ISSUE BRIEF 08.29.18 The Communitarian Arab State

Imad Salamey, Ph.D., Lebanese American University

Contemporary Arab have been of national priorities has increasingly overwhelmed by communitarian divisions emphasized communal inclusion and that are polarized along sectarian, ethnic, consensus building to legitimize the state. and tribal lines. The latest rise of violent Hence, the rethinking of nationhood has communitarian conflicts in the Middle East, heightened issues of national integration, such as those in Syria between Sunni and cohesion, and accommodations such as Alawi communities, raises the question of constitutional revisions, electoral systems, whether nation-states can remain viable and power sharing. in their current structures or if major Previously, traditional liberal thought changes are required. The response to this suggested that global integration and question is directly tied to post-Arab Spring economic development determine national politics in which political reforms inspired democratization. The Arab Spring, however, by liberal views appear to have failed to deconstructed these traditional assumptions produce progressive changes. The lack of about national models and their inevitable state legitimacy and appropriate power political transformations. The accelerating sharing in governance are key causes of this processes of globalization have intensified the democratic failure. interdependency of nations and communal The recent proliferation of com- groups. These processes have simultaneously munitarian politics across the Middle East deepened rifts between communities. For suggests that public mobilization and example, Shiite relationships across nation- The recent proliferation partisan interactions with the state are states boosted their relative strength against of communitarian formulated along identity-group lines. Sunni communities in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Dominant identity groups have formed and Yemen, allowing them to demand greater politics across the based on religion, such as Sunnis, Shias, and shares of state power throughout the region. Middle East suggests Christians; ethnicity, such as Arabs, Kurds, Thus, the proliferation of transnational that public mobilization and Persians; tribe, such as the Houthi and communitarian movements across the and partisan Ahmar in Yemen; and region, such as the Middle East and North Africa, such as Sunni coastal and rural populations in Tunisia. Salafist groups, the Muslim Brotherhood, interactions with The inability of post-independence and Velayat Al Faqih’s Shiite Faylaq al Qods, the state are nation-states to accommodate com- has prompted new requirements for state formulated along munitarian diversity in governance has legitimacy and change that are founded on identity-group lines. only deepened national legitimacy crises the two seemingly conflicting tendencies and communitarian conflicts in the region, of global integration and local communal thereby diverting reform efforts and accommodations. This brief reviews rising democratic transitions. Liberal attempts to transnational in the Middle democratize through state reforms have to East, describes multicommunal constituency some extent been superseded by domestic states, and suggests communitarian plurality calls for nation building and reconstruction in as a possible solution to ongoing political the post-Arab Spring world. This reordering conflicts in Arab states. RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 08.29.18

Arabia’s support for the anti-Houthi Sunni THE NATION-STATE AMID RISING in Yemen demonstrate this TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITARIANISM growing transnational communitarianism. In the post-Arab Spring period, almost The contemporary political reality all pan-Arab nationalist republics and reveals that the national-social pacts mixed communitarian states have been that have governed multicommunitarian experiencing increased political conflict societies throughout the post-World fueled by communitarian demands and War II Arab countries are increasingly aspirations. Iraq paved the way in the challenged. Reformulations of these early 1990s, when Kurdish and Shiite pacts seem to require fundamental discontent with the Ba’ath regime led to reconstructions of state foundations. This a deep national legitimacy crisis that was has become essential as newly empowered followed by international interventions communitarian groups within national and violent confrontations. Libya, Sudan, territories seek to rebalance their powers in Yemen, Lebanon, Bahrain, and Syria have state structures, such as the drive by Shiite communities to reconstruct the state in National borders as experienced similar fates with societal fragmentation and divergence along Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, and Bahrain. isolating mechanisms sectarian, tribal, and regional lines One challenge in reconstructing the have lost their since 2010. political order comes in the form of growing relevance because For example, Syria’s ethno-sectarian interdependence among states. This society experienced unprecedented violent political interconnectedness can complicate communitarian local affairs because local communities groups are discovering inter- and intra-community conflict over the fate and nature of political power. Sunni, can strengthen their domestic bargaining transnational cultural Alawite, Christian, Druze, Kurdish, Turkmen, power by relying on transnational alliances bonds that transcend and Assyrian groups now dispute not only and external backing from abroad. Post- Arab Spring politics appear to feature such geographic space. the national order but also Syria’s Arab, Islamic, secular, and federal characters. mutually beneficial interests between These interwoven conflicts also reflect the international communities as they formulate proximity of various international actors new regional and local power structures to the Syrian conflict such as Turkey, Iran, (Salamey and Rizk 2018). For example, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Europe, and the U.S. Turkey’s Islamist Justice and Development Thus, the archaic practice of nationalization (AKP) has played a pivotal role in that sought to suppress communal identities supporting Islamist Sunni groups throughout in favor of building a unified national identity the Arab states in an effort to create a new appears to have come to an end. and favorable regional order. Local allies, In an increasingly globalized world, such as the Ennahdha Party in Tunisia and geography is no longer a sufficient factor the Free Syrian Army in Syria, have also in determining identity. National borders utilized Turkish support to strengthen their as isolating mechanisms have lost their own bargaining power against local rivals. relevance because communitarian groups Still more challenging to communitarian are discovering transnational cultural politics is the proliferation of non-state bonds that transcend geographic space. transnational militant actors such as Sectarian and ethnic resurgences among Al-Qaeda and ISIS, as well as the large Middle Eastern groups with claims to number of foreign fighters in their ranks. former territories are becoming increasingly While using military force to defeat these important among groups such as Sunnis, groups may be difficult, including them in Shiites, Christians, Kurds, Turkmens, Houthis, nonmilitaristic political negotiations may and Amazighs, who are discovering the prove impossible. However, communitarian advantages of transnational associations power-sharing agreements appear to be (Salamey 2017). For example, Iran’s the most viable alternative to undermine support of the Shiites in Iraq and Saudi the appeal of these extremist groups. The power accommodation of communitarian

2 THE COMMUNITARIAN ARAB STATE

groups is one of the most critical factors in resisting radicalization and . TOWARD A MULTICOMMUNAL When communities are included in CONSTITUENCY STATE: policymaking and the distribution of state COMMUNITOCRACY power, the attractiveness of radicalization A state that expresses power in terms can be reduced. of communitarian interests is called a It is true that power sharing may communitocracy. Communitocracies can consolidate and deepen be unitary, when a single community communitarian differences, as has been the controls state power; secular, when religion case in consociational states like Lebanon, is separated from public affairs; federal, Iraq, and Belgium. Power sharing may when communities autonomously divide also result in a fragmented polity with a power between geographic territories; weak government and eventually lead to confederal, when a weak union brings extremist politics. However, attaining peace together separate independent communities in complex contexts such as Syria may for a particular set of political and not come easily. Devising short-term and economic associations; or consociational, transitional conflict mitigation policies that when communities share a single state are embedded in power-sharing strategies political power irrespective of geographic is extremely urgent because the current allocations of groups. A communitocracy conflicts are principally driven by disputes differs from a in at least two over political power. Addressing these ways. First, a communitocracy provides issues would provide important incentives for a pluralistic rather than a majoritarian for negotiating peaceful resolutions. form of democratic governance. Second, Eventual negotiations between groups in communitocracies allow for the “expression For multisectarian a conflict-free environment may favor of communal interests in a state’s policy states, removing greater integration and less fragmentation. outlooks” rather than strictly expressing For multisectarian states such as Syria and religious requirements only the interests of an individual Yemen, removing religious requirements for public positions constituency (Salamey 2017). These benefits for public positions, for instance, and are best manifested in power arrangements and adding mixed establishing mixed constituency electoral that satisfy different communal groups constituency districts and proportional representation mobilized around religious, regional, ethnic, electoral districts may prove essential for long-lasting peace. or linguistic identities. For instance, as Thus, to reach the long-term goals and proportional public offices and parliamentary seats of inclusionary states that accommodate representation may are allocated along communitarian lines, pluralistic governance, Arab states must politicians and policy leaders can advocate prove essential for engage in genuine reforms that combine for communitarian-favorable policies long-lasting peace. communitarian coexistence with shared and subsequently be rewarded by their governance. Fundamental policy reforms constituencies accordingly. that would strengthen governmental Consociationalism, federalism, response to transnational and radical confederalism, and unions are forms communitarian networks in the region are of communitocracies with democratic among the priorities. Rising transnational mechanisms embedded in them (often movements are a primary challenge to referred to as indirect ). forming an inclusive, multicommunitarian, Communitocracies have demonstrated and accommodating state. While such a exceptional capacities to manage communal state may not live up to the aspirations of differences around the world. For instance, equal citizenry regardless of communitarian India’s communitarian state structure has affiliations, it can provide a realistic ensured that its multi-ethnic and regional framework for managing and de-escalating communities share power in parliament, protracted ethnic and sectarian conflicts. with seats allocated to different provinces that are largely based on ethnic and linguistic communities. 3 RICE UNIVERSITY’S BAKER INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY // ISSUE BRIEF // 08.29.18

A range of power-sharing irrespective of spatial distribution, size, or models is available for countries with transnational association (Salamey 2017). multicommunitarian constituencies. Furthermore, the fact that most Arab Some communitocracies are centered on states were established within relatively a multicommunal secular state, such as small and highly contested geographic Israel, Belgium, and Switzerland. These areas with communitarian demographics arrangements require consensus among that transcend national borders is an different communitarian groups that are additional reason why a consociational geographically separated by regions or power-sharing arrangement may prove to provinces. The communitocracies produce be a better alternative to strict . decentralized federal arrangements that Lebanon and Iraq are the first countries in preserve the diversity within a single the region to have utilized consociational multicommunal political order. They also and federal arrangements. Despite some of maintain the separation of state and the shortcomings of these arrangements, religion while preserving the cultural rising tensions along communitarian lines and administrative autonomy of local suggest such arrangements would be communities (Salamey 2017). feasible governing alternatives elsewhere in When communities are geographically the region, such as in Yemen, Sudan, Libya, mixed with persisting cultural, religious, Egypt, Bahrain, and Somalia. or ethnic distinctions, consociational Consociationalism can also be power-sharing arrangements provide an instrumental in resolving the conflict in alternative option to the monolithic national Syria. Sectarian and ethnic divisions, as order, as in Lebanon and Malaysia. The key well as foreign influences, in the country One aspect of feature of a consociational system is the require a delicate distribution of political consociationalism that preservation of communal diversity through offices among Alawis, Sunnis, Christians, might be particularly a prearranged distribution of state power. and Kurds. One aspect of consociationalism Consociationalism distributes power among that might be particularly fitting for Syria is fitting for Syria is identity groups rather than geographically the establishment of bicameralism, in which the establishment of separate regions, thereby preserving the communitarian interests are expressed in bicameralism. This major features of federalism. the upper house of parliament while national ensures communitarian Consociational options are also representations are preserved in the lower power sharing but also attractive to societies with substantial house. Such a distribution not only ensures variation in the sizes of ethno-cultural communitarian power sharing but also guarantees sectarian groups. For instance, Shiite, Alawi, Druze, guarantees sectarian and regional autonomy. and regional autonomy. Turkmen, and Amazigh communities Consociationalism might also be in Arab states are small minorities. For beneficial in Yemen. A combination of tribal these communities, the demographic and sectarian communitarian power sharing composition of local populations has through a balanced arrangement is required exaggerated feelings of deprivation and for an acceptable political agreement by fear of domination by larger groups (Boie rival groups. A distribution of Houthi, Zaydi, and Rae 2015). The reduced presence of and Sunni power that accommodates both minority groups such as Christians in Iraq, northern and southern tribes provides a Syria, and Yemen has increased these fears. starting point for any political power-sharing Integrative forms of communitarianism arrangement. Such a distribution would offer a means to diffuse these kinds allocate public seats along communitarian of demographically driven tensions by lines, particularly for the highest positions. assuring representative quotas in the A communitarian electoral system would distribution of state power. Thus, the major also provide proportional representation to advantage of consociationalism lies in accommodate different groups. This would its ability to mitigate communal conflicts allow communitarian power sharing while that are territorially, demographically, and ensuring intracommunitarian competition internationally instigated. It therefore and electoral alliances, as in the case assures the preservation of communities of Lebanon. 4 THE COMMUNITARIAN ARAB STATE

The Arab world needs to reverse its perception of communitarian plurality as AUTHOR a source of weakness and division. While Imad Salamey, Ph.D., is an associate most countries in the world utilize formal professor of political science and and informal power-sharing arrangements, international affairs, associate chair of the Arab region cannot remain reluctant to the Department of Social Sciences, and consider such governing options. Thus, a director of the Institute for Social Justice This issue brief is part quest for new national arrangements in the and Conflict Resolution at the Lebanese of a two-year research Arab region has emerged during the post- American University. He researches ethnic Arab Spring period. Regional stabilization and sectarian polarization and transnational project on pluralism in is contingent upon building consensus extremism in the Middle East and North the Middle East after among different communal groups. This Africa, and he holds a doctorate in political the Arab uprisings. can only be attained through a power- science from Wayne State University. The project is generously sharing arrangement that preserves the fundamental aspirations of different groups. supported by a grant Communitocracy may be a beneficial from the Carnegie governing option for the region that would Corporation of New York. maintain communal plurality in a time of increasing global integration.

REFERENCES

Boie, Waddell, and Jaquilyn Rae. 2015. The Power of Numbers: Ethnic Group Size, Collective Action, and Ethnic Civil Conflict. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. See more issue briefs at: www.bakerinstitute.org/issue-briefs Longva, Anh Nga, and Anne Sofie Roald. 2015. Religious Minorities in the Middle This publication was written by a East: Domination, Self-Empowerment, researcher (or researchers) who Accommodation. Leiden: Brill. participated in a Baker Institute project. Wherever feasible, this research is Salamey, Imad. 2017. The Decline of Nation reviewed by outside experts before it is States After the Arab Spring: The Rise of released. However, the views expressed Communitocracy. London: Routledge. herein are those of the individual author(s), and do not necessarily Salamey, Imad, and Samuel Rizk. 2018. “Ways represent the views of Rice University’s Forward for Syria.” In Post-Conflict Baker Institute for Public Policy. Power-Sharing Agreements: Options © 2018 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Syria, edited by Imad Salamey, for Public Policy Mohammed Abu Nimer, and Elie Abouaoun. London: Palgrave Macmillan. This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.

Cover image credit: Francois Mori/AP

Cite as: Salamey, Imad. 2018. The Communitarian Arab State. Issue brief no. 08.29.18. Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, Houston, Texas.

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