The School That Never Was

Michael T. Heaney, University of Florida

central problem in the development form useable by political actors ~Gunnell his future career path. Low exemplified A of political science has long been 2006, 479!. the ability of a scholar to move seam- how to emulate the objectivity and rigor Charles Merriam, who served as chair- lessly between the academic and political of natural science while simultaneously man of the Political realms and helped stimulate Merriam’s retaining relevance for conducting public Science Department from 1923 to 1940, belief that participation in politics is a affairs. For some observers, however, the believed that the science-practice divide prerequisite to being a scholar of politics. very notion of a natural-scientific orien- could be reconciled by structuring univer- The Columbia faculty Merriam studied tation to the study of politics is antitheti- sities to interface directly with the public under—especially John W. Burgess— cal to its relevance to practical politics. sector. When Merriam spoke of building a reinforced his belief that a science of Woodrow Wilson ~1911, 10! struck at the “school,” his intentions were not merely politics could serve practical and demo- heart of the matter when he proclaimed to postulate an abstract system of thought cratic goals ~cf. Burgess 1898; 1908!. that “I do not like the term political sci- or to assemble an invisible college of col- This perspective was typical of ence” in his 1910 APSA Presidential Ad- leagues. Rather, Merriam was thinking of nineteenth-century political science dress. “Human relationships . . . are not bricks and mortar, along with a concomi- ~Ross 1991!. In keeping with this view, in any proper sense the subject matter of tant administrative reorganization of the it was not long after Merriam graduated science. They are the stuff of insight and social sciences and professional schools to and joined the faculty at Chicago in sympathy and spiritual comprehension” advance a science of politics. To this end, 1900 that he immersed himself in city ~10–1; see also Ubertaccio and Cook Merriam spent seven years of his chair- politics. 2006!. manship ~1925–1931! pushing for the Merriam regularly participated in the In contrast to Wilson’s perspective, creation of an official “School of Politics” events of the City Club of Chicago— the members of the Chicago School of or an “Institute of Government” at Chi- founded in 1903 as nonpartisan forum Political Science—which arose at the cago, which might have looked something for public issues—which afforded him University of Chicago in the 1920s and like a modern day school of public policy. entrée into city politics and introduced 1930s—envisioned the model of natural Merriam’s proposal was never adopted, at him to many of those ~within and beyond science as integral to a political science least not to the full extent that he had en- Chicago! who would figure centrally in for practical use ~Almond 2004; Heaney visioned it. his career ~Karl 1974, 52–3!. He was a and Hansen 2006; Karl 1974; Monroe The methodological innovations of the frequent speaker at the club, addressing 2004; Neblo 2004; Ross 1991; Simon Chicago School spread widely through- topics such as the “Municipal Revenue 1985; Somit and Tanenhaus 1967; Tsou out political science and became the System of Chicago” ~on January 6, 1906! 1951; White 1942!. The faculty of the backbone of the behavioral revolution and the “City Charter” ~on June 14, Chicago School—most notably Charles that would sweep the discipline in the 1907; City Club of Chicago, 1903– E. Merriam, Leonard D. White, Harold F. 1950s and 1960s ~Dryzek 2006, 489–90!. 1909!. In 1906, he was commissioned by Gosnell, and Harold D. Lasswell—were Merriam’s model of political science re- the club to report on the city’s revenue among the first political scientists to con- search as the linchpin of the relationship situation ~Merriam 1906!. This report, duct randomized field experiments, to between political scientists and govern- along with his short book on Primary employ advanced statistical techniques ment officials, however, failed to diffuse Elections ~1908!, earned Merriam the such as multivariate regression and factor as broadly or as successfully. I argue that esteem of progressive reformers in the analysis, and to combine qualitative the failure to establish a School of Poli- city. These affiliations facilitated his ap- methods ~like ethnography and content tics helps to explain the limited long- pointment to the drafting committee of analysis! with statistical methods ~e.g., term success of Merriam’s ambition to the Chicago Charter Convention ~Mer- Gosnell 1927; Lasswell 1927; White create a political science for practical riam 1907! and then his election ~and 1929!. They relied on these advances to use. The deficit of this disconnect is still reelection! to the city council as alder- make seminal contributions to the study felt today. This article tells the story of man from 1909 to 1917. In 1911, he of elections, public opinion, propaganda, the Chicago School that never was by secured the Republican nomination for political psychology, political parties, exploring Merriam’s motivations for pro- mayor, but was narrowly defeated in the urban politics, African-American politics, posing it, the unfolding of the proposal, general election by Carter Harrison ~Karl public administration, comparative poli- and the implications of its aborted life. 1974, 61–83!. His narrow defeat ~in a tics, and the causes of war. An un- year that trended Democrat!, gained Mer- resolved question for the Chicago riam national attention and helped to School, however, was how political sci- Political Science for earn him a position as a power broker ence as a discipline could regularly Practical Use within Illinois politics. Howard Taft, translate these scientific results into a Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Shortly after Merriam commenced and Robert M. LaFollette regularly graduate studies at Columbia in 1896, courted his support throughout the Michael T. Heaney is assistant professor the university’s president, Seth Low, ran 1910s. of political science at the University of Flor- for mayor of New York City ~Karl 1974, The spirit of the Progressive Era that ida. He is spending the 2007–2008 aca- 26!. Like many of his fellow students, surrounded Merriam called for new ways demic year as an APSA Congressional Merriam joined the campaign on Low’s to use science to solve social problems. Fellow on Capital Hill. behalf, which would ultimately inspire Non-university-based research institutes

PSOnline www.apsanet.org DOI: 10.1017/S1049096507071193 753 began to emerge with the objective of in Chicago” ~ibid., 351! and to recom- of war, and modes of international orga- bringing scientific wisdom to bear on mend a sweeping set of reforms to the nization. Rather that forming a school public policy debates. The Russell Sage police force. For Merriam, this work un- exclusively to tackle city administration Foundation, for example, was founded in derscored how academics could bring or international diplomacy, Merriam was 1907 with the objective of improving the science to bear on solving public prob- keen on emphasizing that its work must “social and living conditions in the lems through consultation. transcend the concerns of any single of America” ~Hammack With the loss of his aldermanic seat in level of government since “the funda- and Wheeler 1994, ix!. Under the leader- 1917 and his inability to resecure the mental problems of government are not ship of scholars such as Mary Van Republican nomination for mayor in primarily geographical in character, but Kleeck, Russell Sage quickly established 1915 or 1919, Merriam redirected his are problems of human nature underlying a thriving program of re- attention toward the University of Chi- various forms of political organization” search investigating child hygiene, recre- cago, political science, and social science ~ibid., 6!. ation, and industrial relations ~Hammack more broadly. Among other endeavors, Second, the school would not investi- and Wheeler 1994!. Along similar lines, Merriam sought to make the application gate public problems merely in the ab- the Institute for Government Research of scientific knowledge in government stract, but in consultation with leading ~which later became the Brookings Insti- more than just a personal crusade but, actors in government and civil society. A tution! was founded in 1916 as a center also, a vital role for the academy ~Mer- role of the school would be to transform for nonpartisan expertise on issues such riam 1921; 1925a; 1926b!. Merriam be- the sporadic consultation that already as government budgeting and public per- came a leader in a growing movement existed into more regularized, institution- sonnel management ~Critchlow 1985!. that aspired to institutionalize this pro- alized relationships. “An effectively With most of these institutes concen- gressive agenda within the academy and staffed school of politics,” Merriam be- trated in the East, there was a great government. Within a decade, this lieved, “would command the respect of unmet need for social scientific expertise agenda began to materialize in the fund- governing officials, and in time would to address the problems of the burgeon- ing programs of the Rockefeller Founda- become a center of conferences and con- ing Middle West. tion and the Spelman Fund, the creation sultation between officials and research After 10 years of active involvement of the Social Science Research Council, men” ~ibid., 2–3!. Strengthening the in Chicago politics and government, and the convocation of the National Con- bonds between academics and public Merriam began to advocate a more sys- ferences on the Science of Politics servants was necessary to ensure that tematic role for political science—and ~Fisher 1993!. The open question for scientific analyses would be trusted in social science more generally—in the Merriam was, exactly how would these government and employed in cases practice of local government. He credited ideas be given material life at the Uni- where they could provide the most the progress of “social politics” in the versity of Chicago? benefit. United States—including minimum wage Third, the school would directly edu- laws, public health standards, and work- cate high school teachers, political scien- place safety laws—to “the advance of The Campaign for a School tists, and public administrators to replace science, whether in the form of public of Politics the existing “hap-hazard system of train- sanitation or of social science” ~Merriam ing” with the proper knowledge of the 1913, 685!. In the area of crime preven- “Science and politics seem to be ex- purposes and methods of science in gov- tion, for example, he foresaw great value treme opposites,” Merriam complained, ernment ~ibid., 3!. These newly trained in having academics guide the conduct such that “in order to overcome this ob- individuals would promote scientific of governmental statistical research. In session so disastrous to present social government directly through their in- reporting on the investigation by the Chi- organization, it is necessary to take the volvement in the polity and indirectly by cago Council Committee on Crime ~of most drastic and impressive measures helping to enhance the system of civic which he was a member!, he noted: that are available” ~Merriam c1924, 5!. education in the United States, one of “There had never been in Chicago any He believed that a solution to this prob- Merriam’s long-standing passions ~Mer- attempt at a stock taking, in which the lem was to establish a school which riam 1931b; 1934a!. These efforts would statistics furnished by the various depart- “would have a dramatic quality in that it ensure that the school gave birth to a ments and agencies dealing with the would emphasize the scientific aspects of new generation of scientifically- and problem of crime, were brought together politics, and express with the utmost civically-minded citizens. and examined with a view of determin- clearness the idea of the relationship be- Merriam had grand plans. In his first ing how far the crime problem was being tween science and government” ~ibid., 4!. detailed proposal ~1925b!, circulated in adequately met” ~Merriam 1915, 346!. Merriam first articulated his vision for January 1925, Merriam advocated a Merriam believed that academic in- the School of Politics in a 1924 memo- major reorganization of the university to volvement could correct these deficits. A randum which specified a threefold mis- accommodate the school. He envisioned statistical study undertaken by the com- sion. First and foremost, it would lead bringing the Department of Political Sci- mission allowed for the identification of the way in undertaking “fundamental ence and allied social science depart- broad patterns in the Chicago criminal research in the field of political rela- ments, along with the School of justice system, such as the facts that the tions” ~ibid., 1!. This research would be Commerce and Administration and the majority of all offenders were under 13 interdisciplinary in nature and would Law School, under the administrative years of age, the majority of those ar- take advantage of “fundamental changes umbrella of the school. Non-degree- rested and tried were petty offenders, and in methods of studying politics through granting institutions affiliated with the that 80% of all imprisonment was due to the fusion of the new scientific methods university, like the Harris Foundation nonpayment of fines ~ibid., 347!. This and results with the older forms of politi- and the Local Community Research analysis helped contribute to the com- cal inquiry” ~ibid., 3!. It would be di- Committee, were included too. The mission’s conclusion that “the present rected at the most pressing problems of school would sponsor public lectures, a policy organization and methods are in- government, such as those dealing with Journal of Government, a library, and adequate to deal with the crime situation elections, taxation, policing, the causes outreach to interested individuals and

754 PS October 2007 institutions through associate member- nization . . . on the basis of actual accom- such medicine and law. In Hutchins’ ships. It would host a council of 30-plus plishment in political research” ~ibid., view, public administration did not have civic agencies in Chicago and Illinois, 10!. Siting the school in Chicago would its own intellectual content and, there- such as the Bureau of Public Efficiency, capitalize on the city’s central location fore, training in this field ought to be the City Club of Chicago, and the Illi- within the United States and its complex conducted outside of the university nois League of Women Voters. urban problems. Merriam saw the need ~Hutchins 1936, 56!. The School of Poli- Merriam was optimistic about the for the School of Politics as all the more tics thus fell victim to the clash between prospects for his scheme and had reason urgent due to the widespread social dis- two great educational reformers— to believe that he would obtain the content of the , espe- Merriam and Hutchins—in their battle to needed institutional support from the cially the “wide lack of confidence in the remake the University of Chicago, and university. In a letter to Leonard White, integrity of public officials” and the higher education more generally. his lieutenant in the Department of Polit- “wide lack of professional competence” The failure to marry graduate educa- ical Science, Merriam reported that: ~Merriam 1931a, 1!. To make the pro- tion with policy analysis was not unique posal more palatable, Merriam withdrew to the University of Chicago. The found- You will be interested to know that I the reorganizational component of his ing in 1924 of the Robert S. Brookings have talked with President @Max# Mason idea and specified a minimum initial op- Graduate School in Washington, D.C. the other day and that he is in favor of erating budget of only $122,000 ~down was similar to Merriam’s effort at Chi- going ahead at once with the drive for from an earlier amount of $4 million!. cago in that both programs sought to the school of politics. He thinks there is President Hutchins agreed to meet create synergy between training public nothing to be lost and much to be gained Merriam in September 1931 to discuss administrators and improving public ad- by taking steps in the very near future. the School of Politics ~Servi 1931!. The ministration. The major difference was ~Merriam 1926a! formal outcome of the meeting was to that Brookings brought graduate educa- White responded quickly in an ebullient refer the proposal to the Committee on tion to an existing research center, manner uncharacteristic of his typical Equipment and Instruction, where it died whereas Merriam sought to build a new correspondence: shortly thereafter. Merriam subsequently research center around an existing gradu- dropped the proposal from his Annual ate program. The experiment at Brook- I do not intend to continue to bombard Report and never publicly advocated for ings was short-lived, however. Robert you with letters at the rate at which you it again. Brookings was concerned that the school have been receiving them recently, but I Exactly what transpired in the meeting had become too focused on the granting cannot refrain from expressing my en- between Merriam and Hutchins, and in of Ph.D.s to the neglect of providing thusiasm at the results of your interview the committee’s deliberations, remains a nonpartisan policy advice to government. with President Mason. mystery. Yet Hutchins made his objec- At Brookings’ behest, the graduate I cannot help but feel that the next tions to Merriam’s proposal quite plain a school ceased to exist in 1927. Its pro- months are going to be productive of a few years later in The Higher Learning grams were largely eliminated, with only great event; all of the stars seem to be in America ~Hutchins 1936!. Writing a few advanced graduate students con- moving in their course in that direction. shortly after the publication of Merriam’s tinuing to study at the newly created It certainly will be a tremendous Political Power ~1934b!, Hutchins Brookings Institution ~Critchlow 1985, achievement if the various threads which bemoaned: 80!. The imperatives of policy-relevant you have been so carefully weaving dur- research and graduate education thus Power becomes the great word in politi- ing the last few years can be brought proved to be exceptionally difficult to cal science; and the prediction of what together and established on a permanent balance. At a leading policy institute, the courts will do takes the place of jus- foundation. Needless to say, I shall be graduate education was viewed a distrac- tice as the object of the lawyer and the anxious to know how the chief @i.e., tion from providing advice; within a legal scholar. The scientific spirit leads leading university, policy training was Merriam# moves in the game, and shall us to accumulate vast masses of data viewed as counter to the proper ends of proceed westward with high hopes for about crime, poverty, and unemploy- education. the future. ~White 1926! ment, political corruption, taxation, and Much to Merriam’s chagrin, the requi- the League of Nations in our quest for Beyond the School of Politics site support was never forthcoming from what is known as social control. A sub- President Mason, who resigned to accept stantial part of what we call the social Although the School of Politics failed the presidency of the Rockefeller Foun- sciences is large chunks of data, un- to materialize, Merriam and his col- dation in June 1928. The arrival of a new digested, unrelated, and meaningless. leagues continued to work within the president in 1929, Robert Maynard ~Hutchins 1936, 101! Department of Political Science toward Hutchins, would create a new set of ob- the goal of a political science for practi- stacles for Merriam’s proposal. Hutchins’ This passage summarizes Hutchins’ cri- cal use. Above their responsibilities for educational humanism and focus on gen- tique of Merriam’s science of politics, teaching and research, for example, most eral education clashed with Merriam’s which he thought distracted the univer- of the department’s faculty formally scientism and practical aspirations. None- sity from its fundamental intellectual served in consultative and advisory ca- theless, Merriam promoted the school in ends ~Ashmore 1989, 155–6!. pacities to government agencies and his Annual Report, though it failed to Hutchins argued that the goal of uni- civic associations. As the department garner much attention again for two versities ought to be general education frequently emphasized: “One of the func- years. toward the cultivation of good intellec- tions of the Political Science Department Merriam made his case for the School tual habits, not vocational training for is to act in a consulting capacity for re- of Politics with renewed vigor in 1931 particular professions ~Hutchins 1936!. sponsible governing officials, unofficial ~Annual Report 1931!. He boasted that He believed that universities ought to citizens, and civic agencies. This is an the school would exude “the symbolic provide professional education only in obligation sometimes interfering with value of a dignified and impressive orga- fields with their own intellectual content, research and sometimes aiding it, but in

PSOnline www.apsanet.org 755 year of the 1930s as there are represent- Table 1 ing the entire political science profession Membership by Chicago Political Science Faculty on Federal today.1 Boards, 1930–1939 The department proactively fostered opportunities for consultation by encour- Faculty Member Board, Committee, or Commission aging national associations to locate their Louis Brownlow National Resources Committee offices on the University of Chicago’s President Roosevelt’s Committee on Administrative Management campus. In 1929, Merriam was able to entice the International City Managers’ Charles Merriam National Planning Board Association and the Bureau of Public National Resources Committee Personnel Administration to set up shop National Resources Planning Board on campus. A steady flow of new organi- President Hoover’s Commission on Recent Social Trends zations arrived each year. Merriam, with President Roosevelt’s Committee on Administrative Management the collaboration of his close confidants, Marshall Dimock Department of Labor Commission on Immigration Proceedings Beardsley Ruml and Louis Brownlow, Floyd Reeves Advisory Committee of the WPA Education Program was able to secure of gift of $1,160,000 American Youth Commission from the Spelman Fund of New York to President Roosevelt’s Advisory Commission on Education construct a home for these organizations White House Conference on Children in a Democracy at 1313 East 60th Street ~Annual Report 1938, 8; Bulmer 1980!. Securing this Harold Gosnell Central Statistical Board grant was a notable achievement during Works Progress Administration a period of fiscal austerity, especially August Vollmer National Crime Commission considering that it was the only new National Law Observance and Enforcement Committee building constructed on the Chicago National Safety Council campus between 1932 and 1948 ~Univer- sity of Chicago Library 2006!. At the Leonard White Committee on Civil Service Improvement time of its opening in 1938, the “1313 Committee on Professional and Scientific Personnel building” ~or the “Public Administration Joint Congressional Committee on the Investigation of the TVA Building”! housed 17 national and inter- United States Civil Service Commission national organizations, which are listed Quincy Wright Foreign Bondholders Protective Council in Table 2. Source: Annual Report 1930–1939. The relationship between the inhabit- ants of 1313 and the Department of Po- Note: Excludes memberships with private foundations, civic associations, and state litical Science was bidirectional and and local governments. Excludes consultancies or reports that do not involve productive. In 1938 alone, seven execu- membership. tives from the Public Administrative

any event one from which we cannot escape and which we do not desire to Table 2 avoid” ~Annual Report 1930, 10!. Occupants of the 1313 Building in 1938 During the 1930s alone, eight of the department’s faculty members served on Organization Executive Director 20 distinct commissions, boards, or com- Public Administration Clearing House Louis Brownlow mittees of the federal government, as American Legislators Association Frank Bane reported in Table 1. White, for example, American Municipal Association Clifford W. Ham was a member of the United States Civil American Public Welfare Association Fred K. Hoebler Service Commission and Merriam was a American Public Works Association Frank K. Herring member of the Natural Resources Plan- American Society of Planning Officials Walter H. Blucher ning Board. This count does not include Civil Service Assembly G. Lyle Belsley the many positions of responsibility de- Council of State Governments Henry W. Toll/Frank Banea partmental members held in national Federation of Tax Administrators Albert Lepawsky associations ~such as the National Mu- Governmental Research Association Robert M. Paige nicipal League! or requests for studies International Association of Chiefs of Police William P. Rutledge to be conducted on behalf of federal International City Managers’ Association Clarence E. Ridley agencies ~such as the Office of Indian Municipal Finance Officers’ Association Carl H. Chatters Affairs!. To put these numbers in per- National Association of Assessing Officers Albert W. Noonan spective, in 2006 the American Political National Association of Housing Officials Coleman Woodbury Science Association was aware of only National Association of State Auditors, Comptrollers, four political science faculty members and Treasurers Carl H. Chatters who were currently serving on national Public Administration Service Donald C. Stone commissions, boards, or committees ~Brintnall 2006!. Thus, there were as Source: Annual Report 1938, 8. many ~or more! Chicago faculty mem- aBane assumed the position upon Toll’s retirement that year. bers serving in this capacity during each

756 PS October 2007 Building enjoyed the status of lecturers founding vision. Today the building’s practical relevance. However, the funda- in the department, including Louis principal occupant is the Chapin Hall mental lesson taught by the Chicago Browlow, Albert Lepawsky, Henry Toll, Center for Children, for which it is School that never was is that universities Lyle Belsley, Cark Chatters, Clifford chiefly known. possess tremendous power to foster work Ham, and Herbert Emmerich ~Browlow’s that matters to the public sector. For a deputy and eventual successor at the What was Lost with the time, the University of Chicago Depart- Public Administration Clearing House!, ment of Political Science was a vital enabling them to teach courses like School of Politics? resource for federal, state, and city agen- “Techniques in Municipal Administra- The story of the Chicago School that cies. Enabled by a supportive department tion” and “Studies in Municipal Mea- never was deepens our understanding of chair and university environment, faculty surement” ~Annual Report 1938, 9!. the historical tension in political science members and graduate students in the During World War II, the close relation- between a discipline based on a model of department found substantial common ship between the department and 1313 natural science and a discipline that as- ground between their research agendas served as a platform for faculty to assist pires for public relevance. Charles Mer- and the contemporary problems of is war planning, at least for the few fac- riam worked to resolve this tension, in government. ulty members who did not take leave to part, by establishing institutions that Merriam’s call for a political science work directly for the federal government. would formalize the interaction between for practical use was by no means The establishment of the Public Ad- academics and public officials. While his unique in the history of the discipline. ministration Building did create an efforts did succeed to some extent, espe- It was present in the aspirations of institutional presence for numerous asso- cially as manifested through the erection nineteenth-century political scientists, the ciations that extended beyond Merriam’s of the Public Administration Building in initiators of the behavioral revolution, retirement in 1940. By 1963, 22 associa- 1938, his most ambitious proposal to and the post-behavioral response ~Easton tions called 1313 their home ~Thomas establish a formal School of Politics was 1969!. Today, many within the discipline 2004!. Yet with no formal institutional never realized. Without a permanent in- are sounding renewed calls for rele- connection between the department and stitutional connection to the research and vance, with the most visible responses the associations—as well as the new teaching of the university, the relation- including the founding of a new journal, agendas of post-World-War-II faculty ships between 1313 and the academic Perspectives on Politics, and the report ~such as Leo Strauss, Hans Morgenthau, community at Chicago gradually dis- of the APSA’s Task Force on Inequality and David Easton!—collaboration and solved after Merriam’s retirement. While and American Democracy ~2004!. These consultation began to fade. An era of such consultation is not nonexistent steps appear to be in the right direction. “issue networks” in the 1970s lured today, neither is it widely fostered by Yet a more complete embrace of the call many of these associations to Washing- departments, universities, nor the disci- for practical relevance would demand ton, D.C. ~Heclo 1978!. By the time the pline. This element of Merriam’s vision reconfiguring institutions to recognize 1313 building was renamed the Charles for a science of politics appears largely and reward more fully those scholars E. Merriam Center for Public Adminis- to have been lost. that strengthen the bridge between tration in 1979, its occupants’ missions Individual political scientists no doubt political science and the practice of had drifted considerably from Merriam’s could do more to infuse their work with government.

Notes * This research received financial support Bloom, John Mark Hansen, Daniel Meyer, and level whom did not inform the American Politi- from the Institution for Social and Policy Studies Stephen Yoder. cal Science Association of their appointments. In at and the department of politi- 1. I leave open the possibility that there may any case, I think that the general point that con- cal science at the University of Florida. For be additional political science faculty members sultation is no longer as widely practiced still helpful suggestions, I am grateful to Michael serving in a consultative capacity at the national holds.

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