28 These records include many Catalan words appear מטלאף—in Catalan vocabulary transcribed in Hebrew script: matalaf bedspread) or) ונובה—blanket), vànova) פלסדה—mattress), flassada) 29.טרושיר—trosser • Transactions involving livestock, wheat, grapes, and miscellaneous payments (for candles, paper, court taxes, etc.) are also mentioned.30 • Inventory: a fragment containing an inventory of textiles and clothing provides another instance where many Catalan words appear in Hebrew a cloth to cover) אשפוניריש bedspread), esponeres) ונובה—script: vànova ,(.blue m.s) בלב—striped), blau) לישטדה—one side of the bed), llistada yellow, f.s.).31) (גרוגה) blue, f.s.), groga) בלבה—blava • Construction records: one highly unusual fragment contains notes written by a Jew regarding the activity of his building firm (see Appendix 2). It describes plans for constructing a wall, and the distance from an existing wall that must legally be maintained. This register also lists his daily outlay for materials (e.g., beams, stones, plaster and lime) and the work to be undertaken on it: a room; several ceilings for Belšom Benet; and a lintel for Vidal de Bellcaire. This record is written in a mixture of Hebrew and Catalan with respect to persons and material, such as plaster).32) גיש—’guix‘

28 Gi 1,258-codarrere 1–6 and codavant 1. 29 Medieval Catalan word that can translate for “bundle of clothes” Cf. Trossa, [Troça] in Germà Colón Domènech, Vocabulari de la llengua catalana medieval de Lluís Faraudo de Saint-Germain (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, www.iec.cat/faraudo). 30 Gi 1,140/1391–1392. 31 Gi 1,160-codavant 5/1361–1362. 32 Gi 1,115-codavant 3/1377. 168 esperança valls i pujol

• Community accounts or a listing count of tax of “ajuda”on meat of the year 1345. Included in these fragments.33 • A series of ten pages (written on paper) contains the account of the Jew- ish community of Girona, as recorded by its Treasurer Yosef Zabara.34

Conclusion

As we have seen, these fragments are dominated by documentation of credit activity conducted by the Jews of Girona. Medieval society had entered a constant debt dynamics. In the context of a medieval economy characterized by a continuous ebb and flow of debts, Jews were visible and essential actors in the credit system. However, as Fernandez-Cuadrench has remarked, “the Jews were not unscrupulous lenders and the lending activity was not only one-time activity,” an observation that is confirmed by the fragments that document records of accounts and the requisite paperwork prepared by creditors, whether this was their full- or part-time profession. While some historians have suggested that too much attention is focused on the place of Jews in granting credit on interest, this study indicates the contrary. In fact, these lists of creditors, debtors and notaries with respect to the tax of “ajuda” allow us to better understand the complexity of financing medieval loans, within a system that was highly regulated for both Christians and Jews. But interest in this regulation happened for several reasons: Among Jews this regulation was associated to their financial obligations to the monarchy, in order to maintain their privileges and security as a religious minority, and for internal communal assessments. While Christians were religiously barred from participating in loans that involved interest, economic realities led them to seek alternate means to work within the credit system. The Hebrew fragments from the Historical Archive of Girona are situated in a medieval context driven by economic and societal change, namely the development of small new urban zones and emergent markets. These manuscripts enable us to analyze medieval economic activity among Jews in Girona and Catalonia from the perspective of Jewish sources, which carry their own message, and complement prior studies based on Christian sources alone.

33 Gi 1,160-codavant 6 / 1361–1362. 34 See n. 9. hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 169

Appendix 1

FH 28.21 (Gi 1,256 s.s, a/1397)

Right column (a)

]. . .[ 1 2 ]. . .[ מודג]. . .[ ו ]. . .[ד'35 א 3 ]. . .[ג ברנגיר ]. . .[ 4 ]. . .[ הנו'36 ]. . .[ יב ד' 5 ]. . .[ש' דוי בונגורן ג]. . .[ טו ]ד'[ ג 6 ]. . .[ מאש]. . .[ גק]. . .[ ]. . .[ ד' ד פ' 7 ]. . .[ ]. . .[ רטייא]. . .[ ]. . .[ ד' ד ל]יט'[ ז 8 ]יוס[ףֹ אצמיאש ארנאב ]. . .[ ב א ד' 9 ]. . .[ ברינגי' ניקולא דאויג]. . .[יט ופי' שגלאש פב ד' 10 ]. . .[ פר]. . .[ צ ד' 11 ]בונ[גודה איצק גֹקמי סובלינה דקולונייא יא ד' 12 ]ב[ונגודה איצק פי' קלי]. . .[י דשילש ו ליט' 13 בוס' 14 פ]. . .[ דנאשך \]. . .[שה/ ברנד טייא דו]. . .[שה ו ד' יב 15 בו]. . .[ום פיל]. . .[ טורון דש' דלמאי נ ד' 16 ]. . .[מן גי' ]. . .[ דבלאנקה וגי' דס]. . .[ כב ד' 17 בונאשן אשתרוק פי' טריל דקסאן ו ד' 18 פריר בונאשן טוני קול דמונטגירי כב ד' טו' 19 בונא]ש[ן אשתרוק ברנך נוא]י[ל דברוגו ]. . .[ ד' ד פ' 20 מושה קבריט וי].[גוט אוונאד דפלול ובנו נה ד' 21 מימון ]בונ[גודה ברנד נואיל וארנב פלגירש 22 דברוגו' יג ]ד'[ 24 שלמה דב]י[לקיי' ברנגי' ס]. . .[ו דאשט].[ ק צה ]ד'[ 25 פריר בונאשן פרנסשק רשטוי דלמבילש ]. . .[ 26 בונ]. . .[ אברם פרנסשק ]. . .[קרוש ופרנס]שק[ ]. . .[ 27 דבורדילש כ ד' 28 שלמה דבילקיי' ברטומיו קונומינה וגי' אס]. . .[ יד ד' 29 יוסףֹ פלכו ארנב טורינט דקסס]א[]. . .[ קטו ד' ]. . .[ 30 אשתרוק בניט פרנסשק פדרון קטן ד]. . .[ ש ל]. . .[ד' 31 בניט בילשום פרנסשק פוגֹ דפ]. . .[ ש יב ד' 32 וידאל לוביל גי' טאסי דפוגֹ פל]. . .[ וגק[מי] 33 קשטיון מאש 34 ש]. . .[ש' מזה ל]. . .[ף ]. . .[גודא 35 שלמה דבילקיי' ארנב בופי דבורדילש [י]א ד'

ליט' 35 הנוח 36 170 esperança valls i pujol

36 בונשתרוק דסמאישטרי פי' אשטרו]. . .[דפורנילש יו ד' נ פ' 37 ש].ל..[ דבלאניש פי' פילק דברוגולה ז ד' כא 38 ]. . .[וס דיבלו גואן מרטין דפורנילש וברנד 39 אורט דאיי' ויבה פ ד' 40 בונגודה איצק פי' גראב דפורנילש סה ד' 41 דוסג' 42 איצק בונגודה מטיו שירה דאיי' ויבה וגואן קולומיר \כה ד' כט/ 43 ופי' שירה דפרנסיאק [בו]סגאי'

1 (. . .)37 2 (. . .) s. | 1 3 (. . .) Berenguer (. . .) 4 (. . .) store (. . .) 12 s. 5 (. . .) Davi Bonjorn (. . .) 15 s. | 3 6 (. . .)s., 4 d. 7 (. . .) s. 7 l. | 6 8 [Yosse]f Atsmies, Arnau (. . .) 1 s. 9 (. . .) Berengue(r) Nicolau d’Avig(. . .) and Pere Saglàs,38 82 s. 10 (. . .) 90 s. 11 [Bon]judà Yitsaq, Jaqme sa Vaulina de Colonya, 12 s. 12 [B]onjudà Yitsaq, Pere Cal(. . .) de Sils, 6 l. 13 BOS39 14 (. . .) de Nassan (. . .) Bernad Teià de (. . .) 6 s. | 12 15 (. . .) Toron de S(ant) Dalmai, 50 s. 16 (. . .) Gui(em) de Blanca and Gui(em) de sa (. . .), 22 s. 17 Bonassan Astruc, Pere Tarell40 de Cassan, 6 s. 18 Ferrer Bonassan, Toni Col(l) de Montguiri,41 22 s.| 15 19 Bonassan Astruc, Bernad Noall de Brugo(nyà), (. . .) s. 4 d. 20 Moshé Cabrit, Vi(. . .)lgot Avonar de Palol and his son, 55 s. 21 Maimon [Bon]judà, Bernad Noall and Arnau Falgueres 22 de Brugo(nyà), 13 s. 23 (. . .) Falcó, Pe(re) Perpinyan de Caules, 26 s. 24 Shelomo de Bellcai(re), Berengue(r) (. . .), 95 s. 25 Ferrer Bonassan, Francesc Rostoi de Lambilles (. . .) 26 (. . .) Avram, Francesc (. . .) and Francesc (. . .) 27 de Bordils, 20 s. 28 Shelomó de Bellcai(re), Bartomeu Conomina and Gui(em) (. . .), 14 s. 29 Yossef Falcó, Arnau Torinet de (. . .), 115 s.

37 This area was the abbreviated name of the notary that preceded the first group of loans in this column. 38 Sagalàs, Sagales or Sagalés 39 This is the abbreviated name of the notary. 40 Tarall? .Montgrí ,מונטגרי :It is probably a mistake 41 hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 171

30 Astruc Benet, Francesc Padron junior de (. . .), 5(. . .) s. 31 Benet Belshom, Francesc Puig de (. . .), 12 s. 32 Vidal Lobell, Gui(em) Tassi de Puig (. . .) and Jacme 33 Castion Mas 34 (. . .) from here (. . .) 35 Shelomó de Bellcai(re), Arnau Bofí de Bordils, 11 s. 36 Bonastruc des Maestre, Pe(re) Astr(. . .) de Fornells, 16 s. 50 d. 37 (. . .) de Blanes, Pe(re) Pilac de Brujola, 7 s. | 21 38 (. . .) Diulo (?), Joan Martin de Fornells and Bernad 39 Ort d’Ai(gua) Viva, 80 s. 40 Bonjudà Yitzaq, Pe(re) Garau de Fornells, 65 s. 41 DOSG42(?) 42 Yitzaq Bonjudà, Mateu Serra43 d’Ai(gua) Viva and Joan Colomer, /25 s.| 26\ 43 and Pe(re) Cera de Franciac | BOSGAI |44

Left column (b)

1 ברק]. . .[ט ברנגי' ספלאנא [ד]פאלגאש מד [ד'[ 2 מי[מ]ון בונגודה פרנסשק משאון ואשטניול 3 דקניט ו ליט' ]יב[ ד' 4 ]. . .[נש]. . .[ן ]. . .[מאש' ארנב בופי דקורצן ]. . .[ ג [ד'[ 5 גזב]. . .[ קדש תלמו[ד[ תורה על כלל בשקרא ]. . .[פ]. . .[ 6 בנ]. . .[ מ ליט' 7 בונגודה מימון פי' ארמאדש דפלפרוגיל ה ליט' 8 פינטו' 9 יוסףֹ פלכו ברנגי' אבריק דסלראן כג ד' 10 בלשום בניט ].[שמש].[א ובנו ד]. . .[פש ג ליט' לז 11 ]. . .[ ש]. . .[ט]. . .[ ש ]. . .[ ד' 12 ]. . .[שלמה ]. . .[ כה ד' 13 אשתרוק בניט ב]. . .[פו]. . .[ד[ס]דלו]. . .[ נח ד' לט 14 ]. . .[ גואן אגוייאנה סופר דבגול[ש [ מד ליטר' 15 פינטו' 16 ]. . .[ ספורטא פי' מונטגוט ופי' לינאש נ ד' מ 17 דקשטלאר 18 ]. . .[ ברנד פושאן ורמון וידאל וברנגי]'[ 19 גאשגוש עה ד' 20 בלשום בניט פרנסשק לדון דפדרינא סא ד' 21 בונגודה א]יצ[ק ברנד פושאן ורמון וידאל וברנגי' 22 [גאשגוש] קמ ד'

42 This is the abbreviated name of the notary. 43 Or Cera 44 This is the abbreviated name of the notary, probably Simon Bassagais (also Bosse- gais), documented between 1349 and 1390. AHG, Districte notarial de Girona 03. 172 esperança valls i pujol

23 ]. . .[ט בלשום פי' גראב/ דפלאב \ ופי' דספוג דק]. . .[רט 24 נשאר'45 לפרוע ז ד' 25 ]. . .[בונגורן ברנגיר פדרון ואש'46 וב]. . .[ נה ד' 26 [בל]שום בניט גי' ספונט באג ופי' ספו]. . .[ 27 דשילש ]. . .[ ד' מד 28 ]. . .[ק ]. . .[ גי' פגיש דש' לוגייאן יו ד' 29 אשתרוק[בניט] פי' דרנאב דליש עה ד' 30 דוויט ]. . .[בר]. . .[ ר]. . .[ פג]. . .[ דאשטניול כב ד' 31 בלשום פלכו פ[י' ...[ ]']...]לור].[אן דסנטיונש ואביו ו ליט' י[ב] ד' ]. . .[ 32 יוסףֹ פלכו פי' אנג[ל]אדש דסרניאן לו ד' 33 נסנאל ברנגי' מל[ו]יט דסאייש יג ליט' יו ד' 34 ק]. . .[ן דסמאש ברנגי]'[ ]. . .[צו י ד' 35 שלמה ספורטא גי' שירה דש' גרגורי קכב ד' נא 36 בכ]. . .[שע י אבריל פו והתחיל מיד לורינץ 37 לכתוב ו].[סר ]. . .[ משם שם היחודי 38 איצק בונגודה ברנד גאריק דוואל דש' גרגורי סא ד' 39 יוסףֹ פלכו פי' פוב / דפורנילש \ ופרנסשק בישן דסוולנדה קכא ד' 40 מושה קבריט גקמי קאמש דוי' בלרש כ ד' 41 יוסףֹ פלכו גקמי בושן ובנו דאדרי סה ד' נד 42 דוי פלכו ברנגיר בשקוס ו ברנגי' פראט 43 דסלראן יד ד' נה

1 (. . .) Berengue(r) sa Plana [de] Falgàs,47 40 s. 2 Maimon Bonjudà, Francesc Masson and Estanyol 3 de Canet (d’Adri), 6 l. [12] s. 4 (. . .) Arnau Bofí de Cortsan, (. . .) 3 s. 5 (. . .) sacred Talmud Torah about the rule (. . .) 6 (. . .), 40 l. 7 Bonjudà Maimon, Pe(re) Armades de Palafrugell, 5 l. 8 PINTO48 9 Yossef Falcó, Berengue(r) Abric de Salran, 23 s. 10 Belshom Benet, (. . .) and his son de (. . .), 3 l. | 37 11 (. . .) s. 12 (. . .) Šelomó (. . .), 25 s. 13 Astruc Benet, (. . .) de (. . .), 58 s. | 39 14 (. . .) Joan Agullana, scribe de Bajoles, 44 l. 15 PINTO49 16 (. . .) sa Porta, Pe(re) Montagut and Pe(re) L[l]inars, 50 s. | 40 17 de Castelar 18 (. . .) Bernad Fossan and Ramon Vidal and Berengué

ונשארו 45 אשתו 46 47 Sant Pere de Falgars. 48 Abbreviated name of the notary Bernat Pintor (1362–1409, Gi-07). 49 Gasgós? hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 173

19 Gassagós, 49 75 s. 20 Belshom Benet, Francesc Ladon de Pedrinà, 61 s. 21 Bonjudà [Yitz]saq Bernad Fossan and Ramon Vidal and Berengue(r) 22 [Gassagós], 140 s. 23 (. . .) Belshom, Pe(re) Garau \de Palau/ and Pe(re) sa Puig de (. . .) 24 and remained to pay 7 s. 25 (. . .) Bonjuran, Berenguer Padron and his wife, 55 s. 26 [Bel]shom Benet, Gui(em) sa Pont Bag and Pe(re) sa (. . .) 27 de Sils, (. . .) s. | 44 28 (. . .) Gui(em) Pagès de S(anta) Logaian,50 16 s. 29 Astruc [Benet], Pe(re) d’Arnau de Les,51 s. 30 Davit (. . .), d’Estanyol, 22 s. 31 Belshom Falcó, Pe(re) (. . .) de Santions (?) and his father, 6 l. 12 s. | (. . .) 32 Yossef Falcó, Pere d’Ang[l]ada de Seranian,52 36 s. 33 Nassanel, Berengu(er) Mal[v]et de s’Alls,53 13 l. 16 s. 34 (. . .) de sa Mas, Benrengu(er) (. . .), 12 s. 35 Shelomó sa Porta, Gui(em) Serra54 de S(ant) Gregori, 122 s.| 51 36 (. . .) 10 abril (13)87, and began by the hand of Lorenç 37 To writte and (. . .) from there, on behalf of the each individual. 38 Yitzhak Bonjudà, Bernad Garic55 de Val[l] de S(ant) Gregori, 61 s. 39 Y ossef Falcó, Pe(re) Pou \ de Fornells / and Francesc Bissan de sa Vaulanada, 121 s. 40 Moshe Cabrit, Jacme Cams de Vi(la) Blareix, 20 s. 41 Yossef Falcó, Jacme Bossan and his son, d’Adri, 65 s. | 54 42 Daví Falcó, Berenguer Bascós, and Berengu(er) Ferrat 43 de Salran, 12 s. | 55

FH 28.22(Gi 1,256 s.s, b /1397)

Right column (a)

1 ]. . .[ק ]. . .[דור מבת בונגודה אשתרוק קי ד' 2 ]. . .[ קלומי[ר[ דקניט ]. . .[ 3 ]. . .[ב ]. . .[טאי ]. . .[ ד]. . .[א נשו לפר].[]. . .[ 4 [...[ [ש]למה דב[יל]קיי' ברט]. . .[ סקסרה ]. . .[ 5 [ בו]נשתרוק דסמא'56 פ]. . .[שדורני ]. . .[ ]. . .[ 6 ]. . .[ 7

50 Santa Llogaia del Terri or Santa Llogaia d’Àlguema. 51 Llers. 52 Serinyà. 53 Sant Cebrià dels Alls. 54 Cera? 55 Garric? דסמאישטר 56 174 esperança valls i pujol

8 ]. . .[ ובן נסים בר]. . .[ 9 ]. . .[ ]יו]סףֹ פלכו ]. . .[ 10 דק ]. . .[ 11 ]. . .[ן בו[נג]ודה פי' ט]. . .[ש ופי' פ]. . .[ 12 [ש]למה ספורטא פי' לינאש ד]. . .[ 13 [ב]לשום פלכו יום טוב ]. . .[ 14 [בו]נשתרוק דסמאש דונוא ]. . .[ 15 בוס' 16 [של]מה דבילקיי' פי' דסק ]. . .[ 17 ]. . .[ נבא' יעקב ד]. . .[ 18 ]. . .[אל פי' פריגולה דקניט ]. . .[ (Left column (b 19 ]. . .[ ברנגיר פריר דרופין כב ד' 20 ]. . .[ משא]. . .[ דקניט ובנו קנ כב [ד'] 21 ]. . .[ך פלכו ברנד כרניש דגוייאן וגי' מר[טין] כט ד' 22 ]. . .[ ברמד פריר דסלראן ח ד' )Right column )a 23 ]. . .[ש שאי גואן טורט דאואיל קניט לט ד' 24 ]. . .[פלכו אנדריו כפילא דקמלונך כ ד' 25 ]. . .[נאל רמון דגי]. . .[ ]. . .[ל].[ ]. . .[פ]. . .[ כב ד' 26 ]. . .[ יום טוב ובנו ויד]. . .[ ]. . .[ט]. . .[ סב ד' 27 ]. . .[בונגורן רמון ]. . .[ניל דקבנלש ופי' מוראט \רלב/ ד' 28 ]. . .[ש' דיוסף פלכו ]. . .[ 29 ]. . .[מ' אנבונגודה אשתרוק /]. . .[ך ]. . .[\ דאמיר פח ד' 30 ]. . .[ בילשום פרנסשק ונאלוביתה דפלאב מה די 31 [בונגו]דה מימון ברנד נ]. . .[אל דברוגו' כג ד' 32 ]. . .[רם קבריט גואן בגייאן דקמוש כד ד' 33 [ א]ברם רו[י]ה ברינגי' מוריל ד רידלו ' ו ד' עד 34 ]. . .[ בילשום גואן דיואלש ולורינץ 35 דספלאן דרידלוטש מט ד' 36 ]. . .[דרום די בלו' ברנגי' פריר דפליניש ע ד' 37 בלשום משה גי' פוג ופי' רייניש וגראב 38 קמרדון דמללבין |גיל'| קיו ד' 39 בלשום בניט פי' קבליש ושבה דקבליש כה ד' 40 בונשתרוק דסמאש גואן גנישטא דאסוי 41 וברנד ריג דמוליט כו ד' 42 יוסף בלשום גי' לורינץ דאסוי מח ד' 43 פר'57 ונשא'58 כד ד'

1 (. . .) the daughter of Bonjudà Astruc, 110 s. 2 (. . .) Colomer de Canet (. . .) 3 (. . .) they swore for to pay (. . .) 4 Shelomo de Be[ll]cai(re), (. . .) sa Casara (. . .)

פרעו 57 ונשארו 58 hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 175

5 (. . .) n’Astruc de sa (. . .) Sadorní (. . .) 6 (. . .) 7 (. . .) 8 (. . .) and Ben Nassim (. . .) 9 (. . .) [Yo]ssef Falcó (. . .) 10 (. . .) 11 (. . .) Bon[ju]dà, Pe(re) (. . .) and Pe(re) (. . .) 12 (. . .)[She]lomo sa Porta, Pe(re) L[l]inas de (. . .) 13 (. . .) [Be]lshom Falcó, Yom Tov (. . .) 14 (. . .) [Bo]nastruc de sa Mas (. . .) 15 BOS’ 16 (. . .) [She]lomó de Bellcai(re), Pe(re) de sa (. . .) 17 (. . .) Yaqov de (. . .) 18 (. . .) Pe(re) Farigola de Canet (. . .) 19 (. . .) Berenguer Ferrer de Rupian,59 22 d. 20 (. . .) de Canet and his son, 150 s. 22 (d.) 21 (. . .) Falcó, Bernad Carnés de Juian and Gui(em) Martin, 29 s. 22 (. . .) Bernad Ferrer de Salran, 8 s. 23 (. . .) Joan Tort d’avall Canet, 39 s. 24 (. . .) Falcó, Andreu Capella de Camlonc, 20 s. 25 (. . .) Ramon de (. . .), 22 s. 26 (. . .) Yom Tov and his son, (. . .), 62 s. 27 (. . .) Bonjudan, Ramon (. . .) de Cabanelles and Pe(re) Morat, 232 s. 28 (. . .) de Yossef Falcó (. . .) 29 (. . .) en Bonjudà Astruc (. . .) d’Amer, 88 s. 30 (. . .) Belshom, Francesc and na L[l]obeta de Palau, 45 s. 31 (. . .) [Bonju]dà Maimon, Bernad (. . .) de Brugo(nyà), 23 s. 32 (. . .) Joan Bagian de Camós, 24 s. 33 [A]bram Rava[y]a, Berengue(r) Morel(l) de Ridalo(ts), 6 s. | 74 34 (. . .) Belshom, Joan de Valls and L(l)orents 35 de sa plan de Ridalots, 49 s. 36 (. . .) de Bel(loc), Berengue(r) Ferrer de Felines, 70 s. 37 Belshom Moshé, Gui(em) Puig and Pe(re) Reines and Garau 38 Camradon de Malalven, |GIL|60 116 s. 39 Belshom Benet, Pere Cavalls and.(. . .) de Cavalls, 25 s. 40 Bonastruc de sa Mas, Joan Ginesta d’Assavi(?) 41 and Bernad Reig de Mol(l)et, 26 s. 42 Yossef Belshom, Gui(em) L(l)orents d’Assavi, 48 s. 43 They paid and remained 24 s.

Left column (b) 1 ]. . .[דרוס חסדא]. . .[ ]. . .[ 2

59 Rupià. 60 Abbreviated name of the notary. 176 esperança valls i pujol

]. . .[ 3 4 ]. . .[ל]. . .[ 5 ]. . .[ טו ליט' 6 ]. . .[ קמל]. . .[ ק ד' 7 ]. . .[ר דקניט ואשת גי' \כה ד'/ 8 בוס' 9 ]. . .[ דפלול עה ד' קפב 10 ]. . .[פ]. . .[ ]. . .[שן גואן דבשקנון ואש' יו ליט' 11 ]. . .[ ]ב]וס' 12 ]. . .[ ברנד פרטוש ובנו דאסוי יא ליט' 13 בוס' 14 ]. . .[צלון ואבו ]. . .[ה פ ד' 15 ]. . .[ ו ברנגי ר מ]. . .[ ן פח קפה 16 ]. . .[ש ]. . .[ 17 ]. . .[ד].[ליל וא]. . .[ כיוש יא ליט' י ד' 18 ]. . .[ה].[ פי 'אשקמכ].[ ]. . .[ו ופי' דלמב 19 ]. . .[ דפ]. . .[אן כיוש ט ליט' י ד' 20 אברם רויה פי' רוברה ד]. . .[ קב ד' ח פ' קפז 21 שלמה דבילקיי' ]. . .[א' כה ד' 22 איצק בונגודה גי' ברנד וגואן קולומיר דאי' ויבה מ ד' 23 בוניט אברם מטיו פריר דרידלו' ומרטין גראב נ ד' 24 דפורנ פונקו' 25 איצק בונגודה פי' גשואן דש' דלמאי יב ד' 26 שלמה דבילקיי' אנטוני קול דמונטניגרי יב ד' ו פי קצא 27 אשתרוק בניט גקמי גישירש דקורניאן י ד' 28 ארגאל שלמה בונפיד ברנד אנדריו דפגרש עה ד' 29 עומד בעד אנשלטיל גרםיאן כ ד' 30 בונגודה מימון גי' ספונט דקמוש קצב 31 נםיאל ש]..ה[' רמון אלב]. . .[ט דמונטניגרי ה ד'

1 (. . .) 2 (. . .) 3 (. . .) 4 (. . .) 5 (. . .) 15 l. 6 (. . .) 100 s. 7 (. . .) de Canet and the wife of Gui(em), 25 s. 8 BOS’ 9 (. . .) de Palol, 75 s. |182 10 (. . .) Joan de Bescanon and his wife, 15 l. 11 [B]OS 12 (. . .) Bernad Pratós and his son d’Assui, 11 l. 13 BOS hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 177

14 (. . .) and his son, 80 s. 15 (. . .) and Berenguer, 88 s. |185 16 (. . .) 17 (. . .) |CI[O]S|61 11 l. 10 s. 18 (. . .), Pe(re) (. . .), and Pe(re) Dalmau (. . .) 19 (. . .) |CIOS|, 9 l., 10 s. 20 Avram Ravaya, Pe(re) Roura de(. . .) 102 s., 8 d. 21 Shelomó de Be[ll]cai(re), (. . .), 25 s. 22 Yitzaq Bonjudà, Gui(em) Bernad and Joan Colomer d’Ai(gua) Viva, 40 s. 23 Bonet Avram, Mateu Ferrer de Ridelo(ts) and Martin Garau, 50 s. 24 |de FORN FONQ|62 25 Yitzaq Bonjudà, Pere Gaixon de S(ant) Dalmai, 12 s. 26 Shelomo de Be[ll]cai(re), Antoni Coll de Montnegre, 12 s. 6 d. |191 27 N’Astruc Benet, Jacme Gisseres de Cornian, 10 s. 28 N’Argal Shelomo Bonafed, Bernad Andreu de Pagres, 70 s. 29 was maintained until en Shaltell Grassian, 20 s. 30 Bonjudà Maimon, Gui(em) sa Pont63 de Camós |192 31 Nassiel (. . .), Ramon (. . .) de Montnegre, 5 s.

Appendix 2

FH 11.23 (Gi 1,115-codavant 3a/1377)

Right column (a) 1 ]. . .[ ה]. . .[ה שעשיתי ]. . .[צר לחוק ]. . .[ 2 ]. . .[ת מקיר לקיר כ די' שלא יהרס 3 ]. . .[שא גיש ב די' ה פש' 4 ]. . .[ לברנגיר משכירות יום ה די' 5 ]. . .[לכערו ג די' 6 ]. . .[סמרים יו פש' 7 ]. . .[ לשתות ח פש' 8 ]. . .[ץ שמשכן אותי ד פש' 9 ]. . .[שתרוק דפטיטה ולמחוק הקנס ס פש' 10 ]. . .[ס אנוידאל דבילקיירי ולכתוב ד פש' 11 ]. . .[ קורות קטנים דנבלשום בניט 12 ]. . .[תו מהן ב די' 13 ]. . .[ לחשוב ביטול שעשו בעד שער 14 ]. . .[ וידאל דבילקיירי והמשקוף

1 (. . .) that I made (. . .) for the stair (. . .) 2 (. . .) wall to wall, 20 s. that will not destroy (. . .)

61 Abbreviated name of the notary. 62 Abbreviated name of the notary. Joan de Fontcoberta (1365–1393)?. 63 Or sa Font. 178 esperança valls i pujol

3 (. . .) guix,64 2 s. 5 d. 4 (. . .) to Berenguer, day wage, 5 s. 5 (. . .) to make ugly it., 3 s. 6 (. . .) 16 d. 7 (. . .) to drink, 8 d. 8 (. . .) that pawned to me, 4 d. 9 (. . .) Estruc de Petita and for the strickle of canes65 10 (. . .) en Vidal de Bellcaire and for the writing, 4 d. 11 (. . .) little beams de’n Belshom Benet 12 (. . .) of them, 2 s. 13 (. . .) to devise canceling that they made up to a door 14 (. . .) Vidal de Bellcaire and a lintel

Left column (b)

1 ]. . .[ קניתי ב שקים גיש ב די' ]. . .[ 2 עו' ע'66 ברכו'67 ב שקים ב די' ]. . .[ 3 ב משואו'68 סיד ט די' ד פש' ]. . .[ 4 יום ג 5 ד אבנים גדולות עם משא ב די' ]. . .[ 6 ב משואו' סיד ט די' ד פש' ]. . .[ 7 יום ד 8 משא סיד ד די' ח פש' 9 שני אבנים יב פש' ]. . .[ 10 פרעתי לאנפונט ס]. . .[רח

1 (. . .) I bought 2 sacks of guix, 2 s. (. . .) 2 Item I made some cisterns, 2 sacks 2 s. (. . .) 3 2 loads of lime, 9 s. 4 d. (. . .) 4 Tuesday69 5 2 stones with load, 2 s. (. . .) 6 2 loads of lime, 9 s. 4 d. (. . .) 7 Wednesday70 8 A load of lime, 4 s. 8 d. (. . .) 9 Two stones, 12 d. (. . .) 10 I paid to en Pont (. . .)

64 Plaster. 65 Measure of Catalonia, the Balearic Islands and Northern Catalonia, which is equivalent to 8 foot thick, or 6 feet, or 2 steps, and in Barcelona is equal to 1.555 meters. עשיתי 66 ברכות 67 משואים but is משואות 68 69 Or “3rd working day”. 70 Or “4rd working day”. hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 179

Fig. 8.13 FH 28.21 (Gi 1,256 s.s, a/1397) [131 × 168,4 mm]. 180 esperança valls i pujol

Fig. 8.14 FH 28.22 (Gi 1,256 s.s, b/1397) [131 × 168,4 mm]. hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity 181

Fig. 8.15 FH 11.23 (Gi 1,115-codavant 3a/1377) [246,7 × 169,3 mm].

PART three

REGIONAL PROJECTS

A Regional Perspective on Hebrew Fragments: The Case of Moravia

Tamás Visi and Magdaléna Jánošíková

The Moravia of today, a province of the Czech Republic, was known as the Margraviate of Moravia during the High Middle Ages. As a distinct area of the Bohemian kingdom, this Margraviate was often governed by junior princes of the Premyslid dynasty.1 A Jewish presence in Moravia can be dated back to the second-half of the twelfth century although the evidence is scarce and disputable prior to the mid-thirteenth century.2 The first organized communities appeared in major cities—most notably Brno (Brünn), Olomouc (Olmütz), Znojmo (Znaim) and Jihlava (Iglau)— during the latter half of the thirteenth and throughout the fourteenth century. The rights of Jews were proclaimed by the Bohemian King Ottokar II in 1268.3 Following the Black Death, Moravia received an influx of Jewish refu- gees from Western Europe. By the early fifteenth century, a rabbinic network had coalesced in the region, as evidenced by the increasing mention in contemporaneous Hebrew sources of rabbis in Brno (R. Veybuz or Pfey- bus, circa 1387–1389; R. Eizik Tirna, circa 1424; R. Yisrael Bruna, circa 1440;

1 We are most grateful to all the participants of the EAJS Annual Colloquium: Books within Books—New Discoveries in Old Book Bindings Workshop (Wolfson College, Oxford, July 18–20, 2011) for their comments, criticism and encouragement. This study has been conducted within “Moravia and the world: art in open multicultural space” (MSM 6198959225). This research has been supported by a Marie Curie European Reintegration Grant within the 7th European Community Framework Program. 2 The relevant sources have been collected by Bertold Bretzhold, Quellen zur Geschichte der Juden in Mähren vom XI. bis zum XV. Jahrhundert (1067–1411) (Prague: Taussig und Taussig, 1935), 1–8. Apart from two passages in Cosma’s chronicle, which may or may not indicate the presence of few Jews in Moravia during the eleventh century, the first evidence is represented by two glosses in Mahzor Vitry that mention Jews in Olomouc (see below). Bretzhold dated this source to 1140; however, in light of more recent research on Mahzor Vitry, the second half of the twelfth century seems more accurate. Cf. Israel M. Ta-Shma, “Al kama ‘inyanei Mahzor Vitry,” in idem, Studies in Medieval Rabbinic Literature: 1. Germany (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 2004), 62–76; esp. 65–66 and 74–76. 3 For a recent overview of the history of Jews in medieval Moravia, consult Michael L. Miller, Rabbis and Revolution: The Jews of Moravia in the Age of Emancipation (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2011), 11–19. A monograph on this topic remains a desideratum. 186 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

R. Judah, circa 1452), Olomouc (R. Moshe Kohen in the first decades of the fifteenth century) and Znojmo (R. Moshel and R. Meir, at the turn of the century).4 Eizik Tirna wrote his Sefer ha-minhagim in Brno and, as Abra- ham David has recently discovered, he also composed a polemical work against Christians.5 One of the most important halakhic authorities of fifteenth-century Ashkenaz, Rabbi Yisrael Bruna (ca. 1400–1473) was born in Moravia, where he received his early education.6 It is noteworthy that most of the aforementioned rabbis attended yeshivot in Lower Austria. These promising developments came to an abrupt end in 1454 when Jews were expelled from the major cities of Moravia—namely Brno, Olo- mouc and Znojmo,7 effectively eliminating the communities that had sus- tained rabbinic education. Those events were framed by expulsions of the Jewish communities of Jihlava in 1425 and Uhersky Hradiste in 1514. After 1454, all traces of serious Jewish intellectual life in Moravia vanished until its re-emergence in the mid-sixteenth century.8

4 Most of the information summarized in this paragraph is based on Germania Judaica, vol. 3,1, ed. Arye Maimon and Yacov Guggenheim et al., (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1987, 180 and 1722. On Eizik Tirna’s debate with the papal legate Castiglione Branda, which took place in Brno in 1424, see Tamás Visi, “The Emergence of Philosophy in Ashkenazic Contexts—The Case of Czech Lands in the Early Fifteenth Century.” Jahrbuch des Simon-Dubnow-Instituts / Simon Dubnow Institute Yearbook 8 (2009): 213–243, here 230 n. 58. Yisrael Bruna’s presence in Brno in 1440 can be inferred as follows: A letter of divorce (get) from July 21, 1440 in Brno, containing many explanatory glosses, has been preserved in Jacob Margolit’s collection: Seder ha-get ha-arokh we-ha-qatzar, ed. Yitzhak Satz, (Jerusalem: Mif ’al Torat Hakhme Ashkenaz, 1983), 310–315. These same glosses are quoted and attributed to Yisrael Bruna in a seventeenth-century halakhic compendium, entitled Get Pashut, by Moses ben Solomon Ibn Habib (1654–1696); cf. Tamás Visi, “A Jewish Divorce Formula (Get) from Brno, 1452.” Medium Aevum Quotidianum 56 (2007): 36–40. Consequently, Bruna must have been the author of the glosses on the divorce document from Brno in 1440, as suggested by Yitzhak Satz on p. 310, n. 1 of his edition of Seder ha-Get. Thus, Bruna must have been in Brno for at least part of 1440. 5 Abraham David, “R. Itzhak Isaac Tirna and his Polemical Tract Answer to the Chris- tians—Preliminary Clarification,” in Ta Shma. Studies in Judaica in Memory of Israel M. Ta-Shma, ed. Avraham (Rami) Reiner et al., 2 vols., (Alon Shevut: Tevunot Press, 2011), vol. 1, 257–280 (in Hebrew). 6 Abraham Fuchs, Historical Material in the Responsa of Rabbi Israel Bruna (unpublished PhD thesis, Yeshiva University, 1974), 67–81 (in Hebrew). 7 See Alfred Engel, “Die Ausweisungen der Juden aus den königlichen Stadten Mährens und ihre Folgen.” Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für Geschichte der Juden in der Čechoslovakischen Republik 2 (1930): 50–96. 8 See Tamás Visi, “Die Rebellion des Elieser Eilburg gegen die rabbinische Tradition: Eine Episode in der intellektuellen Geschichte des mährischen Judentums” Judaica Bohe- miae, XLVI—Supplementum: Individuum und Gemeinde: Juden in Böhmen, Mähren und Schlesien, ed. Helmut Teufel, Pavel Kocman, and Iveta Cermanová, (Praha-Brno: Židovské Muzeum v Praze, Společnost pro Dějiny Židů v ČR, 2011), 11–32; here 11–16. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 187

Moravia as a Region in the Context of Medieval Jewish History

Approaching medieval Jewish history from a regional perspective is not entirely unproblematic for a number of reasons. Regional identities are difficult to establish when boundaries are frequently being traversed. Jew- ish communities were dislocated relatively frequently during the High and Late Middle Ages, and much of the European Jewish population was considerably more mobile than their Christian neighbors. By way of illustration, one of the earliest known Moravian Jewish personalities, a certain Azriel ben Moshe from the little town of Slavkov (Austerlitz) in southern Moravia is probably the rich and influential Viennese Jew known as Azriel Schwarzlein, whose economic activities during the late thirteenth century have been well documented.9 One source mentions that he generously sponsored study sessions (yeshivot) that were held in a house belonging to him. Was this house located in Slavkov or in Vienna? Was Azriel Moravian or Austrian? Would this distinction have been relevant to members of his generation? Such problems emerge in other settings as well. On the other hand, we know that some regional differences were quite important for medieval Jews, not only in administrative, political or economic circumstances but also in matters of Jewish law and religion. The idea that religious practice and law may differ according to “local custom” has been a commonplace in rabbinic literature since Late Antiquity. Indeed, many Jewish communities prided themselves in preserving their own practices, especially in Ashkenaz.10 Such variation in praxis delin- eated European regions from one another explicitly and consciously, if not always consistently. Our query pursues whether and how Moravia was perceived as a separate region with regard to Jewish religious law. During the second half of the twelfth century, Yitzhak ben Durable recorded distinctive customs that were practiced by the Jews of Olomouc, the most important Moravian city of that era.11 No evidence has survived

9 Cf. Martha Keil, “Gemeinde und Kultur—Die mittelalterlichen Grundlagen jüdis- chen Lebens in Österreich,” in Eveline Brugger, Martha Keil, Christoph Lind, Albert Licht blau, Barbara Staudinger, Geschichte der Juden in Österreich (Österreichische Geschichte, 15) (Vienna: Ueberreuter, 2006), 15–122; here 52–53. 10 See Israel M. Ta-Shma, Early Franco-German Ritual and Custom (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1992) (in Hebrew). 11 See Gérard Nahon, “Isaac b. Dorbelo et le Mahzor Vitry,” in Ibrahim Ya‘qub at- Turtushi: Christianity, Islam and Judaism Meet in East-Central Europe, c. 800–1300 A.D., ed. Petr Charvát and Jiří Prosecký, (Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, 1996), 191–206. 188 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková that could help us to assess the size, permanence or demographic profile of the Jewish population in that city at such an early time. In the first half of the thirteenth century, Yitzhak Or Zarua recorded a dozen religious customs from the “kingdom of Canaan” meaning the Slavonic lands, the Bohemian kingdom in particular—which he contrasted with the customs of the Rhineland and France.12 Moravia was obviously included in the “lands of Canaan,” but not spelled out as a distinct entity. Fifteenth-century Austrian sources famously distinguished between Western and Eastern regions of Ashkenaz on the basis of their pronunciation of the Hebrew consonant het: the bnei chet (“ch” people) pronounced it strongly, like the German “ch,” encompassed the territories east of Regensburg; whereas the bnei het (“h” people), who pronounced it as an English “h,” referred to the western part of Germany, including the three prominent communities: Speyer, Worms and Mainz. As Rabbi Jacob Weil of Austria remarked, the famous ordinances (taqqanot) issued from those Rhineland communities were not in force east of Regensburg.13 Moravia was subsumed within bnei chet territory. Specific Moravian customs first appear in Hebrew sources from the early decades of the fifteenth century, most notably in Eizik Tirna’s Sefer ha-minhagim.14 From the second half of the sixteenth century onward, halakhic texts regularly mention the religious practices of Moravian Jews (for example, their notoriously lax attitude toward the prohibition against consuming wine produced by Gentiles). During the early modern period, Moravian Jewish communities were included in an umbrella organization that covered the entirety of Moravia. By the mid-seventeenth-century, Moravian Jews had developed a strong regional identity: a collection of communal ordinances (taqqanot) regulated the internal workings of Mora- vian communities, the Landesrabbiner (regional chief rabbi) supervised religious life and determined the talmudic tractates that would be studied in their yeshivot, and a special ordinance prohibited Moravian Jews from

12 Or Zarua 1:413, 712; 2:8, 32, 33, 42, 50, 84, 95, 429; 3:288, 300; 4:186. Note especially 2:95, where the author cites an early responsum about a Bohemian custom that he attributes to Joseph Tov Elem (ca. 980–1050). If this attribution is correct, then the earliest information about customs in “the land of Canaan” can be dated to the first half of the eleventh century. Cf. Abraham Grossman, The Early Sages of France. Their Lives, Leader- ship, and Works (900–1096) (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 32001), 46–48 (in Hebrew). 13 Martha Keil, “Gemeinde und Kultur,” 73. 14 See Eizik Tirna, Sefer ha-minhagim ed. Shlomo Y. Spitzer, (Jerusalem: Mekhon Yerushalaim, 1979), 213 for an index of customs s.v. “Maehren” (Moravia), “Brünn” (Brno) and “Znaim” (Znojmo). a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 189 turning to external rabbinic authorities to deliberate on issues relating to internal affairs that were directed by the communal ordinances.15 In sum, Moravia was a clearly demarcated region during the early modern period, an historical phenomenon that can be traced to the first decades of the fifteenth century. Even so, the extent to which Moravian Jews consciously distinguished themselves from Austrian, Bohemian, or Silesian Jews prior to that time cannot be assessed with certainty. Since the majority of the reused Hebrew fragments that have been found in Moravia can be dated to the late fourteenth or fifteenth century, an attempt to interpret this evidence in the context of a regional history is not out of place. And given that Moravia was part of a wider region, these texts also warrant comparison to parallel Austrian, Bohemian, Sile- sian, Slovakian and Hungarian findings. Only such comparison can reveal the specific Moravian phenomena, if there were any. Admittedly, such a regional approach has its limits: people, books, religious customs and ideas were not necessarily bound to territorial units, and the geographical location where they happened to “be” in any sense is not always the most important piece of information about them.

Bookbinding and Persecution

The Hebrew fragments whose analysis constitutes the core of this study are presently located in Moravian libraries and archives,16 but were they detached from Moravian-produced Hebrew codices? This key question cannot be adequately researched in isolation from the history of bookbinding in Moravia. Although this topic has received little scholarly attention, some data are available. Partial documentation exists for the activities of some bookbinders who were employed by the Olomouc city council in the 1530s; the earliest known log-book records the work of a bookbinder

15 On Moravian Jewry in the early modern period, see Miller, Rabbis and Revolution, 20–59. On the prohibition against turning to external authorities, see Yisrael Halperin, Taqqanot medinat Mehren (410–508) (Jerusalem: Mekize Nirdamim, 1952), 13 [no. 31]. 16 For an overview of research on Hebrew fragments in the Czech Republic, see Daniel Polákovič, “Hebrew Manuscript Fragments in the Czech Republic. A Preliminary Report,” in ‘Genizat Germania’: Hebrew and Aramaic Binding Fragments from Germany in Context, ed. Andreas Lehnardt, (‘European Genizah’: Texts and Studies, 1) (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010), 329–332. It should be noted that since 2008 a research group at the Kurt and Ursula Schubert Centre for Jewish Studies of Palacky University (Olomouc) which includes Alžbeta Drexlerová, Miroslav Dyrčík, and both authors of this paper has been investigating Hebrew fragments in Moravian libraries and archives. 190 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková named Lukáš in 1537.17 A bookbinding guild was established in Olomouc during the first decade of the seventeenth century and remained active until 1859. A “book of masters” that served as a registry of Moravian bookbinders is extant, but it only records membership from the mid-eighteenth to late nineteenth centuries.18 Bohumil Nuska, an expert on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Bohe- mian bookbinding, has noted that sixteenth-century bookbinders considered written parchment a cheap raw material that should be avoided in elegant and costly bindings. However, written parchment was widely used for cheap bindings that lacked decorative function, for example, administrative documents and inexpensive printed books.19 Approximately one- third of the Hebrew fragments that we have recovered in Moravia thus far were preserved as covers of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century administrative documents. Katalin Szende recently conducted a study of parchment from medieval Hebrew codices that were found in the bindings of archival documents in Sopron (an important Hungarian city on the border with Austria, located 60 km from Vienna), where the work of early modern bookbinders has been relatively well documented. Comparison to this Hungarian case sheds light on the Moravian evidence. Since Szende’s excellent study is currently accessible only in Hungarian, the following paragraphs sum- marize her main conclusions.20 A document from 1400 mentions a priest who is the first known bookbinder in Sopron. The earliest example of a Hebrew manuscript leaf used for binding is dated to 1423; it probably originated in a codex that belonged to a victim of the 1421 Wiener Gezerah. The next wave of evidence comes from the three decades following 1526, the year when the Jews of Sopron were expelled from that city. It seems that during this period only Hebrew books were reused in Sopron. During this period, it

17 Olomouc, SOArO, AMO, Knihy, i.č. 334, fol. 65v. 18 Olomouc, AMO, M 3–10, i.č. 1. See Miroslav Čermák, Olomoucká řemesla a obchod v minulosti (Crafts and Trade in Olomouc in the Past) (Olomouc: Memoria, 2002), 132. We are indebted to Daniel Soukup (Palacky University, Olomouc) for these references. 19 Bohumil Nuska, “Typologie českých renesančních vazeb (Terminologie, slohové určování a datování materiálu) (Typology of Czech Renaissance Bindings: Terminology, Styles, and Dating),” in Historická knižní vazba: Sborník příspěvků k dějinám a k metodice ochrany historických knižních vazeb (Liberec: Severočeské museum 1965), 64. 20 Katalin Szende, “A könyvkötéshez felhasznált kódextöredékek társadalom és kultúrtörténeti összefüggései Sopronban: ‘In geschribn Pergament einbunden’ ” (Fragments of codices used for bookbinding in Sopron in their social and cultural contexts), Magyar Könyvszemle 123 (2007): 278–309. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 191 appears that the second-hand binding materials used in Sopron originated exclusively from Hebrew books that would have been confiscated at the time of the expulsion. In the mid-1550s, when the supply of parchment from those seized Hebrew books apparently became depleted, Sopron’s bookbinders began to exploit medieval Latin liturgical and theological manuscripts that had fallen out of use. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the city employed professional bookbinders—some lived in Sopron, while others lived in Vienna. Logically, those who resided in Vienna would have been more likely to reuse codices that lacked any prior association to Sopron. Nonetheless, Szende has found that most fragments originated in Sopron, irrespective of the binders’ location, having come from liturgical and theological manuscripts from individual and institutional collections that were offered to bookbinding masters when they were no longer being used. A unique document details how manuscripts from the Hospitaller Order in Sopron were gradually “consumed” by a bookbinder in the late sixteenth century.21 Szende argues that archival documents were sometimes bound well after their creation date: this is why fragments from a single manuscript may appear in a series of documents that cover several years. The Moravian fragments share certain traits with the Sopron material, thus a number of the explanations proposed by Szende may be valid for Moravian cases as well. First, the host volumes can be divided into two large groups: fifteenth-century Latin manuscript books (mostly theological works), and sixteenth and seventeenth-century archival documents and printed books. In principle, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century bookbinders could have reused fragments from medieval Latin manuscripts; however, we have not found any evidence of that practice. Fifteenth-century fragments often bear Latin inscriptions including tables of contents, pro- bationes pennae and short historical remarks, such as “Vladislaus secun- dus est rex Boemie 1472 Hungariae aut[em] 1490.”22 Fragments belonging to the second group do not bear such inscriptions, suggesting that they were detached directly from Hebrew codices, not from earlier Latin manuscripts.

21 Katalin Szende, “Spitalbesitz und Konfessionalisierung: Drei Inventare des Öden- burger (Soproner) Spitals aus den Jahren 1574, 1577 und 1585,” in Stadt, Handwerk, Armut: Eine kommentierte Quellensammlung zur Geschichte der Frühen Neuzeit, Helmut Bräuer zum 70. Geburtstag zugeeignet, ed. Katrin Keller, (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2008), 70–88; here 75–76. 22 Olomouc, ZAO 4. 192 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

The fifteenth-century material may be related to the persecutions and expulsions of Jews from major Moravian cities in 1425–1426 and particularly in 1454. Indeed, most of the relevant host codices are dated from the middle or latter half of the fifteenth century. The Hebrew fragments that they preserve probably originated in Hebrew codices that were confiscated from Moravian Jews in 1425–1426 and 1454. The manuscripts that were appropriated from the Jews of Olomouc in 1425 are discussed in greater detail in the section on halakhic fragments (below). The datable items in the sixteenth- and seventeenth century volumes are chronologically distributed as follows:23

1507–1550: 3 1564–1575: 2 1583–1599: 12 1602–1606: 7 1611–1613 (bound after 1618?): 2 1617–1625: 9 1626–1700: 5

Three periods are characterized by an intensive reutilization of Hebrew manuscripts in bookbinding: (1) 1583–1599; (2) 1602–1606; (3) 1617–1625. Why were Hebrew manuscripts accessible to Christian bookbinders especially in those years? We will discuss the two seventeenth-century periods first. In 1605, Southern Moravia was invaded by troops led by the insurgent Protestant Prince of Transylvania, Stephen Bocskay. It is possible that the Hebrew fragments preserved with documents from 1602–1609 were bound after that incursion in 1605, with material from Hebrew codices that had been left behind in the devastated cities of Stražnice (Dressnitz) and Bzenec (Bisenz), where significant Jewish communities resided prior to the attack.24 The majority of Hebrew fragments from documents dated to 1617–1625 are associated with the calamities of the first phase of the Thirty Years’ War, known as the Bohemian Revolt. From 1618–1621, Moravia became

23 See Appendix 4. 24 See Helmut Teufel, Zur politischen und sozialen Geschichte der Juden in Mähren vom Antritt der Habsburger bis zur Schlacht am Weißen Berg (1526–1620) (PhD, Friedrich- Alexander-Universität, Erlangen-Nürnberg, 1971), 203–204 (published: http://www.db- thueringen.de/servlets/DerivateServlet/Derivate-20083/teufel_komplett.pdf [27.07.2012]). a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 193 the battleground for various militias fighting a cruel and devastating war that drained the region’s resources. The inhabitants of Moravia fled at such a rate that the towns which hosted royal troops were rendered virtually depopulated while becoming burdened by severe levels of debt.25 Even after the Bohemian Revolt concluded, as late as 1623, political, military and social tensions hindered Moravia’s process of restoration: Tran- sylvanian troops led by Gabriel Bethlen threatened southern Moravia and the royal military re-appeared to counter that enemy, but supplying their needs taxed the population. Raids by Hungarians and Polish Cossacks in Eastern Moravia were catalysts for another wave of social unrest.26 Only in 1624 did conditions permit normalization to begin. Documents from prior to 1618 were quite likely bound after that year into Hebrew parchment leaves that Christian bookbinders obtained via seizures of property during the war or after the reorganization that followed. However, the relatively high number of Hebrew fragments from 1583–1599 is more difficult to interpret. One possible explanation stems from an enigmatic passage in Tzemah David by David Gans, which mentions a persecution of Moravian Jews in 1573–74, albeit in vague terms, made more questionable since this incident is not recorded elsewhere.27 The Hebrew books that were reused in the late sixteenth century may have entered Moravia from neighboring lands; for instance, Hebrew books that were seized from the Jews of Prague in 1560 and then transported to Vienna may have found their way into the hands of Moravian bookbinders.28 Another possibility is that some of the documents dated to the late 1590s were bound as late as 1605, and thus they may fall into the later chronological group. More research is needed to pursue these explanations, as well as other plausible hypotheses. The possibility that a fragment found in Moravia was dissected from a Hebrew codex that had never been owned by Moravian Jews can rarely

25 See František Matějek, Morava za třicetileté války, (Moravia in the Thirty Years’ War) (Praha: Historický ústav ČSAV, 1992), 60, which mentions that citizens of Ivančice (Eiben- schütz), including Jews, were taxed directly to pay these debts. 26 See Jozef Polišenský, Thirty Years War (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Cali- fornia Press, 1971), 66–70. The contemporaneous chronicler, Jiřík Hovoria, a scribe of Brno, relates an attack on the Jews of Uherský Brod; see his Kniha o bolesti a smutku (The Book of Pain and Distress), ed. Josef Polišenský, (Praha: Nakladatelství Elk, 1948), 32–35. 27 See Abraham David, A Hebrew Chronicle from Prague, c. 1615 (Tuscaloosa: The Uni- versity of Alabama Press, 1993), 89. 28 Cf. David, A Hebrew Chronicle, 47. 194 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková be ruled out entirely.29 Nevertheless, it is improbable that the majority of the fragments originated outside of Moravia. On the other hand, fragments from Moravian codices may surface in libraries outside of Mora- via—as in the remarkable case of a fragment in Rome that has recently been verified to be of Moravian origin (see next section). In sum, in all likelihood the Moravian findings more accurately represent the Hebrew manuscripts possessed by Moravian Jews than the fragments found in any other region.

Manuscripts, Virtual Codices and Fragments

None of the world’s great Hebrew manuscript collections contains a single medieval manuscript that bears a colophon indicating that it was produced in Moravia. And no more than three manuscripts from those collections can be associated with Moravian Jews with a significant degree of probability:

(1) berlin, Staatsbibliothek (Preussischer Kulturbesitz)—Or. Qu. 8. A manuscript of the Semag by Moshe of Coucy, copied in 1412, which had been owned by a certain Jacob ben Moshe from Olomouc. (2) Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Opp. 312 (Neubauer 682). A fifteenth- century copy of an epitome of Rabbenu Asher’s halakhic code that includes a copy of a divorce letter (get) from Brno in 1452. It can thus be inferred that it was written by a scribe who resided in Brno or at least worked for members of its Jewish community. It is worth noting that a number of glosses were added to the text in order to clarify differences in scribal practice concerning divorce letters among the three cities in this region: Brno, Znojmo and Wiener Neustadt.30 This manuscript contains a letter that describes the Wiener Gezerah of 1421 as a punishment for the sins of Viennese Jews and ordains them to repent by sending a group of pilgrims to the Holy Land.31

29 Possible examples are two fragments of the Talmud (Olomouc, ZAO 9 and Olo- mouc, ZAO 11). Each of them predates other fragments of this type found in Moravia and is related to fragments found in Austria. Since three different Austrian host volumes carry fragments from the same (lost) codex to which ZAO 11 belonged originally, it is very likely that the original Hebrew codex was used in Austria. 30 See Visi. “A Jewish Divorce Formula,” 36–46. 31 Abraham Grossman, “A Fourteenth Century Ashkenazi Letter of Vision and Chas- tisement (Concerning the Link of Ashkenazi Jewry with Eretz Israel).” Cathedra 4 (1977): 190–198 (in Hebrew). a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 195

(3) Prague, Jewish Museum in Prague, Ms 250. Better known as the Trebič Mahzor, this fourteenth-century liturgical manuscript was discovered by Joachim Josef Pollak (1798–1879) in the Moravian city of Trebič in 1862;32 thus this volume was likely used in prayer by local Jews during medieval times. In the fifteenth century, a second hand added many textual emendations in the margins.33 Strips of parchment have been cut from some pages, while some leaves are missing altogether. This missing material was likely reused in later bindings; however, no fragments from this manuscript have been identified in bindings to date.

These codices offer limited evidence regarding the culture of books and scholarly pursuits among medieval Jews in Moravia. However, further information is provided by eight virtual codices, from which two or more fragments have been uncovered in Moravian libraries or archives:

(1) Moravia 1 Jacob ben Asher, Sefer Turim. Fragments: [a] Olomouc, AMO 8 [b] Brno, MZA 3; [c] Brno, MZA 8; [d] Olomouc, VKOL 15. These fragments were copied in a hand that strongly resembles the script in three dated manuscripts—from 1418 (northern Italy), 1427– 1428 (Ashkenaz) and 1451 (northern Italy)—without being identical to any of them.34 (2) Moravia 2 Mahzor Yom Kippur. Fragments: [a] Brno, MZA 6; [b] Brno, MZA 7; [c] Olomouc, AMO 4; [d] Olomouc, AMO 5. The hand of these fragments is similar to two dated manuscripts, from 1418 (Ashkenaz) and 1441 (Italy).35 (3) Moravia 3 Mahzor le-Yom Kippur u-le-Sukkot. Fragments: [a] Olomouc, VKOL 14; [b] Olomouc, VKOL 16). Ashkenaz, fifteenth century.

32 See Joachim [Hayyim] Joseph Pollak, “Dovev Siftei Yeshanim,” Ha-Nesher 3 (1863): 10–11. On the Trebič Mahzor in general, see I. Sommernitzová, Die Trebitscher Machzor— eine Beschreibung und Analyse des Manuskripts mit Übersetzung von Probepartien (Diplo- maarbeit, Charles University, Prague, 1973), see also Vladimír Sadek’s review of it in Judaica Bohemiae 9 (1973): 91–93. 33 On the fifteenth-century date of these glosses, see Pollak, “Dovev Siftei Yeshanim,” 10. 34 Colette Sirat, Malachi Beit-Arié and Mordechai Glatzer, Manuscrits médiévaux en caractères hébraïques, portant des indications de date jusqu’à 1540, vol. 1–8, (Paris, Jeru- salem: Académie nationale des sciences et des lettres d’Israël and CNRS, 1972), vol. 1, 83 [hereafter: “Manuscrits datées I”] (Paris, BNF, Hébreu 407—N. Italy, 1418); Manuscrits datées I, 89 (Paris, BNF, Hébreu 424—Ashkenaz, 1427/1428) and Manuscrits datées I, 102 (Paris, BNF, Hébreu 363—N Italy, 1451). 35 Manuscrits datées I, 84 (Paris, BNF, Hébreu 4°1114—Ashkenaz 1418), and Manuscrits datées. I, 99 (Jerusalem, NLI, 13873—Italy, 1441). 196 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

(4) Moravia 4 Mahzor Pesah-Shavuot. Fragments: [a] Olomouc, ZAO 1; [b] Olomouc, ZAO 4. Ashkenaz, fourteenth or fifteenth century. (5) Moravia 5 Yitzhak al-Fasi—Hilkhot RIF with Rashi, Tosafot and Sefer Mordecai. Fragments: [a] Olomouc, AMO 2; [b] Olomouc, AMO 3. Ashkenaz, fifteenth century. (6) Moravia 6 Moses of Coucy—Sefer Mitzwot Gadol (Semag). Fragments: [a] Olomouc, VKOL 18; [b] Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, sign. XX.16.28. Ashkenaz, fourteenth century. Emma Abate discovered a fragment from this codex in the Biblioteca Angelica in Rome; it was found in a host volume that had belonged to Cardinal Franz Seraph von Ditrich- stein of Moravia.36 Abate’s suggestion that this fragment is Moravian in origin was corroborated when our colleague, Miroslav Dyrčík, found a fragment from the same manuscript in Olomouc.37 (7) Moravia 7 Masoretic Bible: Pentateuch with Targum Onkelos; Book of Job. Fragments: [a] Brno, MZA 2; [b] Brno, MZA 5. Ashkenaz, fifteenth century. The scribe of this codex wrote a fragment of a mahzor for Shavuot.38 It is possible that the biblical texts were originally bound together with the mahzor as with other medieval Ashkenazi prayerbooks (for example, the Worms Mahzor and the Nuremberg Mahzor). (8) Moravia 8 Masoretic Bible: Pentateuch with Targum Onkelos; Book of Jeremiah. Fragments: [a] Brno, MZA 10; [b] Brno, MZA 11. Ashkenaz, fifteenth century.

Approximately fifty additional manuscripts are represented by single fragments. This evidence is sufficient for us to draw some general conclusions. The fragments fall into three broad categories—liturgical, biblical and halakhic texts—which are fairly evenly represented39 (for details, see Appendix 2).40 We analyze each group separately.

36 Emma Abate, “Frammenti manoscritti del Sefer Miswot Gadol conservati alla Bib- lioteca Angelica di Roma,” Sefarad, 69 (2009): 477–489. See also her contribution in this volume. 37 Cf. Abate, ibid., 479 and Tamás Visi, “Die Rebellion des Elieser Eilburg,” 13, n. 9. 38 Brno, MZA 12. 39 In Austria, biblical and halakhic fragments are evenly represented but liturgical manuscripts make up only 13% of findings; see Josef M. Oesch and Alois Haidinger, “Geni- zat Austria: Zwischenbericht zum Projekt ‘Hebräische Handschriften und Fragmente in österreichischen Bibliotheken,’ ” in Fragmenta Hebraica Austriaca, ed. Christine Glassner and Josef M. Oesch, (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2009), 11–32, here 15. 40 The absence of linguistic, medical, scientific, philosophical or mystical texts is not surprising in light of late medieval and early modern booklists of Ashkenazi Jews; cf. Israel a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 197

Liturgical Fragments

Fifteenth-century Moravia played a significant role in the crystallization of Eastern Ashkenazi liturgy, often referred to as the Polish rite in later centuries. One of the most important sources of this liturgical tradition, Eizek Tirna’s Sefer ha-minhagim, was probably composed in Brno during the 1420s. This work preserves nearly two dozen passages about the liturgical order and customs that were particular to Moravian communities, chiefly Brno. Some of these Moravian practices entered the main stream and were codified in Rema’s glosses to the Shulhan Arukh.41 However, some questions regarding the role of Moravian Jews in the development of Eastern Ashkenazi liturgy have not yet been clarified. First, it is unclear whether those “Moravian customs” in Tirna’s book had been practiced in the region since immemorial time or whether they had recently been introduced by rabbis and immigrants from Lower Austria, Eizek Tirna among them. As noted above, little evidence affirms the presence of Jewish intellectual life in Moravia before the late fourteenth century. The rabbinic network that emerged during the first decades of the fifteenth century was closely connected to the yeshivot of Lower Austria, just as Moravian Jews generally had many economic, social and familial ties with their Austrian counterparts. Moravian Jews may have adopted liturgical customs from Lower Austria, and Tirna may have ascribed importance to them as Moravian customs because they reflected Austrian practices from the period prior to the persecution of Viennese Jews (the Wiener Gezerah) in 1421. We must also explore how wide and consistent observance of Tirna’s “Moravian customs” actually was in the region. Eizik Tirna had his own preferences in liturgical matters. Indeed, one source reports a particular case in Brno where his opinion prevailed (Sefer ha-Minhagim, ed. Spitzer, 164). Perhaps some of his statements about “customs in Brno” refer to practices that he introduced to that community? If so, it would be reasonable to wonder whether those customs were practiced in Brno after Tirna

J. Yuval, Scholars in Their Time: The Religious Leadership of German Jewry in the Late Middle Ages (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1989), 303–307 (in Hebrew). 41 See Leopold Zunz, Die Ritus des synagogalen Gottesdienstes geschichtlich entwickelt (Berlin: Julius Spinger, 1859), 70–75; Abraham Z. Idelsohn, Jewish Liturgy and Its Develop- ment (New York: Henry Holt, 1932), 61–62; Stefan C. Reif, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 180–181. 198 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková left the city. Likewise, it cannot be assumed that the norms described by Tirna reflected all Moravian communities. Another question is raised by the fact that neither Tirna’s book nor other sources record liturgical practices from northern Moravia. Relatively robust information exists from the southern Moravian cities of Brno and Znojmo, but nothing from the major Jewish communities in Olomouc or Jihlava. The southern communities were more proximate and, therefore, presumably better connected to the centers for rabbinic studies in Lower Austria than their northern peers. This may explain why Brno and Znojmo are better represented in the writings of rabbis who studied in Lower Aus- trian yeshivot. We do not know to what extent the Jewish communities of northern Moravia followed the customs of their brethren in southern Moravia. The core question in this analysis is whether the liturgical instructions that we find in works by Eizek Tirna, Abraham Klausner and their contem- poraries were descriptive or prescriptive. Did they represent long-standing practices among Jews in Austria, Moravia, Bohemia and Hungary, or did they reflect an attempt by rabbinic authorities to impose a standard- ized praxis on the Jewish communities of this region? Simcha Emanuel has recently reconstructed an academic tradition dating to the thirteenth century: Eizik Tirna’s writings are based on Abraham Klausner’s book of customs, which itself is a corrected and glossed version of a text that was compiled by either Hezekiah of Magdeburg (Maharih) or his father, Jacob, during the first half of the thirteenth century.42 The Hebrew liturgical fragments that have been found in Moravian libraries and archives may shed new light on this group of questions. Although prayerbooks are not precise mirrors of synagogue services, they can be trusted to reflect major liturgical approaches and adaptations in the geographic regions where they were used. Even though that these fragments may not all have come from prayerbooks that were used for services in Moravian synagogues, they are undoubtedly the strongest candi- dates for representing the lost library and religious life of Moravian Jews. The majority of these fragments likely came from Hebrew manuscripts that were possessed by Moravian Jews from the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries.

42 Simcha Emanuel, Fragments of the Tablets: Lost Books of the Tosaphists (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2006), 219–228 (in Hebrew). a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 199

These fragments suggest that liturgical practice was more diverse than would be expected on the basis of Tirna’s book. While the fragments identified so far generally reflect the Eastern branch of Ashkenazi tradition, considerable departures from Tirna’s Sefer ha-minhagim and other related sources as well as from later printed prayerbooks are evident. These data do not speak in favor of the successful imposition of a unified liturgy on Moravian Jews during the fifteenth century. One minor divergence is exemplified by a fifteenth-century fragment found in Brno that contains the opening words of the blessing for healing (refuah) from the weekday Amidah.43 The text of this blessing was controversial in the thirteenth century: for esoteric reasons, German pietists insisted that this blessing must have no more than twenty-seven words. In a “polemical script” composed by a disciple of Judah he-Hasid in the mid-thirteenth century, the Jews of northern France (Tzarfat) and Eng- land are rebuked for adding the word “eloheinu” to the opening phrase of this blessing.44 Later Ashkenazi rabbinic authorities agreed with those German pietists.45 Eizik Tirna’s Sefer ha-Minhagim often relies on the legacy of German pietists in such matters, although it does not address this particular issue. However, the aforementioned fifteenth-century fragment from Brno includes “eloheinu” in the refuah blessing. Apparently its scribe was either unconcerned by or unaware of the pietists’ criticism of this version. However, there is no reason to believe that the scribe of this fragment was adhering to any specific French tradition. Further examples of his work have been uncovered in various Moravian archives and libraries in the form of several folios from a mahzor for Yom Kippur. One of these fragments contains a passage from the piyyut, Amitzei sehaqim (Davidson, Alef 5708) for Musaf on Yom Kippur.46 Different variants of this piyyut are found in the Western and Eastern Ashkenazi rites respectively. The

43 Brno, MZA 1. 44 See Simcha Emanuel, “Ha-pulmus shel hasidei Ashkenaz al nusah ha-tefilla,” (The German pietists’ polemics about the text of the prayer) in Mehqerei Talmud III. Talmudic Studies Dedicated to the Memory of Professor Ephraim E. Urbach, ed. Jacob Sussmann and David Rosenthal, 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2005), vol. 2, 591–625, here 614. 45 See Jacob ben Asher, Tur, Orah Hayyim 116 and Magen Avraham on Shulhan Arukh, Orah Hayyim 116:1. On the influence of German pietists on Eastern Ashkenazi customs, see Eric (Yitzhak) Zimmer, Society and its Customs: Studies in the History and Metamorphosis of Jewish Customs (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar Center, 1996), 217–219 (in Hebrew). 46 Brno, MZA 7.—Cf. Isaac Davidson, Thesaurus of Mediaeval Hebrew Poetry, 4 vols, (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1970), vol. 1, no. 5708 (in Hebrew). 200 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

reading in our fragment accords with the Eastern Ashkenazi version.47 Thus, the texts copied by this scribe represent the Eastern Ashkenazi branch of liturgical tradition as it existed in the fifteenth century. In that case, it would follow that the blessing for healing that included eloheinu was a possible formulation in Eastern Ashkenazi liturgy.48 This conclusion is corroborated by a fifteenth-century fragment in Salzburg, Austria, that also contains eloheinu in the blessing for healing.49 A similar phenomenon is attested in a fragment of the Amidah for the Musaf service on Yom Kippur from Olomouc, regarding a phrase that has slightly different versions in France and Ashkenaz.50 The legible portion of this fragment is identical to the text of Mahzor Vitry, a major source of French liturgy: it reads ve-az tzadiqim rather than the usual Ashkenazi u-ve-khen tzaddiqim;51 similarly, it has ve-se‘ir le-kapper rather than the Ashkenazi shnei se‘irim le-kapper.52 This transmission does not warrant speculation on French influence in fifteenth-century Moravia.53 Rather, it is plausible that Eastern Ashkenazi liturgical tradition was still fluid when this mahzor was copied and such variants were tolerated.54

47 Cf. Mahzor le-yamim ha-nora’im, vol. 2, Yom Kippur, ed. Daniel Goldschmidt, (Jeru- salem: Koren, 1970), 387. Note that the critical apparatus in Goldschmidt’s edition does not reproduce all readings of the Nuremberg Mahzor. The text of the Brno fragment consistently matches the Nuremberg Mahzor. 48 This is not to deny the possibility of an earlier French influence on Western and Eastern Ashkenazi rites from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when many students from Germany studied at the Tosafist academies in northern France. Haym Soloveitchik suggests that some of the Eastern Ashkenazi minhagim which are at variance with preva- lent customs from the Rhineland indeed originated in northern France; see his review essay “Olam Ke-Minhago Noheg by Yishaq (Eric) Zimmer,” AJS Review 23 (1998): 223–234; esp. 230–232. 49 Salzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. M II 98/2, fol. Iv. 50 Olomouc, VKOL 14, (virtual codex: Moravia 3). 51 Mahzor Vitry, n. 347; see Machsor Vitry nach der Handschrift im British Museum (Codd. Add. No. 27200 u. 27201) zum ersten Male herausgegeben und mit Anmerkungen versehen, ed. Simon Hurwitz, (Nürnberg: J. Buka, 1923, reprint Jerusalem: Israel, 1988), vol. 1, 383; cf. Seder ʽAvodat Yisra’el, ed. Seligmann Baer, (Rödelheim: I. Lehrberger & Co., 1901), 424. 52 Mahzor Vitry, n. 354 (vol. 1, p. 393), cf. Seder ʽAvodat Yisra’el, ed. Baer, 425. 53 Unfortunately, the insertion beginning with zokhreinu le-hayyim—where differences exist between the Mahzor Vitry and the standard German version—is illegible on the fragment. The aforementioned “polemical script” condemns the French version; see Emanuel, “Ha-pulmus shel hasidei Ashkenaz,” 614 and Mahzor Vitry, n. 328 (vol. 1, p. 366). 54 The same readings are attested, for example, in Vatican, BAV, ebr. 323, fol. 127r and 128r. This codex is a fourteenth- or fifteenth-century mahzor of the Eastern Ashkenazi rite that shows influence from the French rite; see Hebrew Manuscripts in the Vatican Library: Catalogue, ed. Benjamin Richler, (Vatican: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticiana, 2008), 273. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 201

It is worth noting here that the fourteenth-century Trebič Mahzor (fol. 103 r) omits a whole section of this prayer (beginning with “Eloheinu ve-elohei avoteinu mehol le-avonoteinu . . .”), but a later hand added the incipit of the missing passage in the margins.55 Several similar additions and corrections appear in the Trebič Mahzor, which evinces the ongoing process of editing and emendation of older liturgical manuscripts, as found in other regions also. In one instance, the original reading in the Trebič Mahzor is corrected to comport with a presumably later liturgical fragment found in Brno.56 A fragment found in Melk, Austria brings us back to the textual variants in the Musaf prayer of Yom Kippur. This one attests to the same readings as those in the fragment from Olomouc, but in the context of the Rosh ha-Shanah liturgy. However, there is a crucial difference in the case of the Melk fragment, a later hand added u-shnei to the original ve-se‘ir le- kapper, an obvious attempt to correct the text according to the emerging mainstream Ashkenazi tradition.57 The order of piyyutim for hoshanot presents an interesting textual comparison. Eizek Tirna, following his teacher, Abraham Klausner, defined the first six piyyutim as follows. For the sake of simplicity these piyyutim will henceforth be referred to with bracketed letters.58

[a] Le-maʽan amitekha (Davidson, Lamed, 1151) [b] Even shtiyyah (Davidson, Alef, 319) [c] Om ani homah (Davidson, Alef, 1829) [d] Adon ha-moshia (Davidson, Alef, 523) [e] Adam u-behemah (Davidson, Alef, 1165) [f ] Adamah me’orer (Davidson, Alef, 1198)

Printed prayerbooks from the “Polish rite” use this same ordering of this group of piyyutim,59 although minor variations are not unknown.

Similar readings have been attested in the Rosh ha-Shanah liturgy in an Austrian fragment: Melk, Benediktinerstift, Fragm. XII, fol. 1r–2v. 55 Prague, Jewish Museum, Ms 250, fol. 103r. 56 Prague, Jewish Museum, Ms 250, fol. 18r, Brno, MZA 6. 57 Melk, Benediktinerstift, Fragm. XII, fol. 1r–2v. 58 See Eizik Tirna, Sefer ha-minhagim, ed. Shlomo Spitzer, 134. Cf. Abraham Klausner, Sefer minhagim, ed. Hayyim Ehrenreich, (Deva: Otzar ha-hayyim, 1929), 20a. 59 For example, Mahzor ke-minhag Pihem Polin u-Mehrrin . . . (Sulzbach: Lippmann, 1716), 244b. See Mahzor Sukkot, Shemini Atzeret ve-Simhat Tora, ed. Daniel Goldschmidt and Yona Fraenkel, (Jerusalem: Koren, 1981), 169. 202 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

However, medieval manuscripts from the Czech lands show no trace of this order. Three textual witnesses are currently available: the fourteenth- century Trebič Mahzor; a fragment from a fifteenth-century mahzor preserved in Olomouc (VKOL 16), probably from the same manuscript as the fragment of Yom Kippur liturgy discussed above (VKOL 14); and a thirteenth- or fourteenth-century fragment found in Plzen.60 Although many of the piyyutim are the same, their order varies greatly in these sources:

Trebič Mahzor (1) Le-maʽankha elohenu (2) [b] (3) El le-moshenu (4) [d] (5) [e]

Olomouc, VKOL 16 (virtual codex: Moravia 3) (1) E‘erokh shav‘i (2) [d] (3) [c] (4) [e] (5) [f ]

Plzen 1e39: (1) [b] (2) El le-mosh‘ot (3) [d] (4) [e] (5) E‘erokh shavi‘i (6) [f ] (7) [c]

Similar diversity is attested in other medieval manuscripts, such as the famous Nuremberg Mahzor from 1331, one of the earliest witnesses of Eastern Ashkenazi liturgy.

60 Plzen, Archiv města Plzně, sign. rkp. 1e39, inv. č. 85. We are grateful to Eva Doležalová (Charles University, Prague) for calling our attention to these fragments. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 203

Given that prayer services might not have precisely followed the text as presented in manuscripts, this evidence does not preclude the possibility that the order outlined by Eizek Tirna was observed in most Moravian synagogues during the fifteenth century. Nevertheless, the degree of diversity displayed in these manuscripts proves that the format proposed by Abra- ham Klausner and then Eizek Tirna was not perceived as self-evident by the scribes who copied these mahzorim. This fact suggests that the order of hoshanot articulated in Tirna’s text did not reflect a well-established and widespread practice. Therefore, it may be asserted that the diversity of these manuscripts reflects a heterogeneity in liturgical practices that predates rabbinic efforts to homogenize Eastern Ashkenazi liturgy. This liturgical diversity is further attested by the difference between two additional fragments that contain the same liturgy. A detached folio that has been dated to the fifteenth century was found among a collection of late eighteenth- to late nineteenth-century Hebrew manuscript fragments in the synagogue attic in Lostice, a small town in Moravia. That fifteenth century folio contains the end of the festival prayer for Purim. A remarkably similar fragment in terms of both its dimensions and its script has been discovered in Admont, Austria.61 The two fragments differ in the instructions following the text of the prayer: according to the Moravian fragment the Hatzi Kaddish should mark the transition between the conclusion of the Amidah and the megillah reading, whereas the Austrian fragment pre- scribes Kaddish Shalem for this liturgical bridge. In this instance, the Mora- vian fragment indeed accords with Eizek Tirna’s Sefer ha-minhagim and the wider academic tradition it represents.62 Nevertheless, the Austrian fragment confirms the presence of another tradition in the region.

Biblical Fragments

It was not uncommon for mahzorim from medieval Ashkenaz to include biblical books, even those that are not read as part of the liturgical cycle (such as the Book of Job); therefore, some of the biblical fragments found

61 Admont, Benediktinerstift B 24. 62 Eizik Tirna, Sefer ha-minhagim, ed. Spitzer, 159. Sefer Maharil, 60a. In Abraham Klausner’s Sefer minhagim, the printed text appears garbled at first glance, but can be corrected on the basis of Klausner’s source, the earlier Sefer minhagim, written by either Hezekiah of Magdeburg or his father, Jacob: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Mich. 558, fol. אומ' על הניסים בי"ח בהודאה ' ואחר י"ח קדיש חצי ' ומפקין ס"ת ' וגדלו ' וקור' ג' :13v .בבשלח פרעה 204 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková in Moravia may have originated in prayerbooks. Masoretic Bibles were studied by educated people: in a remarkable passage, the famous Rabbi Avigdor Kara of Prague apologizes for being unable to address a certain question fully due to being temporarily without access to his copy of a Masoretic Bible. As with mahzorim, Bible manuscripts were donated to synagogues in medieval Nuremberg, a practice that may have been customary beyond that locale; thus, some of our fragments may be derived from biblical codices that had been donated to synagogues.63 Our study of these fragments has yielded an unexpected pattern, the almost total absence of medieval biblical commentaries and the preva- lence of Pentateuch manuscripts containing Aramaic translation in addition to the Hebrew text. To date, only two fragments of biblical commentaries (both by Rashi) have been found in Moravia: one fragment from a codex containing Rashi’s commentary on the Pentateuch and a fragment of the Book of Ruth from a liturgical manuscript for Shavuot to which Rashi’s commentary was added in the margins.64 By contrast, nine fragments of biblical commentaries (chiefly by Rashi) have been identified in Austria, six being commentaries on the Pentateuch. Eight Penta- teuch fragments where the Hebrew text is followed verse by verse by the Aramaic translation (Targum) have been found in Moravia, as opposed to twelve in Austria. What purpose did these manuscripts serve? According to Talmud Bavli Berakhot 8a, reading the Torah portion is a religious obligation to be per- formed weekly, twice in Hebrew and once in the Aramaic translation, all three “together with the community.” It has been recounted that the renowned mystic, Judah he-Hasid, fulfilled his obligation to read the Tar- gum by studying the Aramaic portions in his own codex while the Torah was being read publicly in synagogue.65 According to the Semag, a commentary may replace the Targum to fulfill that obligation.66 The Tur later adds that Rashi’s commentary is especially appropriate for that purpose.67 In the sixteenth century, Joseph Karo remarked that the God-fearing read Onkelos and Rashi along with the Hebrew text.68

63 Cf. Zürich, Zentralbibliothek, MS Heid. 102, fol. 99v. Cf. Emanuel, Fragments of the Tablets, 229, n. 44. 64 Brno, AMB 2 and Brno, MZA 12. 65 Or Zarua 1:11. 66 Semag, Asin, 19. 67 Tur, Orah Hayyim, 285. 68 Beit Yosef, Orah Hayyim, 285. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 205

It is reasonable to assume that these halakhic developments encouraged the spread of Hebrew manuscripts containing biblical commentaries, especially Rashi’s, as well as the emergence of Miqra’ot gedolot manuscripts that presented the Hebrew text with Targum, Rashi and additional commentaries. The lack of biblical commentaries among the Moravian fragments may indicate conservatism in local practice, where Moravian Jews read Torah with the Targum but without Rashi’s commentary. Our research has uncovered an exceptional finding in the form of a fragment from a biblical glossary in Old French, preserved in a Latin manuscript that had been produced in Moravia in 1394.69 It is highly unlikely that Moravian Jews used Old French glossaries. This host volume was produced during the same year when Charles VI expelled the Jews of France. Perhaps a French Jew brought that glossary to Moravia after the expulsion? After being driven from France, some Jews migrated as far as Buda, then the capital of the Hungarian kingdom.70 It is conceivable that a number of those French Jews might have journeyed through Moravia en route to Hungary, and some may have decided to settle in Moravia. Another significant find is a fragment of a Torah scroll that can be dated to the twelfth century or the early thirteenth century on paleographical grounds.71 The host volume preserving this fragment is a fifteenth-century Latin manuscript that belonged to Benedictine nuns in Brno. Although Hebrew manuscripts migrated with their owners from region to region, Torah scrolls were preserved in synagogues and thus remain in the possession of their original communities. Therefore, it is highly probable that the aforementioned Hebrew fragment was severed from a Torah scroll from a synagogue in Brno or possibly elsewhere in Moravia. The presence of a twelfth-century or early thirteenth-century Torah scroll in medieval Moravia supports the otherwise meager and disputable evidence for the existence of Jewish communities in Moravia during the late twelfth and earlier thirteenth centuries. As mentioned above, the

69 Kroměříž, AZK 1; see Appendix 1 for a detailed description. The dating of its host volume is based on a colophon on fol. 189r. 70 Cf. Sándor Scheiber, “Előszó: Adatok a magyar zsidóság középkori történetéhez” (Introduction: Contributions to the Medieval History of Hungarian Jewry), in idem (ed.), Magyar-zsidó oklevéltár (Budapest: Egyetemi nyomda, 1966), vol. 9, 15–16. 71 Olomouc, VKOL 3. The handwriting on this fragment displays the criteria that Edna Engel characterizes as the defining traits of twelfth-century Ashkenazi quadrate script. Nevertheless, several letters resemble thirteenth-century forms; therefore an early thirteenth-century date is also possible. See Edna Engel, “Calamus or Chisel: On the His- tory of the Ashkenazic Script,” in Genizat Germania, ed. Lehnardt, 183–197; esp. 184–187. 206 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Fig. 9.1 Torah scroll, 12th/13th century. Olomouc, Vědecká knihovna v Olomouci, M II 31/fr. 1. first testimonies of Jewish presence in Moravia are Yitzhak ben Durable’s glosses to Mahzor Vitry. Neither archeological nor documentary evidence corroborates Yitzhak ben Durable’s report, and the earliest independent witness of Moravian Jews is from the second half of the thirteenth century. However, if the Jewish community of Brno possessed a Torah scroll from the twelfth century, then it is highly probable that the community itself originated in the twelfth century or perhaps slightly later. If Jews settled in Brno in the early thirteenth century, then it is plausible that Jews had settled in Olomouc somewhat earlier, during the second half of the twelfth century. Thus Yitzhak ben Durable’s report receives indirect corroboration from this Hebrew fragment. A fragment from a Torah scroll that can be dated to the thirteenth century holds similar meaning.72 It has been preserved in a seventeenth- century host document that was produced in Olomouc. Again, there is some probability that this fragment originally came from a Torah scroll that once belonged to the Jewish community of Olomouc. The presence of a thirteenth-century Torah scroll in Olomouc implies that a Jewish

72 Olomouc, AMO 7; cf. Engel, “Calamus or Chisel,” 188–190. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 207

community must have existed there during that century. This conclusion is important because extant sources do not refer explicitly to Jews in Olo- mouc after the twelfth-century glosses of Yitzhak ben Durable until the mid-fourteenth century.73

Halakhic Fragments

As mentioned above, the presence of rabbis and yeshivot has been documented in Brno, Olomouc and Znojmo from the late fourteenth to mid- fifteenth centuries. It can be assumed that the halakhic fragments that have been discovered, inasmuch they are from Moravia, came from codices that would have been studied in medieval Moravian yeshivot. In addition to the classics of rabbinic literature, such as the Babylonian Talmud and works by Rashi, Tosafot, RIF, Mordecai, Moses of Coucy and Maimonides’ legal codes, some less common texts have also been attested, namely: (1) Olomouc, ZAO 7—a fragment from a halakhic compendium by Hezekiah of Magdeburg (Pisqei ha-Maharih), a work that is quoted frequently in Haggahot Asheri by Israel of Krems (first-half, fourteenth century);74 (2) Olomouc, ZAO 5—an halakhic compendium on tractate Shevuot by a yet unidentified author, who must have lived after the thirteenth century, since Meir ha-Kohen of Rothenburg’s Haggahot Maymu- niyot (composed in the late thirteenth century) was one of his sources;75 and, (3) Olomouc, VKOL 2—a fragment from Yitzhak ben Asher’s tosafot on tractate Shabbat (Tosafot RIBA).76 The history of that third fragment, from Yitzhak ben Asher’s tosafot, can be reconstructed to some degree. Its Latin host manuscript dates from the first quarter of the fifteenth century. This codex originally belonged to the Carthusian monastic community that lived in Dolany (Dollein) before relocating to the nearby city of Olomouc in 1425.77 Thus, this volume was probably bound in either Dolany or Olomouc in the early fifteenth

73 Cf. Bretholz, Quellen zur Geschichte der Juden in Mähren, LXVII–LXVIII, and 39–40. 74 See Efraim Elimelech Urbach, The Tosaphists: Their History, Writings, and Methods (Jerusalem: Bialik Institute, 41980), 443. Only a single manuscript is extant, see Appendix 1. 75 See Appendix 1. 76 This text has been edited by Yehudah A. Shoshana, “Tosafot RIBA ʽal Massekhet Shabbat,” Yeshurun 13 (2003): 21–36. Note that an inaccurate call number for the host volume erroneously appears therein; the correct bibliographic reference is: Olomouc, Vědecká knihovna v Olomouci, M I 296. 77 See Miroslav Boháček and František Čáda, Beschreibung der mittelalterlichen Hand- schriften der Wissenschaftlichen Staatsbibliothek vom Olmütz (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 1994), 225–228. 208 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

century. In either case, the Hebrew fragment used in its binding probably originated in a codex that had belonged to Jews who lived in Olomouc during that same era. As discussed earlier, Yisrael Bruna studied in the yeshivah of Moses Kohen in Olomouc at some point during the first quarter of the fifteenth century. This Moses Kohen is probably the same man who is referred to as Moyses Judaeus, whose miraculous conversion to Christianity in Olo- mouc in 1425 is related in a letter by the Bishop of Olomouc dating from 1427 (preserved in the City Archive of Cologne).78 According to this letter, Moses’s example was followed by many of his students, and after being baptized, they offered all of their property to a newly established church: “predicti Judei omnia sua mobilia et inmobilia ad hanc legaverunt ecclesiam.” Given that the Latin term mobilia (portable property) would certainly include books, this source implies that Kohen and his students contributed their books to the Church.79 Those Hebrew manuscripts would presumably have been reused by Christian bookbinders; thus, some portion of the Hebrew fragments from Olomouc probably came from Moses Kohen’s yeshivah. Since the recovered Tosafot RIBA fragment had been preserved in a host volume that was almost certainly bound in Olomouc, there is a strong probability that the original Hebrew codex belonged to Moses Kohen, his students or their yeshivah. Yitzhak Or Zarua and other thirteenth-century authorities frequently quoted Tosafot RIBA, but this halakhic source was later lost.80 Moses Kohen’s famous disciple, Israel Bruna, refers to Yitzhak ben Asher’s commentary on tractate Shabbat, independent of any other source; therefore, it seems that Bruna had direct access to the Tosafot RIBA.81 This textual evidence supports the hypothesis that this fragment originated in a volume that belonged to Moses Kohen’s yeshivah in Olomouc.

78 Cologne, Historisches Archiv der Stadt Köln, HUA 2/10401; cf. Frantisek Graus, “Olmütz” in Germania Judaica, vol. 3,2, ed. Arye Maimon et al., (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck]), 1995), 1067 n. 46. Daniel Soukup and Antonín Kalous (Palacky University, Olomouc) shared this information with us. 79 Our colleague Daniel Soukup has recently hypothesized that a persecution of Jews in Olomouc in 1425 (during the Hussite Wars) provides the historical kernel for this legend (similar to the Wiener Gezerah of 1421 and the 1426 expulsion the Jews from Jihlava); see his forthcoming paper “The Alleged Conversion of the Olomouc Rabbi Moses in 1425,” Judaica Bohemiae 48 (2013). We are grateful to Daniel Soukup for sharing his research with us. 80 Yitzhak Or Zarua refers to the personal notes that he took on that text; see Or Zarua 2:38. 81 See ShU”T MaHaRI Bruna, n. 45, referring to RIBA’s comment on Shabbat 139b. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 209

Conclusion

The Hebrew fragments that have recently been uncovered in Moravian libraries and archives considerably expand the manuscript evidence of Jewish intellectual life in medieval Moravia. Most of these fragments would have originated in volumes that were owned by Jews then came to be owned by Christians as a result of persecutions or wars: fifteenth- century host volumes were bound with parchment from Hebrew codices that were probably confiscated in 1425 or 1454; and, seventeenth-century archival documents have preserved sections of Hebrew manuscripts that Christians had seized from Jews during the calamities in Moravia that occurred in the wake of the Bocskay uprising in 1605 and in the Thirty Years’ War in 1618–1624. Although we have not uncovered any new texts that refer directly to Moravian Jews, these findings highlight many aspects of Jewish intellectual life in medieval Moravia. Fragments from Torah scrolls suggest that major Jewish communities in Moravia may have emerged as early as the twelfth century or the first half of the thirteenth century. Other biblical fragments suggest that the custom of reading Rashi’s commentary on the weekly Torah portion as a supplement to or substitution for study of the Targum was not widespread in Moravia. A biblical glossary in Old French, preserved in a Latin codex from 1394, suggests that some of the Jews who were expelled from France during that year may have entered Moravia. Fragments from prayerbooks reveal differences from the liturgical orderings described and prescribed in late medieval minhag-literature. The halakhic fragments probably came from codices that were studied in fifteenth- century Moravian yeshivot. And, a leaf from Tosafot RIBA likely belonged to Moses Kohen’s yeshivah in Olomouc before its demise in 1425. 210 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Appendix 1: Catalogue of Hebrew Fragments in Moravia

In addition to the fragments listed here, we are aware of another dozen that have not yet been fully analyzed and therefore have not been included in this itemization. We are most grateful to Hana Jordánková (AMO, Brno), Michaela Růžičková (MZA, Brno), Jitka Machová (MZK, Brno), Cyril Měsíc (AZK, Kroměříž), Ludovík Štipl (Museum of Mohelnice), Petr Gajdošík (Státní okresní archiv, Olomouc), Rostislav Krušinský (VKOL, Olomouc), and Štěpán Kohout (ZAO, Olomouc) for their collaboration and support in describing these fragments. We also extend deep thanks to Judith Olszowy-Schlanger, Abraham David, Ezra Chwat, and Simcha Emanuel for their invaluable counsel. Any and all errors found here are our responsibility.

Abbreviations

Brno, AMB Archiv města Brno [Brno Municipal Archive] Brno, MZA moravský zemský archiv v Brne [Brno Moravian Land Archive] Brno, MZK moravská zemská knihovna, Brno [Brno Moravian Land Library] Kroměříž, AZK Arcibiskupská zámecká knihovna, Kroměříž [The Dioc- esan Library of the Archbishop of Kroměříž] Olomouc, AMO Státní okresní archiv: Archiv mesta Olomouc [State District Archive of the Olomouc Municipal Archive] Olomouc, VKOL vědecká knihovna v Olomouci [Research Library in Olomouc] Olomouc, ZAO Zemský archiva v Opavě, pobočka Olomouc [The Land Archive of Opava, Olomouc Branch] Přerov, SOAPř. Státní okresní archiv Přěrov [State District Archive, Přěrov]

BRNO Brno, AMB—Archiv města Brna

Brno, AMB 1 Collection: A 1/3 Sbirka rukopisu a urednich knih, inv. c. 251./fr. 1 Host volume: Komorný počty z let 1548–1550 [Chamber administration, 1548–1550] a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 211

Codex fragment—part of a folio: Bible: Masoretic text (Masorah parva) and Onkelos, Genesis 31:25–31:34. Targum follows the Hebrew verse by verse. Dimensions: 300 × 420; text: 220 × 300; thirty-two lines, 10 mm height; three columns. Ruling with hard point. Pricking 30 mm from margin. Brown ink. Ashkenazi square script; 14th/15th c.

Brno, AMB 2 Collection: A 1/3 rkp. č. 101/fr. 1 Host volume: Obnovování městské rady z let 1591–1599 [Election of the City Council, 1591–1599] Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio: Bible: Rashi on Deuteronomy 10:11– 16:17, with numerous corrections in the margins. Dimensions: 480 × 330; three columns of 58–60 × 280; thirty-four lines of 12 mm. Ruling cannot be discerned. Pricking on the flesh side at both inner margins, 35 mm from the text. Dark brown ink. Ashkenazi semi- cursive script; 14th/15th c.

Brno, AMB 3 Collection: V 2—Library of Saint Jacob Church, Brno—sign. 95/76 /fr. 1 Host volume: collected Latin theological works by Augustine and others; Moravia (?), mid-15th century.82 Codex fragment—part of a folio: Halakhah: Babylonian Talmud, Hullin 9b–10b. Dimensions: 290 × 130; text 215 × 105; twenty-nine lines of 8 mm. Rul- ing cannot be discerned. Pricking on the margin, 25 mm from the text. Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 15th c.

Brno, AMB 4 Collection: V 2—Library of Saint Jacob Church, Brno—sign. 90/39 /fr. 1 Host volume: Latin liturgical manuscript; Moravia, first half 15th century.83 Codex fragment—part of a folio: Text erased, indecipherable. Dimensions: 250 × 140; text 145 × 90; two columns 65 × 90; eleven lines of 8 mm. Ruling hard point. No trace of pricking.

82 See Stanislav Petr, Soupis rukopisů knihovny při farním kostele svatého Jakuba v Brně (A catalogue of the mss in the library of the parish church St. Jacob in Brno) (Brno: Masarykův ústav a Archiv Akademie věd České republiky, 2007), 274–280. 83 See Petr, Soupis rukopisů, 305–307. The latest datable watermark is from 1424. 212 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Brno, AMB 5 Collection: V 2—Library of Saint Jacob Church, Brno—sign. 91/40 /fr. 1 Host volume: Latin liturgical texts (second volume of the Brno, AMB 4); Moravia, first half 15th century.84 Codex fragment—part of a folio. Text erased, indecipherable. See Brno, AMB 4.

Brno, MZA—Moravský zemský archiv v Brne

Brno, MZA 1 Collection: A 6 Snemovy tisk 1603 kart.1/fr. 1 Host volume: Snemový tisk; V středu po neděli provodní; 1603 [Wednesday after the first Sunday after Easter; Conciliar print 1603]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Amidah. Dimensions: 189 × 210; text: 96 × 180; seven lines of 13 mm (the last two lines are 19 mm apart). Ruling: hard point; horizontal-vertical grid; four vertical lines, with one pair beside the text and the other 19 mm from the edge of the text, functioning as a frame of the text. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 2 (?).

Brno, MZA 2 Collection: A 7, Přiznávací berní listy, k. 46, sign. 38/fr. 1 Host volume: Termin svatého Šimona [Register]; 1620; [MS; Czech]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Bible: Masoretic Text, Job 33:29–35:10, with Masorah magna and parva. Dimensions: 420 × 320; text: 270 × 350; two columns, 120 × 350 each. Ruling: hard point; horizontal-vertical grid; ruling does not fit the text. The pre-ruled parchment was designed for three columns of 73–75 × 350+ (w × h), 24–25 mm apart. This data corresponds with Brno, MZA A7, k. 50, sign. 23/fr. 1. Ashkenzi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 7

Brno, MZA 3 Collection: A 7, Přiznávací berní listy, k. 46, sign. 39/fr. 1 Host volume Termin svatého Šimona [Register]; 1620; [MS; Czech].

84 See ibid., 307–309. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 213

Codex fragment—part of a folio; Halakhah: Jacob ben Asher—Tur, Yoreh De’ah, 79–83 [81]. Dimensions: 235 × 158; two columns, 70 × 235 each, 18 mm distance between them. Ruling: pencil; horizontal-vertical grid; two vertical lines—6 mm from one another—are located on each side of each column. Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 1. Simanim are numbered differently from the printed editions.

Brno, MZA 4 Collection: A 7, Přiznávací berní listy, k. 46, sign. 39/fr. 2 Codex fragment—part of a folio; Halakhah: Jacob ben Asher—Tur, Yoreh De’ah, 55–56. See Brno, MZA 3.

Brno, MZA 5 Collection: A 7, Přiznávací berní listy, k. 50. sign. 23/fr. 1 Host volume: Vydání obecní kraje olomouckého [Municipal administration]; 1620–1621; [MS; Czech]; 24 fol. Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio; Bible: Torah and Targum Onkelos, Numbers 19:19–21:31 with Masorah parva. Targum follows the Hebrew verse by verse. Dimensions: 320 × 425; two columns of 289 × 71–74, 23–24 mm apart. Pricking on the inner margins, 60 mm from the text. Ruling: hardpoint; horizontal-vertical grid; twenty-seven horizontal lines and vertical lines above and below column. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 7. Apparently, by the same scribe who copied Brno, MZA 12.

Brno, MZA 6 Collection: G 10, k. č. 232/fr. 1 Host volume: Nálezové panští a přípovědi obyvatelů Markrabství moravského na sjezdech obecných v letech 1473–1493 [Judicial decisions from Moravia; 1473–1493]; the document itself is from the end of the 16th century; [MS; Czech]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Mahzor for Yom Kippur. Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 2082. Dimensions: 446 × 317; text: 343 × 225; twenty-five written lines. Ruling: hard point (?). Ashkenazi square script, 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 2. 214 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Brno, MZA 7 Collection: G 10, k. č. 233/fr. 1 Host volume: Nálezové, naučení, přípovědi a jiné ohlašovaní o sněmích v Markrabství moravském od roku 1490 až do roku 1534 držaných [Judi- cial decitions from Moravia; 1490–1534]; the document itself is from the end of the 16th beginning of the 17th century; [MS; Czech]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Mahzor for Yom Kippur. Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 5708. Dimensions: 454 × 320; text: 335 × 260; twenty-four written lines; large format, but original size cannot be reconstructed. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 2.

Brno, MZA 8 Collection: G 10, k. č. 329/fr. 1 Host volume: Kniha tovačovská; Počinaji se prawa země; [Book of Tovačov, a sixteenth-century legal compendium]; mid-16th century; [MS; Czech]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Halakhah: Jacob ben Asher—Tur, Yoreh De’ah, 190. Dimensions: 305 × 195; text 235 × 166; two columns 75–77 × 235 each, 14 mm apart; thirty-eight lines. Ruling: pencil, horizontal-vertical grid; Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 1

Brno, MZA 9 Collection: G 10, k. č. 1150/fr. 1 Host volume: Výklad Horatiových básní a výpisy z řečnické příručky [Interpretation of Horace’s poetry]; 17th century; [MS; Latin and Ger- man; of Jesuit origin]. Codex fragment—inserted: flyleaf, back cover; Bible: Tiqqun Qorim, Num- bers 2:10–12 with Masorah and Targum. Three columns (from right to left): (1) Torah scroll (consonantal text), (2) Masoretic text (with Maso- rah parva) and (3) Targum Onkelos. Dimensions: 85 × 215. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Decoration: right bottom corner near column (1)—picture of hand.

Brno, MZA 10 Collection: G 11, Sbírka rukopisů Františkova muzea v Brně, k. č. 441/fr. 1 Host volume: Registra Bernarda Janoura ze Strachnova z let 1595 až 1598 [Register]; 1595–1598; [MS; Czech]. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 215

Codex fragment—part of a folio; Bible: Masoretic text (including Masorah magna and parva), Jeremiah [16:15–] 17:16–18:9. Dimensions: 420 × 315; three columns: 300 × 68–70 each [incomplete]; twenty-eight lines. Ashkenazi square script; second half of the 14th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 8.

Brno, MZA 11 Collection: G 11, Sbírka rukopisů Františkova muzea v Brně, k. č. 615/fr. 1 Host volume: Kopiář Petřvaldských z Petřvaldu z let 1573 až 1636 [Cartu- lary of the Petřvald family; 1573–1636]; bound in 1633 (?); an inscription on the binding: “IC PZP 1633”; [MS; Czech] Codex fragment—part of a folio; Bible: Masorah and Targum Onkelos, Deuteronomy 28:64/65–29:6. Targum follows the Hebrew verse by verse. Masorah parva and magna. Dimensions: 405 × 300; three columns: 290 × 62–65 each. Ruling: hard point; thirty-four lines/thirty-three lines of text. Pricking: thirty-four dots are on the right side of the page (unclear whether marks the inner or outer margin) and four additional dots at the corners of Masorah magna at the bottom of the page. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 8.

Brno, MZA 12 Collection: G 12 Cerroniho sbírka II 153/fr. 1 Host volume: Jeho císařské a královské milosti Uherského a Českého krále Ferdinanda II. obnovené zřízení zemské, J. M. K. dědičného Markrab- ství Moravského [Documents of Ferdinand II (1619–1637) translated into Czech by Jan Komínek of Engelhaus, scribe of Ivančice, in 1632]; mid-17th century, after 1632; [MS; Czech]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Mahzor for Shavuot: Ruth 2:10–12 (Masoretic text with Rashi’s commentary). Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 3197. Dimensions: 200 × 145. Brown ink, however at the bottom part of the last line of the column con- is included. Ashkenazi [דיברא] taining piyyut, a word written in red ink square and cursive script; 14th/15th century.

Brno, MZA 13 Collection: G 12 Cerroniho sbírka II 382/fr. 1 Host volume: Tauf-Register bei der Kirchen zu S. Michael in Znaym sub diaconatu M. Joachimi Segeri vom 20 Novembris, welcher worden 25 216 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Sonntag nach Trinitatis des 1611 Jahres angefangen [Parish register]; the records cover 1611–1623; the manuscript belonged to the Jesuits of Znojmo; [MS; German]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Halakhah: Moses of Coucy—Sefer Mitz- wot Gadol, Positive Mitzvot 70–72. Dimensions: 31 × 250. Very poor condition (faded). Ashkenazi semi- cursive script; 14th/15th century.

Brno, MZA 14 Collection: G 2 Nová sbírka sg 726 A/6/fr. 1 Separated fragment. Codex fragment: bi-folio; Bible: Deuteronomy 19:15–21:6. Masoretic text, Masora parva and magna, and Targum Onkelos. Targum follows the Hebrew verse by verse. Dimensions: 435 × 340; text 325 × 230; three columns, 52–56 × 270 each. Ashkenazi square script; 15th c.

Brno, MZA 15 Collection: G 21 Staré tisky, k. II/44/fr. 1 Host volume: Prawa Města [City law of Prague, Old Town]; Litomyšl: Alex- andr Plzenšký, 1536. Codex fragment—part of folio; Bible: Masoretic Text and Targum: Prov- erbs 13 and 29. Masorah magna and parva. Targum follows the Hebrew verse by verse. Dimensions: 286 × 430; text 215 × 250; three columns, 56–60 × 250 each. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Brno, MZK—Moravská zemská knihovna

Brno, MZK 1 L19/fr. 1 Host volume: Nicolaus Perotus, Cornucopiae Latinae Linguae (Basel: Ioannes Valaerus, 1536) Codex fragment—imprint of a folio on a wood board in the binding. Halakhah: Talmud commentary: Rashi on Moed Qatan 19a–b, corresponds to Ephraim Kupfer (ed.), Perush Rashi le-massekhet Moed Qatan (Jerusalem: Mekize nirdamim, 1961), 64–66. Dimensions: 150 × 330; text 115 × 196; two columns, 63–65 × 196 each. Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 15th century. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 217

Brno, MZK 2 L19/fr. 2 Host volume: Nicolaus Perotus, Cornucopiae Latinae Linguae (Basel: Ioannes Valaerus, 1536) Codex fragment—imprint of a folio on a wood board in the binding. Halakhah: Talmud-commentary: Rashi on Moed Qatan 25 a–b corresponding to Kupfer (ed.), Perush Rashi le-massekhet Moed Qatan, 80–82. Dimensions: 210 × 330; text 115 × 202 (otherwise the same as the previous entry, Brno, MZK 1). Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 15th century.

Brno, MZK 3 MkP-0000.097/fr. 1 Host volume: Flavius Magnus Aurelius, Historia ecclesiastica tripartita (Argentinae, Johann Prüss, post 1500). Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio. Liturgy: Haggadah shel Pesah (Dayyenu). Dimensions: 295 × 65; text 200 × 65. Ruling: pencil, erased. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Brno, MZK 4 MkP-0000.183 /fr. 1 Host volume: Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae. Cum commento pseudoThomae de Aquino (Norimbergae, Anton Koberger, 1495). Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio. Liturgy: Haggadah shel Pesah; Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 1871, Alef 1070, and Mishnah Avot 3:3–6:9. Dimensions: 200 × 120; text 120 × 82; eight lines; ruling cannot be identified. Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 15th century.

Brno, MZK 5 ST1-0005.103/fr. 1 Host volume: Formy listů rozličných, podle Notule Kanceláře Margrabstwij Morawského; [Czech]; ca. 1605–1611. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Mahzor, Ezekhiel 48:18 (end of haftarah for Parashat ha-Hodesh [Exodus 12]) with Ashrei; Hatzi Kad- dish; and opening of Amidah. Dimensions: 200 × 150. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. 218 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Brno, MZK 6 ST1-0583.153/fr. 1 Host volume: De Ubiquitate Seu Omnipraesentia Dei; Regiomonti: Georg Osterberger, 1588; 68 p. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Bible: Masoretic Pentateuch with Targum Onkelos; Numbers 8:14–24. Targum follows the Hebrew verse by verse. Dimensions: 325 × 191; two columns: 170 × 60 each, 25 mm distance between them; ten lines preserved. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Brno, MZK 7 ST2-0004.302/fr. 1 Host volume: Partlic ze Špicberka; Kalendář Hospodářský a Kancelářský; [Calendar]; Prague, 1617. Codex fragment—part of folio. Liturgy: Selihot for Yom Kippur; selihah; Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 6103. Dimensions: 325 × 202; text: 240 × 150; containing fifteen lines. Ashke- nazi square script; 15th century.

Brno, MZK 8 ST3-0001.195/fr. 1 Host volume: Buchholzer, Abraham; Rejstřík historický, to jest krátké snemovní sečteni a jistý pořádek let od stvoření světa až do léta Páne 1596 [Register]; Prague, 1596. Codex fragment—part of folio. Bible: Masoretic Hagiographa Proverbs 28:27–29:13. Masorah magna and parva. Targum Mishlei following the Hebrew text verse by verse. Dimensions: 430 × 305; two columns: 320 × 55 each; 30 mm distance between them. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Brno, MZK 9 ST3-0490.337/fr. 1 Host volume: Centuria ecclesiasticae Historiae, continens descriptionem amplissimarum rerum in Regno Christi; Basileae: 1564. Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio. Liturgy: Selihot for Yom Kippur; selihah for the third day between Rosh ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur; piyyutim: Davidson, Alef 7650. Dimensions: 490 × 340; two columns, 490 × 120 each; 50 mm distance between them. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 219

Kroměříž Kroměříž, AZK—Arcibiskupská zámecká knihovna

Kroměříž, AZK 1 21.235/fr. 1 Host volume: Postilla domini cononici Conradi Hinita; [MS; Lat.]; 185 fol.; 212 × 65; 1394. Codex fragment—inserted flyleaf, part of a bi-folio. Old French Glossary on Proverbs (7:18–25; 9:18–10:5; 11:8–19; 14:10–23).85 Dimensions: 50 × 295 [h × w]; text in four columns: word from biblical ;introduces a gloss and short comment "כמו/לשון ,text, Old French gloss only the Old French glosses are vocalized; pricking in form of 8 dots in 5 mm spacing on the inner margins 10 mm away from the middle of the bi-folio. Pricking: eight dots appear at 5 mm space from one another on the inner margins, 10 mm from the center of the bi-folio. Ruling: hardpoint; horizontal-vertical grid; nine rules horizontal lines/eight written lines. Ashkenazi bookhand; 14th century.

Kroměříž, AZK 2 21.235/fr. 2 Host volume: see the previous entry, Kroměříž, AZK 1. Codex fragments—strips; Halakhah: Talmud with commentary. A passage of Gemara is flanked by two commentaries (Rashi and Tosafot) on the inner and outer margins respectively; semi-cursive Ashkenazi script.

85 The glosses are related to Menahem Banitt, (ed.) Le Glossaire de Leipzig, (Jeru- salem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Hummanities, 1995–2001), vol. 3, page 1221, no. 16140–16149, page 1225, no. 16192–16200, page 1227, no. 16225–16236, and page 1235, no. 16316–16322 and 16326–16327 respectively. The Hebrew words that are accompanied by explanations are the same (with the exception of one seemingly extra item in the last but one line of the right column of the fragment, which, unfortunately, is barely legible); the translations and the biblical quotations are often identical, but with occasional, slight differences in the glosses and citations. Interesting variants occur at no. 16194 and no. 16319. Note that nos. 16323–16325 are missing from the fragment. Menahem Banitt proposes that the author-editor-redactor of the Leipzig glossary was Shimshon ben Yitzhak of Chinon, author of Sefer Keritot (Le Glossaire de Leipzig: Introduction, vol. 1, 35). 220 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Mohelnice Museum of Mohelnice

Mohelnice 1 [Loštice fragment] G20-08 Codex fragment—bi-folio; Liturgy: Purim liturgy, including closing blessings of the Amidah. Piyyut: Davidson, Vav 197. Dimensions: 280 × 200; text 210 × 130; twenty-one lines. Ruling with pencil. Pricking on the inner margins, 10 mm from the text. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

OLOMOUC Olomouc AMO—Státní okresní archiv: Archiv mesta Olomouc

For a more detailed description, see: Petr Gajdošík, Tamás Visi, and Alžběta Drexlerová, “Fragmenty hebrejských textů na knižních vazbách ve fondech Státního okresního archivu Olomouc” (Fragments of Hebrew texts in book-bindings in the collections of the State District Archiv of Olo- mouc), Olomoucký archivní sborník 9 (2011): 31–52.

Olomouc AMO 1 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 5587, sign. 794/fr. 1 Host volume: Register, Olomouc, 1574–1575. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Halakhah: Maimonides—Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Shehitah 9:21–10:9 with Meir ha-Kohen’s Haggahot Maymuni- yot by. Dimensions: 220 × 325; text: 148 × 240. Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 15th century.

Olomouc AMO 2 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 1358, sign. 394/fr. 1 Host volume: Rejstřík lozunků—II. Termín [Losunga pro termino S. Micha- leis]; 1603; [Ger.; Czech; Lat.]; 200 × 315. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Halakhah: RIF (Yitzhak Alfasi), Sanhe- drin, ch. 8 with commentaries by Rashi and Mordechai. Dimensions: 410 × 315; text: 225 × 315. Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 5. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 221

Olomouc AMO 3 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 1360, sign. 396/ fr. 1 Host volume: Losunga pro termino S. Michael A 1604. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Halakhah: RIF (Yitzhak Alfasi) with Rashi and Mordecai: end of Baba Metzia, beginning of Baba Batra. Dimensions: 315 × 415; text 215 × 310. Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 5.

Olomouc AMO 4 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 1559, sign. 593/fr. 1 Host volume: Taxa pro Termino S. Nicol: 1604. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Yom Kippur, Seder Avodah, “ve-yom tov haya ‘oseh.” Dimensions: 325 × 435; text 185 × 340; twenty-five lines of 14–15 mm height. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 2.

Olomouc AMO 5 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 1361, sign. 397/fr. 1 Host volume: Losunga pro ter: S. Georgi Anni 1605. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Yom Kippur, “al heit she-hatanu.” Dimensions: 325 × 435; text 195 × 343; twenty-five lines of 15 mm height. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 2.

Olomouc AMO 6 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 5076, sign. 119/fr. 1 Host volume: Urbarium; copies and amendments; 1606–1636; [Czech]; 190 × 300. Codex fragment—two sections of a single folio. Halakhah: Maimonides— Mishne Torah, Hilkhot Sota, 2:16–3:15. Dimensions: (1) 130 × 300; text: 50 × 250; (2) 130 × 300; text 130 × 230. Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century.

Olomouc AMO 7 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 5594, sign 263/fr. 1 Host volume: Registrum; 1617–1618; [Czech]. Scroll fragment. Bible: Exodus 27:11–29:10. 222 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Dimensions: 318 × 408; text 135 × 284; thirty lines of 10 mm height. Rul- ing: hardpoint; grid; thirty-one vertical lines. Ashkenazi square script; 13th century.

Olomouc AMO 8 Archiv města Olomouc, Knihy (M1-1), inv. č. 5596, sign. 265/fr. 1 Host volume: Makulář počtův úřednických na statku pozemskym pánov Olomoučanov; [Accounts]; [Czech], 1620. Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio. Halakhah: Jacob ben Asher: Tur, Orah Hayyim, 411–417 [in this manuscript 423–428]; 454–457. Dimensions: 310 × 250; text: 212 × 164; two columns 73–75 × 238–242 each; 15 mm space between them. Ruling: pencil, horizontal-vertical grid with forty-three vertical lines/forty-two written lines. Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 1.

Olomouc AMO 9 Collection: Archiv obce Nenakonice, inv. č. 4/fr. 1 Host volume: Gruntovní kniha (Registra diediny Nenakunicz); [Land register]; 1622–1710; [Czech]. Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio. Bible: Haftarot, Judges 5:3–23, Isaiah 6:5–12, Ezekiel 37:15–22, 1 Kings 3:25–4:1. Dimensions: 313 × 415. Ashkenazi square script; 14th/15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL—Vědecká knihovna v Olomouci

Olomouc, VKOL 1 M I 243/fr. 1 Host volume: Florileger (excerpts from the works of Gregory the Great), first half 15th century; paper, 196 fol., 230 × 155; owned by the Carthu- sians of Dolany; binding partially from the 16th century.86 Codex fragment—part of folio, flyleaf. Liturgy: Ofanim for Sukkot, Shemini Atzeret and Simhat Torah. Piyyutim: Davidson, Alef 7101, 7458, Yud 2474. Dimensions: 158 × 208; text 120 × 175; twenty-four lines. Ruling: pencil. Brown ink. Excellent quality parchment, without distinction between the hair and flesh sides. Ashkenazi bookhand; 14th century.

86 See Boháček and Čáda, Beschreibung der mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Wissen- schaftlichen Staatsbibliothek vom Olmütz, 139–140. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 223

Olomouc, VKOL 2 M I 296/fr. 1 Host volume: Casus ad Summam Henrici de Merseburg; [MS; Lat.] first half 15th century; paper; 278 fol.; 210 × 148; owned by the Carthusians of Dolany. Codex fragment—part of folio, flyleaf. R. Yitzhak ben Asher—Tosafot on tractate Shabbat 48a–51a. Dimensions: 210 × 140; forty-two written lines. Ruling: hard point on hair side. Ashkenazi bookhand; 14th century. Text edited by Yehudah A. Shoshana, “Tosafot RIBA ʽal Massekhet Shab- bat,” Yeshurun 13 (2003): 21–36.

Olomouc, VKOL 3 M II 31/fr. 1 Host volume: Latin exegetical texts; first half 15th century, owned by the Benedictine nuns in Brno, then by the Jesuits of Brno (17th century).87 Scroll fragment—Bible: Torah scroll, column I: Genesis 44:11–23; column II: Genesis 45:10–23. Inner cover. Dimensions: 320 × 210; twenty-three written lines; ruling with hard point. Ashkenazi square script; 12th–13th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 4 M II 132/fr. 1 Host volume: Latin theological miscellany, first half 15th century; Codex fragment—part of a folio, imprint on a wood board. Bible: Pentateuch with Targum Onkelos: Genesis 5:21–28. Targum follows the Hebrew text verse by verse. Dimensions: 60 × 22. No trace of ruling. Ashkenazi square script; 14th/15th century. From the same original folio as Olomouc, VKOL 5.

Olomouc, VKOL 5 M II 132/fr. 2 Host volume: see Olomouc, VKOL 4 Codex fragment—part of a folio. Bible: Pentateuch with Targum Onkelos: Genesis 5:6–10. Targum follows the Hebrew text verse by verse.

87 See ibid., 375–376. 224 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Dimensions: 45 × 293; text 45 × 240. No trace of ruling. Ashkenazi quadrate script; 14th/15th century. From the same original folio as Olomouc, VKOL 4.

Olomouc, VKOL 6 M II 138/fr. 1 Host volume: Expositio hymnorum; [MS; Lat.] first half 15th century; 246 fol.; 300 × 205; owned by the Carthusians of Dolany. Scroll fragment—flyleaf; Bible: Torah scroll, Deuteronomy 18:22–19:2. Dimensions: 290 × 200; text: 235 × 160; twenty-two lines preserved; spacing; unvocalized text. Verso is blank. Ashkenazi square script; 14th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 7 VKOL 10.180/2 Host volume: Linder, Friedrich; Gemma musicalis Selectissimas varii stili cantiones (vulgo Italid madrigal et Napolitane dicuntur) quatuor; Nuremberg; 1589; two Hebrew fragments from the same virtual codex were used for the external cover of binding. VKOL 10.180/2/fr. 1 Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Selihot. Piyyut: Davidson, Yud 2289. Dimension: 170 × 167; eight lines: six lines of 13 mm height, two lines of 26 mm. Ruling: hard point; horizontal-vertical grid, one vertical line on the margin of the text and nine horizontal lines. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. VKOL 10.180/2/fr. 2 Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Selihot le-Erev Yom Kippur. Piyyut: Davidson, Yud 3920 by Yitzhak bar Avigdor. Dimensions: 170 × 162; eleven lines of 13 mm (ten are fully visible). Ruling: hard point; horizontal-vertical grid, one vertical line on the margin and eleven horizontal lines. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 8 VKOL 17.755/fr. 1 Host volume: Ausschreiben und gründlicher warhaffter Bericht unser Geb- hardts [unknown place of publication]; 1583. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Mahzor le-Yom Kippur, Aravit immediately following Ne’ilah with an unidentified commentary in the margins. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 225

Dimensions: 194 × 226; main text: 85 × 152, eight lines of 9 mm; commentary: 85 × 50, fourteen lines of 4 mm; distance between the main text and the commentary is 35 mm. Ruling: hard point and possibly pencil; only two horizontal lines visible situated on the right side/ the inner side of commentary, which are 9 mm apart; visible pricking on the inner margin. Liturgy: Ashkenazi square script; Commentary—semi- cursive Ashkenazi script; 15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 9 VKOL 29.972/fr. 1 Host volume: Lans, Johann; Sponia qua absterguntur Convitia et Maledicta Equitis Poloni contra Jesuitas; Cracoviae: 1590. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Qerovah for Minhah prayer on Yom Kippur. Piyyutim: Davidson, Alef 3204, Alef 7448. Dimensions: 200 × 290; text: 163 × 218; twenty-one lines of 12–13 mm. Rul- ing: hard point, horizontal-vertical grid, two vertical lines and twenty- two horizontal lines. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 10 VKOL 32.610 Host volume: Phaeton, Havel; O Sedmi Ranách Božich těžkých a welikých . . .; Prague (Nové mesto pražské): 1620. One folio was cut into in half and used for bindings. State of conservation: surface treatment prevents further assessment. Codex fragment; Liturgy: Mahzor for Yom Kippur. Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 4131. VKOL 32.610/fr. 1 Dimensions: 115 × 76; eleven visible lines of 13 mm height. VKOL 32.610/fr. 2 Dimensions: 153 × 70; eleven visible written lines of 13 mm height; blind embossing. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 11 VKOL 36.146/fr. 1 Host volume: Algerus Leodiensis; D. Algeri Veritate Corporis Et Sangvinis Dominici in Eucharistia; Prague: 1584. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Prayer for Rosh ha-Shanah with liturgical text on the margins—selihah for Rosh ha-Shanah. Piyyut: Davidson, Yud 1345, Alef 4798, Alef 8115*, (in verso of the fragment) Vav 222** 226 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Dimensions: 163 × 262; text: 153 × 185; main text: 139 × 130; marginal text: 153 × 44; 10 mm space between them. Pricking: two rows along the inner margin (20 and 25 mm from the main text, respectively) and two rows along the outer margin (15 and 21 mm distance from the main text. Ruling: hard point; horizontal-vertical grid; thirteen ruled horizontal lines with spacing of 10 mm and three vertical lines. Ashkenazi square script—main text, Ashkenazi bookhand—marginal text; 15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 12 VKOL 36.278/fr. 1 Host volume: Honterus, Johannes; Cosmographicorum Joan. Honteri Coro- nensis libri IV. Cum elegantissimis tabellis Geographicis recens sculptis et editis; Prague: 1595. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Shaharit le-Yom Kippur. Dimensions: 214 × 160; text: 170 × 122; fifteen lines of 12 mm. Ruling: pencil, horizontal-vertical grid, sixteen horizontal lines, the vertical ones are barely discernible. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 13 VKOL 37.174/fr. 1 Host volume: Marulic, Markol Opera di Marco Marulo da Spalato circa l’institutione del buono; Venetia: 1586. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Halakhah: Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra 61b–62b. Marginal corrections in light brown ink in the margins and above the lines. Dimensions: 316 × 198; text: 235 × 75; two columns 75–78 × 235 each, 22 mm distance between them; thirty-two written lines. Ruling: hardpoint, horizontal-vertical grid, four vertical lines are ruled on both sides of the columns, thirty-three horizontal. Ashkenazi square script; 13th century. Marginal corrections: Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 15th century (?).

Olomouc, VKOL 14 Coll. /fr. 1 Codex fragment—part of a folio, detached part of bookbinding. Liturgy: Tefillat Musaf for Yom Kippur. Dimensions: 298 × 250; text: 240 × 167; twenty written lines of 12 mm. Ruling: difficult to assess due to the poor condition of this fragment; possibly hardpoint, two vertical lines visible on outer margins—the a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 227

first line is 25 mm and 40 mm from the text, respectively. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 3.

Olomouc, VKOL 15 Coll. /fr. 2 Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio, detached bookbinding; Halakhah: Jacob ben Asher—Tur, Hoshen Mishpat 185–188; 207. Dimensions: 255 × 390; two columns 195 × 74 each, 18 mm distance between them. Pricking on the inner margins. Thirty-five written lines, thirty-six ruled lines (6 mm). Ruling: pencil; horizontal-vertical grid; each column has a vertical line 6 mm from its left and right edge; horizontal lines are drawn across the whole folio, no fixed ruled framework for the text, two columns (165 mm). Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 1.

Olomouc, VKOL 16 Coll. /fr. 3 Original host volume: M II 176, Sermons in Latin; first half 15th century, owned by the Carthusians of Dolany.88 On one of the wood boards in the binding the imprint of our fragment is clearly recognizable Codex fragment—part of a bi-folio, detached from a bookbinding. Liturgy: Hoshanot. Piyyutim: Davidson, Alef 523, Alef 1829, Alef 1165, Alef 1198, Alef 7071. Dimensions: 298 × 250; text: 245 × 167 with twenty lines of 12 mm height. Ruling: pencil, twenty-one horizontal lines. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 3.

Olomouc, VKOL 17 Coll. /fr. 4 Codex fragment—detached, part of bi-folio. Liturgy: Prayer for Festivals. Piyyutim: Davidson, Ayin 829, Yud 4101, Alef 8703, Nun 280, Ayin 833*. Marginal notes in a different hand.

88 See ibid., 523–524. 228 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Dimensions: 143 × 210; text: 117 × 80. Ruling: pencil; horizontal-vertical grid; fifteen horizontal lines of 81 mm; four vertical lines of 117 mm. Pricking along the inner margins. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, VKOL 18 Coll. /fr. 5 Codex fragment—detached, part of a folio. Halakhah: Moses of Coucy— Sefer Mitzvot Gadol, Positive Mitzvot, 150–160. Dimensions: 375 × 341; text: 337 × 242; three columns, 337 × 65 each, 26 mm apart. The fragment is separated into two pieces without gaps in the text. Forty written lines, 10 mm height. Vertical pricking on the outer margin. Ashkenazi square script; 14th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 6. Emma Abate uncovered another fragment from the same manuscript in the Angelica Library (Bibliotheca Angelica) in Rome. It had previously belonged to Cardinal Franz Seraph von Dietrichstein, who transported it from Moravia to Rome.89

Olomouc, VKOL 19 Coll. /fr. 6 Codex fragment—detached four strips from a single fragment of a bi-folio. Halakhah: Talmudic commentary: Tosafot Bava Metzia 41a–b, corresponding to the printed editions. Dimensions of the original fragment: 100 × 130; dimensions of the strips: 90–100 Twenty-one visible written lines, 4 mm height. Ruling: None discernible due to the poor condition and fragmentary state of manuscript. Ashkenazi bookhand; 15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO—Zemský archiva v Opavě, pobočka Olomouc

In the following entries concerning Hebrew fragments uncovered in ZAO are drawn from the descriptions prepared by Dr. Abraham David and Dr. Ezra Chwat (National Library of Israel, Jerusalem), to whom we extend our gratitude. Most of the information here appears in the JNUL online catalogue. Together with Štěpán Kohout, we are preparing a catalogue of these fragments that provides more detailed codicological descriptions (publication forthcoming).

89 See Abbate, “Frammenti manoscritti del Sefer Miswot Gadol.” a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 229

A. The Library of the Archbishop of Olomouc—Metropolitní Kapitula Olomouc (Fond MCO) Olomouc, ZAO 1 BCO. 88/fr. 1 Host volume: Salomon III, Bishop of Konstanz: Glossae ex illustrissimis col- lectae. [Latin, theology, early print] 15th century. Codex fragment—two folios. Liturgy: Mahzor for Pesah and Shavuot. Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 8788; Alef 152. Ashkenazi quadrate script, 14th/15th century. Virtual codex: Moravia 4.

Olomouc, ZAO 2 CO. 94/fr. 1 Host volume: Old Testament; Latin; 15th century. Scroll fragment; Bible: Torah Scroll: fragment from Deuteronomy. Ashkenazi quadrate script; 14th/15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 3 CO. 149/fr. 1 Host volume: De tempore [Liturgy]; Latin; 15th century. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Bible: Masoretic text with Masorah magna and parva, 1 Kings 13:29–14:27. Ashkenazi quadrate script; 15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 4 CO. 155/fr. 1 Host volume: breviary; Latin; second half, 15th century. Codex fragments—three folios; Liturgy: Mahzor for Pesah and Shavuot, Ashkenazi nusah: Fol. 1: Yotzer for Shavuot—Davidson, Alef 484; Fol. 2: Ofan—Davidson, Vav 477; Fol. 3: Zulat and standard liturgy of Sh’ma Israel followed by Magen Abraham. Ashkenazi quadrate script; 14/15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 5 CO. 266/fr. 1 Host volume: Decretum Gratiani; Latin; 15th century Halakhah: Commentary on Talmud; Babylonia Talmud, Shevuot 41b–42; The fragment cites numerous precedents from Gaonic and European deci- sors prior to the early 13th century. One passage is identical to a note in 230 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Meir Ha-Kohen’s late 13th-century corrigenda for Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah- Hagahot Maimoniyot (Hilkhot Malveh 14:60). It is possible that this composition does not comment on the complete Talmud itself, but Isaac Alfasi’s Talmud Digest, as typifies this genre of practical literature. The talmudic passages commented upon here are all found in the Digest. Ashkenazi bookhand; 14th/15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 6 CO. 266/fr. 2 Host volume: Olomouc, ZAO 5. Codex fragment—two folios. Halakhah: Babylonian Talmud, Keritot 21a– 22b; 25a–26a. Marginal corrections in light brown ink in the margins and above the lines. Two folios: the first is in a two-column format, 32 lines per column; the second is in full page format, 33 lines per page. Ashkenazi square script; 13th century. Marginal corrections: Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 15th century (?).

Olomouc, ZAO 7 CO. 266/fr. 3 Host volume: Olomouc, ZAO 5 Codex fragment—a consecutive bi-folio; Halakhah: Pisqey Maharih, Kid- dushin Chapter II–III; Hezekiah of Magdeburg: Decisions of the Talmu- dic rulings. A complete copy of this composition is at the Jewish Museum in Prague (MS 20), however, its textual divisions and numbering system differ. Ashkenazi bookhand; 14th/15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 8 CO. 299/fr. 1 Host volume: breviary; Latin. 15th century. Codex fragment—two bi-folios; Liturgy: Zemirot (festive songs) for the Sabbath during the celebratory week following a wedding. Piyyutim: Davidson, Alef 1060; Dalet 180; Yod 4119; Qof 81. Ashkenazi square script, 14th/15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 9 CO. 430/fr. 1 Host volume: Nicolaus Dinkelspühl: Quaestiones in IV. librum Sententia- rum Petri Lombardi, 15th century. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 231

Codex fragment—two folios, possibly consecutive. Halakhah: Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 54b–55a; 56b–57a. Ashkenazi square script; 13th century. Virtual codex: two folios from the same codex have survived in the Monas- tery of Klosterneuburg, Austria. They contain Sanhedrin 65a–68a. (Klos- terneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift, Fragm. 127 and Fragm. 128).

Olomouc, ZAO 10 CO. 433/fr. 1 Host volume: Nicolaus Dinkelspühl: In IV libros Sententiarum Petri Lom- bardi distinctions; Latin, theology. 15th century. Codex fragment—two folios. Liturgy: Torah readings for Holidays (Rosh ha-Shanah; Shavuot) with vocalization and cantillation; Exodus 20:15– 22, Genesis 21:1, 1 Samuel 1:26–2:8. Dimensions: 300 × 241; text: 270 × 152. Ruling: pencil. Twenty-one vertical lines of 13 mm. Pricking: inner margin. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 11 CO. 522/fr. 1 Host volume: theological tractate; in German; 15th century. Codex fragment—part of a folio. Liturgy: Babylonian Talmud Menahot 73a–b. Dimensions: 210 × 95; text: 121 × 59; two columns; eighteen lines per page of 7/8 mm height. Ruling: hardpoint; grid; eighteen ruled lines visible on the whole folio; one discernible vertical line. Ashkenazi square script; 13th century. Virtual codex: Several fragments from the same original codex have been found in the Monastery of St. Paul in Lavanttal, Austria (Sankt Paul im Lavanttal, Benediktinerstift, Cod. 11/4, Cod. 83/3 and Cod. 112a/4).

B. Family Archives Olomouc, ZAO 12 Collection: Rodinný archiv Žerotínov-Bludov, kn. 35/fr. 1 Host volume: Briefe 1634–1635 [Cartulary]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Mahzor Rosh ha-Shanah, “ha-ohez” from Musaf. Dimensions: 387 × 322; text: 295 × 240; twenty-five lines of 12 mm height. There are two additional lines at the top, not written by a professional scribe. Pricking: inner margin, 33–34 mm from the text; outer margin, 232 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

40 mm from the text; spacing: 13 mm. Ruling: pencil; grid. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 13 Collection: Rodinný archiv Žerotínov-Bludov, kn. 48/fr. 1 Host volume: Kniha naučení kteráž Jeho Milosti /Karlu st. z Žerotína/ od Jich Milostí nejvyžších ouředníkův a soudcův zemských markrabství moravského [The Book of Instructions]; 1609–1625. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Liturgy: Mahzor Yom Kippur, Musaf, “e’esah le-ma’an shemi.” Piyyut: Davidson, Alef 7086. With a marginal note in unusually large script. Dimensions: 422 × 317; text: 265 × 195. Pricking: on the second half of the page, pricking does not match the text; spacing: 14 mm; distance from the text: approximately. 36 mm. Ruling: pencil; grid; two vertical lines on each side of the text, 55 mm from one other. Ashkenazi square script; 15th century.

Olomouc, ZAO 14 Collection: Rodinný archiv Žerotínov-Bludov, kn. 53/fr. 1 Host volume: Briefe, Karl von Zierotin; 1609–1617 [Cartulary]. Codex fragment—part of a folio; Bible: Masoretic text with Targum Onke- los, Genesis 30:30–38. Masorah magna and parva. Targum follows the Hebrew text verse by verse. Dimensions: 407 × 312; text: 297 × 232; three columns: 297 × 62–64 with 22–23 mm space between them; Masorah magna: 10 × 242 (three lines), 24–32 mm distance from the text. Pricking: visible on the outer margin, 25 mm from the text; spacing: 9 mm. Pricking corresponding to Masorah magna four perforation 5 mm apart. Ruling: pencil. Ashkenazi square script; 14/15th century.

Přerov Přerov, SOAPř—Státní okresní archiv Přerov

Přerov SOAPř 1 Collection: Archiv města Lipníka, Inv. č. 79/fr. 1 Host volume: Kniha žalob [Judicial decisions], 1580–1590 Codex fragment. Halakhah: Rashbam on Bava Batra 135a–136b and 138b–139a. Ashkenazi semi-cursive script; 14th/15th century. a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 233

Přerov SOAPř 2 Collection: Archiv města Lipníka, Inv. č. 92/fr. 1 Host volume: Kniha přípovědí, spojená s rejstříkem platů svatojirských a svatováclavských [Liber condictionum], 1507–1542. Codex fragment. Halakhah: Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 49a–50a. Ashkenazi square script; 14th/15th century.

Appendix 2: Index of Fragments

Biblical fragments: Brno, AMB 1; Brno, MZA 2; Brno, MZA 5; Brno, MZA 9; Brno, MZA 10; Brno, MZA 11; Brno, MZA 14; Brno, MZA 15; Brno, MZK 6; Brno MZK 8; Olomouc, AMO 7; Olomouc, AMO 9; Olomouc, VKOL 3; Olomouc, VKOL 4; Olomouc, VKOL 5; Olomouc, VKOL 6; Olomouc, ZAO 2; Olomouc, ZAO 1; Olomouc, ZAO 14.

Halakhah: Talmud: Brno, AMB 3; Olomouc, VKOL 13; Olomouc, VKOL 19; Olomouc, ZAO 9; Olomouc, ZAO 11; Přerov, SOAPř 2; Brno, MZK 1 (Rashi on MQ); Brno, MZK 2 (Rashi; MQ); Commentary: Kroměříž, AZK 2; Olomouc, ZAO 5; Olomouc, ZAO 6; Přerov, SOAPř 1 (RaShBaM); Olomouc, AMO 2 (RIF, San.; with Rashi, Morde- chai); Olomouc, AMO 3 (RIF, BB); Olomouc, VKOL 2 (Riba); Tur: Brno MZA 3 (Tur); Brno, MZA 4 (Tur); Brno, MZA 8 (Tur); Olomouc, AMO 8 (Tur); Olomouc, VKOL 15 (Tur); Semag: Brno, MZA 13 (Semag); Olomouc, VKOL 18 (Semag); Maimonides: Olomouc, AMO 1 (Maimonides); Olomouc, AMO 6 (Maimonides); Other: Brno, AMB 2 (Rashi on Dt.); Olomouc, ZAO 7 (MahariH);

Liturgy: Yom kippur liturgy: Brno, MZA 6; Brno MZA 7; Brno, MZK 7; Brno, MZA 9; Olomouc, AMO 4; Olomouc, AMO 5; Olomouc, VKOL 7; Olomouc, VKOL 8; Olomouc, VKOL 9; Olomouc, VKOL 10; Olomouc, VKOL 12; Olomouc, VKOL 14; Olomouc ZAO 13; Rosh ha-Shanah: Olomouc, VKOL 11; Olomouc, ZAO 10; Olomouc ZAO 12; Pesah or/and Shavuot: Brno, MZK 3; Brno, MZK 4; Brno, MZA 12; Olo- mouc, ZAO 1; Olomouc, ZAO 4; Other liturgy: Brno, MZA 1; Brno MZK 5; Mohelnice 1; Olomouc, VKOL 1; Olomouc, VKOL 16; Olomouc, VKOL 17; Olomouc, ZAO 8; Other: Kroměříž, AZK 1 (French glossary). 234 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

Appendix 3: Index of Piyyutim

Alef: 152 (Olomouc, ZAO 1); 484 (Olomouc, ZAO 4); 523 (Olomouc, VKOL 16); 1060 (Olomouc, ZAO 8); 1070 (Brno, MZK 4); 1165 (Olomouc, VKOL 16); 1198 (Olomouc, VKOL 16); 1829 (Olomouc, VKOL 16); 1871 (Brno, MZK 4); 2082 (Brno, MZA 6); 3197 (Brno, MZA 12); 3204 (Olomouc, VKOL 9); 4131 (Olomouc, VKOL 10); 4798 (Olomouc, VKOL 11); 5708 (Brno, MZA 7); 6103 (Brno, MZK 7); 7101 (Olomouc, VKOL 1); 7071 (Olomouc, VKOL 16); 7086 (Olomouc ZAO 13); 7448 (Olomouc, VKOL 9); 7458 (Olomouc, VKOL 1); 7650 (Brno, MZA 9); 8115* (Olomouc, VKOL 11); 8703 (Olomouc, VKOL 17); 8788 (Olomouc, ZAO 1).

Dalet: 180 (Olomouc, ZAO 8);

Vav: 197 (Mohelnice 1); 222** (Olomouc, VKOL 11); 477 (Olomouc, ZAO 4);

Yud: 1345 (Olomouc, VKOL 11); 2289 (Olomouc, VKOL 7); 2474 (Olomouc, VKOL 1); 3920 (Olomouc, VKOL 7); 4101 (Olomouc, VKOL 17); 4119 (Olomouc, ZAO 8);

Nun: 280 (Olomouc, VKOL 17);

Ayin: 833* (Olomouc, VKOL 17);

Qof : 81 (Olomouc, ZAO 8).

Appendix 4: A Chronological Survey of the Host Volumes

14th century Kroměříž, AZK 1 [1394]; Kroměříž, AZK 2 [1394] a regional perspective on hebrew fragments 235

15th century First half Brno, AMB 4; Brno, AMB 5; Olomouc, VKOL 1; Olomouc, VKOL 2; Olomouc, VKOL 3; Olomouc, VKOL 4; Olomouc, VKOL 6; Olomouc, VKOL 16 Second half Olomouc, ZAO, 4; Brno, MZK 4 [1495] Indefinite Brno, AMB 3; Olomouc, ZAO 1; Olomouc, ZAO 2; Olomouc, ZAO 3; Olo- mouc, ZAO 5; Olomouc, ZAO 8; Olomouc, ZAO 9; Olomouc, ZAO 10; Olomouc, ZAO 11;

16th century 1507–1550 Brno, MZA 15 [1536]; Brno, MZK 1 [1536]; Brno, MZK 2 [1536]; Přerov, SOAPř 2 [1507–1542]; Brno, AMB 1 [1548–1550]; Brno, MZK 3 [post 1500]; Brno, MZA 8; 1564–1575 Brno, MZK 9 [1564]; Olomouc, AMO 1 [1574–1575] 1583–1599 Olomouc, VKOL 8 [1583]; Olomouc, VKOL 11 [1584]; Olomouc, VKOL 13 [1586]; Brno, MZK 6 [1588]; Olomouc, VKOL 7 [1589]; Olomouc, VKOL 9 [1590]; Přeřov, SOAPř 1 [1580–1590]; Olomouc, VKOL 12 [1595]; Brno, MZK 8 [1596]; Brno, MZA 10 [1595–1598]; Brno, AMB 2 [1591–1599]; Brno, MZA 6; Brno, MZA 7 (?)

17th century 1602–1606 Brno, MZA 1 [1603]; Brno,]; Olomouc, AMO 2 [1603]; Olomouc, AMO 3 [1604]; Olomouc, AMO 4 [1604]; Olomouc, AMO 5 [1605]; Olomouc, AMO 6 [1606–1636]; Brno, MZA 7 (?) 1611–1613 Brno MZK 5 [1601–1611]; Brno, MZA 13 [1611–1613] 1617–1625 Brno, MZK 7 [1617]; Olomouc, ZAO 14 [1609–1617]; Olomouc, AMO 7 [1617–1618]; Brno, MZA 2 [1620]; Brno, MZA 3 [1620]; Brno, MZA 4 236 tamás visi and magdaléna jánošíková

[1620]; Brno, MZA 5 [1620]; Olomouc, AMO 8 [1620]; Olomouc, VKOL 10 [1620]; Olomouc, ZAO 13 [1609–1625]; 1626–1700 Brno, MZA 12 [after 1632]; Brno, MZA 11 [1633 (?)]; Olomouc, ZAO 12 [1634–1635]; Brno, MZA 9; Olomouc, AMO 9 [1622–1710]. Bindings and Covers: Fragments of Books and Notebooks from the Angelica Library (Biblioteca Angelica, Rome)

Emma Abate

This article describes a selection of Hebrew manuscript fragments that were reused as bindings and covers for 16th-century books preserved in the Angelica Library (Biblioteca Angelica) in Rome. This paper provides an introduction to this material, which was not included in the 19th- century catalogue of the Hebrew collection, but will be integrated into the new forthcoming catalogue. Their recovery can actually be considered a discovery. At present the identification, analysis and collation of this material are in their early stage. This study presents the initial phase of this project by providing an introduction to the Angelica Library and its Hebrew binding fragments, followed by a two-part sampling of the parchment fragments according to the Hebrew sources for which they were originally used. In the textual analysis, I first focus on fragments from three medieval Hebrew manuscripts that were recycled as covers of modern printed editions: Sefer Mitzwot Gadol—the authoritative halakhic compendium by Moses ben Jacob of Coucy (13th century),1 passages of Deuteronomy from a Torah scroll, and a narrow strip of parchment from a Hebrew prayerbook, probably a Mahzor. I then describe a 17th-century dossier with paper flyleaves that had been separated and inserted in the old wrapper from a 16th century Hebrew manuscript. That dossier includes five sections of personal documents written in Latin and Hebrew: study notes by a Christian Hebraist, a fragment of a Christian Kabbalah text, Chris- tian prayers translated into Hebrew and a Hebrew portion from personal correspondence.

1. Background on the Angelica Library and Its Hebrew Binding Fragments

The Angelica Library was founded as the library of the Augustinian order in Rome, located beside the Augustinian monastery (13th century). The

1 Emma Abate, “I frammenti manoscritti del Sefer Mitzwot Gadol di Mosheh ben Ya‘aqov da Coucy posseduti dalla Biblioteca Angelica di Roma.” Sefarad 69 (2009): 477–489. 238 emma abate first mention of the Angelica Library as a public library dates from 1604.2 The archive and manuscript collection houses a vast array of medieval and modern manuscripts, incunabula, and modern printed editions in Latin, Greek, Syriac, Arabic, Hebrew and numerous vernacular languages.3 These holdings cover a broad range of topics and were predominantly collected for, inherited by or donated to the library by leading members of the Augustinian order who held key roles in the cultural life of Renais- sance and Post-Conciliar Rome. Chief among them was the Cardinal and reformer, neo-Platonist and Kabbalist scholar, Egidio of Viterbo (1469– 1532).4 A considerable portion of his invaluable assortment of manuscripts,

2 Paola Munafò, Nicoletta Muratore, Bibliotheca Angelica Publicae Commoditati Dicata (Rome: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, 2004). 3 Elisabetta Sciarra, “Breve storia del fondo manoscritto della Biblioteca.” La Bibliofilia 111/3 (2009): 251–281. See the catalogues: Ignazio Guidi, “Catalogo dei codici siriaci, arabi, etiopici, turchi e copti della Biblioteca Angelica”, in Cataloghi dei codici orientali di alcune biblioteche d’Italia, I, ed. Gustavo Sacerdote, (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1878), 57–81; Angelo Di Capua, “Catalogo dei codici ebraici della Biblioteca Angelica”, in Cataloghi dei codici orientali di alcune biblioteche d’Italia, I, ed. Gustavo Sacerdote, (Firenze: Le Monnier, 1878), 85–103; Enrico Narducci, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum praeter Graecos et Orientales in Bibliotheca Angelica olim coenobii Sancti Augustini de Urbe, Tomus I, complectens codices ab instituta Bibliotheca ad a. 1870, (Roma: Cecchini, 1893); Giorgio Muccio, Pio Franchi de’Cavalieri, “Index codicum graecorum Bibliothecae Angelicae, praefatus est Ae. Piccolo- mini.” Studi italiani di filologia classica 4 (1896): 1–184; Enea Piccolomini, “Index codicum graecorum Bibliothecae Angelicae ad praefationem additamenta.” in Studi italiani di filologia classica 6 (1898): 167–184; Enrico Celani, Roma. R. Biblioteca Angelica—Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche d’Italia, opera fondata da G. Mazzatinti, XXII, (Firenze: Olschki, 1915); Salvatore Vitale, Roma. R. Biblioteca Angelica—Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche d’Italia, opera fondata da G. Mazzatinti, LVI, (Firenze: Olschki, 1934); Idem, Roma. Biblioteca Angelica—Inventari dei manoscritti delle biblioteche d’Italia, opera fondata da G. Mazzatinti, LXXVI, (Firenze: Olschki, 1948); Francesca Di Cesare, Catalogo dei manoscritti in scrittura latina datati per indicazione di anno, di luogo o di copista, II, Biblioteca Angelica (Torino: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1982). 4 Léon G. Pélissier, “Manuscrits de Gilles de Viterbe à la Bibliothèque Angélique (Rome).” Revue des bibliothèques 2 (1892): 228–240; Eugenio Massa, “Egidio da Viterbo e la metodologia del sapere nel Cinquecento,” in Pensée humaniste et tradition chrétienne au XVe et XVIe siècles, ed. Henri Bédarida, (Paris: Boivin, 1950); David Gutiérrez, “De antiquis Ordinis Eremitarum Sancti Augustini bibliothecis.” Analecta Augustiniana 23 (1954): 164–372; Francis X. Martin, “The Problem of Giles of Viterbo: A Historiographical Survey.” Augustiniana 9 (1959): 357–379; Augustiniana 10 (1960): 43–60; Charles Astruc and Jacques Monfrin, “Livres latins et hébreux du Cardinal Gilles de Viterbe.” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 23 (1961): 551–554; François Secret, Les kabbalistes chrétiens de la Renais- sance, (Milan and Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1985 [1st ed. Paris, 1964]), 106–126; Idem, “Egidio da Viterbo et quelques-uns de ses contemporaines.” Augustiniana 16 (1966): 371–385; John W. O’Malley, Giles of Viterbo, on Church and Reform. A Study on Renaissance Thought, (Leiden: Brill, 1968); Francis X. Martin, “Egidio da Viterbo, 1469–1532. Bibliography, 1510–1982.” Biblioteca e Società 4 (1982): 5–9; John W. O’Malley, “Egidio da Viterbo and Renaissance Rome,” in Egidio da Viterbo, O.S.A. e il suo tempo. Atti del V Convegno dell’Istituto Storico Agostiniano, Roma-Viterbo, 20–23 oct. 1982, (Rome: Analecta Augustiniana, 1983), 67–84; bindings and covers 239 personal letters and autographs, is still preserved in the Angelica Library: they constitute the historical core of the collection.5 The Bishop Angelo Rocca, Director of the Vatican Library and the Vatican Printing Press (Tipografia Vaticana) under Pope Sixtus V (papacy 1585–1590), contributed his considerable personal collection to the Angelica Library, gave his name to the library and opened it to the public.6 Furthermore, a major bequest by the erudite Cardinal Domenico Passionei (1682–1761) substan- tially enriched and expanded its ancient collections.7 The literary features of the Hebrew collection in the Angelica Library reveal much about the cultural choices and tastes of these eminent personalities. Their interest in the Jewish and Hebrew heritage was primarily concerned with biblical exegesis and Kabbalah, as well as Hebrew grammar and philology,8 reflecting the primary subjects which were the focus of the 16th- and 17th century Christian Hebraists.9 While only fifty-four Hebrew items were recorded in the 19th-century catalogue by Angelo di Capua,10 additional Hebrew manuscripts were acquired by the library during the 20th century and others were recovered and identified within the medieval Latin collection by current librarians

Francis X. Martin, “Giles of Viterb, Martin Luther, and Jerome Seripando.” Augustinian Heritage 2 (1989): 163–174; Idem, Friar Reformer and Renaissance Scholar. Life and Work of Giles of Viterbo, 1469–1532 (Villanova, PA: Augustinian Press, 1992); Robert J. Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic and Kabbalah in the Catholic Reformation. The First Printing of the Syriac New Testament (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 29–55; Sciarra, “Breve storia,” 256–257. 5 Pélissier, “Manuscrits de Gilles de Viterbe,” 228–240; Wilkinson, Orientalism, 29–55; Sciarra, “Breve storia,” 255–256; Emma Abate, “Les manuscrits hébreux de la Biblioteca Angelica à Rome: vers un nouveau catalogue,” in Mélange d’études en hommage à Colette Sirat, ed. Judith Olszowy-Schlanger, (Turnhout: Brepols), forthcoming. 6 Alfredo Serrai, Angelo Rocca fondatore della prima biblioteca pubblica europea (Milano: Sylvestre Bonnard, 2004); Munafò, Muratore, Bibliotheca Angelica, 15–31. 7 Alfredo Serrai, Domenico Passionei e la sua biblioteca (Milano: Sylvestre Bonnard, 2004); Munafò, Muratore, Bibliotheca Angelica, 55–64. 8 Abate, “Les manuscrits hébreux”, forthcoming. 9 Gérard E. Weil, Elie Lévite, humaniste et massorète (Leiden: Brill, 1963); Secret, Les kabbalistes, 29–142; Astruc–Monfrin, “Livres latins et hébreux,” 551–554; Stephen G. Bur- nett, “Christian Hebrew Printing in the Sixteenth Century: Printers, Humanism and the Impact of the Reformation.” Helmantica: Revista de Filología Clásica y Hebrea 154 (2000): 13–42; Wilkinson, Orientalism, 1–8, 29–55, 95–105; Saverio Campanini, “La radice dolo- rante. Ebrei e cristiani alla scoperta del giudaismo nel Rinascimento,” L’interculturalità dell’ebraismo, ed. Mauro Perani, (Ravenna: Longo, 2004), 221–247; Sophie Kessler Mes- guich, “Early Christian Hebraists,” in Hebrew Bible Old Testament. The History of its Inter- pretation. II:From the Renaissance to the Enlightenment, ed. Magne Sæbø, (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2008), 254–275. 10 Di Capua, “Catalogo,” 85–103. 240 emma abate and scholars. Due to these acquisitions and discoveries, the number of extant Hebrew manuscripts has increased and now totals one hundred.11 The primary challenge for research in the 21st century consists of identifying and collating supplementary Hebrew fragments that were used to protect and reinforce the covers and bindings of incunabula and modern printed books. These fragments became part of book production through two main economic factors. During the transition from handwriting to printing, medieval manuscripts became increasingly prized for the material: the parchment on which they were copied rather than for their contents. Throughout the 16th and the 17th centuries, manuscript texts were often sold by Jewish or Christian owners who planned to replace them with printed editions. Additionally, Hebrew texts that had been banned by Christian authorities or indexed as forbidden books were confiscated during episodes of persecution and pillaging perpetrated against the Jew- ish communities in medieval and modern Europe. Whether sold or stolen, manuscripts would enter the trade of the recycling of paper and parchment to become raw materials for later book production.12

2. Fragments from Medieval Hebrew Manuscripts a. Sefer Mitzwot Gadol Two medieval fragments of Sefer Mitzwot Gadol (Semag) were reused for covering a Latin cinquecentina, including Niccolò Tignosi’s commentary on Aristotle’s De Anima, that was published in Florence “Ex Bibliotheca

11 Abate, “Les manuscrits hébreux,” forthcoming. 12 Mauro Perani, “Un decennio di ricerca dei frammenti di manoscritti ebraici in Italia: rapporto sui rinvenimenti e bibliografia.” Annali di storia dell’esegesi 12/1 (1995): 111–128; Simcha Emanuel, “ ‘The European Genizah’ and its Contribution to Jewish Studies.” Henoch 19 (1997): 285–313; La ‘Genizah italiana’, Italian updated and enlarged version of the Pro- ceedings of the Congress held in Jerusalem, January 9th 1996, ed. Mauro Perani, (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1999); Fragmenta ne pereant. Recupero e studio dei frammenti di manoscritti medievali e rinascimentali riutilizzati in legature, ed. Mauro Perani and Cesarino Ruini, (Ravenna: Longo, 2002); Mauro Perani, Enrica Sagradini, Talmudic and Midrashic Fragments from the ‘Italian Genizah’: Reunification of the Manuscripts and Catalogue (Firenze: Giuntina, 2004); ‘Genizat Germania’—Hebrew and Aramaic Binding Fragments from Germany in Context, ed. Andreas Lehnardt, (Studies in Jewish History and Culture, 28) (‘European Genizah’: Text and Studies, 1) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010); Mauro Perani and Luca Baraldi, I frammenti ebraici Modena, Archivio di Stato, Tom. I (Inventari dei Manoscritti delle Biblio- teche d’Italia, 113) (Firenze: Olschki, 2012); Mauro Perani and Enrica Sagradini, I frammenti ebraici di Faenza, Forlì, Rimini e Spoleto (Inventari dei Manoscritti delle Biblioteche d’Italia, 112), (Firenze: Olschki, 2012). bindings and covers 241

Medicea 1551” (shelfmark XX.16.28).13 A small label pasted at the bottom of the title page of this cinquecentina includes a note—“Ex Bibliotheca Car- dinalis & Principis â Dietrichstain,”—indicating that this copy had once belonged to the personal collection of Franz Seraph von Dietrichstein (1570–1636), the Prelate and Prince, Governor of Moravia and Bishop of Brno and Olomouc.14 (Fig. 10.1) The two fragments from the Semag contain non-contiguous portions of the 70th positive mitzvah that were once part of a single large-format codex on parchment.15 The comparison with complete editions suggests an approximately 260-word gap between these two fragments.16 Now they partially cover the front and back boards and their internal edges. The spine of the volume and a portion of the sides of the book have a leather half-binding. The visible surface of each fragment measures 123 × 335 mm. Traces of pricking can be detected on the right margin of the front cover. The texture shows marks of horizontal ruling made by a hard-point stylus at 8 mm intervals. A paleographic assessment indicates that the text was written in an informal 14th/15th century Ashkenazi script. The main work is comprised of characters with a letter-height of 4 mm. Marginal glosses in a much smaller script appear in the right margin of the front cover (beside lines 6, 14 and 23) and in the left margin of the back cover (beside lines 7, 13 and 25). It is possible that this copy of Semag originated in one of the medieval Jewish communities of Moravia, and was later seized by Christian authorities during one of the various persecutions against the Jews of Brno and Olomouc.17 This volume was spared destruction—in part or

13 Niccolò Tignosi, In libros Aristotelis De anima commentarii . . ., Florentiae, ex Biblio- theca Medicea (excudebat Laurentius Torrentinus) 1551. 14 Alfonso Chacón, Francisco Cabrera Morales, Girolamo Aleandro, Vitae et res gestae Pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E. Cardinalium ab initio nascentis Ecclesiae usque ad Urba- num VIII, Pont. Max., 2 vols. (Rome: Typis Vaticanis, 1630); II col. 1900; Patrice Gauchat, Hierarchia Catholica Medii et Recentioris Aevi sive, Summorum Pontificum, S.R.E. Cardina- lium, Ecclesiarum Antistitum Series, vol. 4, (Padova: Il Messaggero di S. Antonio, 1960); Winfried Eberhard, “Dietrichstein, Franz Seraph (seit 1623), Fürst von (1570–1636),” in Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1448 bis 1648: Ein biographisches Lexikon, ed. Erwin Gatz, (Berlin: Duncker und Humboldt, 1996), 129–133. 15 For a detailed description of the fragments, a transcription and a comparison with the printed edition by Daniel Bomberg, Venice 1522, see Abate, “I frammenti manoscritti,” 480–483. 16 Abate, “I frammenti manoscritti,” 483. 17 The Jewish community was expelled from Brno and Olomouc in 1454 (see “Brno”, in Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 4, Jerusalem 22007: 190, and “Olomouc”, in Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 15, Jerusalem 22007: 411). 242 emma abate

Fig. 10.1 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Frg. Semag, back board of XX.16.28. bindings and covers 243 as a complete work—seemingly because of the resale value of the high- quality parchment on which it was copied. A portion of this manuscript was later used to bind the copy of Niccolò Tignosi’s edition that belonged to Seraph von Dietrichstein. Upon von Dietrichstein’ ascending to the position of Cardinal, his library—including the Latin cinquecentina with Hebrew fragments reinforcing its covers—traveled throughout Europe and was ultimately dispersed, with the Tignosi edition finding its way to the Angelica Library. A recent finding in the Research Library in Olomouc (Vědecka knihovna v Olmouci) supports the above hypothesis: Tamás Visi has also identified a section of reused parchment from a three-column folio of a Semag whose features closely resemble our fragments’ (Olomouc, VKOL 18 / fr. 5).18 A comparison of these characteristics—the quality of the parchment, the page layout, the colour of ink, the spaces between individual words and lines of script, graphic fillers, the size of characters, the form and the Ashkenazi ductus all corroborate that the two fragments preserved in the Angelica Library and the one in the Research Library in Olomouc once came from the same manuscript. b. Deuteronomy A fragment that seems to have come from a Torah scroll was recently discovered among the incunabula in the Angelica Library. It consists of a single piece of parchment that was cut and removed from its original position and reused as binding material. It was positioned to cover the spine and the front and back boards of a Latin edition of the works of Lucian of Samosata (c. 125–180 CE), printed by Ulrich Scinzenzeler on March 22, 1497 in Milan (incunabulum 844).19 (Fig. 10.2) Each book board measures about 145 × 209 mm. The external side (i.e. the hair side) of the parchment is blank. The internal (or flesh) side has been pasted face down on the book boards. The script on the flesh side is

18 See Tamás Visi, “Die Rebellion des Elieser Eilburg gegen die Rabbinische Tradi- tion: Eine Episode in der intellektuellen Geschichte des Mährischen Judentums,” Judaica Bohemiae, XLVI—Supplementum: Individuum und Gemeinde: Juden in Böhmen, Mähren und Schlesien, ed. Helmut Teufel, Pavel Kocman, and Iveta Cermanová, (Praha and Brno: Židovské Muzeum v Praze, Společnost pro Dějiny Židů v ČR, 2011), 11–32; here 13. See also his contribution in this volume. 19 Luciani de veris narrationibus, Asino Aureo, Philosophorum vitis, Scipio, Tyrannus, Scaphidium, Palinurus, Charon, Diogenes, Terpsion, Heracles, Virtus Dea, in Amorem, Timon.—Impressum mediolani per magistrum Uldericum Scinzenzeler Anno Domini MCCCCXCVII. Die XII martii. 244 emma abate

Fig. 10.2 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, incunabulum 844 (cover). visible as a result of the transparency of the parchment, seen on the external side as a reversed image that is decipherable if read in a mirror. The text is arranged in columns, but the original dimensions of the text area cannot be deduced on the basis of this evidence alone. The fragment includes two portions from Deuteronomy, 9:4–12 on the front cover and 9:24–10:45 on the back cover. Neither scoring for margins and rulings nor punctuation are readily perceptible to the naked eye. Lines of script are 5 mm apart. On the back cover, a gap is visible between Deuteronomy 9:29 and 10:1, creating a space between chapters (i.e., between lines 12 and 13 of the fragment). The Hebrew script is a calligraphic square Ashkenazi ductus, with characters of 4 mm in height. The signs of the tagin20 are visible on some characters, most on the letters waw, zayyin, ayin, tzade and shin.

20 Tagin (crowns) are ornamentations on the Hebrew square characters that appear on Torah scrolls. bindings and covers 245

Fig. 10.3 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Frg. Mahzor, Fondo Leg. D 152. c. Mahzor The third fragment consists of a strip of parchment with Hebrew script that stems from the collection of medieval book bindings in the Angelica Library (shelfmark F. leg. D 152). It was originally part of a folio within a medieval Jewish prayerbook, most likely a Mahzor. This fragment was used as an internal reinforcement for the cover of a fourth-edition copy of Giovanni Boccaccio’s Decameron, printed in Florence “nella Stamperia de’Giunti” in February 1587 (shelfmark OO.10.58), until it was detached from the binding during the restoration of that cinquecentina in 2007. (Fig. 10.3) Overall this fragment is in a very poor condition. On Side A, it has two damaged six-line columns from a poetic work, probably a piyyut (liturgical poem) that refers to Shavuot. This identification remains hypothetical, since it does not correspond to any known piyyutim or other liturgical works. On Side B, only faint traces of a few non-sequential words scattered across four lines remain visible. They are related to the Ashkenazi liturgy for Shavuot. The dimensions of this parchment are quite irregular: its upper margin measures approximately 182 mm, compared with its 155 mm lower margin; and its height varies from 80–85 mm. Evidence of stitching is visible along the inner part of the writing material. The hair- and the flesh sides are quite similar. The legibility of this fragment is significantly impaired as a result of extensive damage to the writing materials: the ink has become smeared due to humidity and the script has faded to such a degree that some characters are visible only as mirror images. 246 emma abate

Lines of script are 5 mm apart and the distance between the columns is approximately 50 mm. The text is written in square calligraphic Italian script, with dark brown ink, with a 4 mm letter-height. The characters are fully vocalized according to the Tiberian system. Between lines 2 and 3 on Side B, traces remain of liturgical glosses in a smaller semi-cursive Italian -appears prominently in the left col יום writing (height: 2.5 mm). The word umn, decorated with floral motifs and adapted for width (height: 8 mm). A first attempt of transcribing this fragment is provided here.

Side A Left column Right column 1 ]. . .[ כדי ] ...... [ 1 ] ...... [נייך עמו חמש]ה[ 2 ] . . . .[ות כזבח חמץ תאפינה23 2 חסידייך המה כללו יופייך21 3 ]. . .[ ].[חדש במקדש כעומר 3 כהדר ].[דידייך קוצרים וחוגג]ים[ 4 ]. . .[ מלכי השיבם כקדם24 4 שבעה כשילום שאר מנערי]ם[ 5 ]. . .[ ]אשכונה[ ופדויי ]יי'[ ישובו25 5 בראשון יום טבוח22 אין ב]ד..[ 6 ]. . .[ ]ב[רינה 6 מתלבש בכלי חמודייך ] . . . .[

Side B Left column Right column ]. . .[ 1 ]. . .[ 1 2 ]למו[די ייי ורב שלום בניך27 2 זכור זריזות משפטי ]נעם[ סליק המעריב של שבועות 3 וסילסילום חנון יזכור ]לנו אהבת עולם[26 ]. . .[ ]מן[ יום ה]כסא[ 4 יום הכיפורים ת]. . .[ 3 נבונים בתוקעם 5 חדשה ש]. . .[ 4 בירח איתנים

3. Fragments from Personal Documents and Scholarly Notes from a Single Binding

Eight fragments from diverse sources were found embedded in the soft binding of a copy of Samuel Jaffe Ashkenazi’s Sefer Yefeh To’ar, a midrashic

21 Based on Ezek. 27:11. 22 See m. Hag. 2:4. 23 Based on Lev. 23:17. 24 Based on Lam. 5:21. 25 Based on Isa. 51:11. 26 See the piyyut in the evening prayer for the first day of Shavuot Wa-yered avir Jaʽakov. Cf. Yona Fraenkel, Mahzor Shavuʽot le-fi minhage bene Ashkenaz le-khol anfehem kolel minhag Ashkenaz (ha-maʽaravi) u-minhag Tzarfat le-sheʽavar (Jerusalem: Koren, 2000), 10–11. 27 Isa. 54:13. bindings and covers 247 commentary on Bereshit Rabbah, published by Giovanni di Gara in Venice from 1597–1606.28 This volume—previously owned by Moses ben Joseph of Cave, as noted on its title page—is now preserved in the Angelica Library (shelfmark E. 22. 6). The censor Petrus de Trevio signed the final leaf of this volume in 1628. We lack evidence of how or when this book was acquired by the library of the Augustinian order in Rome. The old paper case enclosed a group of recycled fragments, which had been inserted as internal reinforcements (shelfmark F. leg. D 80). The dossier does not present a coherent body of material; instead, it is a compilation of eight isolated folios and paper strips (fragments 1–4 and 6–8 are manuscripts; fragment 5 belonged to a printed edition of a Mahzor). The eight fragments that had served as internal reinforcements for this binding have been filed together (shelfmark F. leg. D 80); this collection, written in various combinations of Latin, Hebrew and Italian, comes from seven manuscript sources and one printed Mahzor. The absence of a formal mise en page and mise en texte for the handwritten documents suggests that they came from study materials and personal notes which were written for personal use. Rather than being discarded after they went out of use, these documents seem to have been salvaged on the basis of their value as binding materials. Three of these fragments are beyond the scope of this study and therefore are not analyzed here.29 A preliminary description and transcriptions of Fragments 1, 2, 4, 6 and 7 are provided below. Paleographic evidence indicates that the first four date from the 17th century. The content of these sources makes clear that they were written by Christians with an interest in Hebrew and Jewish teachings, perhaps scholars or librarians, who frequented the Augustinian

28 Emma Abate and Simona De Gese, I libri ebraici della Biblioteca Angelica I. Incunaboli e cinquecentine (Rome: Istituto italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, 2005), 137. 29 Fragment 3 contains a previous shelfmark written on one side only that was probably part of an ancient fly leaf. The label is very similar to the symbols of the library locations marked in the eighteenth century catalogue of manuscripts, preserved in the Angelica Library (ms. Ang lat. 1078), written in 1704 by the hand of the librarian Basile Rasseguier (1659–1734), Index Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Angelicae auctorum et materiarum ordine alphabetico dispositus. Fragment 5 is a detached paper folio (95 × 133 mm) from a printed edition of a mahzor. On the recto, it contains an excerpt of Pirkei Avot 6:9 (Kinjan Tora): and a passage from the evening liturgy— . . . אין מלוין לו לאדם לא כסף ולא זהב ולא אבנים for Shavuot (19 lines). The prayer continues on the verso (21 lines) with a quotation from Fragment 8 includes a manuscript .בשמחה שירו לאלהים זמרו שמו סלו לרכב :Psalm 68:4–5 note quoting from the Latin epistolary of the founder of the Socinian sect, Fausto Sozzini (1539–1604): Fausti Socini Senesensis ad Amicos Epistolae. In quibus variae de rebus divinis quaestiones expediuntur, multaque sacrarum litterarum loca explanantur. Additae sunt paucae aliorum ad Socinum Epistolae, ad quas ipse respondet (Racoviae, Typis Sebastiani Sternacii, Anno 1618). 248 emma abate monastery: Fragment 1 refers to elements of Christian Kabbalah; Frag- ments 2 and 4 quote from Jewish exegesis; and Fragment 6 contains a Hebrew translation of Christian liturgy. Fragment 7 is from a correspondence written in Hebrew by a Jewish hand.

Fragment 1 This Italian passage contains a brief explanation on the meaning of kabbalistic terminology—according to the principles of Christian Kabbalah and “Rabbi Simeon nel libro Zohar.”30 The Christian interpreter studied Jewish mystical exegesis as a means for delving into the mysteries of his own faith. His interest focused on sefirat binah, defined as the second of the ten divine emanations or attributes (sefirot), read here as a code for “Son of God” (in Hebrew: ben Yah). (Fig. 10.4) The fragment consists of a badly damaged strip of paper measuring 205 × 140 mm, with writing on one side. Its thirteen lines arranged along the length of the page are in an informal cursory Latin script. The text is in Italian; few words in Hebrew characters are provided as translation of certain notions, notably the Hebrew mystical names:

1. [. . .] appresso gli hebrei antichi danno alla divinità dieci denominat[ioni] 2. [. . .] vero atributi, et poi gli raducono tutti in [t]re, et [la . . . enza] seconda ladicono 3. [. . .] cioe Intelligentia, et rabi Simeon nel libro Zohar espone questa / figliolo Jah בן / devidendola per dui parte vol dire ben ,בינה / Bina[. . .] .4 de יה sempre dimostra אלהים et dice anco che il nome de Helohim [. . .] .5 6. [. . .] sedice che El huomo et nella creazione et l’huomo sedice 7. [reflesso] Helohim et reflesso Jehova loque poi che Helohim dimostra צלם יהוה et ad צלם אלהים .8 9. imagine Helohim, Imagine Jehova 10. [La] seconda parte della divinità detta bina cioè figliolo de Dio como 11. è detto et l’huomo è fatto ad Imagine di Helohim [Bi]na è ad

30 Secret, Les kabbalistes, 29–142; François Secret, Le Zohar chez les cabalistes chrétiens de la Renaissance (Paris: Durlarcher, 1958); Chaim Wirszubski, Pico della Mirandola’s encounter with Jewish mysticism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989); Ger- shom Scholem, “The Beginnings of the Christian Kabbalah,” in The Christian Kabbalah: Jewish Mystical Books and their Christian Interpreters, ed. Joseph Dan, (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard College Library, 1997), 17–51; Saverio Campanini, “La Kabbale chrétienne en Ita- lie,” in L’Italie, laboratoire de la modernité juive, ed. Alessandro Guetta, Cahiers du Judaïsme 22 (2007): 36–43. bindings and covers 249

Fig. 10.4 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Fondo Leg. D. 80 Fr. 1.

12. imagine del figliolo di Dio si concluda che Dio ha figliolo et l’ 13. huomo è ad Imagine del figliolo di Dio.

Fragment 2 (Side A)31 This fragment includes two Hebrew excerpts, one from the midrashic collection Yalqut Shimoni (26b, remez 35) and the other from a commentary, Abraham Ghedalia’s Berit Abraham (Livorno 1650). Both discuss the pas- Gen. 4:1), which recounts the initial sexual) והאדם ידע את חוה אשתו ,sage encounter between the first man and woman. The writing material measures 197 × 137 mm. Informal Latin handwriting from the late 17th century alternates with square Hebrew script. 1. In [Yalkut] pag. 26 / b. r. 35 .2 והאדם ידע את חוה אשתו לא .3 שמשה בריה קודם לאדם הראשון והוא ידע אין כתיב בכאן אלא .4 והאדם ידע הודיע לכל דרך ארץ32

31 Side B of the fragment contains the draft of a transaction act in Italian dating from 1679: it consists of four lines written by a different hand along the length of the paper in wide Latin characters with an extremely cursive Italian hand. 32 Midrash Bereshit Rabba, ed. Jehuda Theodor and Chanoch Albeck, 3 vols. (Jerusa- lem: Wahrmann, 31965), vol. 1, 204–205 (parasha 22,2); Yalkut Shimoni le-Rabbenu Shimon 250 emma abate

5. Abraham Ghedalia .6 לא שמשה בריה עם זוגו בתשמיש והוא .7 ידע אין כתיב כאן שהיה לו לומר והוא ידע רהא לעיל מדבר כל הפשה .8 באדם מדקאמר והאדם ידע שמ' הוא היה ראשון לכל בריה ששמשו .9 עם זוגה הודיע דרך ארץ לכל שהם מעלמם לא היה להם לב לדעת .10 ענין הביאה והאדם הראשון הרביעם בידו בדרך מרביע בהמות .11 שיכניסו מכחול בשפופרת והכי פירושו והאדם הודיע לכל .12 מה שידע גם הוא את חוה ומלת ידע תשמש לשתי ענינים Fragment 4 This text includes a list of Latin and Hebrew quotations from Versio et Notae ad Paraphrasin Josephi Jachiadae in Danielem (Amsterdam, 1633), a publication by the Christian Hebraist, Constantine L’Empereur (1598– 1648).33 These passages convey Jewish interpretations of the history after the destruction of the Second Temple and under the rule of the Roman Emperors. The writing material consists of a well-preserved sheet of paper, measuring 197 × 133 mm, with Latin and Hebrew writing on both sides, penned by the same hand as Fragment 2. The Hebrew characters are in a square script and the titles are in Latin. (Fig. 10.5)

4r 1. Josiphon in enarratione decimae captivitatis ait .2 עמדה ביתר אחר חרבן הבית נ'ב' יעלה אדריאנוס והגלה את ישראל .3 ממנה והחריבה 4. vero Bither steterit 52 annos post destructionem ait vero Joseph 5. Jachia in Daniel. Cap. Xi vers. 34 pag. 97.b חלק .rashi. gloss. in Talmud. Tract. Sanhedr. Cap .6 .7 מצינו בסדר עולם מפולמוס של אשפשיאנוס עד פולמוס של טיטוס י''ב שנה .8 ומפולמוס של טיטוס עד פולמוס מלכות בן כוזיבא י''ג שנה ומלכות בן .9 כוזיבא ב' שנים ומחצה 10. [. . . . ] 346 11. in Chron. parvo Hebreorum Legitur .12 בשנת חמשים ושתים לחרבן הבית .13 חרבה ביתר34

ha-Darshan, Bereshit, vol. 1.1: Bereshit-Wa-yera, ed. Aaron Hyman and Izthak Shiloni, (Jeru- salem: Mossad Ha-Rav Kook, 1973), 119 (§ 35). 33 I wish to thank Prof. Saverio Campanini for helping me in identifying the text of Abraham Ghedalia quoted in fragment 2 and that of Costantin l’Empereur in fragment 4. 34 Seder Olam Zuta ha-shalem ha-meyuhas le-Rabbi Yosef Tov Elem, ed. Moshe Y. Wein- stock, (Bene Brak: Mishor, 1990), 111. bindings and covers 251

Fig. 10.5 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Fondo Leg. D. 80 Fr. 4. 252 emma abate

14. in Juchasin fol. 143 edit. Cracov. dicitur De Adriano Cesare .15 הרג בביתר כפלים ביוצאי מצרים נ'ב' שנים אחר חרבן הבית pag. 1. f. 57 גיטין .in Talmud trac .16 .17 הרגו בה אנשים ונשים וטף עד .18 שהלך דמם ונפל לים הגדול שמא תאמר קרובה היתה רחוקה היתה מיל .19 שבע שנים בצרו אומות העולם את כרמיהם מדמן של ישראל תענית .cap. i2 et Talmud Hierus. Tr מאור עינים vide .20 cap. 5 n. 3 ait die 9 Julii captam fuisse Hierosoly תענית rambam in .21 22. mam primo et secundo .23 וביתר שמה והיו בה אלפים ורבבות מישראל .24 והיה להם מלך גדול ודמו כל ישראל וגדולי החכמים שהוא מלך .25 המשיח ונפל ביד גוים ונהרגו כולם והיתה צרה גדולה כמו חרבן .26 בית המקדש ובו ביום המוכן לפורענות חרש טורנוס רופוס הרשע

4v 1. Jer. 26. 18 .2 ממלכי אדום את ההיכל ואת סביביו לקיים מה יט'נ' ציון שדה החדש de placenta .sacerdotibus a mulieribus חלה .vide Gemar. Babylon. tr .3 4. danda fol. 78. Edit. Ven.

Fragment 6 This fragment contains partial Hebrew translations of the Our Father (Pater Noster) and Hail Mary (Ave Maria) prayers. Several traces of a Latin commentary are visible next beside the Hebrew script. The paper is severely damaged. This 180 × 140 mm fragment has writing that reads lengthwise on only one side. The left column contains five barely visible lines in Latin and the right column has nine Hebrew lines.

1 אבינו אשר בשמים יתקדש שמך תבא 2 מלכותך יעשה רצונך כאשר בשמים כן בארץ 3 לחמנו התמידי תן לנו היום ].[ וסלח ]לנו[ 4 חובותינו כאשר אנחנו סולחם להייב]. .[ 5 ואל תביאנו לידי נסיון והצילנו מהרע אמן 6 שלום לך מרים מלאתי חן יהוה 7 עמך ברוך פרי בטנך ישוע מרים הקדושה 8 אם אלהים התפללי בעדינו הרעשים 9 עתה ובשעת מתתנו אמן bindings and covers 253

Fragment 7 (Side A)35 This passage from personal correspondence includes references to an epistolary exchange and to teachings (probably on Kabbalah) attributed to a wise man living in Rome. The paper has been severely damaged. It was cut into a rough square, measuring 85 × 84 mm. The thirteen damaged lines of Hebrew here were written by a Jewish hand in an informal square ductus.

1 ]. . .[ ראותי תשובתך המפוארה הנה מה טוב ומה נעים ]. . .[ 2 ] . . . ו[ ולשאול ממנו בקשה אל תשיבני ריקם מלפניך ואל ]. . .[ 3 ]. . .[ בנפשך ובתאותי לשאוב מים חיים ממעין נוב ]. . .[ 4 ]. . .[ כשאני הייתי לומד מ'מ'כ'ת' שהיה יושב ברומה ]. . .[ 5 ]. .ותיו[ ויסע ויבא ויט שבהשפעות חכמתו ורוב ש ]. . .[ 6 ]. . .[בנך כתבם בספר בעיון נמרץ ועתה אם בעיניך ]. . .[ 7 ]. . .[ נא אלי כי לא יעברו ימים אחדים שבפ'ד' אני הש ]. . .[ 8 ]. . .[ שלחם נא אלי 9 ]. . .[לי באתי אני להתחנך אליך ולבקש שאלתי מאתך 10 ]. . .[ אנני ועוד שאין לי פנאי לכתוב בראוי ל]. . .[ 11 ]. . .[ שכל קדושים גדול ואני בער ובער לא אב]. . .[ 12 אחלה פניך אל תאחר ממני תשובתך ודבריך 13 ]. . .[ אלין שיתן לכם חיים של מנוחה ויצמיח לכ]. . .[

Closing Remarks

This study represents a preliminary analysis of the reused Hebrew fragments that were recently found in the holdings of the Angelica Library, and provides a starting point for further research. On the one hand, the folios containing texts from Semag, Deuteronomy and a Mahzor once belonged to books in the formal sense of the term, in codex or in scroll form, which had been composed and produced in Jewish environments and were later dismantled and recycled within the covers of Latin and Italian cinquecentine. A comparison of these Semag fragments with those found in the Research Library in Olomouc (Czech Republic) provides a rare opportunity to reconstruct a manuscript, albeit partially, whose contents were scattered between two different collections and countries. On the other hand, a different set of documents that was included in the binding of an early modern edition in Hebrew was brought to light. An eclectic collection of fragments that seem to have been composed for

35 The other side of the fragment (Side B) contains scribblings, numbers in form of an .המשכן בני ישראל :addition, and the Hebrew expression 254 emma abate each writer’s private purposes have been uncovered in a modern edition of the midrashic commentary, Sefer Yefeh To’ar. Despite their incomplete state, these fragments demonstrate intellectual interest and direct engage- ment in the study of Hebrew and Jewish literature by learned Christians. They offer a glimpse at the reception and metamorphosis of the Jewish knowledge among Christian Hebraists. What do these diverse fragments have in common? In contrast to the formal holdings in the Hebrew collection of the Angelica Library, by definition, none of these fragments from recycled manuscripts resulted from librarians’ deliberate acquisitions. Rather, they entered the library unbe- knownst to anyone, as an unintentional result of cultural transformations that were entirely independent of the Angelica Library and its goals. As a group, they offer evidence of a past that would have been discarded and disregarded, but for the value of the materials on which they were composed and copied. Medieval Hebrew Manuscript Fragments in Switzerland: Some highlights of the discoveries

Justine Isserles

An array of medieval Hebrew manuscript fragments have been discovered since 2010 in university, cantonal or municipal libraries as well as state, city and town archives throughout Switzerland. The fragments found so far were all preserved in Christian manuscripts, incunables, printed books or charters where they were mostly used as flyleaves and pastedowns, but sometimes also as binding covers. These precious findings are preserved in Chur, Engelberg, Geneva, Fribourg, Luzern, Porrentruy, Schaffhausen, Solothurn, St Gallen, Winterthur and Zurich. This article will present a selection of fragments preserved in Geneva, Fribourg, Solothurn and Zurich, containing portions of liturgical and biblical texts, thus highlighting the contents1 of the majority of other fragments found in other locations in Switzerland. In addition, the paleographical elements indicating an Ashkenazi origin of all the fragments found so far help to confirm that the subject matter of these fragments fits perfectly into the prayer- and study-oriented attitude of Ashkenazi Jewry in the Middle Ages.2

1 There are also several fragments in Switzerland containing halakhic texts. Apart from the very interesting 13th or 14th century Franco-German bifolio fragment preserved in the incunable Z39 (dated 1475, Fribourg, Bibliothèque Cantonale et Universitaire), with a commentary by Rashi (R. Salomo ben Isaac, ca. 1040–1105) on BT Gittin 32b–35a in the Babylonian Talmud or the 14th century Franco-German bifolio fragment (frag. C.VI.1, Zurich, Staatsarchiv) of an index to the positive commandments of Sefer Mitzwot Gadol (R. Moses ben Jacob of Coucy, ca. first half of the 13th century), found as a binding cover to a book of judgments dated 1565–1572 (“Urteilbuch des Spittals”), there are some other halakhic fragments from book bindings containing portions of the Babylonian Talmud such as tractate Bava Qama in the Archives de la Bourgeoisie of Porrentruy and portions of tractates Taʽanit, Nashim and Qiddushin in the Stiftsarchiv of St Gallen. However the most interesting set of Talmudic fragments are those preserved in the Benediktinerkloster library of Engelberg which include extracts of BT Pesahim 7b–8a, Massekhet Yoma 68b–69a and a portion of Samuel ben Meir’s (Rashbam, ca 1085–1158) commentary on BT Bava Batra 50a; see Joseph Gildenmeister, Magazin für die Wissenschaft des Judentums, 9 (1882): 175–176 and Menahem Banitt, “Deux fragments homilétiques de l’Abbaye d’Engelberg”, Revue des Etudes Juives, 152 (1–2) (1993), 177–191 (I would like to thank Simha Emanuel for sharing this information about these fragments with me). 2 See Ephraim Kanarfogel, Jewish Education and Society in the Middle Ages (Detroit MI: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 63 and 69. 256 justine isserles

Liturgical Fragments

The first two fragments which will be described contain portions of liturgical poems or piyyutim from liturgical manuscripts such as mahzorim,3 as it is those books which are found to bear these types of texts. These piyyutim mainly served as an accompaniment to festival prayers and had to be recited at parts of the service for which they were intended.4 The Bibliothèque de Genève (BGE) in the city of Geneva5 has a wealth of books but only two Hebrew manuscript fragments, both from the same book, in its collection. Both these fragments were found in MS lat. 160, a 14th century Italian manuscript which still preserves its original binding.6 The two fragments are bifolio scraps used as pastedowns on the inside covers of the binding. The pastedown at the beginning of the volume was ripped off, leaving ink traces of the hardly legible writing stuck backwards to the wooden board. On the other hand, the pastedown at the back of the volume is part of a bifolio which was only partly ripped, thus enabling its identification (Fig. 11.1) as a semi-cursive non-vocalized script of North French type. Because the fragments were either partially or entirely torn off, their size was reconstructed by measuring the wooden boards, which turned out to be 205mm in width by 295mm in height.7 As for the dating hypothesis, the 13th century could be a possibility as there are traces of ruling with hard point.8 Only part of this fragment is identifiable on the recto side of the bifolio and begins with the words kel melekh in a square

3 Ismar Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy. A Comprehensive History, translated by Raymond P. Scheindlin, (New York, Jerusalem: Jewish Publication Society, 1993), 7 and Abraham Zvi Idelsohn, Jewish Liturgy and its Development (New York: Henry Holt, 1932), XIV, where both of these authors describe a mahzor, as containing the yearly prayers and festivals as well as liturgical poems. 4 See Israel M. Ta-Shma, “Ashkenazi Jewry in the Eleventh Century,” in idem, Creativ- ity and Tradition: Studies in Medieval Rabbinic Scholarship, Literature and Thought (Cam- bridge MA, London: Harvard University Press, 2006), 1–36, here 27. 5 I would like to thank Dr. Barbara Roth, curator of the department of manuscripts at the Bibliothèque de Genève, to have authorized the publication of an image of the fragment found in Ms Lat. 160. 6 This Italian manuscript was written on paper containing Sermons from the Gospels by Antonio Azaro di Parma. A colophon indicates that the scribe finished copying the manuscript on the 22nd June 1360. 7 All measurements in this description will show the width then the length of the fragments. 8 See Malachi Beit-Arié, Hebrew Codicology. Tentative Typology of Technical Practices employed in Hebrew Dated Medieval Manuscripts (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sci- ences and Humanities, 1981), 72. medieval hebrew manuscript fragments in switzerland 257

Fig. 11.1 Geneva, Bibliothèque de Genève, Ms Lat. 160.

North French script of slightly larger module than the rest of the text. This one columned text is the beginning of a piyyut. If the first two words are left out, as they are not an intrinsic part of the poem, we are left with mi-miqdash hodekha, a Sefardi piyyut by the 11th century Spanish philosopher, Talmudic commentator and liturgical poet, Isaac Ibn Ghiyyat (ca. 1038–1089).9 This fragment is an important piece of evidence for the general acceptance and integration of Sefardi liturgical poetry within Ashkenazi liturgy, in particular in Northern France by the 13th century. Moreover, this piyyut by Isaac Ibn Ghiyyat was only one amongst many other Sefardi piyyutim by famous paytanim from the 11th century onwards, such as those of Salomon Ibn Gabirol (ca. 1021–1058), Judah Halevi (ca. 1086–1145) and Abraham Ibn Ezra (ca. 1089–1167), which also reached Northern Europe in great numbers. In addition to the influx of piyyutim from Sefarad, an interest in the techniques of the Spanish school of paytanim was equally taking place in Northern France proper during the 11th century. Two of the greatest North French scholars, Elijah ben Menahem ha-Zaqen of

9 Isaac Davidson, Thesaurus of Mediaeval Hebrew Poetry, 4 vols, (New York: Ktav Pub- lishing House, 1970), vol. 1, no. 1812 (in Hebrew). 258 justine isserles

Le Mans (first half of the 11th century) who apparently had family ties with R. Hai ben Sherira Gaon (ca. 939–1038)10 and Joseph ben Samuel Tov Elem Bonfils (Rita, ca. 980–1050), who emigrated from Narbonne to Limoges,11 were both under strong Sefardi influence as seen in their poetic compositions which have come down to us. In particular, they introduced the genre of the azharah into Northern France, which is a form of piyyut usually recited during the celebration of Shavuot.12 At that time neither Italy nor Ashkenaz were using this form of piyyut in their liturgy.13 Then by the 12th century, some French and German tosafists such as Jacob ben Meir (Rabbenu Tam, ca. 1100–1170) and his student Ephraim ben Jacob of Bonn (ca. 1132–1196) were well aware of Sefardi liturgical poetry and employed its forms and techniques in terms of meter and rhyme for their own creations.14 By chance and to further illustrate the presence of azharot in North French Hebrew manuscripts, a large (313 × 215 mm) 13th or 14th century fragment of azharot, written in one column of text in a semi-cursive non-vocalized script, was found as a pastedown15 at the

10 Abraham Grossman, The Early Sages of France, Their Lives, Leadership, and Works (900–1096) (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 32001), 84, 543 (in Hebrew) and Isaac Meiseles, Shi- rat ha-mitsvot: azharot Rabbi Eliahu ha-Zaqen (Jerusalem: Meiseles, 2001). 11 Abraham Grossman, The Early Sages of France, 543–547, 554 and Simon Schwarzfuchs, “Rabbi Joseph fils de Samuel Tov Elem,” Héritages de Rachi, ed. René-Samuel Sirat, (Paris: Editions de l’éclat, 2005), 43. See also Benjamin Bar Tikva, “Reciprocity between the Pro- vençal School of Piyyutim and the Schools of Catalonia and Ashkenazi France,” Rashi et la culture juive dans la France du Nord au Moyen Âge, ed. Gilbert Dahan, Gérard Nahon, and Elie Nicolas, (Collection de la Revue des Études Juives, 16), (Paris, Louvain: Peeters, 1997), 379–380. 12 Abraham Zvi Idelsohn, Jewish Liturgy, 42 and Ezra Fleischer, Hebrew Liturgical Poetry in the Middle Ages (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 22007), 445 (in Hebrew). 13 See Abraham Grossman, “Relations between the Jewish Communities of Northern France and those of Germany before 1096,” Nation and History: Studies in the History of the Jewish People based on Papers delivered at the Eighth World Congress of Jewish Studies, ed. Samuel Ettinger and Menahem Stern, 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983–1984), vol. 1, 221–231, here 225–226 (in Hebrew). 14 I am grateful to Mr Zvi Erenyi and Prof. Ephraim Kanarfogel from Yeshiva University (New York) for this information. 15 In actual fact the portions of azharot in this fragment are limited to the verso side of this cut bifolio. The recto side is written in another North French semi-cursive hand and possibly contains portions of another genre of piyyut called Ofanim, equally read during the celebration of Shavuot and which are poetical adaptations taken from the Hekhalot literature; see Joseph Dan, “The Beginnings of Jewish Mysticism in Europe,” The World History of the Jewish People, The Medieval Period: The Dark Ages: Jews in Christian Europe 711–1096, ed. Cecil Roth, 2 vols. (New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1966), vol. 2, 290, 436. The most probable reason for the presence of these two different hand writings is that this fragment consisted of the outer bifolio of a quire in which other bifolia had their place between the verso and recto sides of this bifolio fragment in question. medieval hebrew manuscript fragments in switzerland 259 beginning of incunable Z243 (Fribourg, Bibliothèque Cantonale et Univer- sitaire, BCU) printed in Basel in 1478.16 Another fragment of a piyyut well worth describing here was found in incunable Z196, printed in Strasbourg in 1482,17 and housed in the Biblio- thèque Cantonale et Universitaire of Fribourg.18 This fragment is a folio (142 × 187mm) which was used as a flyleaf at the back of the volume. The recto and verso sides are written in an Ashkenazi square non-vocalized script of brown faded ink. An approximate 13th to 14th century dating is possible because of some pencil ruling still visible on the parchment; as Malachi Beit-Arié suggests, pencil ruling was introduced during the 13th century.19 The top two lines of the fragment on the verso side (Fig. 11.2) give an indication of the contents on the barely legible recto על) side, which is al Yisrael Purim saliq ha-maʽarivim shel kol ha-shanah Therefore, the recto side .(ישראל פורים סליק המעריבים של כל השנה חזק of the fragment contains one column of text a portion of a maʽariv for the celebration of Purim, the words al Israel, being the end of this piyyut on the verso side of the fragment. After the word hazaq on the second line of the text are two intercalated lines of handwriting but of much smaller module. They happen to be the title to the next piyyut taking up the rest of the page on the verso side of the fragment, which says: reshut le-meturge- The .(רשות למטורגמן מרבינו יעקב ז'צ'ל') man mi-Rabbenu Yaʽakov zatzal words Rabbenu Yaʽakov refer to none other than Rashi’s grandson, Jacob ben Meir (Rabbenu Tam) who was not only one of the most outstanding halakhic authorities of his generation but accomplished in the field of Hebrew liturgical poetry as well. Down through the text, his name is dis- where the first letters ,(א\נ\י \י\ע\ק\ב) cernible in the form of an acronym of each verse are highlighted by a series of slanted dots. Jacob ben Meir actually composed a number of maʽarivim for Sukkot and Shemini Atzeret as well as selihot for the High Holidays. Furthermore, he not only adopted Spanish poetical techniques as mentioned above, but borrowed poetical

16 This volume on non-watermarked paper, contains a Breviarium Basiliense printed on paper in the Basel workshop of Michael Wenssler. See Victor Scholderer, “Michael Wenssler and his Press at Basel.” The Library III vol. 3 (1912), 283–321 and Karl Stehlin, “Regesten zur Geschichte des Buchdrucks bis zum Jahre 1500. Aus den Büchern des Basler Gerichtsarchiv.” Archiv für Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels 11 (1888): 5–182. 17 This book contains a Vocabularius Praedicantium by Johannes Melber and was printed on paper in the workshop of Heinrich Knoblotzer. See François Ritter, L’imprimerie alsaci- enne aux XVe et au XVI siècles (Strasbourg, Paris: F.-X. Le Roux, 1955). 18 I would like to thank Mr. Romain Jurot curator of the Bibliothèque Cantonale et Universitaire in Fribourg for giving me the authorization to publish an image of the fragment found in incunable Z196. 19 Malachi Beit-Arié, Hebrew Codicology, 72–73. 260 justine isserles

Fig. 11.2 Fribourg, Bibliothèque Cantonale et Universitaire, Inc. Z196. medieval hebrew manuscript fragments in switzerland 261 forms such as the reshut, an introductory poem cultivated by the Sefardi paytanim. He wrote a number of Aramaic reshuyot as introductions to haftarot,20 one of which is on this fragment.21

Biblical Fragments

The next selection of fragments presented here are portions from the Tanakh, two of which enclose the Targum between each verse of Scrip- ture. Before describing these fragments, it is important to briefly explain the status of the study of Scripture in Medieval Ashkenaz,22 which will help historically and culturally contextualize these types of fragments found in this part of geo-cultural Ashkenaz. The study of Scripture in pre-crusade (before 1096) Ashkenaz was an important part of rabbinic culture and a prerequisite for Talmudic commentaries, piyyut compositions23 and commentaries on piyyut literature (parshanut ha-piyyutim).24 Most leading pre-crusade scholars were involved in Bible study25 and the important commentaries to the Bible that have survived are those of the most famous pashtanim from Northern France, such as Salomon ben Isaac (Rashi, ca. 1040–1105), Joseph Kara (ca. 1065–1135) and Samuel ben Meir (Rashbam, ca. 1085–1158), all of them stemming from that period. Their commentaries were mainly focused on peshat or sensus litteralis of the text, explaining the difficult words and phrases within the verses. On the other hand from the 12th century

20 Ezra Fleischer, “Prayer and Piyyut in the Worms Mahzor,” in The Worms Mahzor (Ms. Heb. 4° 781/1, Jewish National and University Library, Jerusalem), eds. Malachi Beit- Arié, Bezalel Narkiss, and Aliza Cohen-Mushlin, 2 vols. (London: Cyelar Publishing, 1985), vol. 2, 43–44. אי יממיא ומיא) Isaac Davidson, Thesaurus of Medieval Hebrew Poetry, vol. 1, no. 2622 21 .(כי מילנין 22 Ephraim Kanarfogel, “On the Role of Bible Study in Medieval Ashkenaz,” in The Frank Talmage Memorial Volume, ed. Barry Walfish, 2 vols. (Haifa: Haifa University Press, 1992–1993), vol. 1, 151–166. 23 Ephraim Kanarfogel, “On the Role of Bible Study,” 152 and Ephraim E. Urbach, Sefer Arugat ha-Bosem, kolel perushim ha-piyyuṭim, 4 vols. (Jerusalem: Mekitze Nirdamim, 1963), vol. 4, 167–176 (in Hebrew). 24 There was an anonymous written transmission of this type of commentary which goes back to the Academy of Mainz from the second half of the 11th century onward until the first Crusade of 1096; see Israel M. Ta-Shma, The Early Ashkenazic Prayer. Literary and Historical Aspect (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2004), 37 (in Hebrew) and Elizabeth Hol- lender, Piyyut Commentary in Medieval Ashkenaz (Studia Judaica, 42) (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 2008), 8–9. 25 Grossman, The Early Sages of Ashkenaz, 64–66, 74, 226, 250, 353, 419–420 (in Hebrew). 262 justine isserles onward,26 the study of Scripture seemed to become of lesser importance and it was claimed that through the study of Talmud scholars exempted themselves from studying the Bible.27 Torah commentaries were nonetheless written but were essentially applications of tosafist Talmudic methodology as Ephraim Kanarfogel points out, where cited pashtanim commentaries were incorporated into the flow of their texts.28 Above all others, the most important commentary on Scripture used was Rashi’s, which “. . . served as an important reference point for students of peshat in Northern France . . .” and “. . . at the same time an excellent compendium of rabbinic and midrashic material.”29 The fact that Ashkenazi scholars did not systematically study the Bible other than the revision of their weekly Torah portion accompanied by Targum Onkelos (the Aramaic translation of the Torah), as prescribed in BT Berakhot 8a,30 changed the perspective of independent study of Scripture from an educational tradition to a liturgical one.31 Nevertheless, these scholars still used Rashi’s commentary as a dependable source of elucidation to the words and meanings in scrip- tural verses. In our case, a fragment from the Staatsarchiv in Solothurn32 described below containing a portion of the Prophets with Targum Jona- than (R.1.2.121) and accompanied by Rashi’s commentary, is a good example of the perpetuation of this tradition in 14th century Ashkenaz. A set of four fragments were found in a printed book and a manuscript33 (BI 243 and BI 372) housed at the Zentralbibliothek of Solothurn34 (Fig. 11.3), and drew a great deal of attention when they were discovered.

26 See Kanarfogel, “On the Role of Bible Study,” 157. 27 Ibid., 151 and note 3. 28 Ibid., 153 and note 21. 29 Ibid., 154 and note 26. 30 “. . . shenayim miqra ve-ehad targum . . .”. The Targum Onkelos was read in private devotion after twice reciting the original Hebrew version of the weekly Bible reading. 31 Even though the independent study of the Bible in Ashkenaz was still recommended and to people unable to study the Talmud or to children. It was equally sought to be preserved by the Hasidei Ashkenaz in order to encourage religious piety; see Ephraim Kanar- fogel, “On the Role of Bible Study,” 158 (and notes 56 and 59) and by the same author, Jewish Education, 40–41. See Alberdina Houtman and Albert Sysling, Alternative Targum Traditions. The Use of Variant Readings for the Study in Origin and History of Targum Jona- than (Studies in the Aramaic Interpretation of Scripture, 9) (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2009), 248–249. 32 I would like to thank Mr. Sylvan Freddi, curator at the Staatsarchiv in Solothurn for allowing me to publish an image of this fragment. 33 These fragments were used as pastedowns in these incunables, but were already ripped off when the photographs were taken. 34 I would like to thank Mr. Ian Holt, curator of the Zentralbibliothek in Solothurn for giving me the authorization to publish the images of the fragments from volumes BI 243 and BI 273. medieval hebrew manuscript fragments in switzerland 263

Fig. 11.3 Solothurn, Zentralbibliothek, BI 273 and BI 243. 264 justine isserles

One set of two fragments from volume BI 24335 is cut in a horizontal way (235 × 104mm) and the other two, from manuscript BI 273,36 were cut in a vertical fashion (93 × 280mm); but both sets of fragments bear the same handwriting. All four are written in a semi-cursive vocalized Ashke- nazi script, evidently suggesting that they all came from the same Hebrew manuscript, even though the present measurements of each fragment are not exactly the same. Nevertheless, thanks to these two sets of fragments, we can imagine that one folio from this lost Hebrew manuscript would have measured 235mm in width by 280mm in length. Furthermore, an approximate dating to the 13th century can be assumed due to traces of hard point ruling at the bottom of the fragments. These four fragments which were once each two individual folia, do not follow each other in order, as the following discussion of the content will indicate. The printed book BI 243 contains portions of Ps. 18:16–42 (horiz. frag. 1) and II Sam. 22:29–49 (horiz. frag. 2) on the recto (hair side) side of the folio and portions of II Sam. 23:3–18 (horiz. frag. 1) and II Sam. 23:10–29 (horiz. frag. 2) on the verso (skin side) side of the folio. On the other hand, manuscript BI 273 contains portions of 2 Kings 10:15–25 (vert. frag. 1) and 2 Kings 10:25–36 (verti. frag. 2) on the recto (hair side) side of the folio and portions of 2 Kings 10:36–11:1–9 (verti. frag. 1) and 2 Kings 11:10–19 (vert. frag. 2) on the verso (skin side) of the folio. These two folia from a dismembered Hebrew manuscript would therefore possibly have come from a Tanakh with portions the Books of Samuel and Kings; both books being counted as one in the Canon. The reason for the presence of Psalm 18 preceding 2 Sam. 22 is not clear, but may be because both texts are liturgical counterparts of each other and are virtually identical in content with very minor variations; 2 Sam. 22, being considered the longest of David’s Psalms.37

35 This volume printed on non-watermarked paper, contains Le racional des divins offices by Guilelmus Durantis (written in 1504) and the Summa Ruralis by Jean Bouthilier, written in 1512, which is also the date given to the volume itself. This book was formerly owned by Ludwig Sterner, a chronicler for the towns of Fribourg and Bern during the 16th century. His name is written in black ink on the fore-edge, head and tail-edge of the book. He gave this book the shelfmark number 62, considering it the 62nd book of his library. 36 This manuscript was written on non-watermarked paper containing the Super Librum Sapientie by Robert Holkot. This work was copied into this manuscript in Basel in 1506 by Jakob Wolff of Pforzheim and was formerly owned by the Collegiate of St Urs in Solothurn (known thanks to a shelfmark). 37 See thereto Young, “Psalm 18 and 2 Samuel 22: Two Versions of the Same Song,” in Seeking Out the Wisdom of the Ancients: Essays Offered to Honor Michael V. Fox on the Occa- sion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Ronald L. Troxel, Kelvin G. Friebel, Denis R. Magary, (Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns, 2005), 53–69. See also Marian and William Smelik, “Twin medieval hebrew manuscript fragments in switzerland 265

On a codicological level, the reason for finding fragments of one Hebrew manuscript in two different works is the fact that both the manuscript (BI 273) and the printed book (BI 243) were bound in the 16th century by the same workshop in Fribourg. These bindings can be attributed to the Rolet Stoss workshop,38 thanks to recognizable foliate and geometri- cal motifs and patterns, blindstamped with small tools on the off-white membranes of both codices. The last fragments described in this paper are portions of Scripture with the Aramaic translation of the Targum after each verse. The first fragment is a cut bifolio with a three columned layout of text (380 × 235mm), found in the Staatsarchiv of Zurich.39 This fragment was used as a full binding cover to a community book40 from Hagenbuch (IV A 1) used between 1643 and the 19th century. This binding cover contains portions of the Book of Genesis on both recto and verso sides, written in an Ashkenazi square vocalized script with taʽamim, which are the musical cantillation notes marked above the text. Traces of lead pencil ruling are visible on the recto side of the fragment, thus enabling an approximate dating to the 14th century. The recto side of the fragment (Fig. 11.4), which is very worn, has a text in the top right hand corner, beginning in the middle of chapter 49, verse 31 from the Book of Genesis and ending on the overleaf, folded on the inside of the volume with the Targum to Gen. 50:8. The verso side of this cut bifolio is in much better condition as it was on the inner part of the binding cover. This side of the fragment shows an additional Masorah magna and parva in the upper and lateral margins, written in a square Ashkenazi non-vocalized script of much smaller module. The text here starts in the top right hand corner with the last word of the Targum to Gen. 49:22 and ends at the bottom of the opened overleaf with the last words of the Targum to Gen. 49:24.41

Targums: Psalm 18 and 2 Samuel 22,” in Biblical Hebrew, Biblical Texts: Essays in Memory of Michael P. Weitzman, ed. Ada Rapoport-Albert and Gillian Greenberg, (London: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001), 244–281. 38 Rolet Stoss died in 1502, but his workshop was still active well into the 16th century. See Abraham Horodisch, “Die Buchbinderei zu Freiburg (Schweiz) im 15. Jahrhun- dert.” Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte / Revue Suisse d’art et d’archéologie 6 (1944): 207–243. 39 I would like to thank Dr. Karin Huser, curator at the Staatsarchiv in Zurich for giving me the authorization to publish an image of this fragment. 40 This book is called “Gemeindebuch” in German (see Fig. 11.4). 41 Daniel Teichman, who has written a more precise description of this fragment in his article “Ein hebräisches Bibelfragment aus dem 14. Jahrhundert als Einband eines Hagen- bucher Gemeindebuches.” Zürcher Taschenbuch (2013), 1–40, has pointed out a discrepancy in the wording of the Targum to Gen. 49:23 between the fragment and the printed 266 justine isserles

Fig. 11.4 Zurich, Staatsarchiv, Hagenbuch IV A 1.

Another similar fragment of Scripture associated with Targum Jona- than for each verse, is a fragment (R.1.2.121) cut from a very large bifolio (344 × 255mm), preserved in the Staatsarchiv of Solothurn. This bifolio fragment was used as a partial binding cover to a volume of charters originally found in the parish archives of Oberkirch, in the province of Thierstein, near Solothurn.42 A square Ashkenazi vocalized script is layed out in three columns of text, accompanied in the page’s lower margin by a Masorah magna in a square non-vocalized Ashkenazi script of much smaller module. On the other hand, a marginal commentary by Rashi on the Isaiah chapters mentioned below, is placed in one of the lateral margins and written as a small module semi-cursive script. As mentioned

versions of Targum Onkelos (see Alexander Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic Based on Old Manuscripts and Printed Texts, vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 1959), where the fragment reads the see Sperber, The) ’בעלי פלגויה‘ and the printed edition has the words ’מרי פלגותא‘ words Bible in Aramaic, vol. 1, 86 where his critical apparatus mentions an inucabula edition of Nevertheless, Rashi in .’מרי פלגותא‘ the Bible (Ixar, 1490) which also contains the wording for the Targum Onkelos which ’מרי פלגותא‘ his commentary on Gen. 49:23 also suggests means that this variant goes much farther back in time than the printed edition of 1490 and would thus need some further investigation to elucidate. (Many thanks to Daniel Teichman for sharing this discovery with me). 42 A note on the verso side of the fragment (skin side) bears the handwriting of Ambro- sius Kocher of the Gilgenberg Church in 1593. medieval hebrew manuscript fragments in switzerland 267

Fig. 11.5 Solothurn, Staatarchiv R.1.2.121. above, the presence of Rashi’s commentary in marginal form further testi- fies to its standardization within Scripture/Targum combination types of texts. Like the fragment covering the Zurich book, an approximate 14th dating for this fragment would be possible thanks to the visible lead pencil ruling on this fragment. As for the text’s contents, it begins on the recto side of the bifolio (skin side) (Fig. 11.5) in the upper right corner with Isa. 31:8 and ends in the bottom left corner with the Targum to Isa. 32:6. The verso side (hair side) starts in the upper right corner in middle of Isa. 2:8 and ends at the bottom left with the Targum to Isa. 32:17. The Targum fragments described above are of very large format,43 measuring 380 × 235 mm (IV A 1, Zurich) and 344 × 255 mm (R.1.2.121, Solothurn) respectively. They were evidently part of very large Tanakh books with the Aramaic translations after each verse and probably kept

43 There are two fragments in the Staatsarchiv in Chur, Graubunden, one of which (fragment B2175/3a) was a large cut bifolio (325 × 236mm) made into a binding cover to a notary’s book, dated 1571, containing verses from Nb. 8 and 9 followed by the Targum Onkelos to these verses. I wish to thank Daniel Teichman for giving me these details for this fragment. 268 justine isserles in the synagogue for private study. An attribution to a book of Tanakh can also be suggested for two sets of fragments which recompose a page measuring 235 × 280 mm (BI243 and BI273, Solothurn) with portions of Psalms, and the books of Samuel and Kings but without the Targum. Moreover it seems that the piyyutim fragments studied here were also taken from large liturgical books such as mahzorim, as can be guessed by the equally large measurements of the folio fragments:44 205 × 295 mm (MS Lat. 160, Geneva), 313 × 215 mm (Z243, Fribourg). Liturgical books of these kinds would have been very accessible for confiscation due to the fact that they may have belonged to synagogues or batei midrashim. Other relevant and intriguing points worth investigating are the original locations of the fragments and how they found their way to becoming part of the bindings of Christian books. These questions may never be precisely answered but an attempt to discover where these Hebrew manuscripts were originally taken from can be undertaken by observing where the volumes housing the fragments were printed and bound. It seems logical to imagine that a bookbinder’s workshop would have had easy access to large amounts of confiscated parchment from medieval Jewish books on the market, in order to make scraps of parchment which would reinforce bindings, protect texts with pastedowns and flyleaves or use bifolia for the covers of books. Four volumes mentioned in this paper were printed and bound in important printing centers during the 15th and 16th centuries.45 Moreover it is valuable to add that these volumes would have been printed and bound in workshops relatively close to one another other for logistical reasons. We have very little information to help us, nevertheless we know that volume Z196 (Fribourg, Bibliothèque Cantonale et Universitaire) was printed in Strasbourg in 1482 in the workshop of Heinrich Knoblotzer, that volume Z243 (Fribourg, Bibliothèque Cantonale et Universitaire) was printed in Basel in 1488 in Michael Wenssler’s workshop and that volumes BI243 and BI 372 (Solothurn, Zentralbibliothek) were bound in Rolet Stoss’s workshop in Fribourg in the early 16th century. These towns were also known

44 The fragment found in volume Z196 from the Bibliothèque Cantonale et Univer- sitaire in Fribourg measures only 142 × 187 mm and therefore was not included above. Nevertheless, it probably came from a middle sized mahzor. 45 The fragment from the 14th century Italian manuscript MS Lat. 160 is not relevant here because the fragment was most probably found in Italy, even though it was once part of a North French mahzor. This is deduced by the presence of the semi-cursive North French handwriting in the fragment. medieval hebrew manuscript fragments in switzerland 269 to have Jewish population going back to the 13th century for Basel46 and Fribourg,47 and back to the 12th century for the Strasbourg community.48 Therefore liturgical and biblical Hebrew manuscripts, whose fragments have been described above, were not lacking in these cities, their genre embodying the religious and cultural spirit of Ashkenazi Jewry. As for the two binding covers preserved in the Staatsarchiv in Zurich (IV A 1) and the Staatsarchiv in Solothurn (R.1.2.121), their origin is much harder to establish due to the fact that they covered books which were used in small towns and villages. These fascinating fragments identified so far may just well be the ‘tip of the iceberg’, as other cities, towns and villages in Switzerland have not yet been investigated and most certainly hide more fragments. The analyses of these Hebrew documents will undoubtedly lead to further enriching discoveries and most of all, a better knowledge of medieval Jewish culture in Ashkenaz.

46 Germania Judaica II: Von 1238 bis zur Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts, vol. 1: Aachen— Luzern, ed. Zvi Avneri, (Tübingen: Mohr, 1968), 52. 47 Ibid. 48 Jaqueline Rochette, Histoire des Juifs d’Alsace. Des origines à la révolution (Paris: Librairie Lipschutz, 1939). For a history of the Jews in Strasbourg, see Debra Kaplan, Beyond Expulsion: Jews, Christians, and Reformation Strasbourg (Stanford: Stanford Uni- versity Press, 2011), 13–17.

Newly discovered Hebrew fragments in the State Archive of Amberg (Bavaria)—some suggestions on their historical background

Andreas Lehnardt*

The history of the Jews in the Bavarian region of Upper Palatinate (Ober pfalz), particularly in the post-medieval period, has already been compar atively well studied and documented.1 Reference has recently also been made to certain Hebrew manuscript fragments in archives in Regens burg and Amberg, half way between Bayreuth and Nuremberg. These fragments were apparently treated as ‘spoils’ to be re-used to bind other documents and books in the period following the expulsion of the Jews from the imperial city of Regensburg in 1519 to the time of the Thirty Years War.2 In 2009, a re-investigation of the known Hebrew manuscript fragments in the archives of Upper Palatinate and in adjoining regions resulted in the discovery and identification of numerous new and previ ously unknown binding fragment, mainly in the Amberg State Archives. These discoveries constitute the largest collection in terms of numbers of this type of Hebrew manuscript fragments in Upper Palatinate. Their identification and examination now allows to propose a new hypothesis concerning their origin and age.3 The fragments recently discovered are

* In memory of Andreas Angerstorfer (1948–2012). An earlier version of this paper was published in: Archivalische Zeitschrift 92 (2011): 339–350. 1 Cf. Magnus Weinberg, Die auf Juden bezüglichen Akten des Kgl. Bayerischen Kreis- archivs der Oberpfalz in Amberg (Leipzig: Buchhandlung G. Fock, 1912); Dirk Götschmann, “Die Juden in Amberg während des Mittelalters,” in Amberg 1034–1984. Aus tausend Jahren Stadtgeschichte, ed. Karl-Otto Ambronn, Achim Fuchs, and Heinrich Wanderwitz, (Aus stellungskataloge der Staatlichen Archive Bayerns 18), (Amberg: Amberger Zeitung, 1984), 91–106. Cf. also Die Juden in der Oberpfalz, ed. Michael Brenner and Renate Höpfinger, (Stu dien zur jüdischen Geschichte und Kultur in Bayern, 2), (München: C. H. Beck, 2008). 2 Cf. Andreas Angerstorfer, “Regensburg als Zentrum jüdischer Gelehrsamkeit im Mit telalter,” in Die Juden in der Oberpfalz, 9–26, here p. 23. See by the same author: “Ein bedeutender Handschriftenfund in der bischöflichen Zentralbibliothek entdeckt.” Der Landesverband der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinden in Bayern 14 (1985): 16 and idem, “Erste Spuren des mittelalterlichen Regensburger Synagogenritus.” Der Landesverband der Isra elitischen Kultusgemeinden in Bayern 29 (1987): 12. 3 For information on this project see Andreas Lehnardt, “Verborgene Schätze in Bucheinbänden. Hebräische und aramäische Handschriftenfragmente als Quelle jüdis cher Kultur.ˮ Kirchliches Buch- und Bibliothekswesen: Jahrbuch (2007/08): 89–99; ‘Genizat 272 andreas lehnardt remarkable in that they bear annotations that make it possible to associ ate them with a certain region around Weiden and Amberg and with a specific period in time during the 17th century. As far as it can be assumed on the basis of Christian sources, there were probably no Jews living in Amberg from 1391—the year in which they were expelled from the Palatinate under Count Ruprecht II—until the 19th century. Most of the fragments now discovered, however, show signs of being reused during the first half of the 17th century. How was it that Hebrew manuscripts fell into the hands of Christian bookbinders in this particular area of Germany so late after the expulsion?

Hebrew Binding Fragments—Silent Witnesses of Pogroms?

Perhaps unsurprisingly, Hebrew manuscripts were used as binding mate rial for books held in many other libraries and archives in Germany and Europe. It is often only possible to postulate how it was that valuable books, still highly prized in Jewish culture today, should have ended up in the hands of mostly Christian bookbinders. The background to and reasons for this can be largely reconstructed in the case of certain towns and cities in Germany. In addition to the numerous Hebrew binding fragments found in Frankfurt on Main, documentary evidence was also discovered here showing that many manuscripts had been stolen during the course of anti-Jewish rioting by artisans under a certain Vincenz Fett milch in the years 1614 to 1616 and sold to the city’s bookbinders.4 In the case of Friedberg in the Wetterau region, north of Frankfurt on Main, it is also possible to link the fragmentation of Hebrew-language manuscripts and their re-utilisation as binding material for the city’s documents and accounts with events in the 17th century, especially those relating to the Thirty Years War.5 There are other cities, such as Mainz and Trier (the libraries and archives of which also contain significant numbers of Hebrew

Germania.’ Hebrew and Aramaic binding fragments in context, ed. Andreas Lehnardt, (‘European Genizah’: Texts and Studies, 1), (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010). Note also the introduction to this volume. 4 Cf. Andreas Lehnardt, “ ‘Einem Buchbinder verkauft zu schertz, andere Bücher drein zu binden’. Hebräische und aramäische Einbandfragmente aus Frankfurt am Main.ˮ Frank- furter Judaistische Beiträge 28–29 (2007–2008): 1–27. 5 For details, see Andreas Lehnardt, “Die hebräischen Einbandfragmente in Friedberg. Verborgene Zeugnisse jüdischen Lebens in der Wetterau.ˮ Wetterauer Geschichtsblätter 58 (2009): 137–350. newly discovered hebrew fragments in the state archive 273

binding fragments), where the events that resulted in the theft and ‘recy cling’ of Hebrew parchments can even be traced back to the 15th century.6 In all these cases it must, of course, be taken into account, as frequently pointed out in the literature—most recently by Simha Emanuel7—that despite the high value traditionally attached to books and manuscripts, Jews themselves would have occasionally sold Hebrew manuscripts or at least individual, as yet incomplete pages. Hunger, destitution and illness would also at various times have been a reason for people to sell their last possessions, including cult objects and valuable parchments, even though this would be in breach of Jewish tradition and would violate explicit rab binic precepts.8

The New Discoveries in Amberg

The 66 Hebrew fragments in the Amberg State Archives identified thus far come from 16 different Hebrew codices. A few of these had already been identified in 1981 by Ruben Rosenfeld of Fürth and in 1985 there was also an exchange of correspondence about certain fragments with Dr. Theo dore Kwasman (formerly Heidelberg, now Cologne). It was only in 2009, however, that the discoveries made by Jochen Rösel during the course of cataloguing the Amberg state archives were systematically recorded and correctly identified.9 Without exception, these fragments were used as cover bindings for official documents and account books. The bindings have been retained in their original form although they are evidently Hebrew manuscripts and only in exceptional cases has the text been pasted over or rendered unrecognisable. It is clear that neither the bookbinders nor the users of the documents had any objection to the Hebrew characters. That they

6 See Andreas Lehnardt, “Hebräische und aramäische Einbandfragmente in Mainz und Trier—Zwischenbericht eines Forschungsprojekts,ˮ in Rekonstruktion und Erschließung mittelalterlicher Bibliotheken. Neue Formen der Handschriftenerschließung und der Hand- schriftenpräsentation, ed. Michael Embach and Andrea Rapp, (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2007), 41–58. 7 Simha Emanuel, “The ‘European Genizah’ and its Contribution to Jewish Studies.” Henoch 19 (1997): 313–339, here 320–322. 8 For the prohibition of the sale of Jewish books to non-Jews, cf. Sefer Hasidim, Buch der Frommen nach der Rezension in Cod. de Rossi No. 1133, ed. Jehuda Wistinetzki, (Berlin: Itzkowski, 1891, reprint Jerusalem: Wagshal, 1998), p. 179 (in Hebrew). 9 These are thus, with the exception of three fragments from Amberg, not mentioned by Angerstorfer, “Regensburg,” p. 26. 274 andreas lehnardt were unable to read Hebrew is indicated by the fact that the script on the binding is in many cases inverted in relation to the text in the volume itself. It is thus probable that this recycling process served purely practical purposes—parchment was a particularly suitable material for bindings; whether it was of Jewish or Christian origin was apparently irrelevant.10

Reconstruction of the Original Works

The remarkable feature of the discoveries made in the Amberg State Archives is that, unlike similar discoveries made in other comparable holdings and with the exception of a few individual items, it has actu ally been possible to identify the sources of the fragments. Leaves from 16 large-format manuscripts (approx. 32 × 25 cm) have been reconstructed. It seems that folio format parchments were deemed ideal for binding vol umes of documents and it is very probable that this also determined the selection of the manuscripts that were used for bindings. This means that any documents that tended to be produced in smaller formats are less likely to be preserved in this form. Most of the fragments in the Amberg State Archives—a total of twelve— formed part of a copy of the Mishne Torah, a well-known legal codex writ ten by Moshe ben Maimon, commonly known as Maimonides. Parts of this work (including the glosses called Hagahot Maimuniyot) were found in the following documents: Briefprotokolle Weiden 1067, Hofkastenamt Amberg 113, Herrschaft Waldthurn 8, Hofmark Ilsenbach 21, and the Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauischen Rechnungen 402, 403, 582, 583, 584, 587, 596, 597. (Fig. 12.1) One more fragment from the same codex had been previ ously found among the holdings of the Weiden Municipal Archive. The shelfmarks and hand-written tables of contents on each cover—in as far as they are still intact or legible—indicate documents from the period 1621 to 1630. These thus represent the latest dates at which the fragments of this particular codex would have been reused. Paleographic and codico logical analysis of the fragments indicates that this originally very compre hensive codex most probably dates back to the 14th century. It is possible,

10 This is evidenced by the many Latin and German manuscript fragments that have been discovered in similar archive bindings and book covers. Cf. also Einbandfragmente in kirch- lichen Archiven aus Kurhessen-Waldeck, ed. Konrad Wiedemann and Bettina Wischhöfer, (Schriften des Landeskirchlichen Archivs Kassel, 21), (Kassel: Landeskirchliches Archiv, 2007), 7–21. newly discovered hebrew fragments in the state archive 275

Fig. 12.1 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Hofkastenamt Amberg 113. 276 andreas lehnardt however, that the fragments represent copies of older manuscripts and were made later, perhaps in the 15th century. The Mishneh Torah is subdivided into fourteen books and for the numerical value of the word Yad (= hand) it is called also ha-Yad ha- hazaqah. It rapidly became widely used in the Ashkenazi world and is still regarded as an authoritative basis for decisions relating to halakhah. Hand-written copies and fragments of the Mishneh Torah are thus found in Germany in relatively large numbers, while those that also include the Hagahot Maimuniyot by Rabbi Me’ir ha-Kohen (late 13th century, a pupil of Maharam of Rothenburg), as in the case of the work represented by the Amberg fragments, are most common.11 The supplementary glossaries by Me’ir ha-Kohen, based on other legal documents and on Ashkenazi traditions, contributed a great deal to furthering the dissemination and acceptance of the Mishneh Torah among Western European Jewry. A number of other fragment bindings in Amberg represent the remains of several Bible codices. Some of these codices contained Hebrew Bible texts together with their Aramaic translations, the Targum. This transla tion was also known as the Targum Onkelos after its legendary author. The use of the Targum in Ashkenazi Jewish circles was only discontinued in relatively modern times and some Oriental communities have not yet relinquished it. These Aramaic translations, which appear in the same script and are interlined with the Masoretic Hebrew text, have frequently led to misinterpretations.12 This type of text arrangement with an interpo lated Targum is, however, typical of Ashkenazi Bible manuscripts of late medieval times. Other Bible editions, fragments of which have also been preserved in Amberg, contained the commentaries by Rabbi Salomon ben Isaac, known as Rashi (1040/41–1105), the most prominent medieval Bible and Talmud commentator. Some of the Bible manuscripts discovered consist of Rashi’s

11 Cf. Andreas Lehnardt, “Ein hebräisches Einbandfragment von Moshe ben Maimons Mishne Tora in der Erzbischöflichen Diözesan- und Dombibliothek Köln.ˮ Analecta Colo- niensia. Jahrbuch der Diözesan- und Dombibliothek Köln 6 (2006): 33–65. 12 See, for example, the article by Joseph Grillmeier, “Eine hebräisch-aramäische Bibelhandschrift.ˮ Oberpfälzer Heimat 16 (1972): 16–19. A bifolio of a Bible manuscript with Targum, traces of which were also found in the Amberg state archives, was discovered in the Weiden Municipal Archives. The finder did not realise, however, that the custom of studying the Targum was still common among Ashkenazi Jews until the 17th century. See on this also the contribution of Tamas Visi and Magdaléna Jánošíková in this volume. newly discovered hebrew fragments in the state archive 277 commentary only.13 Codices of this type were used for study purposes and to prepare sermons. Most of the Bible manuscripts however contained the notes provided in the Masorah only.14 We differentiate between the Masorah magna and parva, whereby there was major fluctuation in the manuscript copies of these notes, which should not be confused with tex tual glosses added to the manuscript by later hands. Among the fragments of the Hebrew Bibles, remnants of books of haftarah are also preserved in Amberg. Such books contain only texts from the Prophets read out as part of the service after the weekly section of the Torah (parasha). According to Jewish tradition, the term Prophets also includes the historical books of Samuel and Kings, which means that such manuscripts also contain hagiographic sections.15 One fragment of a haftarah book was found in the binding of a file with the shelfmark Amt Waldmünchen R 18; this was an account book kept by the Waldmünchen treasury and maintenance fund in 1621. In its cover it preserved a fragment of the haftarah-readings for the weekly Torah portion Haʽazinu (Deut. 32) from Joel 2:14–17 used at a special Sabbath service when the next day marks the start of a new Jewish month (taken from 1 Sam. 20:26–42) as well as the haftarah for the Shabbat Sheqalim according to the Ashkenazi rite (taken from 2 Kings 12:1–2). Pages from another haftarah book were found in the wrapper of the file with the shelfmark Amt Waldsassen 2376 and 2381 and in Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 309 (Fig. 12.2), 589 and 598. Six pages from another Bible manuscript are present in the bindings of Weidauischer Rechnungen, Pfalz Sulzbach (585, 588, 590, 591, 592, 594); an additional volume covered in a leaf from the same codex contains an account with the shelfmark Hofmark Ilsenbach 22 (1629).

13 In the Amberg State Archives: Rentkammer Amberg R 21, Kloster Ensdorf R 77; Amberg Municipal Archives: Rechnung III/109 dated 1650; the fragment identified in Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 308 comes from another manuscript. Various sections of Rashi’s commentary on the books of Exodus, Numbers and Josiah have been found. 14 For the Masorah, cf. e.g. Page H. Kelley, Daniel S. Mynatt, Timothy G. Crawford, The Masorah of Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia: Introduction and Annotated Glossary (Grand Rapids Mich.: Eerdmans, 1998), 1–2. 15 For the development of the haftarah readings, cf. Ismar Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy. A Comprehensive History, translated by Raymond P. Scheindlin, (New York, Jerusalem: Jew ish Publication Society, 1993), 143–149. A comprehensive overview of the various reading traditions can be found in the article of the Talmudic Encyclopedia, 29 vols. (Jerusalem: Institute for the Complete Talmud, 1961), vol. 10, 1–727 (also published electronically in version 20 of the Bar Ilan University Responsa Project). See also the contribution of Judith Kogel in this volume. 278 andreas lehnardt

Fig. 12.2 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 598. newly discovered hebrew fragments in the state archive 279

All in all, fragments from eight different Bible codices have been identi fied. At least one leaf discovered in the state archives is related to a frag ment identified in the Amberg Municipal Archives. Similarly, another fragment found in the Weiden Municipal Archives was probably derived from one of these large Bible codices. The fragment used to cover the volume with the shelfmark Rentkammer Amberg R 21 matches Rechnung III/109 dating to 1650 in Amberg Municipal Archives. This fragment is supplemented by the fragment preserved in Kloster Ensdorf R 77. Another fragment in Standbuch 138 provides proof that a different source for Bible fragments was a Hebrew psalter manuscript with its Aramaic translation, i.e. the Targum of Psalms.16 A comparison between the text versions of the Masoretic Bible and these manuscripts revealed numerous minor deviations. From this and many similar findings in the European ‘Genizah’ it becomes clear that the text of the Hebrew Bible—even the text of the Torah—was not merely copied or transmitted, as is usually assumed. During the copying process many additions and corrections were inserted and so the texts changed over the time and were constantly studied, copied and compared to other copies of the same text. Of special interest in Amberg are eleven fragments of prayerbooks designed for use on special holydays, i.e. leaves from Mahzorim. They partly preserve the rites practised in Upper Palatinate until the beginning of the modern times and include some previously unrecorded versions of penitential prayers, so-called Selihot, which were recited on special days of fasting and mourning. Thus, in a set of hospital accounts from Depot Wörth 1651 (Fig. 12.3), a penitential prayer is preserved that would have been in common use in the Ashkenazi rite and probably especially in Upper Palatinate.17 Three other fragments contain prayers recited on Yom ha-Kippurim and Rosh ha-Shanah (Sulzbacher Stadt- und Landgericht

16 The number of manuscripts containing Targum on Psalms is relatively small. Cf. on this David Stec, The Targum of Psalms. Translated, with a Critical Introduction, Apparatus, and Notes (The Aramaic Bible, 16) (London, New York: T & T Clark, 2004), p. 21. All the Ashkenazi manuscripts of this Targum are listed in the introduction to this translation and they are dated to the 13th or 14th centuries. 17 For the full text of the Ashkenazi rites, cf. Daniel Goldschmidt (ed.), Mahzor le-yamim noraim le-fi minhage bene Ashkenaz le-khol anfehem kolel minhag Ashkenaz (ha-maʽarvi) minhag Polin u-minhag Tzarfat le-sheʽavar, vol. 2: Yom Kippur (Jerusalem: Koren, 1970), 250–251. 280 andreas lehnardt

Fig. 12.3 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Briefprotokolle Weiden 1068 01. newly discovered hebrew fragments in the state archive 281

8644, Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 1039 and Briefprotokolle Weiden 1068). Other documents of importance to research are three full pages of texts from the Babylonian Talmud (Bavli). Talmud manuscripts, even incomplete or fragmentary, are very rare as a result of the theologically motivated persecution of the Jews which started in medieval times.18 The extent of the persecution and book burning might be reflecting in the fact that only one single text has survived in almost complete form, i.e. the famous manuscript Cod. hebr. 95, preserved in the Bavarian State Library. On the other hand most of the Talmud manuscripts were copied as sepa rate tractates, and that might explain that all other copies of the Talmud were only preserved partially, which means tractate-wise, or in a more or less fragmentary form. Nevertheless, due to the persecution of the Talmud every single leaf of a manuscript of this work is of great importance.19 A register of parish income in Gebenbach (Regierung Amberg Geistli che Sachen 12 01—Notiz: 1658) preserves a page from a Talmud manu script of the Tractate Shabbat, BT Shabbat 103b. The archival document with the shelf label Weidauische Rechnungen 586, Gereuthrechnung from the department of Parkstein dated 1624 to 1625—contains a bifolio with text from BT Yoma 44a–53b. The binding of a Gereuthrechnung dating back to 1628 (shelf label: Weidauische Rechnungen 595) comes from the same manuscript and contains the continuation of the the same tractate, BT Yoma 49ba-53b (Fig. 12.4). From a paleographic and codicological point of view, these Talmud fragments are comparable with pages that I found in the Nuremberg State Archives and which exhibit characteristics of Ashkenazi copies of the 14th century. Finally, the manuscript fragments found in Amberg also include three pages from a codex of the famous legal code Arbaʽa Turim. All fragments come from the first part of this work entitled Tur Orah hayyim, which deals with prayers and holy days and was the most commonly known sec tion of this highly regarded book. Its author was the Cologne-born Yaʽaqov ben Asher, who died in Toledo in 1340. The fragments in Amberg as well as many other manuscripts preserved in Germany are additional proof

18 On the significance of the Talmud fragments found in German archives, cf. also Andreas Lehnardt, “Das Radolfzeller Talmud-Fragment.” Hegau Jahrbuch 64 [Jüdische Kultur im Hegau und am See] (2007): 29–35; and, by the same author: Die Kasseler Tal- mudfragmente (Kassel: Kassel University Press, 2007). 19 Cf. Yaacov Sussman, Thesaurus of Talmudic Manuscripts in Collaboration with Yoav Rosenthal and Aharon Shweka, 3 vols., Jerusalem 2012 (in Hebrew), vol. 1, 11–14. 282 andreas lehnardt

Fig. 12.4 Staatsarchiv Amberg, Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 595. of the authority this work enjoyed among Ashkenazi Jews. The volumes incorporating these fragments are a Palatine mining ordinance, printed in 1619 in Amberg by Michael Forster and account books of the Parkstein town council, also dated 1619 (Pfalz Sulzbach Weidauische Rechnungen 1041, 1042).

Concluding Observations

The events behind the frequent reuse of Hebrew manuscripts in Amberg cannot be reconstructed on the basis of the bindings alone. It is remark able that none of the fragments found in Amberg derived from a Torah scroll. Torah fragments would have been definite proof of the theft of Jew ish documents, as a Torah scroll containing the five books of Moses would traditionally have been regarded as the most sacred possession of a Jew ish community and would certainly never have been sold or neglected. It is possible that the Hebrew manuscripts may have been taken from a local synagogue or a genizah that was unprotected and sold to bookbind ers, but the surviving fragments provide no evidence that this was the case. It thus cannot be excluded that the fragmented codices were once newly discovered hebrew fragments in the state archive 283 the property of a Jewish community or individuals who were expelled or robbed. However, the apparent provenance, the different origins of the volumes preserving them and the age of the Hebrew fragments militates against their exclusive source being the expulsion of the Jewish commu nity from Regensburg.20 While researching Jewish history in Upper Palatinate, however, another potential place of origin in this region came to light. From the middle of the 16th century to the time of the Thirty Years War, Neustadt an der Waldnaab was home to a now almost forgotten flourishing Jewish com munity with a yeshivah that brought forward some notable rabbinic scholars.21 When the Jewish homes were plundered by troops from the army of the Count of Mansfeld in 1621,22 this prosperous community and its academy came to a sudden end. Thus the manuscripts could either have been sold by the plunderers or by people of Neustadt, when they found themselves in financial need. The map below shows that Neustadt lies just in the centre of the assumed place of destruction of these Hebrew manuscripts. Another possibility is that some of the surviving fragments did not orig inate from Upper Palatinate at all, but were brought to the city of Amberg and the Parkstein district by bookbinders from other cities and towns.23 To date, it has not proved possible to link these fragments to a specific place and a specific Jewish community. It must be taken into account, however, that a large number of similar fragments have been also found, for example, in Nuremberg libraries and archives.24 Similar fragments were discovered in files and account books from the cities of Coburg and Fürth as well. Manuscripts and codices, whether in complete condition or damaged, may thus have been brought to Weiden, Amberg and the rest of Upper Palatinate from any of these towns in the early 17th century. The

20 As postulated by Angerstorfer; “Regensburg,” p. 12. 21 Cf. Die Juden in der Oberpfalz, ed. Brenner and Höpfinger, 2–3. 22 Cf. Renate Höpfinger, Die Judengemeinde von Floss 1684–1942 (Kallmünz: Lassleben, 1993), 27. On the historical background of that particular synagogue cf. Hans-Christoph Dittscheid and Cornelia Berger-Dittscheid, “The Jewish Settlement in Floss, Upper Palati nate (Bavaria),” in Jewish Architecture in Europe, ed. Aliza Cohen-Mushlin and Harmen H. Thies, (Schriftenreihe der Bet-Tfila Forschungsstelle für Jüdische Architektur in Europa, 6), (Petersberg: Imhof Verlag, 2010), 175–188. 23 Cf. Annemarie Krauss, “Gemeinschaftsamt Parkstein-Weiden,ˮ in Weiden in der Ober- pfalz. Von den Anfängen bis heute (Assling, München: Hoeppner, 1971), 39–43. 24 Hebrew fragments have been discovered in the state archives, the city library and in the library of the national church archives. Many of them have been found in documents of imperial city origin. 284 andreas lehnardt

Staatsarchiv Amberg, Kartensammlung 180. 1) Waldsassen 2) Kulmain 3) Parkstein 4) Ilsenbach 5) Weiden 6) Waldthurn 7) Freihung 8) Gebenbach 9) Sulzbach 10) Amberg 11) Ensdorf 12) Waldmünchen 13) Seligenporten 14) Wörth newly discovered hebrew fragments in the state archive 285 period of the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648), in particular, appears to have been one in which many manuscripts changed hands, among them also Jewish ones. During this war—after a period of decline—the number of Jews in Weiden increased once again, with up to nine families living there between 1636 and 1640.25 This development, which can be traced back to the changing political situation, may to a certain extent be linked to the increased recycling of Hebrew parchments in the region. Although there is currently no clear evidence as to how and by whom Hebrew manuscripts were brought into the region, the expulsion of the Jews from Regensburg during the 16th century, despite its evidently central importance for Jew ish life in Upper Palatinate, cannot be the sole cause of a phenomenon that is to be observed all over Upper Palatinate and in other parts of Ger many and Europe at that time. It should also be borne in mind that it is likely that the tradition of Jewish manuscript production was effectively discontinued in Germany during the 16th and 17th centuries. As was the case with Christian librar ies, the advent of printing went hand in hand with an increased neglect of hand-written documents; this and the changing political situation may well have contributed to a lower value being placed on manuscripts, with the result that they changed hands more easily. Finally—and this too must be taken into account—their recycling was also acceptable to Jews, since, despite the aforementioned prohibitions, even Jewish books have been found bound in the remnants of manuscripts and bookbindings.26 It is hoped that the continuing research into the Hebrew binding frag ments in Bavaria and other locations such as the adjoining Czech Repub lic, Poland and Austria will throw further light on the historical setting and the origins of these remarkable discoveries.

25 Cf. Wilhelm Volkert and Dirk Götschmann, “Weiden in der Oberpfalz,ˮ in Germania Judaica III: 1350–1519, vol. 2: Mährisch Budwitz—Zwolle, ed. Arye Maimon, Mordechai Breuer and Yacov Guggenheim, (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995), 1559f. 26 This is substantiated by the occasional discovery of Latin and Hebrew fragments in other Jewish book and manuscript archives. Cf. Andreas Lehnardt, Die jüdische Bibliothek an der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz 1938–2008. Eine Dokumentation (Beiträge zur Geschichte der Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz. Neue Folge, 8), (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2010), p. 210.

European Fragments in the Spines of the Book Collection of a Yemenite Community

Michael Krupp

A small Yemenite community decided to have their library holding manuscript collections that they had brought with them from Yemen when immigrating to Israel in 1949, restored and freshly bound. Since the community had no funds, a contract with the book restorer was entered into and it was stipulated that he was to receive the fragments which would be present in the spine of the books as remuneration. A total of 340 fragments have been revealed in the spine of the books of this manuscript collection. They were acquired by me some years ago. As is generally known, the Jewish Yemenite bookbinders did not abide by the prohibition by the rabbis to use sacred texts as material for book binding, but the spine appeared to them as some kind of genizah which enabled them to preserve texts that seemed valuable. In addition, this becomes evident from the fact that they also integrated the smallest paper scraps documenting significant contracts which have little value for a spine of a book, but other documents like Ketubbot and such as well. In doing so, many valuable texts have been preserved as in this ‘Genizah’, including literature which was lost and has only been revealed through the ‘Genizah’ of the Yemenite spines. The extraordinary case that a whole library of a small community has become accessible is particularly interesting. Unfortunately, I did not suc- ceed in ascertaining from which community it came from but supposedly it was a village commune which emigrated en bloc from Yemen and then settled collectively in Israel. The discovered texts give an important insight into the spiritual life of an average Yemenite community. From the texts it becomes apparent how broad the interests of such a community were and the literature it read. Those fragments which do not originate from Yemen give an elo- quent testimony of how large the influence of the Jews in the world on the Yemenite communities was and how many texts from books, mainly from the Mediterranean countries, took hold in Yemen. Particularly high is the proportion of Spanish and Italian manuscripts. Some of the texts written in Sephardi writing may also originate from other countries to which 288 michael krupp

Spanish Jews immigrated after the expulsion of 1492 or before. However, some of the fragments are clearly older and are likely to originate from Spain itself. To begin with, a general overview of the entire volume of the Yeme- nite ‘Genizah’ will be given. Thereafter, the European fragments will be described in detail. More than half of the approximately 340 fragments, namely around 240 fragments, were written in Yemen. Approximately half of the remaining 100 fragments are from Italy, about 30 from Spain or from countries where Sephardi Jews were expelled, and about 20 fragments originate from oriental countries such as Eretz Israel, Egypt, Syria or Turkey. Content-wise there is a predominance of Bible texts, Tag’ (Torah) as well as haftarot, all of which originate from Yemen. 25 documents, contracts and the like, all from Yemen, are available. The subsequent largest group are Midrashim from Yemen and abroad, including the Midrash ha-Gadol and 10 sheets of a very rare Midrash Haftarot, which is otherwise only known from a single manuscript, namely Ms Sassoon No. 1014.1 Moreover, writings by and about Maimonides are high in number: his commentary on the Mishnah in Arabic and the Hebrew translation of this commentary from Italy by Samuel ibn Tibbon, as well as the Mishneh Torah and a commentary on the latter. Biblical commentaries, which include two examples of Rashi’s commentary, also constitute a larger group. Apart from that there are fragments of books on grammar, Kabbalah and medicine, philosophy, ethical writings, halakhic works, responsa, the Zohar and diwans. One curiosity is a letter in Ladino. Almost all fragments are paper fragments, only a few fragments are written on parchment (a dozen).

Fragments from Europe

Zohar Two folios, written in Italy approximately in 1466/67. Written on paper with watermarks: for the watermarks cf. Briquet No. 3709 and 14473 (No. 7).

1 Cf. David S. Sassoon, Ohel David—Descriptive Catalogue of the Hebrew and Samaritan Mss., 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1932), vol. 2, 654–659. european fragments in the spines of the book collection 289

Fig. 13.1 Ms Krupp 1000_13.

Two Fragments of Rashi’s Commentary on the Torah The fragment is separated into two pieces. It was written in Spain in the 14th/15th century (No. 8). The second fragment, one leaf, was written in Italy at the beginning of the 15th century. It preserves Commentary on Gen. 49:5–16 with many variations to the printed text in the common edition (No. 13). (Fig. 13.1) 290 michael krupp

Fig. 13.2 Ms Krupp 1000_14.

Rashi (?) on Ezekiel One leaf, written in Spain around 1440. Written on paper with watermarks (cf. Briquet Nr. 7692). The fragment contains a commentary on Ezek. 11 and 12. The commentary is very similar to Rashi’s commentary on the book of Ezekiel, but not identical with it. There are many variations with the printed text (No. 32). (Fig. 13.4)

Midrash or a Commentary on the Book of Habakkuk The fragment consists of two leaves. It was written in Italy, in the 16th century. One exegesis of a verse is identical to the commentary of Ibn Ezra (No. 14). (Fig. 13.2)

Commentary on the Book of Job Nine leaves from this commentary have been preserved. They are written in a Sephardi script from the 15th century. It matches the commentary of R. Levi ben Gershom, Gersonides (Ralbag), on the first chapter of the book of Job (No. 22). (Fig. 13.3) european fragments in the spines of the book collection 291

Fig. 13.3 Ms Krupp 1000_22.

Commentary on the Torah Six leaves, written in Italy at the beginning of the 15th century. Water- marks, cf. Briquet 6192, Venice approximately 1410. The fragments contain Jehoshua ibn Shueib’s commentary on the parashiyot Va-era and Jitro. Some text is missing between leaf 1 and 2 as well as between 5 and 6. Leaves 3 and 5 consist of a continuous text (No. 30).

Commentary on the Torah One fragment, Spain, 15th century. The fragment has the commentary of Bahya ibn Paquda (11th century) on the tenth chapter of the book of Exo- dus (No. X5). 292 michael krupp

Fig. 13.4 Ms Krupp 1000_32.

Midrash Devarim Rabbah Two leaves, Spain 15th century. The fragments contain the beginning of the version of the Midrash on the book of Deuteronomium (Midrash Devarim Rabbah) that was published by Saul Lieberman(n)2 (No. 24). (Fig. 13.5)

Responsa Two leaves, Italy, beginning of the 15th century. Sefardi script. The paper has watermarks, similar to the marks in G. Piccard, No. 398–426 from the year 1405 until 1434 (No. 18).

2 Cf. Midrash Debarim Rabbah. Edited for the first Time from the Oxford Ms. No. 147 with an Introduction and Note by Saul Liebermann, third edition with additional Notes and Cor- rections (Jerusalem: Wahrmann Books, 1974) (in Hebrew). european fragments in the spines of the book collection 293

Fig. 13.5 Ms Krupp 1000_24. 294 michael krupp

Responsa from Isaac ben Sheshet Two bifolios, Spain, 15th century. Bifolio 1 and 2 contain Responsa that match in the printed version paragraphs 271–274, page 3 and 4 go with paragraphs 294–297. The numbering of the Responsa in the fragment is not identical to the printed edition. Paragraph 295 in the printed edition has in the fragment the No. 109 (No. 12). (Fig. 13.6)

Arbaʽa Turim Two fragments. The first fragment consists of four leaves, written in Italy, in the 15th century. They contain the text of the halakhic code Tur Hoshen ha-Mishpat, paragraphs 72–82. (Nr. 11). The second fragment was written in Spain, in the 15th century. It contains the text from Tur Joreh De’ah, Halakhot Nidda, paragraph 197 (No. X4).

Halakhic Tractates of Unknown Authorship The first text, on four leaves, comes from Spain, 15th century. The text can be compared with Tur Even ha-Ezer, Halakhot Ishut (No. 16). The second text, two bifolios, was also written in Spain, in the 15th century. (No. X3).

Tractate on Medicine Two leaves, Spain, 15th century (No. 29).

Kabbalistic Tractates Two leaves, Spain, 15th century. Probably a commentary to the Siddur of R. David ben Yehudah he-Hassid (Nr. 14).

Commentaries on Pirqei Avot One leaf, Spain or Italy, 15th or 16th century. Commentary on the Mishnah by Maimonides, Pirqei Avot chapter four according to the Hebrew translation by R. Samuel ibn Tibbon. The fragments contain also the original Arabic text. It should be noted that in Yemen also this Hebrew translation has been accepted (No. 40). (Fig. 13.7) The second commentary on Pirqei Avot is from R. Shimon ben Zemah (Rashbaz), on the second chapter. The fragment contains two leaves, written in Spain in the 15th century (No. X6). european fragments in the spines of the book collection 295

Fig. 13.6 Ms Krupp 1000_12. 296 michael krupp

Fig. 13.7 Ms Krupp 1000_40.

Hassagot ha-Rabad Sixteen leaves, Northern Italy around 1466/67. Watermarks Briquet No. 3709 and 14473. Commentary on Yad Hazakah of Maimonides written by R. Abraham ben David of Posquières (No. 10).

David Kimhi, Sefer ha-shorashim Six leaves. Spain, end of the 14th century. Between the first and the second leaves some lines of the text are missing; the rest of the text is continuous. מתה until מעה The leaves contain the explanations of the difficult roots (No. 41).

Natan ben Yehiel of Rome, Sefer he-Arukh Nine leaves, Italy, 13th century. The pages contain the entries on the letters peh until quf (No. 47).3 (Fig. 13.8)

3 They correspond to Aruch completum sive lexicon vocabula et res, quae in libris Tar- gumicis, Talmudicis et Midrashicis continentur, explicans auctore Nathane filio Jechielis, ed. Alexander Kohut, (Wien: Selbstverlag, 1932, reprint Israel: Books Export Enterprises, 1955), vol. 9, 413–414. european fragments in the spines of the book collection 297

Fig. 13.8 Ms Krupp 1000_47.

Genizat Yerushalayim: The National Library of Israel in Jerusalem

Abraham David

A few years ago a project was initiated at the National Library of Israel in Jerusalem (JNL) to search among the holdings of the JNL for Hebrew manuscript fragments which had been removed from book-bindings. This project is still in the initial stages. I am collaborating with Dr. Ezra Chwat, one of the staff members of the manuscript department, who is in the process of analyzing manuscript fragments from the medieval and modern periods. To date, approximately 120 medieval European fragments were identified, most of which appear to have been removed from book bindings. They were stored in boxes for many years, held but neglected as useless material. Four years ago we started to investigate the contents of this ‘rubbish’. From the fragments that have been analyzed thus far, we have uncovered material belonging to every genre of Jewish literature from the High and Late Middle Ages. Our findings follow the patterns reported in similar inventories from Europe: most of our fragments represent liturgy, poetry, biblical texts, rabbinic literature (Mishnah, Talmud and Midrash) and halakhic texts. Kabbalistic and philosophical texts are very rare in Jerusa- lem; to the best of my knowledge, this reflects the results of the census of the European ‘Genizah’ inventories as well. This is noteworthy given that the percentage of Kabbalistic works among extant Hebrew manuscripts is generally quite high. Remarkably there are a lot of fragments from the modern period, which were removed from Oriental and Yemenite bindings. Those are not the purpose of our research project. Two private collectors have contributed significantly to the fragments held in the JNL Manuscript Collection. Mr. Ezra Gorodesky is a long time collector of purportedly ‘useless’ and torn bindings, who has been donat- ing these items to the National Library for many years. Over twenty years ago, the JNL published a catalogue that featured a selection of the fragments from Mr. Gorodesky’s collection.1 A smaller number of medieval

1 It is a bilingual catalogue: Revealed Treasures From The Ezra P. Gorodesky Collection in the J.N.U.L. (Jerusalem: The Jewish National and University Library, 1989). In Hebrew: אוצרות שפונים מאוסף פ. עזרא גורודצקי בבית הספרים )ירושלים, בית הספרים הלאומי .(Hereafter: Gorodesky Collection) והאוניברסיטאי תשמ"ט( 300 abraham david fragments came from the collection of the late Dr. Israel Mehlmann. Many of his treasures—printed editions and manuscripts—have been housed at this library for more than thirty years.2 The project of restoring and scanning the fragments in the JNL’s Manu- script Collection is still in its infancy. Unfortunately our budget inhibits the pace of our progress. As we move forward, there is a good chance of finding many more fragments that remain in bindings at the JNL, particularly in Latin incunabula. I would like to highlight the fragments from five noteworthy medieval and Early modern period compositions, genres and correspondence discovered by our project:

A. Kiryat Sefer by R. Isaac ben Jacob de Lattes (Provence, 1372)

Twenty-seven binding fragments come from a 15th century manuscript of Kiryat Sefer, composed by R. Isaac ben Jacob de Lattes in Provence in 1372.3 This work describes the history of halakhic transmission from the Tannaitic period through the author’s own generation as well as other topics. The sixteen chapters (sheʽarim) in this volume are divided into two sections: Shaʽarei Zion (Chapters 1–15) and Toledot Yitzhak (Chapter 16).4 The fragments in the JNL collection include: responsa by Maimonides that draw on rulings from his Mishneh Torah as well as an interpretation of a section from R. Abraham Ibn Ezra’s commentaries on the Pentateuch (Chapters 14–15). Some of the paragraphs included in these fragments are absent from the Oxford manuscript.5 Only the first chapter of Shaʽarei Zion—comprised of a halakhic genealogy from Adam to R. Isaac’s life- time—has been printed.6 This chapter highlights prominent halakhic figures from 12th- and 13th-century Provence.

2 Mehlman’s collection of printed editions has been catalogued and published: Isaac The Israel Mehlman Collection in the Jewish National and University ספר גנזי ישראל ,Yudlov Library (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984); Shunit Degan, From Dr. Mehlman treasuries at the National and University Library (Jerusalem: The Jewish National and University Library, 2002) (in Hebrew). 3 Jerusalem, National Library Ms. Heb. 40 6780. See: Books from Spain, ed. Rafael Weiser, (Jerusalem: Jewish National and University Library, 1992), No. 63, p. 111. 4 This work is known from two manuscripts: Oxford—Bodleian Mich. 602, Neubauer 1298, copied in the 15th century; and Moscow—Günzburg 1336, which was probably copied a bit earlier. 5 See above, n. 4. 6 Three printed editions of Sha‘arei Zion are extant: In Ozar Tob, edited by Abraham Berliner and David Hoffmann, (Berlin: Julius Benzian, 1878): 54–77; Edition of Solomon genizat yerushalayim 301

B. Responsa by R. Abraham ben David of Posquières

Two fragments from the responsa by R. Abraham ben David of Pos- quières (also known by his acronym, Rabad) came from Ezra Gorodesky’s collection.7 Rabad’s complete collected responsa were transmitted in a unique manuscript whose contents were published under the title Tes- huvot u-Pesakim8 in 1964 by its owner, Rabbi Joseph Kafih.9 Known as one of the greatest Provençal Jewish scholars of the 12th century, Rabad was the main opponent of Maimonides’ halakhic decisions in the Mishneh Torah, which he sharply criticized in his Hassagot Ha-Ra’abad (Rabad’s Critique).10 One of the fragments in Jerusalem includes the closing lines of an otherwise unknown responsum, apparently from this sage. Those fragments have not yet been restored.

Paragraph on “Unclean Hands” by Rabad Gorodesky fragment supplemented in brackets by full text in Teshuvot u-Pesakim, No. 23. Rabad, Teshuvot u-Pesakim, no. 23 Gorodesky fragment מן ]הלכלוך כי אם ברביעית. וא"ת אם בשביל כך למה אמרו מרביעית נוטלין לאחד[ ואפילו לש]נים והיאך מדיחים יפה ברביעית והלא רביעית צריך לאחד, הרי אמרו מוסיפין[ על השני]ים ואין מוסיפין על הראשונים, כלומר צריך להוסיף בשניים עד שיהא כדי רביעית לכל[ אחד ו]אחד בין הראשונים והשניים, אבל בראשונים אין צריך להוסיף כדי שיהא בהן רביעית לכל אחד[

Buber (Jaroslaw 1885); Edition of Shlomo Zalman Havlin published as an appendix to his edition Seder ha-Kabbalah of R. Menahem ha-Meiri, an introduction to Avot tractate (Jeru- salem and Cleveland: Ofek Institute, 1992): 145–180. The last is more complete. 7 Jerusalem, National Library Ms. Heb. 8° 7813. 8 Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kook, 1964. Compare to this edition, number 23, p. 85. 9 Abraham ben David, Teshuvot u-Pesakim (Responsa and decisions), ed. Joseph. Kafih, (Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kook, 1964) (in Hebrew). Some of his responsa are distributed in halakhic collections, including his own, Temim De‘im. 10 In the most editions of the Mishneh Torah, starting with the Soncino 1490 edition, the Hasagot have been included as marginal notes. On Rabad and his intellectual world, see: Isador Twersky, Rabad of Posquières. A Twelfth-Century Talmudist (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 21980). See also a critical review on this monograph by Haym Soloveitchik, “History of Halakhah—methodological issues: a review essay of I. Twersky’s ‘Rabad of Posquières’.” Jewish History, 5/1 (1991): 75–124. On Rabad’s other halakhic works, see: Twersky, Ibid., 68–127. 302 abraham david

ואחד בתחלה], אלא די להם )לשניים( ]לשנים[ ברביעית לעורר הלכלוך מעליהם במקצת הרביעית, והכשר[ הרביעית עולה] לשניהם הואיל ושניהם רוחצים בבת אחת, ואח"כ יבוא רביעית שני על השאר[ וידיח המים המטושטשות מי]דיהם, מ"מ צריך שיהא בה רביעית בבת אחת מן הטעם[ הראשון כדי שיהא כמקוה] טהרה, ושני הטעמים צריכים לזה. ואם יטעון הטוען ויאמר כיון[ שאמרו מוסיפין על השניים ופירש]נו שצריך להוסיף עליהן עד שיהא בהן רביעית לכל אחד[ ואחד בין הראשונים והשניים זה שאמרו] בגמ' דחולין דאמנא ואחזותא קפדינן כלומר שצריך שיהא[ עליו תורת כלי וצריך שיהא עליו מר]אה מחזיק רביעית אבל שיהא בו רביעית לא קפדינן דהא[ תנן מי רביעית נוטלין לשנים אלמא ב]חצי רביעית סגי לחד, אם כן קשיא הא דקתני סיפא[ מוסיפין על השניים אלמא צריך להוסיף] בו עד כדי שיהא בו רביעית, ל"ק מידי דהכי קא אמרינן אשיעורא[ לא קפדינן כלומר אין מקפידין עליהן] שיהא רביעית בבת אחת והא תנן מי רביעית )נטלין( ]נותנין[ לשנים,[ ובשניים מוסיפין עד כדי רביעית], אלמא רביעית אפילו לחצאין סגי, ואמרינן התם ולא היא שאני התם דאתו[

C. A Grabadin medicinarum by Elisha ha-Yevani (Byzantium, 15th Century)

The JNL fragments include six pages from Grabadin, an basic medical manual for physicians and pharmacists, an apothecary’s manual, composed by the physician Elisha ha-Yevani (Elisha the Greek) in the early 15th century Byzantium (likely Adrianople).11 The preserved fragments belong to a manuscript that was copied in the 17th century.12 Additional 17th century binding fragments from that same work were contributed from the collection of Mr. Ezra Gorodesky.13 Another medical text by Elisha ha-Yevani is Mafteah ha-Refuah which was written earlier. It appears that both of these medical manuals were quite popular, given the relatively large number of manuscripts that have been preserved.

11 On Elisha ha-Yevani, see: Ephraim Wust, “Elisha the Greek—A Physician and Philos- opher at the beginning of the Ottoman period.” Pea’mim, 41 (1989): 49–57 (in Hebrew). 12 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. 8° 998. 13 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. 24° 6566. See: Gorodesky Collection, No. 108. genizat yerushalayim 303

It is noteworthy that Mr. Ephraim Wust (the former librarian of the JNL Oriental Manuscript Collection) recently discovered that Elisha the physician is identical with the philosopher Elisha ha-Yevani,14 teacher of the famous 15th century Byzantine Christian philosopher, Georgius Gemistus (better known as Plethon).15

D. Two 16th Century Letters from David of Safed to Two Addressees in Egypt

Two letters by David of Safed sent to Egypt from Safed in the third quarter of the 16th century came from the Gorodesky collection.16 These letters are remarkable since they are both connected to R. Isaac Luria Ashkenazi (better known as Ha-Ari), the great Kabbalist, who lived in Safed from 1570–1572. To set the stage for these letters, I would like to review key events from the life of R. Isaac Luria. Ha-Ari was born in Jerusalem in 1534. When he was eight years old, after his father passed away, his mother brought him to Cairo, where he was raised and spent most of his life until he moved to Safed in 1570. During his brief years in Safed, he founded a dominant Kab- balistic movement, called Lurianic Kabbalah by contemporary scholars.17 R. Isaac Luria passed away in Safed at the age of 38 (in 1572). (Figs. 14.1 and 14.2) Beyond this rough sketch, little else is known about the life of Ha-Ari,18 aside from hagiographical stories in the writings of his pupils.19 Several sources—including fragments from the Cairo Genizah—provide additional information about his years in Egypt, such as his extensive

14 See: Wust, ibid., 49–55. 15 On Georgius Gemistus, see: F. Masai, Plethon et le platonisme de Mistra (Paris: Societe d’edition “Les belles letters”, 1956). 16 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. Heb. 38° 6650, see: Gorodesky Collec- tion, No. 95. 17 A comprehensive bibliographical treatise on Lurianic mysticism has been compiled by Joseph Avivi, Kabbalah Luriana, vol. 1–3, Jerusalem 2008 (in Hebrew). 18 On aspects of Isaac Luria’s life in Egypt, see: David Tamar, Eshkolot Tamar (Jerusa- lem: Rubin Mass, 2002): 3–13 (in Hebrew) (Hereafter: Tamar, Eshkolot); Abraham David, “Halakhah and Commerce in the Biography of Isaac Luria.” Jerusalem Studies in Jewish Thought 10 (1992): 287–297 (in Hebrew) (Hereafter: David, “Isaac Luriaˮ). 19 The hagiographical stories on the Ari are collected in two popular works: Shivhei ha- Ari which was composed by Solomon Shlumil of Dresnitz (Strassnitz) and Toldot ha-Ari. See: Meir Benayahu, Sefer Toldot ha-Ari (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute, 1967); for a review of Benayahu’s work, see: Tamar, Eshkolot, 32–66. 304 abraham david

Fig. 14.1 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. Heb. 38° 6650 1r. genizat yerushalayim 305

Fig. 14.2 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. Heb. 38° 6650 1v. 306 abraham david

involvement in various forms of domestic and international trade.20 In the last generation, certain details about his activity as a Talmud commentator and as a legal authority in Cairo have also come to light.21 The first letter from the Jerusalem collection concerns R. Isaac Luria’s philanthropic activities in Egypt. This correspondence was sent from Safed by a certain “David” in the form of a request for financial assistance, probably for the Jewish community of Safed.22 The second letter was sent from Safed to R. Moses Ibn Asher in Egypt, ,This letter, written in Judaeo-Spanish .(איש צפת) originally from Safed לוריא) deals with international commerce and mentions Luria Ashkenazi without the mention of his first name. So those two letters are ,(א]שכ[נזי joining the other Cairo Genizah documents in reconstructing R. Isaac Luria’s commercial activities in addition his greatness as a spiritual figure. These two letters contribute to the extant documentation about R. Isaac Luria’s commercial involvement and his stature as a spiritual leader. Furthermore they seem to indicate that he was quite affluent. (Fig. 14.3)

E. A Document concerning a Jewish Leader in the Land of Israel

An exceptional document, preserved in the Gorodesky collection, is a Turkish document (written in Arabic script) that was sent to Egypt, probably from the Land of Israel.23 This document sheds new light on the position of Ibrahim, a Jewish leader who is referred to in this document as Ümera el-milla el Yahudiyye, an equivalent title to Emir, which closely corresponds to Nagid the official head of the Egyptian Jewry, Rais al Yahud

20 On R. Isaac Luria’s commercial involvement in business, see: Meir Benayahu, “Docu- ments from the Cairo Geniza on Isaac Luria’s commercial business and on his family in Egypt,” in Sefer Zikkaron le-ha-Rav Isaac Nissim, ed. Meir Benayahu, vol. 4 (Jerusalem: Yad ha-Rav Nissim, 1985), 225–253 (in Hebrew); David, “Isaac Luria,ˮ 292–297; Idem, “Between Ashkenaz and the East in the Sixteenth Century: Ashkenazic Jews in the Land of Israel and Egypt as Reflected in the Cairo Geniza.” in Rishonim we-Ahronim, Studies Presented to Avraham Grossman, ed. Joseph. R. Hacker, Yosef Kaplan, and Benjamin Zeev Kedar, (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 2010): 320, 323–325 (in Hebrew) (Hereafter: David, “Between Ashkenaz and the Eastˮ). 21 See: David, “Isaac Luria,ˮ 287–292. 22 This letter was published in the catalogue of the Gorodesky Collection, p. 15. On this letter, see also: David, “Isaac Luria,ˮ 295–296. 23 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. 38° 6650, was published by Haim Ger- ber, “An Unknown Turkish Document on Abraham Di Castro.ˮ Zion 45 (1980): 158–163 (in Hebrew). genizat yerushalayim 307

Fig. 14.3 Jerusalem, The National Library Ms. Heb. Ms. Heb. 38° 6650 2r. 308 abraham david in Arabic, a position that existed from the latter half of the 11th century24 until the Ottoman conquest.25 This Ibrahim held an analogous role to the Nagid during the Mamluk period. Haim Gerber, who published this document,26 identifies this same Ibrahim as Abraham Castro, well-known from Hebrew and Arabic sources as a prominent figure in Egypt and Jeru- salem after the Ottoman conquest at the beginning of 1517. Although Cas- tro was of Spanish origin, it is not clear whether he was among the Jews who were expelled from Spain in 1492. He exercised great power in Egypt and in Jerusalem as a communal leader as well as an active businessman. Castro held a pivotal economic role, particularly in Egypt; for example, overseeing leasing duties on customs and trade in Alexandria during the early 1520s. Starting in 1520 (perhaps even earlier), he also served as master of the Ottoman royal mint (muallim dar al darb). Jewish and Islamic sources indicate that Abraham Castro resided in Jerusalem starting from the 1530s, where he also played a central role in the economic life of the city’s Jewish community, administering real estate and (probably also) agricultural taxes. Moreover, he was known as a phi- lanthropist who supported individuals and institutions both in Egypt and the Land of Israel. One 17th century Hebrew source suggests that Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent built the walls of Jerusalem from 1537–1541 via his agent, Abraham Castro.27 We further learn from Jewish sources that he developed close relationships with various Jerusalemite sages and that he evinced special interest in Kabbalah. Abraham Castro lived in Jerusalem until his death in 1560.28

24 See: Mark R. Cohen, Jewish Self-government in Medieval Egypt. The Origins of the Office of Head of the Jews, ca. 1065–1126 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980). 25 On the nagidate position in the Mamluk period Egypt, see: Eliyahu Strauss-Ashtor, History of the Jews in Egypt and Syria under the Rule of Mamluks, 3 vols. (Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kook, 1944–1970), index (in Hebrew). On the last Nagid, in the late Mamluk period, see: Abraham David, “On the History of the Sholal Family in Egypt and Eretz Israel at the End of the Mameluk Period and the Beginning of the Ottoman Period, in the Light of New Documents from the Geniza,” in Exile and Diaspora, Studies in the History of the Jew- ish People Presented to Prof. Haim Beinart (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute, 1988), 374–414 (in Hebrew); Idem, “The Involvement of the Later Nagids of Egypt in the Affairs of the Jewish Community in Eretz-Israel.” Te’uda 15 (1999): 293–332 (in Hebrew). See: Abraham David, “The Termination of the Office of Nagid in Egypt and Biographical Data Concerning the Life of Abraham Castro.” Tarbiz 41 (1972): 325–337 (in Hebrew) (Hereafter: David, “The Termination of the Office of Nagidˮ). 26 See above, n. 23, 158–163. 27 Yosef Sambari, Sefer Divrei Yosef, ed. by Shimon Shtober, (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben- Zvi Institute, 1994), 285 (in Hebrew). 28 For an overview of Abraham Castro and his role in 16th century Egypt and Jerusalem, see: Abraham David, To Come to the Land. Immigration and Settlement in Sixteenth-Century genizat yerushalayim 309

Sources attest to two of his sons, Moses and Jacob.29 The latter, R. Jacob Castro (Maharikas), was one of the most important sages in late 16th and early 17th century Egypt.30 From the Cairo Genizah we learn about other members of the Castro family in Egypt and the Land of Israel.31

By way of summary, the process of searching, restoring and trying to locate and analyze manuscript fragments from the bindings at the National Library of Israel is still in its preliminary stages. Up to present, several dozen fragments from the Middle Ages (up to the 16th century) have been identified. This article has focused on a few examples from two groups of fragments: manuscripts in the fields of Halakhah, medicine, and documents. Each item has its own merits. The halakhic and medical fragments include passages that fill lacunae in better known versions of these texts. The documents discussed here shed new light on two famous leading figures from the Jewish communities in Egypt and the Land of Israel during the 16th century.

Eretz-Israel (Tuscaloosa and London: The University of Alabama Press, 1999), 140–141, 225. For studies of specific aspects of his life and work, see: Abraham N. Pollack, “The Jews and the Egyptian Mint in the Times of the Mamelukes and the Beginning of the Turkish Regime.” Zion 1 (1935): 24–36 (in Hebrew); David, “The Termination of the Office of Nagid,ˮ 325–337; Idem, “New Data about Avraham Qastro in Some Cairo Geniza Documents.” Michael 9 (1985): 147–162 (in Hebrew) (Hereafter: David, “Avraham Qastroˮ). During this same period, another Jewish financier by the same name was active in Jerusalem and Egypt who seems to have converted to Islam, see: Amnon Cohen, “Were the Walls of Jeru- salem Built by Abraham Castro?” Zion 47 (1982): 407–418 (in Hebrew); Eliav Shochetman, “Additional Information on the Life of R. Abraham Castro.” Zion 48 (1983): 387–405 (in Hebrew); Benjamin Arbel, Trading Nations: Jews and Venetians in Early Modern Mediter- ranean (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 28–54. 29 See: David, “Avraham Qastro,ˮ 154, 161–162. 30 See: Jacob Samuel Spiegel, “Rabbi Jacob Castro (Maharikas) and his Works.” Alei Sefer 16 (1989–1990): 5–36, 58 (in Hebrew). 31 Abraham David, “New Information on some Personalities in Jerusalem in the 16th Century.” Shalem 5 (1987): 236–243 (in Hebrew); Idem, “Documents from the Geniza on the Castro Family in Egypt in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.” Pe’amim 54 (1993): 117–132 (in Hebrew).

Fragments as Objects: Medieval Austrian Fragments in the Jewish Museum of Vienna

Martha Keil

This article reflects not only current academic research on medieval Austrian bookbinding fragments, but it also presents the tangible results of this project. The permanent exhibit, “Jewish Life in Medieval Austria” at the Museum for Medieval Jewry in Vienna (at the Judenplatz)1— which was organized and then launched in December 2010 by Felicitas Heimann-Jelinek, the curator at that time, and this author—uses medieval Hebrew fragments as symbols, structural means and connective threads, as real and striking representatives of the history as well as of the destruction of once flourishing communities. The findings from the long-standing project, “Hebrew Fragments and Manuscripts in Austrian Libraries” that comprise the core objects of this exhibit have been provided in cooperation with the Austrian National Library.2

Medieval Hebrew Manuscript Fragments in Austria—The Project

The Austrian project, just like the other cooperating projects of “Books within Books,” is dedicated to collecting, digitizing, identifying, analyzing, and describing all medieval Hebrew fragments in our country, in this case, Austrian libraries and archives. This effort was initiated in 1992 by Profes- sor Ferdinand Dexinger (Institute of Judaic Studies, University of Vienna) in partnership with Professor Yaacov Sussmann (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem). During that first decade, until Professor Dexinger’s death in 2002, many collections were catalogued, but very few fragments were described and published.3 In its next phase, 2005–2008, this study was

1 http://www.jmw.at/museum-judenplatz (8.5.2012). 2 I extend heartfelt thanks to Dr. Andreas Fingernagel, Director of the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books at the Austrian National Library, and his team for providing maximal access to this collection and sharing invaluable information on host volumes in a collegial (and non-bureaucratic) environment. 3 For literature on Josef M. Oesch and Alois Haidinger, see “Genizat Austria. Zwischen- bericht zum Projekt “Hebräische Handschriften und Fragmente in österreichischen Bib- liotheken,” in Fragmenta Hebraica Austriaca. Akten der Session “Hebrew Manuscripts and 312 martha keil coordinated by Professor Josef Oesch (Institute of Theology, University of Innsbruck) in cooperation with the Commission for Paleography and Codicology of Medieval Manuscripts of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. During that time, the project expanded rapidly, including the creation of its own website.4 When Josef Oesch retired in November 2008, the project became part of the Institute for Jewish History in Austria and joined the network, “Books within Books—Hebrew Fragments in European Libraries.”5 Long-term projects have both pros and cons. The website is now out- dated, and needs to be both redesigned and revised to reflect state-of-the- art technology. At present, most of its illustrations are in black-and-white, so they will gradually be replaced by color and digitized media. In terms of content, its descriptions and specifications require systematical review and, if required, updates and corrections. At present, the website contains approximately 1800 images of approximately 1000 fragments. Another 100 (or so) fragments that have been catalogued must be identified, described and added to the website. We anticipate that up to 1000 further fragments will be found in the Austrian National Library (whose holdings include the medieval university library), which is conducting its inventory of Hebrew sources and bookbinding fragments independently, though it too is affiliated with the Austrian manuscript project. This process is scheduled over a four-year timeframe, starting with a comprehensive inventory of Hebrew codices and their entries in the HANNA (the German abbreviation for Hand- schriften, Nachlässe und Autographen—manuscripts, assets, and autographs) catalogue, to be completed during 2013. This will be followed by a three-year, multifaceted analysis of Hebrew fragments in its massive inventory of codices and incunabula (2014–2016, projected). In its initial phase, the approximately 450 fragments that were removed in the 1920s and 1930s will be categorized—either anew or in greater detail—and, if possible, will be matched with their former host volumes and entered in

Fragments in Austrian Libraries” des International Meeting der Society of Biblical Literature in Wien, am 26. Juli 2007, eds. Christine Glassner and Josef M. Oesch, (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 783) (Vienna: Verlag der ÖAW, 2009), 11–31, 37, note 11. 4 www.hebraica.at (9.5.2012). This website is currently under reconstruction; its upgraded version will be online in September 2013. 5 http://www.hebrewmanuscript.com/hebrew-fragments-databases.htm (8.5.2012). On the history of the project through 2007, see Oesch/Haidinger, “Genizat Austria,” particularly 11–25. fragments as objects 313 the HANNA catalogue.6 In its second stage, a comprehensive search for manuscripts will be conducted, in an effort to find Hebrew fragments used as binding material. So far, 60 fragments have been found, and it can safely be assumed that the codices and incunabula from the Library of the Old University will bring copious additional findings to light. The next step will be a similar search for fragments in the bindings of printed editions up to the late 16th century. These findings would then be digitized in cooperation with the Library of the University of Graz, where a highly refined photographic technique using prisms has been developed. Upon completion, this project will have achieved a near-exhaustive inventory of fragments in the Austrian National Library. Given the ongoing nature of this project, it is unlikely that surprising new findings will be made, with the possible exception of select parish and private archives. Thus the list of edited finds that was compiled by Josef Oesch in October 2007 accurately reflects the overall status of the Austrian search for Hebrew fragments,7 with the exception of materials discovered in more a recent search (from locations such as Library of the Franciscan Friary in Salzburg and the Archives of Bregenz and Hohenems in Vorarlberg). Moreover, in some libraries, codices have been examined whereas printed editions have not; in such cases, a complementary search is in order. Such endeavors are inevitably time consuming, with unpre- dictable outcomes. On the one hand, the search in the Library of the Can- ons Regular of St. Florian brought to light numerous previously unknown fragments. On the other hand, a review of 700 incunabula in that same collection yielded just a single fragment. The distribution of Austrian fragments according to the main genres of Jewish religious literature resembles the findings in other places. Approxi- mately 25% convey biblical texts from Torah scrolls, Megillot Esther and Bibles (Humashim); while fragments of psalms may have stemmed from prayerbooks, these too have been categorized as bible fragments. Aramaic translations of the Bible (Targumim) and Bible commentaries by Rashi comprise another 3%. Mishnah and Talmud fragments represent 27% of the total, constituting the largest fraction of this inventory (albeit by a

6 While the definitions that were developed by Arthur Z. Schwarz in 1925 provide basic concepts, they can be misleading at times, preventing accurate categorization of host volumes. Arthur Zacharias Schwarz, Die hebräischen Handschriften der Nationalbib- liothek Wien (Leipzig: Strache, 1925). This catalogue is also available online: http://www. manuscripta-mediaevalia.de/hs/kataloge/HSK0780.htm (8.5.2012). 7 Oesch/Haidinger, “Genizat Austria,” 29–31. 314 martha keil slim margin). Talmud commentaries represent 16%, here too dominated by Rashi, plus a few Tosafist commentaries. In contrast, midrashic literature and exegetical commentaries only make up 1% of the findings to date. Discussions of Halakhah and minhagim constitute another 6%—mainly from Hilkhot ha-Rosh by Asher ben Yehiel (ca. 1250–1327), on which Yis- rael of Krems composed annotations (hagahot) in the early 15th century. Liturgy is represented also by 16% of the fragments, especially piyyutim, as well as selections from prayerbooks for festival (mahzorim) and daily use (siddurim). An additional 2% contain liturgical commentaries. The remaining 4% are from varied and less readily identifiable texts, including medical treatises, philosophical essays and business records.8 This body of fragments date from the late 11th century (in two cases) through the early 16th century. Most manuscripts are Ashkenazi in origin, plus a scattering of Italian and Sephardi documents.9 We are unable to discern whether these fragments came from volumes that were actually used by Austrian Jewish communities or whether they arrived in Aus- tria as a commodity, namely recycled parchment. The potential for such “well travelled” fragments reinforces the importance of a pan-European approach to this research. Some Austrian fragments represent previously unknown sources, such as a commentary on Ecclesiastes at the Library of the University of Salzburg, which could only have been authored by Rabbenu Tam or his brother Solomon ben Meir (two of Rashi’s three grandsons), that was identified and published by Simha Emanuel.10 On a par was the spectacular discovery of “a leaf of an unusual and unique Talmudic text,”11 the Scroll of Fasting (Megillat Taʽanit) in the Library of the Benedictine Monastery in St. Paul in the Lavant Valley (Carinthia), found in the binding of Cod. 39c/4, Summa Theologica by Thomas Aquinas, copied in 1424 and bound

8 Almut Laufer, “Überlegungen zu Relevanz und Zielsetzung des Projekts ‘Hebräische Handschriften und Fragmente in österreichischen Bibliotheken’ aus judaistischer Sicht,ˮ in Glassner/Oesch, Fragmenta Hebraica, 33–48, 39f. A more schematic distribution is outlined by Oesch/Haidinger, “Genizat Austria,” 15. 9 For example, an illustration and blessings from a Sephardi Megillat Esther found in Klosterneuburg, Cod. 1455, in Oesch/Haidinger, “Genizat Austria,” 18. Its host volume has not yet been identified. 10 Simha Emanuel, “Fragments of Unknown Biblical Commentaries,” in ‘Genizat Ger- mania’—Hebrew and Aramaic Binding Fragments from Germany in Context, ed. Andreas Lehnardt, (‘European Genizah’: Texts and Studies, 1) (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2010), 207–215, 211–215. 11 Yoav Rosenthal, “A New Fragment of Megillat Ta’anit,” in Glassner/Oesch, Fragmenta Hebraica, 49–59, 51. fragments as objects 315 in Vienna some years later. The Hebrew fragment dates from before 1300, and its analysis was published by Yoav Rosenthal in 2009.12 So far, the unparalleled finding of this project is a Tosafist commentary on the Tal- mud commentary by Meir bar Baruch (Maharam of Rothenburg) on Trac- tate Pesahim, that had been bound within a codex in the Library of the Canons Regular of Klosterneuburg (Cod. 436).13 This codex was finalised by Thomas Paungartner in 1423 and bound in red leather shortly after the Vienna Gezerah in 1420–21.14 Furthermore, Simha Emanuel recently identified the earliest Tosafist autograph found to date by using the aforementioned prism-equipped camera in the library at the University of Graz.15 Additional rare fragments from Austrian libraries are presented later in this paper.

Fragments and Curatorial Design: The Permanent Exhibit at the Museum of Medieval Jewry

The vast majority of fragments in Austria have been found in books that were bound either in the second quarter of the 15th century or in the early 16th century. This timing plainly links these fragments with the forced evic- tions of Jews from Vienna and Lower Austria in 1420–21 and from Styria, Carinthia and Carniola in 1496/97, and the concomitant confiscations of their possessions.16 Six fragments of such provenance are displayed in the exhibition, representing that historical aspect. Among them is a fragment from a Scroll of Esther (ONB Cod. 4039 D2 2a), that had been detached from the collection of sermons, Sermones de tempore, de sanctis et de fes- tis, by Thomas Ebendorfer von Haselbach (1388–1464), the theologian who served as Dean and Rector of the University of Vienna, and the only Christian to chronicle the cruel events of the Vienna Gezerah.17 The very

12 Ibid., and in more detail in Yoav Rosenthal, “A Newly Discovered Leaf of Megillat Ta’anit and its Scholion.” Tarbiz 77 (2009): 357–410 (in Hebrew), and in Vered Noam, “In the Wake of the New Leaf of Megillat Ta’anit and its Scholion.” in ibid., 411–424 (in Hebrew). 13 Laufer, “Überlegungen,” 43. 14 http://www.hebraica.at/_scripts/php/hbf_mssp3.php—select the menu labeled, “Handschriftenfonds”, then “Klosterneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift,” and then Sig- natur: Cod. 436, fol. I. As the website is under construction, please just give the library (Klosterneuburg etc) and the Signature. 15 See the contribution by Simha Emanuel in this volume. 16 Laufer, “Überlegungen,” 34 and 46f. 17 My thanks go to Friedrich Simader (Department for Manuscripts and Rare Books, Austrian National Library) for providing information on this host volume. On Thomas 316 martha keil sight of these fragments makes the visitors realize that even the tiniest and most damaged scrap of parchment represents an entire manuscript that had been handled and read, studied and used in prayer by Jews who lived in and were expelled from our region. The Museum for Medieval Jewry is housed at 8 Judenplatz in Vienna, a building that was built in 1682, whose foundation walls were once part of an earlier structure in the medieval Jewish Quarter. A document from 1379–1381 mentions a certain Rötel of Klosterneuburg as its owner. In 1421, the building was seized by Duke Albrecht V, and later ceded to the City of Vienna.18 The medieval synagogue—excavated in 1995—forms the centerpiece of the museum. Analogous to manuscript folios, stones from the synagogue were misappropriated as construction material for the Faculty of Theology of the Old University on Bäckerstraße, “whose professors had been considerable initiators of the pogrom.”19 Thus, like so many remains found at the Judenplatz archaeological site, the synagogue too was uncovered in a fragmented state. In shaping this exhibit, Felicitas Heimannn-Jelinek and I decided to limit the display to objects that could be clearly traced to this locality. Therefore, reproductions of more visually engaging items from other medieval Ash- kenazi communities, such as the famous wedding ring from Erfurt,20 are

Ebendorfer and his Chronica Austriae from 1463, see Klaus Lohrmann, Judenrecht und Judenpolitik im mittelalterlichen Österreich (Vienna, Cologne: Böhlau, 1990), 302f. and 306. The edition of this chronicle by Alphons Lotzky, Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Scrip- tores (Nova series XIII) (Berlin, Zurich: Weidmann, 1967), is available online: http://www. dmgh.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb00000693_00001.html?sortIndex=010:060:0013:010:00: 00 (8.5.2012). Descriptions of events in Liber Tercius, p. 370f. 18 Reinhard Pohanka, “Der Judenplatz nach 1421,ˮ (see contents: Zur Geschichte des Platzes) in Judenplatz Ort der Erinnerung, ed. Gerhard Milchram, on behalf of the Jewish Museum of Vienna, (Vienna: Pichler, n. d. [2000]), 108–117, 113. The Mandeles, a Jewish family, owned this property from 1862–1942, when it was confiscated; in 1950, the building was turned over to the Jewish Religious Community Vienna which then presented it to the “Misrachi” Society, whose synagogue is currently located on the first floor of the building. Paul Mitchell, Doris Schön, “Zur Bauforschung im Misrachihaus. Ein Haus der Judenstadt im Verlauf der Jahrhunderte.ˮ Wiener Jahrbuch für jüdische Geschichte, Kultur und Muse- umswesen 4 (2000): 111–121, 120f. 19 Pohanka, “Der Judenplatz,ˮ 110; on the excavations and the synagogue, see Heidrun Helgert and Martin Schmid, “Die Archäologie des Judenplatzes,ˮ in Museum Judenplatz zum mittelalterlichen Judentum, ed. Gerhard Milchram, (Vienna: Pichler, n. d. [2000]), 17–49 and Heidrun Helgert and Martin Schmid, “Die mittelalterliche Synagoge auf dem Judenplatz in Wien. Baugeschichte und Rekonstruktion.” Wiener Jahrbuch für jüdische Geschichte, Kultur und Museumswesen 4 (2000): 91–110. 20 A photo of this wedding ring is available online: http://alte-synagoge.erfurt.de/jle/ en/oldsynagogue/exhibition/ (8.5.2012). See Maria Stürzebecher, “Der Schatzfund aus der Michaelisstraße in Erfurt,ˮ in Die mittelalterliche jüdische Kultur in Erfurt, vol. 1: Der fragments as objects 317

Fig. 15.1 www.wulz.cc. not included. Admittedly, we cannot ascertain whether the pottery, toys, comb and other wares found at the Judenplatz excavation belonged to Jewish households or whether the oversized iron key found in its rubble really locked the synagogue door.21 Since the Jewish or Christian origin and use of everyday objects cannot be differentiated, we decided to show the finest available examples, be they whole or fragmentary. Only twice did we commission craftsmen to reconstruct objects, for a mediaeval lute and a wine barrel, respectively. The design of the exhibition room is understated—a 16th-century vault, with a sober atmosphere and natural light (Fig. 15.1 credit: www.wulz.cc). Its central elements are small showcases of equal size, spaced evenly throughout the room. Also, the objects are presented in a modest setting, giving room for the visitors’ own imaginations and thoughts, for their own “mental cameras,” so to speak. A film based about current research on the housing and construction of Vienna’s Jewish Quarter in the Middle Ages is projected continuously, supplying information on individual buildings within the Jewish quarter and their inhabitants, co-existence and conflict with their Christian neighbors and the catastrophic Gezerah of 1420–21.

Schatzfund. Archäologie—Kunstgeschichte—Siedlungsgeschichte, ed. Sven Ostritz, (Wei- mar: Beyer & Beran, 2010), 60–212, with a comparison to other medieval Jewish “treasure troves,” 158–188. 21 For select pictures, see Helgert/Schmid, “Die Archäologie,” 41–43. 318 martha keil

Neither Hebrew nor textual literacy are required for these fragments to communicate their aesthetics, their fragility or their undeniable dev- astation to their viewers. Everyone can witness the traces of violence: manuscripts have been cut into pieces of various dimensions that were then scratched and folded. At first glance, only the destruction of the manuscript, scroll or book is self-evident. After all, such secondary usage was standard practice among bookbinders in the Middle Ages, common to thousands of non-Jewish documents and books as well—an estimated 10% of medieval surplus and reused paper or parchment is of Jewish provenance.22 But when visitors take a closer look at the fragments in this exhibit on Jewish mediaeval history, they easily grasp that Jewish codices and scrolls would not have received such treatment, had their owners had peaceful lives (and deaths) and had their community experienced a prosperous future. For this reason, we chose fragments not only as symbols of the destruction of Medieval Austrian Jewry, but also as reminders of our limited capacity to reconstruct the past. Furthermore these objects serve to evoke topics that cannot be covered in-depth in this rather modest exhibition. For the introductory station, we chose to display eight fragments, each as a representative of a religious or scholarly aspect of Medieval Jewish life: 1) Holidays by Megillat Esther (mentioned above);23 2) Mysticism by a messianic remark from a colophon on a commentary to Hilkhot Bedikot (or Trefot: laws for examining the ritual slaughter of animals): “Here Hil- khot Bedikot are concluded. May the One who is in the highest realm send us the Messiah, at this time may he flourish.” This fragment was found in a theological codex from of the first half of the 15th century.24 Almut Laufer (Jerusalem) discovered that this colophon by a certain Rabbi Tev- len did not relate to the fragment’s content, but concluded the preceding paragraph (which was not preserved). The visible text was composed in the mid-14th century and has also been preserved in the Hilkhot Trefot of Ms Parma 2226 (= de Rossi 148), dated 1491–92. This fragment shows a clear association to the Austrian context through its mention of the “Wise One of Austria” in the main text and of Rabbi Abraham Klausner of

22 Glassner/Oesch, Fragmenta Hebraica, 5; Laufer, “Überlegungen,ˮ 33f. 23 See footnote 17. 24 Austrian National Library, Cod. 4818_ONB_C34_2b. Henricus Gandavensis: Quod- libeta 15 theologica, first third of the 15th century, Vienna, provenance: University of Vienna. fragments as objects 319

Vienna (died 1408) in a marginal note.25 3) Scientific pursuits are symbolized by a medical fragment (discussed in detail below); 4) Local religious practices (minhagim) are represented in a section from Hilkhot Niddah (laws of female impurity) by Eleʽazar ben Natan of Mainz (1090–1170):26 5) Liturgical poetry is denoted by a register of piyyutim whose date of origin and provenance have not yet been determined;27 6) Scholarship is symbolized by a commentary of Rashi;28 7) Halakhah by a fragment from Bavli, Ketubbot;29 and, 8) Prayer is represented by a slender strip from a siddur.30 In the process of selecting these objects, we also took aesthetic criteria into consideration, such as varying the forms and sizes of these fragments. For each of the eight stations in this section, we present a subject which reflects Jewish life in medieval Austria and the linguistic and cultural topography of Ashkenaz, and which could be represented through contextualized objects. We developed a common group of elements for each station: an introductory text, one or more objects, one document,

25 Benjamin Richler, Hebrew Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Palatina in Parma. Cata- logue. Palaeographical and Codicological Descriptions Malachi Beit-Arié (Jerusalem: Jew- ish National and University Library, 2001), 199f, nr 880, Parma 2226 = De Rossi 148, 3. Ff, 58v–62v, Laws of trefah. Written description (by correspondence via e-mail, unpublished) by Almut Laufer from 28.10.2010. 26 Sefer Raʽavan, Even ha-Ezer, Nidda, § 337. http://www.hebraica.at/_scripts/php/ hbf_mssp3.php, select the menu labeled, “Handschriftenfonds,” then “Salzburg, Univer- sitätsbibliothek (UB),” and then Signatur: Fragm. M II 293, 1r–2v. As the website is under construction, please just give the library (Salzburg etc) and the Signature. Copied in square 13th–14th century Ashkenazic script; UB Salzburg, Fragm. M II 293, 2r: back fly leaf of the incunabulum W III 178: Vivianus: Casus longi super Digesto Veteri. [n.p., n.d.] and others. Cover circa 1497, provenance: Bibliotheca Aulica Salisburgensis, removed in 1928. 27 Register of piyyutim: Austrian National Library, ONB_A79_2_1v, removed from Cod. 3806: Quaestiones primi libri ex Summario theologiae. 15th century, Vienna. Probably bound in Vienna during the 15th century, later Mondsee Abbey. 28 Rashi, Commentary on Psalms: Austrian National Library, ONB_A32_4_3r, removed from Cod. 4615: Thomas Ebendorfer de Haselbach: Sermones ad vulgus per circulum anni diebus dominicis, second quarter, 15th century—Vienna, Faculty of Arts of the University of Vienna. This fragment is also from the oeuvre of Thomas Ebendorfer (reference provided by Friedrich Simader, Austrian National Library). 29 http://www.hebraica.at/scripts/php/hbf_mssp3.php, As the website is under construction, please just give the library (Melk etc) and the Signature. Select in Handschriften- fonds “Melk, Benediktinerstift”, select in Signatur: Fragm. IV, fol. 1r–2v (2r). Removed from incunabulum P 682, which contains two early printed books: 1) Iustinianus: Institutiones. With the Glossa ordinaria of Franciscus Accursius. Venice: Andreas de Soziis 1484, and 2) Díaz de Montalvo, Alonso: Repertorium quaestionum super Nicolaum de Tudeschis. Nuremberg: Anton Koberger, circa 1485. Provenance: library of the Benedictine Abbey Melk. 30 Austrian National Library, ONB_A81_3_1a(1r): not mentioned in Schwarz, Die hebräi schen Handschriften, its host volume has not yet been identified. 320 martha keil one medieval illumination and, of course, one fragment. Aural input was placed on equal footing with the visual aspect of this display: an audio guide provides original Jewish and some Christian sources, translated into German, with a special audio guide available for children that is read by youngsters. Naturally, English translations are provided for all texts as well. The title of each station begins with an introductory quote followed by its theme, which is expanded in the narrative available through the audio guide. The headings and representative fragment for each station are as follows:

1) “Jews and other merchants . . . ”—The Emergence of Austrian Jewry: features a fragment from a Pesah Haggadah,31 as the earliest text on Jewish migration. 2) “. . . share our favor and good will.”—Historical background of Jewish Life in the Middle Ages: with a very severely damaged fragment from a Pentateuch32 symbolizing the essence of Jewish existence. 3) “We, the Jews of the community of Vienna, announce . . .”—The Struc- ture of the Jewish Community: with a fragment from Bavli Eruvin33 as a sign of constructing Jewish space. 4) “A little sanctuaryˮ—The Synagogue: with a fragment of a mahzor for Pesah.34 5) “ . . . take care of your students.”—Teaching and Learning: with a blank section of parchment.35 This ironic choice is actually a compromise on our part because, as will be explained below, the fragment that we had originally chosen for this station turned out to be unsuitable for this exhibit. 6) “What maintains the Torah . . .”—Means of Income. In the Austrian National Library, we found an intact parchment scroll from a medieval

31 Austrian National Library, ONB_A72_1_1r: not mentioned in Schwarz, Die hebräi schen Handschriften, its host volume has not yet been identified. 32 Austrian National Library, ONB_A9_1_1r: (= Cod. hebr. 229): its host volume has not yet been identified. 33 Austrian National Library, ONB_A34_1_1r; host volume: Cod. 4358—Theological composite manuscript, around 1420/30—Vienna. Provenance: bound in Vienna, later in the Library of the University of Vienna. 34 Austrian National Library, ONB_A73_1_1v; its host volume has not yet been identified. 35 Austrian National Library, ONB_Cod.4813_C32_1v. Even this small piece of parchment was removed from a codex: Cod. 4813: Thomas de Aquino OP: Summa theologia: Pars III., 15th century; Provenance: University of Vienna. fragments as objects 321

mezuzah (to reiterate, not a fragment),36 which stands for the profession of the sofer, the scribe of holy texts. Its provenance is unknown. 7) “It is the custom to arrange everything in a beautiful manner . . .”—Cel- ebrations: Here, of course, we chose the famous illuminated ketubbah fragment from Krems 1391 (Cod. hebr. 218 in the Austrian National Library), the sole known illuminated medieval Ashkenazi ketubbah.37 The identities of the bridal couple, who are only referred to by their Hebrew names, have not been historically verified, though hypotheses exist: The groom, Shalom ben Menahem (Hebrew: the consoler, German: der Tröster) could be a son of Tröstl, from the Walich family of Vienna. The name of the bride, Tzemah bat Aharon (Hebrew: sprout), could correlate to the German name, Blümel; if so, she might be the daughter of “Aaron von Krems,” as the art historian, Karl-Georg Pfändtner, has suggested.38 However, if Pfändtner is referring to Rabbi Aaron Blümlein von Krems, who died as a result of torture during the Vienna Gezerah in 1421, his daughter would have been married first to Shalom, then to Murklein (or Merklein) von Marburg/Maribor; for on April 27, 1442, she wrote a business document as a widow (“Ich Plumel die Judin maister murckleins wittib zu marchburg.”) and signed it in Hebrew with the words “Plimel, Tochter des Rabbiners Aharon des Märtyrers, seligen Andenkens.”39 (Plimel, daughter of Rabbi Aha- ron the martyr, of blessed memory). Even if these identifications are

36 Austrian National Library, ONB_E1_1. 37 See an image in Markus J. Wenninger, “Nicht in einem Bett, aber doch auf einer Hochzeit. Zur Teilnahme von Christen an jüdischen Festen im Mittelalter,ˮ in Nicht in einem Bett. Juden und Christen in Mittelalter und Frühneuzeit, ed. Institute of Jewish History in Austria, (Juden in Mitteleuropa 2005) (St. Pölten: self publishing, 2005), 9–17. Online: http://www.injoest.ac.at/upload/JudeninME05_2_9–17.pdf (9.5.2012), 16. On this ketubbah, see Martha Keil, “Gemeinde und Kultur—Die mittelalterlichen Grundlagen jüdischen Lebens in Österreich,ˮ in Eveline Brugger, Martha Keil, Christoph Lind, Albert Lichtblau, Barbara Staudinger, Geschichte der Juden in Österreich (Österreichische Geschichte, 15) (Vienna: Ueberreuter, 2006), 15–122, 37f, image on p. 38, earlier literature p. 575, footnote 96. See also ‘Genizat Germania’, ed. Lehnardt, Fig. 2. 38 Karl-Georg Pfändtner, “Ketubah,ˮ in The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Histo- risches Museum der Pfalz Speyer, (Speyer: Hatje Cantz, 2004), 196, picture on p. 197. This ketubbah fragment was removed from Cod. 4660, a manuscript that was also written in the 15th century. Provenence: Old University of Vienna. 39 Steirisches Landesarchiv Nr. 5790, 27. April 1442. This record of Jewish women sign- ing documents in Hebrew is rare for its level of personal agency and knowledge of Hebrew, indicating a high level of education. See Martha Keil, “Business Success and Tax Debts: Jewish Women in Late Medieval Austrian Towns,” in Jewish Studies at the Central European University II (1999–2001), ed. Andras Kovács and Eszter Andor, (Budapest: Central Euro- pean University, 2002), 103–123, 108–111. 322 martha keil

not accurate, whoever commissioned this resplendent ketubbah was undoubtedly a member of the upper echelon of the Jewish community at that time. 8) “. . . and the goy himself puts the wine in the cellar.”—Interaction between Jews and Christians: This fragment is from a Hebrew-French glossary of Psalms and Proverbs that Franz Staller (Linz) is currently preparing for publication. The transfer of language and culture that characterizes this text is illustrated by this example: the first line of ;(it [the grass] will be cut” (Psalm 90:6“ :ימולל the right column reads and the first line of the middle column provides its translation in sera“—שרא דטיילי ,Old French, rendered in Hebrew transliteration détaillé.”40 In this way, medieval Hebrew fragments are utilized in every station of this exhibit as an integral structural element.

Two Exciting New Fragments

I will now present two fragments in greater detail, one that represents medical practice in the introductory station of the exhibition and another that was initially intended for the station on “Teaching and Learning,” but was subsequently removed. Both provide new insights into Austrian and Ashkenazi medieval history and each tells a unique story.

1) A Medical Fragment In 2009, Alois Haidinger discovered a relatively large fragment in the binding of a Codex of Ennarationes (explanations) composed by Augustine on Psalms, in the Library of the Canons Regular of St. Florian (Upper Austria). This text initially raised many questions.41 After consultation with Profes- sor Tzvi Langermann (Bar Ilan University), an expert on medical texts, Almut Laufer placed this fragment in a medical context, determining it to be a Hebrew translation, Bidi‘at ha-sheten, of the Arabic Kitāb al-baul a

40 Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Tirol, Innsbruck, Ink. 107 D. 10, Fragm. 1b. This host volume has not yet been described. Research from throughout Europe has brought to light several additional glossaries of this type. See the contribution by Tamas Visi and Magdaléna Jánošíková in this volume. 41 This fragment has not been removed from its host volume. Host volume: Canons Regular St. Florian Cod. XI/3, 3: Augustine: Enarrationes in psalmos, 3rd part, 14th century. Provenance: old inventory St. Florian. fragments as objects 323

Fig. 15.2 St. Florian, Cod. XI/3, 3. medieval manual on the medical analysis of urine by Yitzhak ben Shlomo ha-Yisraeli (Egypt and Tunisia, circa 850–920). This sizeable fragment consists of two bi-folios but, unfortunately, each of them was cut in two vertically; therefore, only half of this text remains. The library would not permit this fragment to be removed from its host volume, but did allow its reproduction (Fig. 15.2 Cod. XI/3, 3; Canons Regular of St. Florian). This fragment consists of an introduction, table of contents and ten chapters, referred to as “gates” (sheʽarim). The text appears to be in a 14th- century cursive script, and is written by two different hands. We have no knowledge of the translator, but three other Hebrew copies of this text have been preserved, two of Italian origin, now in Paris and Glasgow,42 and one Sephardi in Paris.43 Given that the manuscript fragment and the host codex both date from the 14th century, they lack any connection to the Viennese Gezerah which also affected the Jewish communities

42 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 1125 from 1324 and Glasgow University Library Hunt. 477 from 1489. 43 1436, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 1186. Researched by Almut Laufer (Jerusalem). 324 martha keil of Upper Austria. How the fragment arrived in St. Florian is beyond our knowledge.

2) A Hebrew Alphabet When searching for a fragment which could represent “Teaching and Learning,” I was delighted to find a fragment on our website which displays the Hebrew alphabet along with German transliteration, as if someone had been practicing his penmanship. The fragment served as the front pastedown of an incunabulum from 1484, from the holdings of St. Peter’s Archabbey in Salzburg.44 The same year appears at the end lower section of the front pastedown (VDS1): hebraice 1484. The text is in brown ink on a paper bi-folio that measures 270 × 425, with writing on one side, rotated 90 degrees and glued on. The upper section (VDS2) of the front pastedown has the Hebrew alphabet as its heading, with each letter framed above by its German equivalent and by its Hebrew name below. Beneath the alphabet are lines that seem to be practice writing or instructions for study in Hebrew let- tering: the first line presents male first names Hans, Hermann, Walther, Michel, Simon; the second line lists craftsmen—Goldschmied (goldsmith), Weber (weaver) Schuster (shoemaker), Schneider (tailor), Zimmermann (carpenter); the third line has words that begin with “u” (alef-vav)—uns (us), unrecht (wrong), undertenig (subservient), the name Ulrikus; the fourth line shows words that start with the letter vav—wasser (water), fest (strong or feast), wetter (weather), weil (because), viel (a lot), vell or fell (wave or fur), the name Valentin, fischer (fisherman); the fifth line continues with words starting with alef-yud: ich (I), yst (is), yzunt (now), ynwenig (inside) or eyn wenig (a little bit), ynniglich (dearly), and ytem (probably Latin: therefore, so). In each of these five lines, the corresponding German letter appears above each Hebrew one. The last line is comprised of male first names once more: Jacob, Jobst, Jorg, Johannes, Jeronimus, Judeus. The following row repeats the alphabet, but this time with the numerical value written above each letter. This vocabulary and selection of names

44 http://www.hebraica.at/_scripts/php/hbf_mssp3.php, select in Handschriftenfonds “Salzburg, Erzabtei St. Peter”, select in Signatur Ink. 182, VDS. As the website is under construction, please just give the library (Salzburg etc) and the Signature. Its description needs to be corrected: The fragment in Incunabel 182 is glued to the inner face of the board. This volume contains manuscripts from Jacob de Forlivio, Exposi- tio in I librum canonis Avicennae, Venetiis, [1479] and Dinus de Mugello, De regulis juris. -Venetiis: Andreas Papiensis, 1484. fragments as objects 325

Fig. 15.3 Salzburg, Archabbey St. Peter Ink 182 (Ave Maria). do not suggest a Jewish milieu or Yiddish as the primary language of its copyist or author. The bottom row on the first folio of the front pastedown confirmed our suspicions unambiguously, where “Ave Maria, gratia plena, Dominus tecum” (Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee) is written in bold square letters (Fig. 15.3 Salzburg, Archabbey St. Peter, Ink. 182_VDS1). This quotation proves Christian provenance, perhaps clerical or monastic, and led to our recognition that this fragment could not be on display to illustrate Jewish learning and teaching (!). Having become disqualified for its initial purpose in our exhibition, the question of the origin and usage of this fragment remained. Two instructional booklets on reading Hebrew that were published somewhat later suggest a setting whose scholars included German humanists and Christian Hebraists.45 In 1514, the humanist Johannes Böschenstein had his 12-page Latin booklet, Elementale introductorium in Hebraeas litteras teutonice et hebraice legendas, printed in Augsburg.46 In its introduction,

45 I am indebted to Christoph Cluse for bringing these two manuscripts to my attention (Arye Maimon-Institut für Geschichte der Juden, University of Trier). 46 Johannes Böschenstein, Elementale introductorium in Hebraeas litteras teutonice et hebraice legendas (Druckwerk) (Augsburg: Auguste Oeglin, 1514), Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München, Signatur: 4 Exeg. 8a: online: http://dfg-viewer.de/show/?set%5Bimage%5D=1& set%5Bzoom%5D=default&set%5Bdebug%5D=0&set%5Bdouble%5D=0&set%5Bmets% 5D=http%3A%2F%2Fdaten.digitale-sammlungen.de%2F~db%2Fmets%2Fbsb00012999_ 326 martha keil

Böschenstein, who was born in Esslingen in 1472, states explicitly that he was not from Jewish origins, though he had been taught the basics of Hebrew by Rabbi Moshe Möllin of Weißenburg.47 Böschenstein explains that he then continued his studies with the famous humanist, Johannes Reuchlin. In 1505, Böschenstein began teaching Hebrew in Ingolstadt; then, in 1514, he began teaching in Augsburg where, at the request of his students and at Reuchlin’s insistence, he authored his introduction to Hebrew letters. Based on that booklet and a Hebrew Grammar that he had also published, he earned the nickname “The Second Revivalist” of the Hebrew language, after Reuchlin. In November 1518, Böschenstein began as a Hebraist at the University of Wittenberg, but he soon had a falling out with Martin Luther and departed from both the university and the city in early 1519.48 As in the case of the Salzburg fragment, here too the Hebrew alphabet is accompanied by German transliteration, letter by letter (i.e., b, d, etc.), but without letter names (bet, dalet). For practical purposes, Böschenstein had the most central Christian prayers such as The Lord’s Prayer, Credo and Magnificat printed in Hebrew translation as well as in their Latin originals and German translations. All Hebrew characters were printed in square (block) script, since cursive letters were not yet available for the printing press.49

mets.xml (8.5.2012) or use the link http://opacplus-bib-bvb.de, simple search: Johannes Böschenstein. 47 Not to be mistaken for the father of the famous Rabbi Jacob ben Moshe ha-Levi of Mainz, who is presumed to have died circa 1387 in Nuremberg. Germania Judaica III: 1350–1519, vol. 2: Mährisch Budwitz—Zwolle, ed. Arye Maimon, Mordechai Breuer and Yacov Guggenheim, (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995), 802, Nr. 38. 48 Hans-Jürgen Zobel, “Die Hebraisten an der Universität zu Wittenberg (1502–1817),ˮ in Altes Testament—Literatursammlung und Heilige Schrift: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Ent- stehung, Geschichte und Auslegung des Alten Testaments, ed. Hans-Jürgen Zobel, (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentlichen Wissenschaft, 212) (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 1993), 201–228, 206. Luther referred to him in the third-person as “Erzjude” in a letter (iudaeissimus; ibid., 207, footnote 46). Scheible mentions an anecdote by Melanchthon about Böschenstein’s suspected ancestral line. See: Heinz Scheible, “Reuchlins Einfluß auf Melanchthon,ˮ in Reuchlin und die Juden, ed. Arno Herzig and Julius H. Schoeps, in cooperation with Saskia Rohde, (Pforzheimer Reuchlinschriften, 3) (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1993), 123–149, 132–134. 49 Böschenstein, Elementale introductorium, without page numbers: [6] and [8]: Hebrew alphabet with German transliteration and begadkefat [9]: vowels [7]: vocabulary and names, such as Martin and Pater, in Hebrew letters [12]: The Decalogue [14]: The Lord’s Prayer in Hebrew translation [15]: Credo in Hebrew translation, [16f.]: Magnificat (Luke 1:46–55) in Hebrew translation, being, however, a retranslation and not the underlying text, the Song of Hannah, 1 Sam. 2:1–10. fragments as objects 327

Almost 30 years later, in 1543, the German “Elemental- oder Lesebüch- lein” (Elementary or Reading Booklet) by Paul Helicz50 was published in Hundsfeld, Silesia (today’s Wroclaw). The author’s background differs from that of Johannes Böschenstein. Helicz was born into a family of Jew- ish printers in Cracow in the early 16th century; together with two of his brothers, Paul converted to Catholicism then, circa 1540, to Protestant Christianity. In that same year, he printed the Lutheran translation of the New Testament in Hebrew characters and, three years later, his Hebrew reader.51 Helicz aimed to facilitate his Christian readers᾽ understanding of Jewish missives and letters of obligation as well as their calendrical and numerical system, to render Jewish business practices more transparent. This booklet’s use of cursive script, presentation of the name of each letter (p. 3), inclusion of German words transcribed in Hebrew letters (p. 6) and definition of each letter’s numerical values (p. 8) all underscore its similarity to the Salzburg fragment. This content is followed by more complex numbers and a Jewish calendar (pp. 11–13). Paul Helicz includes three texts in Hebrew transliteration for the purpose of practicing reading and writing: the German translation of The Lord’s Prayer (p. 14), a send brif (missive) that announces a fair (p. 14f ) and a letter of obligation (p. 15f ). The latter version of the alphabet in particular demonstrates that the Salzburg fragment is relatively early but certainly not unique. Given that its host volume was written in St. Peter’s Archabbey, we can posit with confidence that the author was a cleric. Whether he was a humanist and Hebraist as Böschenstein or had come from a Jewish family like Paul Helicz, whether he concentrated on the study of the Hebrew Bible or had planned to teach Hebrew language remain open questions, for the fragment will not disclose all its secrets. As with each fragment in this exhibition, this one should be considered a representation of the history of an irretrievably destroyed Jewish community that cannot be reconstructed.

50 Elemental- oder Lesebüchlein des Paul Helicz, printed in Hundsfeld in 1543. Repro- duction based on the exemplar in the Municipal Library of Breslau, ed. Verein Jüdisches Museum Breslau, (Breslau, no publisher given, 1929). 51 Ibid., “Introduction,” without page numbers, by Max Silberberg.

Index of Persons

Abate, Emma, 6, 196, 228, 237, 239, 247 Benet, Belshom, 167 Abraham ben David of Posquières, 296, 301 Benet, Yitzhak, 157 Abraham Ibn Daud, 84 Berger-Dittscheid, Cornelia, 283 Abraham Ibn Ezra, 257, 300 Berliner, Abraham, 300 Abraham Klausner of Vienna, see Klausner, Bethlen, Gabriel, 193 Abraham Betz, Dorothea, 14 Adret, Shelomo, 157 Blasco Orellana, Meritxell, 104, 148, 150, 161 Adrianus, Matthäus, 16 Blau, Moshe Yudah, 34, 37 Albani, Paolo, 12 Blümlein, Aron, of Krems, 321 Albrecht V, Duke of Austria, 316 Boada, Enric Mateu, 153 Aleandro, Girolamo, 241 Boccaccio, Giovanni, 245 Aleixandre, Teresa, 153 Bocskay, Stephen, 192, 209 Alfasi, see Isaac ben Jacob Alfasi Boethius, 217 Ambronn, Karl-Otto, 271 Boháček, Miroslav, 207, 222 Ananies, Astruc, 156 Bompaire, Marc, 97, 108, 110 Andor, Eszter, 321 Bonafed, Arnal Shelomo, 156, 177 Angerstorfer, Andreas, 271, 273, 283 Bonassan, Ferrer, 157, 177 Aquinas, Thomas, 314 Bondia, Falcó, 157 Aristotle, 240, 241 Bonet, Astruc, 156 Armstrong, Lawrin, 156 Bonfil, Robert, 85 Asher ben Yehiel, 21, 27, 314 Bonjudà, Shelomo, 157 Ashkenazi, Samuel Jaffe, 246 Bonjudà, Yitz(h)ak, 156f, 171, 173 Assis, Yomtov, 157, 159 Bonsenyor, Bonitsac, 157 Astruc, Bonassan, 157 Böschenstein of Esslingen, Johannes, Astruc, Charles, 238 324–327 Astruc, Yossef, 157 Bouthilier, Jean, 264 Atsmies, Bonastruc, 157 Brenner, Michael, 271, 283 Aurelius, Flavius Magnus, 217 Breuer, Mordechai, 285, 326 Avneri, Zvi, 269 Brugger, Eveline, 187, 321 Avivi, Joseph, 303 Bruna, Yisrael, 185f, 208 Avram, Benet, 156 Buber, Salomon, 71–78, 301 Burnett, Stephen G., 239 Baer, Fritz, 157 Baer, Seligman, 200 Cabrera Morales, Francisco, 241 Bahya ibn Paquda, 291 Cabrit, Astcapat, 157 Barack, Karl August, 44 Cabrit, Avram, 156 Baraldi, Luca, 2, 21, 240 Čáda, František, 207, 222 Bartholomew of Bruges, 101 Calzolari, Roberta, 19 Barukh (a copyist), 45, 62, 66, 68 Campanini, Saverio, 5, 19–21, 239, 248, 250 Bassfreund, Jacob, 26 Canetti, Luigi, 20 Bédarida, Henri, 238 Caroli, Martina, 20 Beerbohm, Max, 11f Casanovas, Jordi, 150 Beit-Arié, Malachi, 48f, 52, 55, 61, 70, 85, Casas, Montserrat, 153 195, 256, 259, 261, 319 Castro, Abraham, 308 Bejarano, Ana María, 149 Castro, Jacob, 309 Belshom, Yossef, 157 Celani, Enrico, 238 Benet, Belshom, 156 Cermanová, Iveta, 186, 243 Ben Shammai, Haggai, 84 Chacón, Alfonso, 241 Benayahu, Meir, 303, 306 Christfels, Philipp Albrecht, 24 330 index of persons

Chwat, Ezra, 210, 228, 299 Durantis, Guilelmus, 264 Clement VI, Pope, 126 Dyrčík, Miroslav, 189, 196 Clement VII, Pope, 103 Cluse, Christoph, 325 Ebendorfer von Haselbach, Thomas, 315, Cohen, Amnon, 309 319 Cohen, Astruc, 156 Eberhard, Winfried, 241 Cohen, Mark R., 308 Egidio of Viterbo, 238 Cohen-Mushlin, Aliza, 261, 283 Ego, Beate, 14 Conat, Abraham, 86, 88 Eidelberg, Shlomo, 119 Coulet, Noël, 97 Elbl, Ivana, 155 Crawford, Timothy G., 277 Elbl, Martin M., 155 Cresques, Shemuel, 151 Elbogen, Ismar, 256, 277 Eleʿasar ben Natan of Mainz, 319 Dahan, Gilbert, 123, 258 Eleazar ben Anani, 88 Dan, Joseph, 248, 258 Elijah ben Menahem, 257 David ben Yehudah he-Hassid, 294 Elisha ha-Yevani (Elisha the Greek), 302f David ben Josef Kimhi, 296 Emanuel, Simha, 1f, 5, 16, 37, 87, 198–200, David ben Rabbi Kalonymus of 204, 210, 240, 255, 273, 314f Münzenberg, 38 Embach, Michael, 2, 26, 273 David of Safed, 303, 306 Emery, Richard W., 98, 153 David, Abraham, 7, 87, 186, 193, 210, 228, Engel, Alfred, 186 303, 308f Engel, Edna, 70, 83, 205f Davidson, Isaac, 89, 199, 201, 213f, 217f, 220, Ephraim ben Jacob of Bonn, 258 222, 224f, 227, 229f, 232, 257, 261 Erenyi, Zvi, 258 De Bellcaire, Shelomo, 157 Escapat, Bonjudà, 157 De Cal Ramont, Vidal, 157 De Florentia, Thaddaeus, 101 Falcó, Belshom Moshe, 156, 173 De Fontcoberta, Joan, 177 Falcó, Yossef, 156, 170, 172, 175 De Gese, Simona, 247 Feliu, Eduard, 152 De Hamel, Christopher, 55 Fernández-Cuadrench, Jordi, 153f, 159, 168 De Maestre, Bonastruc, 156 Fingernagel, Andreas, 311 De Medina, Samuel, 16 Finkelstein, Louis, 38 De Rossi, Giovanni Bernardo, 25 Fleischer, Ezra, 31, 258, 261 De Vesoul, Héliot, 99, 109 Flusser, David, 83f, 86, 88, 89f De Villa Nova, Arnoldus, 102 Forlivio, Jacob de, 324 Deane, Aylmer, 12 Forster, Michael, 282 Della Bella, Paolo, 12 Fraenkel, Avraham, 38 Della Gazzaia, Tommaso, 110 Fraenkel, Yona, 71, 201, 246 Demézières, Louis, 43 Franchi de’Cavalieri, Pio, 238 Denjean, Claude, 97f, 118, 153 Franci, Rafaella, 110 De Rossi, Giovanni Bernardo, 25 Freddi, Sylvan, 262 Despont, Pere, 156 Freehof, Solomon B., 16 Deutsch, Simon, 27 Fregni, Euride, 16 Dexinger, Ferdinand, 311 Friedman, Mordechai A., 32 Di Capua, Angelo, 238f Fuchs, Abraham, 186 Di Castro, Abraham, 306 Fuchs, Achim, 271 Di Cesare, Francesca, 238 Fürst, Julius, 24 Dietrichstein, Franz Seraph von, 228, 241, Furió, Antoni, 153 243 Fynn-Paul, Jeffrey, 155 Diez Merino, Lluís, 149 Dittscheid, Hans-Christoph, 283 Gajdošík, Petr, 2, 210, 220 Dönitz, Saskia, 6, 84 Gandavensis, Henricus, 318 Drexlerová, Alžbeta, 2, 189, 220 Gans, David, 193 Dubled, Henri, 44 García Masilla, Juan Vicente, 155 Dupin, Auguste, 12, 16 García Sanz, Arcadio, 153, 159 index of persons 331

Gasparri, François, 99 Hinojosa, José, 153 Gatz, Erwin, 241 Hirt, Johann Friedrich, 25 Gauchat, Patrice, 241 Hispanus, Petrus, 102 Gemistus (Plethon), Georgius, 303 Hoffmann, David, 300 Geiger, Gregor, 2 Holkot, Robert, 264 Gerber, Haim, 306, 308 Holt, Ian, 262 Ghedalia, Abraham, 249f Holtmann, Annegret, 99 Giard, Jean-Baptiste, 109 Hominer, Hayim, 84 Gil, Moshe, 31f Höpfinger, Renate, 271, 283 Gildenmeister, Joseph, 255 Horodisch, Abraham, 265 Glassner, Christine, 2, 196, 312, 314, 318 Houtman, Alberdina, 262 Glatzer, Mordechai, 52, 195 Hovoria, Jiřík, 193 Goitein, Salomo Dov, 4, 120 Hurvitz, Elazar, 32 Goldblatt, Morris S., 16 Huser, Karin, 265 Goldschmidt, Daniel, 38, 200f, 279 Hyrcanos, John, 88 Gorodesky, Ezra P., 299, 301–303, 306 Gossembrot, Sigismund, 87 Iancu-Agou, Danièle, 121, 123 Götschmann, Dirk, 271, 285 Idelsohn, Abraham Zvi, 197, 256, 258 Grabois, Aryeh, 99 Isaac ben Jacob Alfasi, 19, 220, 221, 230 Graells, Montserrat, 153 Isaac ben Jacob de Lattes, 300 Grau, Manel, 153 Isaac ben Moses of Vienna, see Or Zarua, Graus, Frantisek, 208 Yitzhak Grayzel, Solomon, 125f Isaac ben Sheshet, 294 Greenberg, Gillian, 265 Isaac Ibn Ghiyyat, 257 Grillmeier, Joseph, 276 Isaac Luria Ashkenazi, 303 Gross, Heinrich, 120f Grossman, Abraham, 188, 194, 258, 261 Jacob ben Asher, 195, 199, 213f, 222, 227 Gueth, Francis, 43 Jacob ben Moshe ha-Levi of Mainz Guetta, Alessandro, 248 (Maharil), 326 Guggenheim, Yacov, 186, 285, 326 Jacobi, Johann Friedrich Konrad Christoph, Guidi, Ignazio, 238 25 Guidini-Raybaud, Joёlle, 120 Jacobs, Joseph, 157 Guigue, George, 100, 112, 114 Jaglarz, Monika, 97 Guilleré, Christian, 153 Jakob Wolff of Pforzheim, 264 Gutenberg, Johannes, 86 John XXII, Pope, 125 Gutiérrez, David, 238 Jordánková, Hana, 210 Joseph ben Salomo of Carcassone, 89 Hacker, Joseph, 306 Joseph ben Samuel Tov Elem Bonfils (Rita), Hahn, Joseph Jospa, 17 258 Hai ben Sherirah Gaon, 32 Joseph ben Shimon Kara, 261 Haidinger, Alois, 196, 311–314, 322 Joseph ibn Kaspi, 98 Halfon ben Netanel, 31 Joseph, Mordacays, 104 Halperin, Yisrael, 189 Joseph, Rav (Amora), 36 Haninai, Adret, 156 Judah ben Kalonymus of Speyer, 36 Hasday ben Avraham, 151 Judah Halevi, 31, 257 Hasday, Todros, 157 Judah he-Hasid, 37, 199, 204 Hasenohr, Geneviève, 68 Jurot, Romain, 259 Haverkamp, Alfred, 98 Haverkamp, Eva, 85 Kalous, Antonín, 208 Havlin, Shlomo Zalman, 301 Kanarfogel, Ephraim, 4, 255, 258, 261f Heimann-Jelinek, Felicitas, 311, 316 Kaplan, Debra, 269 Helgert, Heidrun, 316f Kaplan, Yosef, 306 Helicz, Paul, 327 Kara, Avigdor, 204 Hezekiah of Magdeburg (Maharih), 198, Kara, Joseph, see Joseph ben Shimon Kara 203, 207, 230 Karo, Joseph, 204 332 index of persons

Keil, Martha, 7, 321 Markushevich, A. I., 69 Keller, Karl Heinz, 27 Marquès, Josep M., 153 Keller, Katrin, 191 Martin, Francis X., 238f Kelley, Page H., 277 Martin, Joan, 171 Kennicot, Benjamin, 23f Mas (Arnau Delmas), Arnal, 158 Kessler Mesguich, Sophie, 239 Massa, Eugenio, 238 Kimhi, David, 296 Mastellari, Francesco Saverio, 19 Klausner, Abraham, 198, 201, 203, 318 Matějek, František, 139 Kluge, Otto, 14 Matthew of Szydłow, 102 Knoblotzer, Heinrich, 259, 268 Mayer, Manfred, 33f Kocher, Ambrosius, 266 Mehlmann, Israel, 7, 300 Köcher, Hermann Friedrich, 24 Meir bar Baruch of Rothenburg Kocman, Pavel, 186, 243 (Maharam), 207, 220, 230, 276, 315 Kogel, Judith, 2, 5, 277 Meir ha-Kohen, see Meir bar Baruch Kohen, Astruq, 118 Melanchthon, Philipp, 326 Kohen, Joseph, 118 Melber, Johannes, 259 Kohen, Mose (Moshe) R., 186 Menahem ha-Meiri, 301 Kohen, Mose (Olomouc), 208f Mercader, Maria Dolors, 153 Kohout, Štěpán, 210, 228 Metzger, Thérèse, 65 Kovács, Andras, 321 Měsíc, Cyril, 210 Krafft, Albrecht, 27 Meyer, Paul, 99, 110, 112–115, 121 Krauss, Annemarie, 283 Michaelis, Christian Benedikt, 22 Krupp, Michael, 7 Michaelis, Johann David, 25 Krušinský, Rostislav, 210 Michel, Robert, 124 Küss, Emile, 44 Milchram, Gerhard, 316 Kupfer, Ephraim, 216f Millàs i Vallicrosa, Josep Maria, 150 Kwasman, Theodore, 271, 273 Miller, Michael L., 185, 189 Mira, Antonio José, 153 Lamb, Charles, 12 Mistral, Frédéric, 111 Langermann, Zwi, 322 Mitchell, Paul, 316 Laufer, Almut, 2, 314f, 318f, 322f Mithridates, Flavius, 16 Levi ben Gershom (Ralbag), 290 Monfrin, Jacques, 238f Levi, Paolo, 19 Montalvo, Diaz de, 319 Levy, Emil, 14, 100–112, 114 Moses ben Jacob of Coucy, 19, 21, 237, 255 Lichtblau, Albert, 187, 320 Moses ben Joseph of Cave, 247 Lieberman(n), Saul, 7, 292 Moses Ibn Asher, 306 Lind, Christoph, 187, 321 Moshe ben Maimon (Maimonides), Rabbi, Littler, Gérard, 44 274, 276 Llop, Irene, 153, 156 Moshe Möllin from Weißenburg, Rabbi, Lobell, Astruc, 156, 171 326 Lobell, Vidal, 157 Muccio, Giorgio, 238 Loeb, Isidore, 99, 109, 126 Mugello, Dinus de, 324 Lohrmann, Klaus, 316 Munafò, Paola, 238f Lotzky, Alphons, 316 Muratore, Nicoletta, 238f Luther, Martin, 326 Muratori, Mascia, 21 Lynd, Robert, 12 Murklein or Merklein of Marburg, 321 Mynatt, Daniel S., 277 Machová, Jitka, 210 Magdalena Nom de Déu, José Ramon, 150 Nagel, Maximilian, 24 Maimon, Bonjudà, 157, 172 Nahon, Gérard, 124, 187, 258 Maimon, Judah Leib, 37 Narducci, Enrico, 238 Maimonides, see Moshe ben Maimon Narkiss, Bezalel, 261 Malraux, André, 43f Nathan ben Yehiel of Rome, 296 Mane, Perrine, 113 Nestle, Eberhard, 14 Manoah ben Jacob, Rabbi 32 Nicolaus of Lyra, 14 index of persons 333

Niessen, Friedrich, 31 Reuchlin, Johannes, 326 Nigri, Petrus, 14f Reuss, Edouard, 44 Nissim, Rouben, 157 Reuss, Jeremias David, 25 Nuska, Bohumil, 190 Reuss, Rodolphe, 44 Reyerson, Kathryn, 99 O’Malley, John W., 238 Rich, Ana, 153 Oesch, Josef, 2, 196, 311–314, 318 Richler, Benjamin, 16f, 48, 319, 200 Ollich, Imma, 153 Riera, Albert, 153 Olszowy-Schlanger, Judith, 2, 6, 11, 210, 239 Riera, Jaume, 150, 157 Or Zarua, Yitzhak, 188, 208 Ritter, François, 259 Ostritz, Sven, 317 Robert of Anjou, 109f Ottokar II, King, 185 Robert of Naples, King, 126 Outhwaite, Ben, 31 Rocca, Angelo, 239 Rochette, Jaqueline, 269 Pansier, Pierre, 101, 103, 111f, 114f, 118–121 Rohde, Saskia, 326 Parente, Fausto, 85 Romano, David, 157 Passionei, Domenico, 239 Rosenfeld, Ruben, 271, 273 Passola i Palmada, Josep M., 155 Rosenthal, David, 199 Pasternak, Nurit, 70 Rosenthal, Yoav, 281, 314f Paul of Burgos, 14 Rötel of Klosterneuburg, 316 Paungartner, Thomas, 315 Roth, Barbara, 256 Pélissier, Léon G., 238f Roth, Cecil, 258 Pellikan, Konrad, 14f, 18, 22 Róth, Ernst, 26, 87 Perani, Mauro, 1–3, 11, 16, 19–21, 87, 149, Roth, Pinhas, 32 151, 239f Rubió, David, 155 Peretz, Moshe, 16 Ruini, Cesarino, 240 Petr, Stanislav, 211 Růžičková, Michaela, 210 Petrus de Trevio, 247 Pfändtner, Karl-Georg, 321 Sagradini, Enrica, 21, 240 Pfedersheim, Paul, 14f Salgueti (a Jew), 102 Pfefferkorn, Johannes, 16 Salomon ben Isaac (Rashi), 55, 61, 196, 204f, Piccard, Gerhard, 292 207, 209, 211, 215–217, 219–221, 233, 255, Piccolomini, Enea, 238 259, 261, 266f, 277, 288f, 290, 313f, 319 Pines, Shlomo, 84 Salomon Ibn Gabirol, 257 Piponnier, Françoise, 113 Šaltell, Bonet, 177 Pohanka, Reinhard, 316 Samuel ben Ali, 32 Polákovič, Daniel, 2, 189 Samuel ben Isaac, 62 Polišenský, Jozef, 193 Samuel ben Kalonymus he-Hasid, 37 Pollack, Abraham N., 309 Samuel ben Meir (Rashbam), 255, 261 Porta, Shelomo sa, 157, 175 Samuel ha-Nagid, 84 Portal, Charles, 100 Samuel ibn Tibbon, 288, 294 Prudhomme, Auguste, 98 Santandrea, Cristina, 21 Pujol, Miquel, 155 Saval of Carcassonne, Joan, 99 Sancto Amando, Ioannes de, 102 Rabbinovicz, Raphael Nathan Neta, 37 Scheiber, Alexander (Sándor), 2, 205 Rabbenu Tam, 258f, 314 Scheible, Heinz, 326 Rapoport-Albert, Ada, 85, 265 Schlüter, Margarete, 85 Rapp, Andrea, 2, 273 Schmid, Martin, 316f Rashbam, see Samuel ben Meir Schmolinsky, Sabine, 27 Rashi, see Shlomo ben Yitzhak Scholderer, Victor, 259 Raynouard, François, 100f Scholem, Gershom, 248 Reeg, Gottfried, 85 Schön, Doris, 316 Régné, Jean, 157, 159 Schulze, Johann Christian Friedrich, 25 Reif, Stefan C., 4, 197 Schwab, Moïse, 99, 104, 121 Reiner, Avraham (Rami), 186 Schwarz, Arthur Zacharias, 313, 319f 334 index of persons

Schwarzfuchs, Simon, 258 Ta-Shma, Israel M., 185f, 187, 256, 261 Schwarzlein, Azriel, 187 Teichman, Daniel, 3, 265–267 Schwenckfeld, Kaspar, 23 Teller, Wilhelm Abraham, 24 Sciarra, Elisabetta, 238f Tepert, Darko, 3 Scinzenzeler, Ulrich, 243 Teralh of Forcalquier, Ugo, 99, 106, 108, 110, Secret, François, 238f, 248 113f, 117, 121 Sela, Shulamit, 84 Teufel, Helmut, 2, 186, 192, 243 Semler, Johann Salomo, 22–24 Thies, Harmen H., 283 Sermoneta, Giuseppe, 26 Thomas Aquinas, 314, 320 Serrai, Alfredo, 239 Tignosi, Niccolò, 240f, 243 Shalom ben Menahem (Tröstl) Walich of Tirna, Eizik, 185f, 188, 197–199, 201, 203 Vienna, 321 Twersky, Isador, 301 Shatzmiller, Joseph, 98, 119, 122 Shimon ben Zemach (Rashbaz), 294 Urbach, Ephraim Elimelech, 36f, 199, 207, Shochetman, Eliav, 309 261 Shoshana, Yehudah A., 207, 223 Sibon, Juliette, 97–99, 104, 113, 116f, 123 Van Dijk, Stephen J. P., 51 Sicard du Fresne, 102 Vehlow, Katja, 84 Silberberg, Max, 327 Verger, Jacques, 102 Silberstein, Emil, 14 Veybuz or Pfeybus, Rabbi, 185 Simader, Friedrich, 315, 319 Vidal, Escapat, 156 Sirat, Colette, 1, 52, 195, 239 Visi, Tamás, 2, 6, 186, 194, 196, 220, 242, Sixt, Johannes Andreas, 25 276, 322 Sixtus V, Pope, 239 Vitale, Salvatore, 238 Smelik, Marian, 264 Vivianus, 319 Smelik, William, 264 Volkert, Wilhelm, 285 Soldevila, Xavier, 153f Solomon ben Meir, 314 Walde, Bernhard, 14 Solomon Shlumil of Dresnitz, 303 Walker, Joan Hazelden, 51 Soloveitchik, Hayim, 200, 301 Wanderwitz, Heinrich, 271 Soukup, Daniel, 190, 208 Weil, Gérard E., 239 Sperber, Alexander, 266 Weil, Jacob, Rabbi, 188 Spiegel, Jacob Samuel, 309 Weinberg, Magnus, 271 Stalin, Joseph Vissarionovic, 18 Weiser, Rafael, 300 Staller, Franz, 322 Wellhausen, Josef, 84 Staudinger, Barbara, 187, 321 Wenninger, Markus J., 321 Stec, David, 279 Wenssler, Michael, 259, 268 Stehlin, Karl, 259 Wernham, Monique, 123 Steinschneider, Moritz, 26 Wiedemann, Konrad, 274 Stemberger, Günter, 71 Wies-Campagner, Elisabeth, 89–91 Sterner, Ludwig, 264 Wilkinson, Robert J., 239 Štipl, Ludovík, 210 Wirszbuski, Chaim, 248 Stoss, Rolet, 265, 268 Wischhöfer, Bettina, 274 Stow, Kenneth R., 125f Wistinetzki, Jehuda, 273 Strauss-Ashtor, Eliyahu, 308 Wolf, Johann Christoph, 24 Striedl, Hans, 273 Wolff of Pforzheim, Jakob, 264 Stürzebecher, Maria, 316 Wolfson, Elliott R., 11 Suleiman the Magnificent, 308 Wust, Ephraim, 302f Sussmann, Yaacov, 199, 311 Sysling, Albert, 262 Yaakov ben Meir (Rabbenu Tam), 258f, 314 Szende, Katalin, 190f Yakerson, Semen Morduchovic, 70 Yehudah ben Moshe Abarbalia, 151 Tam, Rabbenu, see Yaakov ben Meir Yerushalmi, Yosef Haym, 85 Tamar, David, 303 Yitzhak bar Avigdor, 224 index of persons 335

Yitzhak ben Asher, 207f, 223 Zabara, Yossef, 152, 168 Yitzhak ben Durable, 187, 205–207 Zeev, Benjamin, 306 Yitzhak ben Shlomo ha-Yisraeli, 323 Zemach (Blümel) bat Aharon, 321 Yohanan Hyrcanos, see John Hyrcanos Zierotin, Karl von, 232 Yosef ben Shimon Kara, see Joseph ben Zimmer, Yitzhak (Eric), 199f Shimon Kara Zinelli, Fabio, 97, 100 Young, Theron, 264 Zobel, Hans-Jürgen, 326 Yudlov, Isaac, 300 Zunz, Leopold, 197 Zurita, Víctor Farías, 152, 165 Index of Subjects

Aix-en-Provence, 98, 123 21:5 79 Amberg, 6, 271–285 21:6 79, 216 Amidah, 199f, 203, 212, 217, 220 22:24 118 Arbaʿa Turim, 294 27:11–29:10 221 Archive of the Crown of Aragon, 151 34:10 78f Arles, 98, 123f Arriège, department of, 127 Leviticus Augsburg, 87, 326 13:59 48 Austria, 31, 86, 186–190, 194, 196–198, 200f, 14:1 48 203f, 231, 285, 311ff 19:19 114 Ave Maria, 252, 325 25:35–37 118 Avignon, 97, 101f, 109–111, 114f, 121, 123–126 Avot de-Rabbi Nathan, 35 numbers Azharah, Azharot, 258 2:10–12 214f 8:14–24 218 Babylonian Talmud, see Talmud Bavli 19:19–21:31 213 Baghdad, 32 Basel, 259, 264, 268f deuteronomy Bavaria. 6, 271ff 3:23–7:11 71 Bédarrides, 100, 118–120, 124f 10:11–16:17 211 Beit Yosef, Orah Hayyim, 204 18:22–19:2 224 Belleville, 120 19:15–21:6 216 Benedictine Monastery in St. Paul, 314 22:11 114 Bereshit Rabbah, 247 23:20–21 118 Berit Abraham, 249 28:64–65 215 Bible 29:6 215 Genesis 32 277 4:1 249 32:50 79 5:6–10 223 32:51 77 5:21–28 223 34:10 79 18:22–19:2 224 21:1 231 Judges 30:30–38 232 5:3–23 222 31:25–31:34 211 44:11–23 223 1 Samuel 45:10–23 223 1:26–2:8 231 49:5–16 289 2:1 65 49:22 265 2:1–10 326 49:23 265f 20:26–42 277 49:24 265 50:8 265 2 Samuel 20:26–42 277 exodus 22 264 15:2–3 89 15:15 91 1 Kings 15:16 91 3:25–4:1 222 20:15–22 231 13:29–14:27 229 index of subjects 337

2 Kings ruth 10:15–25 264 2:10–12 214f 10:25–36 264 2:19 45 10:36–11:1–9 264 2:20 45 11:10–19 264 4:14 45 12:1–2 277 Biblioteca de Catalunya, 150 Bnei het, 188 Isaiah Bocskay uprising, 209 6:5–12 222 Bohemia, 185f, 189f, 192f, 198 11:15 91 Bregenz, 313 24:23 79 Brno (Brünn), 185f, 193f, 195–207, 210–218, 32:6–8 267 223, 233–236, 241 32:17 267 Bouche du Rhône, 119 34:4 79 Bourgogne, 120 51:6 79 Burgundy, 99 54:10 80 Byzantium, Byzantine, 72, 83, 302f 54:13 246 Bzenec (Bisenz), 192

Jeremiah Cairo, 5, 31f, 303, 306, 309 16:15 215 Canaan, kingdom/lands of, 188 17:16–18:9 215 Carcassonne, 100, 114 32:13 45 Carpentras, 109, 125 Castelló d’Empúries, 155, 158 ezekiel Catalan, 6, 16, 149, 152, 154f, 165, 167 11–12 290 Catalonia, 97, 106, 123, 149f, 152f, 155f, 168, 18:11–13 118 178, 258 28:25 65 Cavaillon, 123 29:1 65 Cerdagne, 118 37:15–22 222 Châteauneuf-du-pape, 120 Courthézon, 120 Joel Christians, 13, 17, 97, 102, 118, 154–156, 159, 2:14–17 277 161, 168, 186, 209, 247, 254, 321 Christian Hebraists, 239, 254, 325 Psalms Christian Kabbalah, 237, 248 6:10 78 Chur, 255, 267 18:16–42 264 Cinquecentina, 240f, 243, 245 55:2 78 Coburg, 283 61:2 78 Colmar, 5, 43–45, 51, 61f, 65f, 68 68:4–5 247 Comtat Venaissin, 97, 101, 103, 109f, 124–126 Proverbs Cracow, see Krakow 1:10 98 Czech Republic, 2, 185, 187, 189, 253, 285 7:18–25 219 9:18–10:5 219 Dauphiné, 98 11:8–19 219 Detaching fragments, 28 13 216 Dijon, 99 14:10 219 Diocesan Archive of Girona, 150 28:27–29:13 218 Dolany (Dollein), 207, 222–224, 227 29 216 Drôme, region, 121, 124 Durance valley, 123 Job 3:19 79 economic texts; trade, 1, 4, 6, 13, 97, 99, 111, 31:35 79 149, 151f, 167f, 187, 197, 240, 308 33:29–35:10 212 Egypt, 83, 288, 303f, 306, 308f, 323 40:27 79 Elsass-Lothringen, 44 338 index of subjects

Engelberg, 255 Krakow, 97f, 102, 117, 126 England, 120, 199 Krems, 207, 314, 321 Ensdorf, monastery, 277, 279, 284 Kulmain, 284 Ensisheim, 43 Eretz Israel, 288, 308 Lavant Valley (Carinthia), 314 Erfurt, 316 Le Thor, 121, 124 Esslingen, 2, 326 Lucelle, abbey, 43 Lunel, 121, 124 Five Scrolls, see Megillah, Megillot Luzern, 255 Fostat (Old Cairo), 31 Lyon, 99, 100, 118f, 121, 123f Frankfurt on Main, 272 Freihung, 284 Maccabees, Arabic book of, 84 Fribourg, 6, 255, 259, 264f, 268f Mahzor Friedberg (Hesse), 272 Pesah, 196 Fürth, 271, 273, 283 rosh ha-Shanah, 201, 218, 225, 231, 233, 279 Gebenbach, 281, 284 shavuot, 196 Geneva, 6, 255f shemini Atzeret, 201, 222, 259 Genizah, 210, 287 sukkot, 195, 201, 222, 259 Genizah, Cairo, 5, 12f, 31f, 69, 120, 303, 306, Yom ha-Kippurim, 279 309 Mahzor Nuremberg, 196, 200, 202 Genesis Rabbah, see Midrash Bereshit Mahzor, Trebič, 194f, 201f Rabbah Mahzor Vitry, 185, 200, 206 Girona (Gerona), 6, 97, 149–181 Mahzor, Worms, 196 Guebwiller, 43 Mainz, 188, 261, 273, 319, 326 Glossary, Old French, 205, 209, 219, 233, Manosque, 100, 118, 121, 124 321 Mansfeld, 283 Graz, 5, 32–35, 37f, 313, 315 Manuscripts (according to their places) Berlin, Staatsbibliothek (Preussischer Haftarah, 5, 43ff, 217, 277 Kulturbesitz), Or. Qu. 8., 194 Haggadah shel Pesah, 217 Brno, AMB 2, 204, 211, 233, 235 Hekhalot literature, 258 Brno, MZA 12, 196, 204, 213, 215, 233f, Hohenems, 313 236 Hungary, 2, 198, 205 Budapest, Magyar tudomanyos akademia, Kaufmann Collection A Illumination, 20f 355, 86 Ilsenbach, 274, 279, 284 Canons Regular of St. Florian, Cod. XI/3, Issenheim, 43 3, 322f Istres, 121 Colmar, Bibliothèque municipal, G 99, Ivančice (Eibenschütz), 193, 215 45 Colmar Bibliothèque municipale Inc. IV Jihlava (Iglau), 185f, 196, 208 8819, 63 Job, biblical book, 23, 48, 196, 204, 212, Colmar, Bibliothèque municipal, Inc. XII 290 2570, 47 Job, commentary on, 290f Colmar, Bibliothèque municipal, Inc. Judaeo-Spanish, 306 VIII 204, 46 Cologne, Historisches Archiv der Stadt Kabbalah, Kabbalistic works, 237, 239, 248, Köln, HUA 2/10401, 208 253, 288, 303, 308 fribourg, Bibliothèque Cantonale et Kaddish, 203, 217 Universitaire, Z243, 259, 268 Kaysersberg, 43 Geneva, Bibliothèque de Genève, MS Ketubbah, 151, 321 Lat. 160, 256f, 268 Kiryat Sefer, book, 300 Graz, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. 1206, Kitāb al-baul, 322 33 index of subjects 339

Innsbruck, Universitäts- und Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 424, 195 Landesbibliothek Tirol, Ink. 107 D. 10, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 1114, 321 195 Jerusalem, Rothschild 24, 89 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 1125, Jerusalem, The National Library, 323 Ms. Heb. 4° 6780, 261, 300 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 1186, Jerusalem, The National Library, 323 Ms. Heb. 8° 7813, 301 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 1885, 50 Jerusalem, The National Library Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2003–2004– Ms. Heb. 24° 6566, 302 2046, 48 Jerusalem, The National Library, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2168, 51f, 65 Ms. Heb. 38° 6650, 303 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2226, 319 Jerusalem, The National Library, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2338–2339, Ms Heb. 38° 41280, 83 51 Jerusalem, The National Library, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2523, 51 Ms. Heb. 4° 6780, 300 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2681, 61 Klosterneuburg, Augustiner- Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2818, 54f Chorherrenstift, Fragm. 127, 231 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2820–2830, Klosterneuburg, Augustiner- 55 Chorherrenstift, Fragm. 128, 231 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2823, 55 Krakow, Jagellonian Library BJ Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2824, 51, 54, Przyb/163/92, 97ff 57, 61f Melk, Benediktinerstift, Fragm. XI, 32f Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2857, 61 Melk, Benediktinerstift, Fragm. XII, 201 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2942, 61 Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana I 67 Inf, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2943–2945, 86 48, 51, 54, 61 Moscow, Russian State Library, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 2952, 2954, Günzburg 1336, 300 2969, 51, 54, 61f Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3080, 52, 54f, Cod. hebr. 95, 281 65 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3081, 52, 54f, Clm 3560, 87 56 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3083, 52, 54, 153/VIII, 87, 89, 92–95 60–62 olomouc, VKOL 14, 195, 200, 202, 226, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3085, 52, 54, 233 61f, 64f olomouc, VKOL 16, 195, 202, 227, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3111, 52, 54, 233–235 59, 61f olomouc, ZAO 9 and 11, 194 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3191, 52, 54, oxford, Bodleian Library MS Huntington 61, 65 345 (Neubauer 793/2), 86, 88f Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3194, 49, oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Opp. 312 51–53, 65 (Neubauer 682), 194 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3197, 65–67 oxford, Bodleian Mich. 602 (Neubauer Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3225, 52, 54, 1298), 300 61, 65 oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms Sassoon Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3227, 55 No. 1014, 288 Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3237, 49 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 1–6, Parma, Biblioteca Palatina 3289, 51f, 65 52 Prague, Jewish Museum in Prague, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 9, 52 Ms 250, 194 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 363, salzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, 195 Fragm. M II 293, 319 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale héb. 407, salzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, 195 Fragm. M II 98/2, 200 340 index of subjects

salzburg, Erzabtei St. Peter, Ink. 182, 324 Midrashe Aggadah, 35 solothurn, Zentralbibliothek, BI 243, Midrashe Halakha, 35 262–265 Mishnah, 23, 35, 288, 294, 313 solothurn, Zentralbibliothek, BI 372, Mishnah 262, 268 Avot solothurn, Zentralbibliothek, R.1.2.121, 3:3–6:9 217 262, 266f, 269 6:9 247 Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica, Mishneh Torah, 32, 220, 230, 276, 288, 300f Cod. ebr. 18, 52 Moneylenders, 116, 149–152, 154f, 160 Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica, Montélimar, 121, 124 Cod. ebr. 408, 86 Montpellier, 99f, 102, 121, 123f Vatican, Bibliotheca Apostolica, Moravia, 6, 185–209, 241 Cod. ebr. 617/1, 87 Munster, abbey, 43 Vienna, Austrian National Library, Murbach, abbey, 43 ONB_E1_1, 321 Vienna, Austrian National Library, Neu-Breisach, 43 Cod. hebr. 218, 321 Neustadt an der Waldnaab, 283 Vienna, Austrian National Library, New Testament Cod. 4039_ONB_D2 2a, 315 Luke 1:46–55 326 Vienna, Austrian National Library, Nuremberg, 6, 196, 200, 202, 204, 271, 281, Cod. 4818_ONB_C32_2b, 320 283, 326 Vienna, Austrian National Library, Cod. hebr. 229, ONB_A9_1_1, 320 Oberkirch, 266 Vienna, Austrian National Library, Olomouc (Olmütz), 185f, 187, 189–192, ONB_Cod.4813_C32_1, 320 194–196, 198, 200–202, 206–210, Vienna, Austrian National Library, 220–236, 241, 243, 253 ONB_A32_4_3, 320 Oppenheim, 14f Vienna, Austrian National Library, Orange, 121, 124 ONB_A34_1_1, 320 Orzinuovi, 69 Vienna, Austrian National Library, ONB_A72_1_1, 320 Pairis, abbey, 43 Vienna, Austrian National Library, Paris, 101, 323 ONB_A79_2_1, 320 Palestinian Talmud, 35 Vienna, Austrian National Library, Parkstein, 281f, 283f ONB_A81_3_1a, 319 Pentateuch, 196, 204, 218, 223, 233, 300 Zurich, Staatsarchiv IV A 1, 265 Pernes, 121, 124 Marbach, 43 Perpignan, 98, 150 Marburg (Maribor), 321 Pirkei Avot, see Mishnah Avot Marseille, 98, 104, 116, 123 Pirkei de-Rabbi Eliezer, 35 Masorah, 49, 54f, 211f, 213–216, 218, 229, Piyyut, Piyyutim, 38, 89, 199, 201f, 213–218, 232, 266, 277 220, 222, 224f, 227, 229f, 232, 234, 245f, Medicine, 98, 102, 288, 294, 309 256, 257–259, 261, 268, 314, 319 Megillah, Megillot, 203, 314, 318 Adam u-behemah, 201 Megillat Taʿanit, 314f Adamah me’orer, 201 Melk, 5, 32, 34, 37f, 201, 319 Adon ha-moshia, 201 Messiah, messianic, 318 Ammitzei shehaqim, 199 Mezuzah, 321 even shtiyyah, 201 Midrash, 71, 246, 249, 254, 262, 288, 290, Le-maʿan amitekha, 201 299, 314 Mi-miqdash hodekha, 257 Midrash Bereshit Rabbah, 35 odekha ki anaftah, 89 Midrash Devarim Rabbah, 7, 292 om ani homah, 201 Midrash Haftarot, 288 Wa-yered avir Jaʿakov, 246 Midrash ha-Gadol, 288 Piyyut commentary, 261 Midrash Wa-Yosha, 6, 89 Poland, 2, 97, 102, 285 Midrash Tanhuma, 5, 69–82 Porrentruy, 255 index of subjects 341

Printing, 71, 86, 239f, 268, 285, 326 Talmud Bavli Provence, 32, 98, 101, 104, 106, 109, 112, 118, Berakhot 8a, 204 122f, 300 Berakhot 28a, 35f Puy, 121 Berakhot 40b, 35 shabbat 103b, 281 Rashbam Pesahim 7b–8a, 255 on Bava Batra 135a–136b, 232 Yoma 44a–53b, 281 on Bava Batra 138b–139a, 232 Yoma 49ba–53b, 281 Rashi Yoma 68b–69a, 255 on Moed Qatan 19a–b, 216 Moed Qatan on Moed Qatan 25 a–b, 217 19a–b, 216 Regensburg, 188, 271, 273, 283, 285 25 a–b, 217 Responsa, 288, 292, 294, 300f Gittin 32b–35a, 255 Rouffach, 14, 43 57, 252 Roussillon, 118, 151 Bava Metzia Royal Archive of Barcelona, 151 41a–b, 228 61b, 118 Safed, 303, 306 Bava Batra Saint-Alban, 121 61b–62b, 226 Salzburg, 200, 313f, 324–327 135a–136b, 232 Saverdun, 127 138b–139a, 232 Schaffhausen, 6, 255 sanhedrin Schoenensteinbach, 43 49a–50a, 233 Sefer ha-Agron, 37 54b–55a, 231 Sefer he-Arukh, 296 56b–57a, 231 Sefer ha-shorashim, 296 65a–68a Sefer Mitzwot Gadol (Semag), 19, 196, 216, 97b, 250 228, 255 shevuot 41b–42, 229 Sefer Yefeh To’ar, 246, 254 Menahot 73a–b, 231 Sefer Yosippon, 6, 83–95 Hullin 9b–10b, 211 Seligenporten, 284 Keritot Selihah, Selihot, 38, 218, 225 21a–22b, 230 Sheviit, 35 25a–26a, 230 Shulhan Arukh, 197, 199 Tanhuma, see Midrash Tanhuma Sifra, 35 Targum Jonathan, 262, 266 Sifre, 35 Targum Onkelos, 3, 196, 213–216, 218, 223, Sisteron, 123 232, 262, 266f, 276 Slavkov (Austerlitz), 187 Tavernes, 121 Solothurn, 6, 255, 262–264, 266f, 269 Thann, 43 Sopron, 190f Thierstein, 266 Spain, 2, 16, 83, 86f, 97, 101, 149, 288, Thirty Years War, 192f, 209, 271, 283, 285 289–292, 294, 296, 308 Tosafists (Tosafot), 55, 196, 207, 219, 223, 228 Speyer, 34, 36, 188 Tosafot RIBA, 207–209 St Gallen, 255 Tosefta, 35 St Giles, 124 Tournus, 121 Strasbourg, 43f, 259, 268f Trebič, 195, see als Mahzor Trebič Stražnice (Dressnitz), 192 Trets, 123 Sulzbach, 274, 279 Trier, 26, 273 Switzerland, 2, 255ff Toulouse, 102, 114 Syria, 238, 288 Tur, Orah Hayyim, 199, 204, 222, 281 Turkey, 288 Talmud, 3, 23, 32, 35–37, 87, 172, 188, 194, 207, 230, 233, 255, 257, 262, 277, 281, Uherský Hradiště, 186 299, 306, 313–315 Uherský Brod, 193 342 index of subjects

Valence, 100, 121, 124 Worms, 188, see also Mahzor Worms Vauvert, 121, 124 Wörth, 279, 284 Vienna, 7, 187, 190f, 193, 311–312, 315–320 Vienna Gezerah, 315, 321 Yalkut Shimoni, 71, 249 Vienne, 98, 119, 121, 124 Yemen, XIX, 7, 287f, 299 Yihusei Tannaim ve-Amora’im, 38 Waldmünchen, 277, 284 Waldsassen, 277, 284 Znojmo (Znaim), 185f, 188, 194, 198, 207, Waldthurn, 274, 284 216 Weiden, 272, 274, 276 Zohar, 248, 288 Winterthur, 255 Zurich, 6, 14, 255, 265, 267, 269