Political Ecology of the New G

Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

The Authors

Andrea Full time professor in the Faculty of Business and Economics of the Magdalena University in Santa Marta, Colombia. Cardoso Doctor in Environmental Science and Technology (area of ecological economics) and Master in Environmental Studies from the Autonomous University of Barcelona. Andrea held a European Community “Erasmus Mundus” scholarship from 2006 to 2008, thanks to which she obtained a Masters in Water and Coastal Management from the University of Plymouth, United Kingdom, and the University of Cádiz, Spain. Since 2005, she has worked as a researcher and professor in several Colombian universities. Her current research is focused on ecological economics and the political ecology of the global coal chain.

Ethemcan Postdoctoral researcher at the Royal Institute of Technology Turhan (KTH) Environmental Humanities Lab in Stockholm, Sweden. He received his B.Sc. in Environmental Engineering from Middle East Technical University (Turkey) and Master’s and Ph.D. degrees in political ecology from the Autonomous University of Barcelona (Spain). He recently co-edited a special issue of Energy Research and Social Science on energy infrastructures and national developmentalism. He is broadly interested in climate justice and energy democracy. Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

Summary of the coal generate environmental pollution, public health loss, relocation impacts throughout the zone. and displacement of local communities, With the Paris Agreement at COP21, a pollution, access to natural resources, and environmental degradation (diversion of progressive process of decarbonization of sacrifices made in favor of the extraction The situation in these areas is an rivers and coastal ecosystems affected), the global energy mix has been initiated, and consumption of resources, as a example of how the energy strategies of and climate change. These injustices are with the aim of mitigating changes in result of the strongly pro-coal policies of Colombia and Turkey contribute to the also caused by democratic deficits in both the global climate regime. This has had Colombia and Turkey. emergence of ecological distribution countries, which allows the companies to repercussions in the closure of thermal conflicts: that is, struggles associated with evade their responsibilities. power plants and an apparent reduction in Colombia is the fourth biggest net the unequal distribution of the costs of coal consumption in the US, the UK and exporter of coal globally, and almost pollution and access to resources, in which Despite the overlap of environmental the European Union. This decline in coal in 8% of its GDP is based on mining and local communities bear the most serious damage at the bi-local, bi-national and the Global North has led to the emergence oil exploitation. Although only a small social and environmental costs. In the global scales, to date there is no network of new energy geographies, characterized proportion of the coal mined is used case of La Guajira, these are indigenous that connects the injustices related to not by the extractive relationship internally (more than 90% is exported), and Afro-Colombian communities, while coal in the two countries. This presents between North and South, but by internal recent governments have promoted it as at the other end of the coal chain, in an opportunity to connect the claims and extraction and consumption in countries a “motor for development”. On the other Çatalağzı, the combustion of coal affects actions of the local anti-coal movements at such as China and India, as well as by the hand, Turkey is the eighth largest importer the communities in the areas surrounding each end of the chain, which in turn fosters emerging commercial relationships in the of coal and is third in the world in terms of the CFPPs. The ecological distribution an emerging international coalition for geopolitical and economic interests among capacity to generate power based on new conflicts along the coal chain between environmental justice. I the Global South. This includes countries CFPPs. Turkey used to depend mainly Colombia and Turkey are related to air II such as India, South Africa, Colombia and on Russia to satisfy its coal demand, but Turkey, where the coal trade has increased due to recent geopolitical tensions, it has in recent years. favored the use of national lignite and coal, and at the same time encouraged the This study identifies and explores a new import of coal with a high energetic value geography of coal in the emerging South- (as is the case of Colombian coal), to ensure South relationship, that of coal extracted its supply. The importance of Colombian in Colombia and coal consumed in coal- coal in Turkey is such that, by 2016, 42% fired power plants (CFPPs) in Turkey. of the country’s coal imports came from Through the analysis of the coal chain Colombia. A clear example of the CFPPs between the two countries, it is evident that burn Colombian coal in Turkey is the how the exploitation and consumption of Zonguldak Thermoelectric Power Plant of coal for the production of electric energy the energy business Eren Holding (ZETES, are deeply interconnected by interactions with its initials in Turkish) in Çatalağzı. in different layers (commercial, physical Eren, among other Turkish companies, and socio-environmental) and scales has privileged the import of Colombian (local, national and global). The political coal mined by the company Cerrejón in ecology approach allows us to address the La Guajira peninsula. Cerrejón, for its trading conditions between the two part, is the largest coal mine in Colombia countries, as well as the asymmetries and (69,000 hectares), and its open-pit injustices in the distribution of the costs of operation and the railway transportation Contents List of figures

1. Introduction 1 Figure 1: The coal mining area in the Colombia Caribbean region (La Guajira and Cesar) and CFPPs projects in Zonguldak province, Turkey 4 2. The Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal 5

3. New geographies of coal: Emerging South-South links 9 Figure 2: The three layers of the coal chain between Colombia and Turkey 10 4. Scavenging the Earth: Export-oriented coal extraction in Colombia 15 Figure 3: Colombia and Turkey electricity mix and power capacity 15

4.1. The boom of Colombian coal exports and its royalties 16 Figure 4: Changing patterns of coal trade between Colombia and Turkey 17

4.2. The coal trade between La Guajira and Turkey 18 Figure 5: Colombian coal exports to Turkey by coal mining companies 4.3. Ecological distribution conflicts and coal resistance in La Guajira 19 (2004) 18

5. Dark faultlines: Turkey and its coal rush in turbulent times 23 List of tables 5.1. The national coal market in Turkey 23

5.2. New geopolitics and the coal rush in Turkey 24 Table 1: Eren Holding: decision-making criteria for importing coal from Colombia 12 5.3. The case of Çatalağzı, Zonguldak (NW Turkey) 26

6. Discussion 33 List of boxes

7. Conclusión 36 Box 1: Turkish anti-coal movements campaign 26 8. List of references 37 Box 2: Eren ZETES 2 and its process 30 Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

1. Introduction

The COP21 Paris Agreement clearly et al., 2011; Richards & Boom, 2015). blew the final whistle on the dominance of In addition, extraction, transportation coal in the global energy mix (Wong, De- and processing generate even more CO2 Jager & Van-Breevoort, 2016). Calls for emissions (Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung and rapid decarbonization to avoid dangerous FoE, 2015). In 2013, coal accounted interference with climate systems foster for 46% of global CO2 emissions, even coal phase-out in the Global North. The though coal represented 29% of the US has plans to retire coal-fired power total global energy supply (IEA, 2015c). plants (CFPPs) while UK policy aims to McGlade and Ekins (2015) have warned phase out CFPPs within the next 10-15 that the world can burn only around 12% years (Greenpeace, 2015; IEEFA, 2015). of current global coal reserves if it wishes Moreover, in the EU, coal consumption has to meet the target temperature of a 2°C been falling since 2012, and this has been increase. That means that more than linked to the increase in the renewables 88% of known coal reserves must stay sector (Greenpeace, 2015). With the in the ground, even in the Global South. decrease of coal in China (IEA, 2015a), energy geographies are bound to change Coal extraction and consumption for drastically, and the future of coal will be energy production are deeply interwoven 1 decided in the Global South (AbdelGawad through socio-environmental interactions et al., 2015). This includes countries across a variety of scales and new like India, South Africa, Colombia, and geographies (Zimmerer, 2011). We identify Turkey, where the coal trade has increased a new geography of coal in the emerging in recent years (IEA, 2015c). A substantial South-South relationship between coal change in the energy sector was produced mined in Colombia and consumed in from 2014 to 2015 due to the rapid CFPPs in Turkey. A larger coal chain drop in world oil prices, which brought connects Indonesia to India and China, consequences for natural gas and coal and a slightly smaller one South Africa to prices (IEA, 2015b). In the Global South, India. The Colombia-Turkey coal chain is lower coal prices are likely to act as a not the only interesting South-South coal form of economic stimulus, using a higher chain, but it is an important one. Turkey proportion of coal to satisfy the growing is the largest importer of Colombian coal, energy demand (AbdelGawad et al., followed by the Netherlands (SIMCO, 2015; Steckel, Edenhofer & Jakob, 2015). 2018). In 2016, 42% of the coal imported by Turkey came from Colombia (Tamzok, Coal profits are achieved through 2018). Both countries have strong pro- the externalization of the local socio- coal policies in terms of extracting coal environmental costs of extraction for export (Colombia) and increasing Our air or CFPPs? (Cardoso, 2015a), electricity production CFPPs (Turkey). These coal-driven Source: Yuva Campaign “A future without coal energy” http://www.yuva.org.tr/ and the costs of climate change (Epstein energy strategies increasingly lead to Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

ecological distribution conflicts and local the Turkish energy business Eren Holding national (Colombia and Turkey), and Section 2 elaborates the theoretical communities bear the heaviest social and (ZETES for its initials in Turkish) (Figure the global scales, as shown in Figure 1. framework of the political ecology of new environmental costs (Cardoso, 2015a). 1), with an installed capacity of 1390 MW. The environmental conflicts on all three energy geographies and environmental/ Opposition to coal imports unites both scales will be analyzed. We will discuss climate justice. Section 3 is dedicated to Some of these communities do coal mining communities in the region issues of democratic deficit, understood as the analysis of the new geographies of coal, not leave such interference with their and local groups campaigning against new tensions that arise from the imbalance such as the emerging South-South links. livelihoods undisputed (Arsel et al., 2015; CFPPs. Anti-coal movements are not new between the weakness of social Next, we look at the case of coal extraction in Cardoso, 2015b). For example, in La in this region. In 1991, a group of female movements and the governments’ strong Colombia (Section 4) and coal consumption Guajira, Colombia (Figure 1), home to volunteers founded the Environmental pro-coal policies in both countries.2 in Turkey (Section 5). In Section 6, we one of the ten biggest coal mines in the Protection Association of Zonguldak, the Moreover, by discussing the new discuss how these new geographies world, owned by Cerrejón (Heinrich-Böll- first of its kind in this coal basin. They geographies of coal, we will show how produce multiple socio-environmental Stiftung and FoE, 2015), the affected Afro- organized protests, denouncing air and sea the democratic deficit perpetuates landscapes charged with injustices, Colombian and indigenous communities pollution, and eventually won a key legal environmental/climate injustices at both before drawing conclusions in Section 7. came together (7-9 August 2014) to host case against dumping coal ash into the sea. regional and global levels. a popular tribunal against aggression by In November 2015, when Turkey hosted the the mine in their territory. They visited G20 leaders’ meeting, a large protest took sacred Afro-Colombian and indigenous place in Çatalağzı. The local groups, with sites and performed autonomous the support of some national NGOs with consultation voting. Representatives of international connections, called out to the national and international NGOs and G20 countries for a future with a healthy 2 3 human rights organizations attended the climate and without CFPPs. This new step event as observers and jury members of in the history of local resistance against the tribunal (Banks, 2014). The verdict coal also demonstrated a new step in the found Cerrejón guilty of violating the struggle on a global scale. Local struggles rights of communities and violating labor are no longer limited to concerns about rights. It also found the Colombian state pollution and public health, but also aim to complicit by omission, having not fulfilled send a global message, thereby connecting its responsibility to protect, respect and their struggles with broader climate justice guarantee the communities’ rights.1 debates (Okereke & Coventry, 2016).

The picture is not so different at the The objective of this study is to other end of the chain, regarding coal examine new emerging geographies of consumption in CFPPs. In south-eastern coal, such as the rapidly transforming Europe and Turkey the construction of landscapes in Colombia and Turkey, by over 100 new CFPPs is being planned, examining the coal chain operating at around 75 of which will be in Turkey (CAN, different layers (market, physical, and 2015). Among the CFPPs in Turkey burning socio-environmental) and on a number Colombian coal, a prime example is the of scales. Our analysis focuses on the Zonguldak Thermoelectric Power Plant of local (La Guajira and Zonguldak), the

1. The judgment of the popular tribunal against Cerrejón can be found here: http://www.colectivodeabogados.org/?Senten- 2. The idea of democratic deficits questions the legitimacy of the decision-making process The idea of democracy deficits questions cia-Tribunal-Etico-y-Politico-Agresion-Minera-en-La-Guajira . the legitimacy of the decision-making process (Norris, 2011). Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

Figure 1: The coal mining area in the Colombia Caribbean region 2. The Political Ecology of the New (La Guajira and Cesar) and CFPPs projects in Zonguldak Geographies of Coal province, Turkey A political ecology approach reveals the Ecological distribution conflicts are terms of trade, the existing physical deficits3 expressed in different “valuation languages” in international trade in the Global South, (not only economic) such as environmental and the associated ecological distribution and esthetic values, ecosystems, territorial conflicts (Martínez-Alier, 2015). One of and human rights, environmental justice the main contributions of political ecology and the sacred values of indigenous and is the analysis of ecological distribution afro-descendant communities (Rodríguez conflicts (Martínez-Alier, 2002; Robbins, Labajos & Martínez-Alier, 2013). These 2004). Ecological distribution conflicts languages are revealed through petitions, refer to struggles that emerge from mobilizations, protests, riots, and structural asymmetries in the distribution court cases denouncing environmental of the burdens of pollution, access to degradation (Martínez-Alier et al., 2010). natural resources, or the sacrifices made The focus of these manifestations is often to extract resources. Such conflicts are the distribution of environmental bads grounded in unequal distributions of and goods, participation in decision- power and income, in social inequalities making, and recognition of particular 4 of ethnicity, social class and gender group identities and rights, which 5 (Martínez-Alier & O’Connor, 1996; constitute the representative concerns of Martínez-Alier et al., 2010; Robbins, environmental justice (Schlosberg, 2004, 2004). These occur at different stages of 2007; Sikor & Newell, 2014). The concept the commodity chains (from extraction of environmental justice is an activist to transportation, consumption to waste contribution to social sustainability disposal) and involve various social sciences (Martínez-Alier et al., 2014). The actors (peasant or tribal groups, national concept was initially born in the US in the or multinational companies, national 1980s (Bullard, 1990) and focused on how governments, local or international NGOs, injustices are constructed, questioning consumer groups) that have stakes in “why those already exposed to other different stages of the chain (Martínez- forms of disadvantage are also subject Alier et al., 2016a; Martínez-Alier et al., to environmental bads” (Schlosberg & 2010). The conflicts arise in the context Collins, 2014:361). Environmental justice of different economies, cultures and forms movements link concerns of human rights of knowledge, together with biodiverse and social inequality to environmental ecosystems, where local groups get concerns, and emphasize the idea that they involved in struggles to defend their are inseparable (Taylor, 2000). territory (Escobar, 2011).

Source: Author, based on the Colombian Mining Registry (July 2014) and (Ecology Collective Association, 2015) 3. Physical deficit refers to the huge discrepancy between the tonnage exported, which is depleting or degrading natural resources, and the tonnage imported (Samaniego, Vallejo & Martínez-Alier, 2015; Vallejo, Pérez Rincón & Martinez-Alier, 2011). Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

It is possible to say that environmental the local level (Zimmerer, 2011). The justice is becoming a global movement “new geographies of energy” examine (Martínez-Alier et al., 2016b; Sikor & changing landscapes in the production Cerrejón is the largest coal mine in Colombia (69.000 ha). Its open pit Newell, 2014) with a large influence on the and consumption of energy by combining operation and railway transportation are the source of environmental and way climate justice has been conceptualized the perspective of globalization processes social conflicts that result in territory losses, health deterioration of local across multiple notions of justice. Every operating at multiple scales with a focus communities, among other damages in the south of La Guajira peninsula. set of climate justice principles reflects the on environmental change and global call of environmental justice movements climate issues (Zimmerer, 2011). The (Schlosberg & Collins, 2014). Climate “new geographies of coal” give particular change becomes a violation of basic attention to the Global South where human rights, not only because of inequity climate change provokes questions of in the impacts of climate change but also uneven development processes as well as because it involves other forms of injustice environmental concerns (Fisher, 2015). such as a lack of recognition and inclusion in political decision-making (Schlosberg & The global environmental/climate Collins, 2014). Climate justice movements justice movements generate a pressing have focused on the reduction of emissions need to further document and understand of CO2 and other greenhouse gasses, the the effects of coal on global and local health impacts of the burning of fossil environments and to analyze the fuels in vulnerable communities, and more forces that drive coal production and 6 7 recently, on keeping fossil fuels in the consumption (Bell & York, 2012). Conflicts ground.4 associated with coal are influenced by powerful regional actors, such as private Environmental/climate justice con- coal companies, and the global power tains embedded notions of the scale structures that drive markets (Clark et of the problem and the geography of al., 2012). Bell and York (2012) highlight responsibility. Fisher (2015) argues that the importance of recognizing that climate justices need to be reconceived coal producers are linked to the global as multi-scalar to explore their multiple market and that local processes must be manifestations and the ways in which understood in a global context. Morrice different scales contradict or support each and Colagiuri (2013) explore and analyze other in the search for climate solutions. coal injustices, conflicting priorities, and Furthermore, geography is central to power asymmetries between political understanding and addressing current and industrial interests, and those energy dilemmas, where the global and of communities. They illustrate the national levels are the principal routes tensions between health and economic of energy trade. However, many political gain, regardless of national discourse, actions on energy, as well as climate geographical location, and economic and environmental conflicts, are at development.

4. As proposed since 1997 by Ogonization and Yasunization movements (Temper et al., 2013) and more recently by the “Break free from fossil fuels” campaign https://breakfree2016.org/ and by Klein (2014) with her notion of “Blockadia”. Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

3. New geographies of coal: Emerging South-South links

Today we celebrate that Turkey and Colombia are getting close, above the geographical distance, and are recognized as similar and complementary in many aspects.

Colombian President Santos on a visit to Turkey ( 2011)

The new geographies of coal are The coal chain between Colombia and embedded in the emerging trade Turkey, two countries that are members relationships between developing and of the upcoming CIVETS economies, rapidly growing economies. Commercial is highly influenced by these bilateral links between Turkey and Latin America agreements between the governments have recently become a new horizon for (Cardoso & Turhan, 2018).5 There are well- a strategic relationship (González- established relations between the Embassy Levaggi, 2013). Colombia and Turkey of Colombia in Turkey, coal trading started free trade negotiations in 2011, consulting firms which facilitate coal 9 with President Santos visiting Turkey. negotiations between the two countries, Similarly, during the visit of President major importer holdings, and Turkish Erdoğan to Colombia (February authorities.6 Behind the coal trade interest, 2015) relevant agreements, including there are economic and political powers cooperation agreements in defense, that define the coal chain. The ecological tourism and agriculture, were signed. distribution conflicts in La Guajira and Moreover, the regional office of the Zonguldak are connected by the coal Turkish International Cooperation chain between these two countries. Wilde- and Development Agency (TIKA) was Ramsing and Steinweg (2012) structure opened in Bogotá. Colombia became the coal chain as two layers: the market Turkey’s second biggest trading partner and the physical. Here we add a third in Latin America in 2015, with a trading layer to be taken into account, consisting volume of US$ 1.1 billion, a figure heavily of the socio-environmental impacts of the dominated by the coal trade (Ministry coal chain between Colombia and Turkey of Foreign Affairs, Turkey, 2015b). (Figure 2).

5. CIVETS are six favored emerging countries (Colombia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Egypt, Turkey and South Africa). The acronym CIVETS was created by Robert Ward, Global Director of the Global Forecasting Team of the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) Our health or CFPPs? in 2009. 6. Authors’ interview with the Colombian embassy in Ankara, Turkey (November 2015). Source: Yuva Campaign “A future without coal energy” http://www.yuva.org.tr/ Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

Figure 2: The three layers of the coal chain between Source: Adapted from Wilde-Ramsing and Colombia and Turkey Steinweg (2012) and Cardoso (2015a).

10 11 Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

In the market and physical layers, companies that own and operate CFPPs. In there are three main players. First, the Turkey, we focus on the CFPPs in Çatalağzı, multinational mining companies. In La owned by Eren Holding, which in 2014 Guajira, three of the so-called “Big Four” imported 3.5 Mt of coal from Colombia are present: Anglo American, BHP Billiton (see section 5). According to the interview and Glencore (see Section 4). Second are conducted at Eren Holding, Turkish financial traders and commodity traders. electric utility companies are increasingly Large mining and energy companies are buying coal from Colombia because increasingly involved in trading (Harris domestic coal is not effective in caloric et al., 2016). For example, Glencore is terms. Moreover, Eren Holding explained involved in far more than just coal mining different decision criteria for importing in La Guajira. In 2013, it was the world’s coal from Colombia which include price, largest commodity trader, buying and coal quality, transportation time, and the selling coal and many other commodities conditions they negotiate with the coal (Halley, 2013). Third are the electric utility mining companies (see Table 1).

Table 1: Eren Holding: decision-making criteria for importing coal from Colombia

12 13 Source: Author based on Eren interview.

The dynamics of the South-South coal the heaviest social and environmental chain perpetuate and increase ecological costs (Cardoso, 2015a). In the case of La distribution conflicts born from the socio- Guajira, these are the indigenous and Afro- environmental liabilities at each stage of Colombian communities (Pérez-Rincón, the coal chain. Figure 2 shows the socio- 2014), while at the other end of the coal environmental liabilities layer at different chain, in Çatalağzı, the combustion of scales: bi-local (La Guajira and Zonguldak), coal affects the communities in the areas bi-national (Colombia and Turkey) and surrounding the CFPPs. In addition, the global. Coal dust dispersion, air pollution, coal chain impacts climate change, which public health loss and climate change are affects areas in highly unequal ways, the critical socio-environmental liabilities prejudicing the most vulnerable (Richards present in all stages of the coal chain. & Boom, 2015). Nevertheless, local communities bear

7. The EJOLT Project (Environmental Justice Organizations, Liabilities and Trade), through a joint reflection by environmental justice organizations and academics, defines socio-environmental liabilities as any situation of uncompensated damages imposed on a third party, producing an injustice and demands for compensation and remediation to stop further damage (Zografos et al., 2014). Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

4. Scavenging the Earth: Export-oriented coal extraction in Colombia

Colombia is an upper middle-income climate negotiations (AbdelGawad et al., economy and is Latin America’s fourth 2015), where Colombia committed to largest economy (IMF, 2016). Despite reducing its greenhouse gas emissions having been mired in half a century of by 20%, and, subject to the provision internal war, in the past decade Colombia of international support, this reduction has seen a rapid increase in foreign direct could rise to 30% by 2030 (Gobierno investment and was admitted to the de Colombia, 2015). However, these OECD in 2018. The country has also been intentions do not take into account CO2 hailed for its progressive position in UN emissions from exported coal.

Figure 3: Colombia and Turkey electricity mix and power capacity

Source: UPME (2015a) and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Turkey (2015a).

While most of the world’s 50 coal- of electricity generated in Colombia came producing countries use coal for domestic from coal, with 69.7% being generated energy production, Colombia exports over from hydropower (UPME, 2015a). 90% of its coal (SIMCO, 2018). Measured Colombian energy policy has focused on coal reserves were estimated at 6,419 Mt tilting the energy mix towards hydropower and potential reserves at 16,347 Mt, which (Figure 3), because of its potential due at the current rate of exploitation will to its feasibilities (topographic features We want a life without CFPPs keep Colombia producing for another 100 and climatic regime) and the foreign Source: Yuva Campaign “A future without coal energy” http://www.yuva.org.tr/ years (SIMCO, 2018). In 2015, just 7.5% direct investment in that energy sector Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

(PROCOLOMBIA, 2015). However, during 4). In 2014, Colombia reached its highest Figure 4: Changing patterns of coal trade between the country’s recent electricity crisis due level of coal exports, an increase of 16.6% Colombia and Turkey to “El Niño” (October 2015 to April 2016), (from 73.4 Mt to 85.6 Mt) compared to thermal power plants based on coal and 2013 (SIMCO, 2018). hydrocarbons came to cover 47% of the electricity demand (Clavijo et al., 2016). The factors behind the increasing The government projection for 2050 coal exports are a combination of a outlines plans to diversify the electricity boom in commodity prices (in 2008 mix with greater participation of renewable and 2011-2013) and the governments’ energies as well as coal (UPME, 2015b). neoliberal policies that consider mining as a “development locomotive”, acting as a driver for the industry and offering 4.1 The boom of Colombian coal incentives to foreign firms to invest (Fierro, exports and its royalties 2012). The neoliberal line of the Mining Code (Law 685 of 2001) ended the state There is a clear connection between the mining companies, limiting government world’s consumption of coal and Colombian participation to a regulatory role and coal exports. Colombia is the fourth largest favoring foreign investment (Fierro, 2012; net exporter of hard coal after Indonesia, Pardo, 2013). Australia and Russia (IEA, 2015c), and 16 17 almost 8% of Colombian GDP is based on Moreover, several multinational mining and oil extraction (UPME, 2014). coal mining companies have benefitted Coal exported by Colombia comes mainly from tax exemptions and deductions. from the regions of La Guajira and Cesar Coal mining companies must pay a 10% (Figure 1), where the production of coal royalty (different from a tax on profits) represents 42% and 52% of their GDP for a production larger than 3 Mt per year. respectively (Bayona, 2016). Coal exports Rudas and Espitia (2013) compare coal increased by 73% from 49.2 Mt in 2003, to mining royalties with tax exemptions for 85.2 Mt in 2014. Exports to Turkey reached the coal mining sector. They found that 10.99 Mt in 2015 (SIMCO, 2018). Turkey mining tax exemptions ranged from 68% is a net energy importer, importing 74% of to 103% of the total mining royalties. Thus, the country’s energy, whereas Colombia is in mining coal, the Colombian government a net exporter, exporting the equivalent of has given away its royalties (ABColombia 294% of the country’s used energy (Figure et al., 2012).

Source: SIMCO (2018); The World Bank (2015). Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

4.2 The coal trade between La Cerrejón is the coal company that provides In fact, we found a particular interest transportation of coal that produces Guajira and Turkey most coal to the Turkish companies from the Turkish energy companies environmental damage throughout the (SIMCO, 2018), including Eren in to invest in La Guajira. A well-known area (Cardoso, 2015a; Pérez-Rincón, Coal mining extractions by Cerrejón in Çatalağzı. In 2015, Cerrejón sold more Turkish investment in La Guajira was the 2014). Additionally, open-pit coal mining La Guajira began more than 30 years ago than 3 Mt to Eren9. During the period 2004 transaction between CCX (a subsidiary transforms landscapes. For example, 1t of and the company owns the biggest coal – 2015, more than 66 Mt of Colombian of the EBX Group in Brazil, run by Eike extracted coal produces 18t of mining waste mine (69,000 ha) in Colombia. In 2000, coal was exported to Turkey, with 98% Batista) and the Turkish company Yıldırım, (Fierro & López, 2014). The communities the Colombian government sold its shares being exported by Cerrejón (see Figure which in March 2014 signed a purchase are losing their territory given the fact that to three transnational corporations: BHP 5). This was mainly because Cerrejón was agreement for US$125 million to acquire open-pit mining does not share land use Billiton, Glencore, and Anglo American8. apparently the only Colombian producer three coal mines in La Guajira. CCX’s assets with any other activity. The main impacts In 2015, Cerrejón reported 47% of total that could ship coal that satisfied all of include the San Juan mine (671.8 Mt of are air pollution, local health deterioration, coal exports (SIMCO, 2018). To export Turkey’s imported thermal coal quality reserves, railway and port infrastructure) groundwater depletion, land and the coal, Cerrejón transports the extracted restrictions. However, in 2014, the Turkish (see Figure 1). The intention of Yıldırım was ecosystem services losses, and damages coal by train from the south of La Guajira environmental authority increased the to directly export the coal produced from from transportation and shipping due to to Puerto Bolívar in the extreme north of limit on the volatile content of imported these coal mines in La Guajira to Yıldırım’s coal dust dispersion (Cardoso, 2015a). The the peninsula. Both the railway line and thermal coal, and other major mining 4,000MW CFPPs in Turkey (Ship2Shore, most affected groups are the impoverished, the port are entirely owned by Cerrejón. companies operating in Colombia became 3 March 2014). However, after the signing particularly farmers, as well as indigenous eligible to export to Turkey (Platts, 2014). of the agreement, Yildirim began a legal and afro-descendant communities (Pérez- This study focuses on the ecological battle against CCX for continuing to sell its Rincón, 2014). distribution of conflicts in La Guajira, as Colombian assets to other potential buyers 18 19 (El Tiempo, 30 March 2015). Finally, in In La Guajira, local communities, October 2015, Yıldırım announced that it indigenous peoples, Afro-Colombian Figure 5: Colombian coal exports to Turkey by coal would give up the business and demanded communities, and peasant farmers have mining companies (2004) the return of the initial fee, claiming that denounced the numerous impacts and CCX did not meet the initial conditions conflicts caused by the Cerrejón mining 70 related to the environmental licenses. activities, such as the pollution of air, 60 The port and the mines failed to obtain soil and water, cultural uprooting, health 50 environmental permits due to strong problems, violations of the right to food,

40 opposition from indigenous communities

Mt and the right to a healthy environment. who considered the area a sacred place (El 30 These conflicts are mainly linked to land Pilón, 13 October 2015). grabbing, dispossession, and appropriation 10 of communal water sources (Ortiz et al., 0 4.3 Ecological distribution 2014), and have led to local communities CERREJÓN OTHER COAL MINING conflicts and coal resistance in losing their health and livelihood, as well (La Guajira) COMPANIES La Guajira. as their identity and territorial rights (Cesar) (CENSAT & Cordaid, 2016). Source: SIMCO (2018). Coal mining and transport to the port are the most important causes of Chomsky et al. (2007) demonstrate the numerous environmental conflicts in how coal-mining in La Guajira is the the Caribbean region of Colombia, due agent behind the dispossession and 8. http://www.cerrejon.com/site/english/our-company/history/our-history-2000.aspx. 9. Data based on Eren interview (November 2015). to the open-pit mining and the railway displacement of the indigenous Wayuu Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

communities as well as afro-descendant and the environment (Wilde-Ramsing & invested in their territory during the stream – and tomorrow another, communities. While some communities Steinweg, 2012) and that resistance has previous 30 years of coal exploitation, and so on. We have to limit this were relocated because of mining been criminalized to weaken the protests but that the deviation of the river would expansion because this is a desert expansion, other communities located (Harris et al., 2016). Moreover, violence also undermine the survival of local region and has a limited water close to the mines have been displaced due has silenced critical voices within the communities (Siosi-Pino, 2012). In supply. Cerrejón cannot continue to dire environmental pollution and social local communities, and prevented them fact, La Guajira ranks third in terms of diverting streams to increase conditions. Many communities have lost from denouncing the human, social, and poverty in Colombia, with 65% of the profits. To reach 70Mt they will their traditional territories and cultural environmental consequences of mining population lacking basic needs (PNUD, destroy everything and everyone.” heritage. As the leader of the Fuerza de (Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung & FoE, 2015). 2013). For example, between 2008 and (June, 2016) Mujeres Wayúu group10 indicated in an In the popular tribunal, mentioned 2013, as many as 3,000 children under interview: in the introduction, workers from the the age of five (most of them belonging Although the Colombian government Sintracarbón Union presented evidence to indigenous communities) died due to signed a peace agreement with the “Coal mining should not be like that Cerrejón had violated their labor and malnutrition, lack of sanitation, and poor Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia that, because they benefit from this economic rights (Banks, 2014). Workers health infrastructure (El Espectador, (FARC), the neoliberal governmental resource that our land provides, reported that Cerrejón had tried to weaken 2014). policies that favor the extractive industries but this coal does not benefit the La the Sintracarbón Union by increasing the will continue generating environmental Guajira community as such; only number of third-party contracted workers Local communities, with the support conflicts. For example, the EJatlas the multinationals are profiting. It who do not receive the same benefits or of national and international allies, have (https://ejatlas.org/) has recorded is not fair that they are extracting salaries as workers employed directly by won the battle to halt the redirecting of 120 environmental conflicts across the our resources and they do not the mine, even though they do the same the Ranchería River. However, Cerrejón country. Moreover, in the Colombian 20 21 leave anything to the people, only job. They also denounced that Cerrejón is now trying to divert it stream by stream. political situation, mining, hydropower problems and the hole. So, we refused to accept its responsibility for In 2014, it announced another diversion and palm oil plantations have attracted cannot say that this is responsible injured or sick employees who develop project on a branch of the Ranchería violence from different sources, not least mining. Today Cerrejón has taken conditions such as silicosis as a direct called Arroyo Bruno11. The coal mining the paramilitary, as can be seen in the over our water resources, which result of working in the mine (Banks, resistance continues, according to the following statement from an interview: for us have a spiritual and cultural 2014). leader of the Guajira Dignity Group in an value.” (June, 2016) interview: “With the arrival of coal mining In 2012, the coal resistance became came the armed groups, which was In recent years, various reports stronger and achieved national attention “The government cannot a disaster… This peaceful town (AbdelGawad et al., 2015; Harris et al., when the mining company Cerrejón began continue granting mining titles became a holocaust where death 2016; Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung & FoE, a diversion project of the Ranchería River, here, and Cerrejón cannot come was everyday bread; that’s why 2015; Wilde-Ramsing & Rácz, 2014; announcing that 500 Mt of coal under every two years and say – we many people abandoned their land” Wilde-Ramsing & Steinweg, 2012) have the river would generate royalty income are planning the deviation of this Local (March 2014). documented human rights violations for the local community. In La Guajira, at coal mines in La Guajira. These a very dry region, all local organizations studies have reported that social and came together and organized the “Guajira environmental conditions at coal mines Dignity Group” to resist the diversion of often fail to meet international standards the Ranchería River. They stated that not for the protection of workers, communities only had they not seen any royalty income

10. This is an indigenous women’s organization created by and composed of women from the Wayuu communities in La Guajira. 11. This project was suspended due to a ruling by the Constitutional Court in 2017. Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

5. Dark faultlines: Turkey and its coal rush in turbulent times

Turkey is an upper middle-income appalling record for environmental developing country with significant organizations (Boşnak, 2016) and uneven geographical development, a ecological integrity (Şekercioğlu et al., turbulent (geo)political landscape and 2011). Erdoğan referred to anti-coal mounting pressure on its ecosystems. groups in this statement: “Do not listen to Coal (both lignite and hard coal), along them. We need to do what is needed,” and with natural gas, has a significant role continued saying that “[Turkey] has local in electricity production in Turkey. In coal reserves. Rather than using imported 2015, coal accounted for 28.4% and gas coal, [it] can use local reserves, thus for 37.8% of total electricity consumption pushing down the current account deficit. (Figure 3). Turkey’s energy demand This step must be taken,” (Hurriyet Daily will double by 2023, with an increase of News, 2016). Despite this rhetoric, 95% around 90% in primary energy demand of the fuel used by CFPPs built in Turkey between 2016 and 2023 (Acar et al., in the last five years has been imported 2015a; Acar & Yeldan, 2016). Although (Carrington, 2015). When brought these figures are highly contested, Turkey together with the inadequacy of Turkey’s is still a net importer of energy, ranking INDC (Intended Nationally Determined 23 8th in terms of global hard coal imports Contribution) to take its fair share in (IEA, 2015c). This fact is most lucidly global efforts to limit climate change well reflected in the negative trade deficit due below 2oC, this coal rush may cause a to hydrocarbon imports, with the World serious ‘carbon lock-in’12 in the country’s Bank (2014) estimating that the energy energy and climate policies in the short to deficit in the GDP of Turkey is 6%, and medium term (Turhan, et al., 2016). this energy shortfall accounts for 58% of the trade deficit. 5.1 The national coal market in Turkey The Turkish government has emphasized the use of domestic resources Turkey’s energy imports skyrocketed to push its ‘coal rush’, most notably due between 1990 and 2013, parallel to the to geopolitical tensions with Russia, push for liberalization, increasing by a country on which Turkey has a very 211% during this time period (Türkyılmaz, high level of hydrocarbon dependency 2015). The installed capacity of CFPPs (Kaygusuz et al., 2015; Öniş & Yılmaz, has increased 77% between 2004 and 2016). This cannot be better demonstrated 2015 (Acar, et al., 2015b), reaching 28.4% than in the words of President Erdoğan, of energy imports. Parallel to such moves whose term in office is generating an in electricity generation, Turkey also Our fish or CFPPs? 12. “Carbon lock-in” refers to the self-perpetuating inertia created by large energy systems based on fossil fuels that limit public Source: Yuva Campaign “A future without coal energy” http://www.yuva.org.tr/ and private efforts to introduce alternative energy technologies. Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

witnessed a rise of 125% in greenhouse energy imports in Turkey. This incident to the importer country, we cheaper energy source.” Although Turkey’s gas emissions between 1990 and 2014 not only marked the culmination of follow [the regulations] closely, main challenge in relation to energy was its (TUIK, 2016), and ranks third in the the building geopolitical tension but because currently we depend on budget deficit due to skyrocketing energy world, after China and India, in terms was also a warning sign for Turkey’s a single country for the majority imports (IEEFA, 2015), new energy policy of capacity to generate electricity from hydrocarbon-dependent economy. of gas. […] We want to diversify after the geopolitical reshuffling focuses new coal plants, with more than 40 new Turkey receives 52.94% of its natural importation of all energy sources”. on both diversifying sources of imports as plants projected (Shearer et. al., 2015; gas and approximately 34.3% of its hard Head of Department, Ministry of well as pushing for more lignite. EndCoal, 2018). coal imports from Russia (TMMOB, Energy and Natural Resources 2018). However, after the rising tensions (November, 2015) In light of the brittle relations with Turkey’s energy strategy aims at using with Russia and Iran, as well as the US, Russia and a political will pushing for all existing domestic lignite and hard coal the Turkish government accelerated its “Having local resources and more coal in the country’s energy mix, potential for energy generation purposes efforts to diversify its fossil fuel sources, supporting them with reliable Colombian coal appears to be a good while also relying heavily on imported including both a push on domestic lignite imported resources is very alternative for business and government. coal with high calorific value (such as that and a renewed quest for new hard coal important in order for us to not be Moreover, a rapid change in the Law on from Colombia) to ensure supply-side imports. The president of the Turkish in a political position that would the Electricity Market, enacted on June security. The 2015-2019 strategic plan Miners Association concluded, “[Russian] make us weak and dependent on 4th, 2016, brought substantial changes of the Ministry of Energy and Natural coal used in [Turkish] industry can easily political repression from Russia” to electricity production in Turkey. This Resources aims to increase power be substituted by Colombian or South Energy company employee revision not only brought ‘environmental generation based on domestic coal to 60 African coal almost without a cost” (November, 2015). immunity’ to domestic lignite-powered plants until 2020 by exempting them, 24 billion kWh by 2019. By 2023, Turkey (Milliyet, 2015). 25 wants to add 18.5 GW of coal-fired However, the highly profitable energy as well as state-owned CFPPs privatized electricity generation capacity, putting Although the seven-month standstill sector, ridden with crony relations before 2018, from environmental its own climate targets at risk (CAT, in bilateral relations, which was partially and clientelism, is still fragile. Energy legislation, but it also prioritized electricity 2015b; Richert, 2015). In 2018, 17.4% of relieved by a formal apology from the companies are already struggling to repay production from lignite-based power electricity generation was carried out with Turkish government to Russia, was loans accumulated during an acquisition plants in the case of supplies being imported coal, and 16.3% with particularly detrimental to the tourism spree before energy prices dropped insufficient to meet demand (EKD, 2016). national lignite (TMMOB, 2018: 256). sector and agricultural products (Bloomberg, 2016). Although the recent In a recent attempt to address this budget Nevertheless, the growing economic and exports, the key debate was on energy coal rush appears to be legitimized by deficit, the Turkish government benefitted political crisis in Turkey also has its roots dependence. As we heard in the the government sources suggesting from the state of emergency regulations in energy investments drowned in external interviews: that domestic lignite will be promoted, after the failed coup d’état attempt and debt, and which expose this energetic emphasis on a particular technology (fluid imposed an import duty of 15 US$/t on panorama to certain serious risks in the “We want to balance the bed boilers) makes it possible to run these coal imported for power generation by short term. electricity mix by decreasing the CFPPs both on lignite or imported coal. August 2016. Reports suggest that by the proportion of gas and increasing The rapid and subsidized lignite-fueled end of June 2016, Turkey had ten power 5.2. New geopolitics and the the use of other sources. It power plant build-out would put upward plants, totaling 6,780 MW of burning coal rush in Turkey is known that CFPPs using pressure on currently low electricity prices imported coal, with the country importing imported coal should operate (Yenigün-Dilek & Schlissel, 2016). Deloitte 33,226 Mt of coal in 2015 (Platts, 2016a). On November 24th, 2015, a Russian in an environmentally friendly (2014) argues that “uncertainties related to Hence, although these legislative changes fighter plane was downed as it breached manner, with low emissions natural gas power plants and unexpected can be read as a counter-attack on energy Turkish territory near the Syrian border, levels. Therefore, with regard delays in lignite projects lead investors to imports, Turkey’s thermal coal imports marking a disruption to cheap and easy hard coal as a relatively more eligible and increased by 29.5% from the previous Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

year (2015) with Colombian coal leading the last decade opposing hydropower the market (Platts, 2016b).13 Nonetheless, (Harris & Işlar, 2014), gold mines (Hurley said coal rush has both local and national & Arı, 2011), and urban transformation implications for climate change policy (Elicin, 2014), with an increased (Turhan et al., 2016), as well as for the frequency of anti-coal movements across socio-ecological conflicts sparked by the country, some ending in victories energy investments. and others in failures (Arsel et al., 2015). Currently, there are a significant number of anti-coal groups in the country fighting 5.3 The case of Çatalağzı, both the government’s pro-coal policies Zonguldak (NW Turkey) and investors, in areas where the rule of law is falling short. However, the reach of The past decade under Erdogan’s such grassroots groups is rather limited rule has led to both an expanding social unless they manage to get international metabolism, particularly due to the attention, as was the case with BreakFree construction of energy sectors, as well as an mobilizations in May 2016, which resulted exacerbating trend in ecological conflicts in a strong link to the global climate (Knudsen, 2015; Özkaynak et al., 2015). justice debate (see anti-CFPPs campaign Environmental movements in Turkey spent in Box 1). Our planet or CFPPs? Our future or CFPPs? 26 27

Box 1: Turkish anti-coal movements campaign

We want a future without CFPPs

13. This is most clearly reflected in President Erdoğan’s words in late April 2016: I“ am personally against imported coal coming into this country. We can lower the current deficit by using more local coal.” Erdoğan also acknowledged that the quality of local Our health or CFPPs? Our air or CFPPs? coal might be lower than its imported counterpart but said it remained better to use the local variety rather than import it (http:// aa.com.tr/en/economy/turkish-president-erdogan-wants-less-coal-imports/560632). Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

Our seals or CFPPs? Our fish or CFPPs? 28 29 “Karabiga” does not We want a life become black! without CFPPs

Source: Yuva Campaign “A future without coal energy” http://www.yuva.org.tr/

The first coal mine in Zonguldak transformed into a “Black Diamond” was opened in 1848, marking a town. As the urban identity has turning point in the history of this developed around coal and coal coastal town. Private French, Italian mining, most urban institutions are and Turkish companies began named after this precious mineral, as mining in the basin with a concession in the case of Zonguldak Karaelmas granted in 1896 (Şengül & Aytekin, (Black Diamond) University. The 2012). The government nationalized local economy, commerce and the mines in 1940, and with this, politics have all focused on coal a new era began. The state coal production over the past century. company became a major provider of With the liberalization of Turkish infrastructure investments, including mining and energy markets in the social, cultural, and even municipal aftermath of the 2001 economic Our trees or CFPPs? services. Zonguldak was then crisis, topped with low yields of Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

coal in the region, the main focus in infrastructure. Nonetheless, after Box 2: Eren ZETES 2 and its process Zonguldak has started to shift from Eren opened the ZETES-1 (160MW) a region extracting coal to a region and ZETES-2 (1230MW) plants, importing coal. the locals were still unemployed and without social investments. In In Çatalağzı (17 km away from addition, local grievances regarding Zonguldak city center), the first CFPP public health were rapidly increasing. was built by the state in 1948. It A leader from the local anti-coal used coal from the region, employed group commented: thousands of people and invested some portion of the surplus in “But of course, because there is different social facilities, including a difference in mentality between 300 units of social housing, schools, state-owned and private sectors, mosques and a cinema for the these expectations [of secure, workers. However, things turned sour well-paying jobs] didn’t happen. when the coal market was liberalized Why does the state do a certain in 2001. When Eren (based in thing? Because there is a need, a Istanbul) came with the proposal of a necessity. Why does private sector new CFPP, local groups did not object do anything? For profit. They have 30 to the project, as they saw it as similar different aims. The state says ‘yes, 31 to the already existing state-owned Turkey has a need for energy, enterprises that provided them with so we will build a CFPP here’, we a good living. The locals believed need to produce energy. The logic that the new projects would bring behind these private investments employment and social investment, is fundamentally different”. such as social housing and new (November, 2015)

Source: Picture by author. Diagram adapted from Isken (2011). Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition

The primary goal of the Turkish These investments have caused government and the new energy serious opposition from residents, most investments is to create an energy hub of whom are either former employees of on the western Black Sea (Su & Toroğlu, the nearby coal mines or retired workers 2015), with energy companies like Eren from the once state-owned CFPP. Together being granted more permits. In addition with environmental groups they are to the existing Eren 1390MW-installed denouncing the socio-environmental capacity, the company obtained a license impacts of these CFPPs, including: for ZETES-3, which is currently under unemployment, respiratory diseases, construction, with an installed power increasing risk factors for childhood capacity of 1400MW (2x700MW). asthma (Tomac et al., 2005), the Moreover, Eren has already applied appearance of cancers due to the for its fourth plant, estimated to be of radioactivity of coal and ash (Aytekin & the same capacity. Eren facilitated its Baldık, 2011), loss of traditional crops due permit processes by legitimizing the use to acid rain, and the increase in surface of local coal, but it also obtained permits temperature in the region (Sekertekin et to construct a coal port nearby. Eren not al., 2016). The failure of Eren to comply only meets its coal demand via imported with EIA commitments as well as the coal from this port, but also sells it to failure of the government to require and 32 other companies (Enerji Enstitüsü, 2013). enforce pollution controls has exacerbated Çatalağzı and the whole province of local resistance (Myllyvirta et al., 2014). Zonguldak are producing 7% of Turkey’s It is not surprising that no cumulative electricity and when the investments are impact assessments have been performed implemented this will increase to 10% regarding the development of these new (Evrensel, 2016). CFPPs in Çatalağzı (Stefanova & Popov, 2013).

“Karabiga” does not become black! Source: Yuva Campaign “A future without coal energy” http://www.yuva.org.tr/ Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

6. Discussion linking socio-environmental movements In both countries, there are a number across cultures and borders, over long of different actors, such as environmental Although coal is (at least, rhetorically) interests of multinationals. On one hand, distances (Robbins, 2014). justice organizations, academics, and losing its importance in the global energy Turkey’s main interest is diversification different groups that are working together mix after the COP21 Paris Agreement, of the electricity mix, because the The coal chain between Colombia to build alternatives to traditional we argue that new geographies of country is currently highly dependent and Turkey has a relatively short history, development models, beyond extractivism coal extraction, trade and burning are on gas importation from Russia. On and this short-term perspective could and the consumption of fossil fuels emerging within the Global South. The the other hand, the trade agreements be a limitation of this study. The coal (Başkaya, 2016; CENSAT, 2014; Escobar, future of coal will not be defined by benefit the coal multinationals that trade relationship between the two 1994; Gudynas, 2011). In Colombia, the the traditional extractive relationship operate in Colombia, and the Colombian countries has been strengthened since post-conflict scenario resulting from between North-South, but by domestic government expects to receive more 2011, due to the search for preferential the peace agreement with the FARC and extraction and consumption in countries royalties from coal exports. However, this commercial agreements, together with a possible future agreement with the like China and India, and (as suggested study shows that the trade relationship a desire for economic growth. While in ELN, may provide a good opportunity in this study) by the emerging trade between these two developing countries Turkey some anti-coal movements link to explore post-extractivism scenarios relationships embedded in geopolitical is anchored in ecological distribution their struggles to climate change, in and address the structural causes of and economic interests from South to conflicts associated with both the mining Colombia the international link is human the Colombian conflict (inequalities South. Different socio-environmental and consumption of coal. rights violation. We did not, however, in the distribution of land, wealth and liabilities can be observed in these new find any international network linking environmental goods and bads) that geographies of the coal trade as a result The ecological distribution conflicts coal injustices in both countries. We see persist beyond the peace negotiations. In of the democratic deficits that exacerbate caused by the extraction and consumption 34 this as an opportunity for connecting Turkey, the developmentalist rush will 35 socio-environmental conflicts, not only by of coal across multiple scales (bi-local, the claims and actions of the local anti- continue, with a growing number of CFPP pro-coal government policies but also by bi-national and global) prove that the coal movements at both ends of the coal projects affecting local people, increasing coal market players which make the South- political ecology of coal is a “macro- chain to demonstrate the possibility of domestic extractivism, and most likely, South trade less transparent (AbdelGawad scale project of resource extraction an emerging international coalition on augmenting coal imports. et al., 2015). Local democracy, as expressed and trade” (Bebbington, 2015). The environmental justice that questions the in local consultations, referendums or ecological distribution conflicts along development model ( Robbins, 2014). appropriate EIA meetings, could reduce the coal chain between Colombia and injustice (Martínez-Alier, 2015; Walter & Turkey are related to air pollution, public Urkidi, 2014). health loss, relocation and displacement of local communities, environmental Coal expansion in the Global South degradation (diversion of rivers and should not only be viewed in terms of its coastal ecosystems affected), and climate impacts on environmental/climate justice change, and also with the different players but also as a consequence and a trigger involved in the coal chain. The multiple of combined and uneven development layers and scales of the coal chain, along processes (Fisher, 2015). For example, with the democratic deficit throughout in our analysis, the coal chain between the chain, enable companies to ignore Colombia and Turkey is influenced their responsibility for such socio- by the political and economic power environmental liabilities (Harris et al., of both governments as well as by the 2016). There is, however, a possibility of Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition

7. Conclusion

In this volume, we have attempted with the support of international NGOs, to explore the political ecology of new are working to expose the impacts of coal geographies of coal, with the specific on a global scale. Colombia and Turkey example of the coal chain between are connected through their coal trade Colombia and Turkey, to demonstrate but, to date, there is no network linking how the coal chain shapes local ecological coal injustices in both these countries. distribution conflicts. Our analysis reveals There is, however, a growing link that these new geographies are anchored between the local effects of coal burning in socio-ecological injustice and imposed and the awareness of climate change, externalities, associated with both the creating a potential opportunity to build mining and consumption of coal, as well alliances between environmental justice as with irreconcilable tensions between organizations in Colombia and Turkey. public health, economic gain, and political The analysis of these new geographies power in the two countries. The coal of coal results in emerging interaction chain layers and scales reveal the spatial shaping the South-South relations, organization and regimes of political and creates a specific opportunity to power. The emerging voices at both ends understand climate justice, as well as of this chain face democratic deficits, not related economic and social inequalities, 36 only due to pro-coal government policies on a new scale. The lack of accountability but also as a result of the different players for these injustices in the allocation of in the market and the various physical wealth and distribution of environmental layers of the coal chain. We found that goods and bads contributes to the global the emergent anti-coal mining and anti- increase in the use of coal. CFPPs movements in these countries,

Our trees or CFPPs? Source: Yuva Campaign “A future without coal energy” http://www.yuva.org.tr/ Series Towards a Post Coal Mining Colombia: Contributions for a Socio-Environmentally Just Transition Political Ecology of the New Geographies of Coal: The Coal Chain between Colombia and Turkey

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