SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS…

QUAESTIONES GEOGRAPHICAE 31(3) • 2012

SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… CONTROVERSY – HMS RESOLUTION MEMOIRS NEVER REFINED

Kr z y s z t o f K. Vo r b r i c h

Polish Academy of Sciences, Space Research Centre, Borowiec, Poland

Manuscript Received: March 20, 2012 Revised Version: July 4, 2012

Vo r b r i c h K.K., Some geographical and geological aspects in Johann Forster’s posthumous Journals… controver- sy – HMS Resolution memoirs never refined. Quaestiones Geographicae 31(3), Bogucki Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Poznań 2012, pp. 89–105. DOI 10.2478/v10117-012-0023-7, ISSN 0137-477X.

Ab s t r a c t . The article takes part in the controversy surrounding the scientific heritage of Johann Forster born in Poland, of Scottish ancestry, writing in Latin, German and English. The main medium are Johann’s Journals drafted in English during Cook’s Second Circumnavigation. This article first presents the scientific controversy surrounding the posthumously published Journals…. Then in eleven topic-organised sections it depicts critically the geographical and geographo/geological character of these diaries.

Ke y w o r d s : 18th c. & geology, Cook’s Second Voyage memoirs Krzysztof K. Vorbrich, Astrogeodynamical Observatory, Space Research Centre, Polish Academy of Sciences, Borówiec, Drapaka St. 4, P.O. 62-035 Kórnik, Poland, e-mail: [email protected]

1. Introduction Jerzy, Ger. Georg) Adam are further referred to as the Forsters. They were born near Gdańsk This article presents critical comments to in Royal-Prussia in 1729 and 1754 respectively. sample citations from the writings in English of Their ‘mother tongue’ was German. At home Johann Forster in his posthumously published they spoke probably sometimes in Latin, may- primary source i.e. Journals... The chosen quota- be also in Polish. Later abroad they spoke also tions concern the geographical and geographo/ English, French and Russian. They fiercely culti- geological research, which he conducted together vated their Scottish traditions, however. Johann with his son George during Cook’s Second Cir- and George Forster moved to Great Britain in cumnavigation. The important aim of this ar- 1766 and left that country for good in 1779. Later ticle is to rehabilitate Johann Forster’s scientific George for a few years lectured at Vilna Univer- achievement in part denigrated by the writings sity. George died in 1794 in Paris and his father of his Anglophone adversaries. in 1798 in . The father Johann (Pol. Jan, Eng. John) Rein- In the meantime they took part in Cook’s Sec- hold (Pol. Rajnold) and son Johann George (Pol. ond Voyage (1772–1775). Johann Reinhold For- 90 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich ster kept a most detailed log (mentioned above) tinent of any value (climate- or weather-wise) to on board ’s flagship the Resolution. any European power. Yet the two consecutive This diary Johann called his “Journal” or “Jour- Southern Winters Cook spent recuperating in the nals.” The British Admiralty prohibited the pub- more temperate zones in the Pacific Ocean “down lication of this diary. Modern researchers usually the line.” In his cruises of respite directed north- allude to this chronicle as The Resolution Journal(s) wards to Oceania, he found a lot of interesting of , or Berlin Journal(s). The things land-wise – and this was when and where latter designation has its source in the fact that the Forsters did their duty best – to describe, col- after Johann’s death, his widow, Justyna, depos- lect, and explain. Cook returned home via Cape ited the manuscripts (MSS) of Forster’s Journals Horn and Cape of Good Hope. Overall, the Voy- in Berlin, where they are kept presently. There age lasted just over 1100 days, of which app. 290 they laid unidentified, misplaced, and forgotten were spent at anchor or at landfall. for almost two hundred years. The present article This article is a preliminary constituent of refers to those ‘Diaries’ or ‘Memoirs’ in abbrevia- a comparatively new scientific study about the tion as Journals... Forsters, established on rather novel principles. Here an explanation is due. The phrase Mem- Firstly, the research is conducted on two post-doc oirs never refined contained in the title of this study levels, namely: – based on the present au- article means two things. Firstly: quasi-real-time thor’s second PhD in the history of the English/ entries of Johann. In addition, he never, even in British literature and culture and based on this the slightest, edited his strictly private MS for the author’s first PhD in satellite physics/astronomy intended, but thwarted, publication. Secondly: and his subsequent studies extending to satel- the present author does not fully know what lite/inertial-oceanic navigation. Secondly, the would have been the literary and scientific out- research builds it substance on both the theoreti- put of the Forsters if Johann had been allowed cal and practical principles. The former are based to publish his Journals... N.B. the partial answer on extensive bibliographical studies conducted to the last question can give the comparison of by the present author in situ, all over the world. Johann’s Journals... with the other publications of The latter are based on the analysis of evidence as the Forsters. However, this contrastive analysis is set down by the present author during his sport absent in this article. Still, it is to a certain extent sailing yacht ocean voyages and scientific land provided in (Vorbrich, 2011). travels in the footsteps of the Forsters’ roving and The nautical chronological record of the above during his professional experiments on maritime mentioned Cook’s Second Voyage is familiar to and airborne navigation. most readers. Nevertheless, it is explained among others in more detail in (Beaglehole, 1974), (Cook, 1779), and (Forster J.R., 1982) and is summarised 2. The scientific controversy briefly below. Cook was to settle the questions surrounding Forster’s Journals... posed by his First Voyage and by the geographers advocating the existence of the mammoth South- Johann wrote his Journals... with high ex- ern Continent. His aim was to sail completely pectations. However, as alluded above, back in around the globe traversing as much water South London Johann had been forbidden to publish of latitude 50 degree South as possible. The pre- his chronicle. Johann Forster’s struggle for his vailing winds demanded that in order to fulfil right of freedom of expression and his right to his task he should sail eastwards from the Cape publish his own account of Cook’s Second Voy- of Good Hope. During this Circumnavigation, in age – launched – indirectly, the literary career of three consecutive years, he made three Southern George Forster who published: (Forster G., 1777, Summer forages as far South as was conceivable A Voyage...). Instead of his logs, Johann published and/or practicable. In her “deep South probes,” (Forster J.R., 1778, Observations...). The above- the Resolution found nothing solid except ice. This mentioned memoirs were based on Journals’... negative answer to Cook’s query was as good as MS, cf. (Forster J.R., Journal..., MS 1772–1775). any – he proved that there was no Southern Con- SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 91

However, this article is based on (Forster J.R., “A piratical pretender of knowledge, biased by 1982). (Hoare, 1982) asserts that: system, guilty of continual misrepresentation, in- consistent, unworthy of credit, contemptible, ig- “... emerge from /.../ the Journal, /.../ that [Jo- norant and illiterate, /.../ deceitful, /.../ arrogant, hann] Forster must now be considered as the best /.../ and finally mad.” In: (Wales, 1778, p. 1.) and read and most learned of Cook’s scientists. He was in: (Forster G., Reply..., 1778, p. 7.) certainly the most professional...” Moreover, Wales was adamant that the author Also cf. (Hoare, 1982): of A Voyage... was Johann rather than George For- ster. Some critics consider Wales’ essay as ill-in- “... [Johann Forster’s] contributions to geography formed and full of extreme emotional prejudice /.../ were outstanding for the period; he helped to in his attack on the Forsters. Nevertheless, this lay bases for modern approaches [to this science] literary piece had been extremely influential in /.../ At the time of his death he was called the ‘pa- England and in other English-speaking territo- triarch’ of geography in Europe...” (p. viii.) ries, out of any proportion to its author’s merits. Still, (Thomas, 1996) attributes the overtly an- “...For [Johann] Forster /.../ was regarded by some ti-Forsterian attitude of some of the literary critics of the leading men of his times /.../ as one of the to John Cawte Beaglehole, the prolific and influ- most accomplished naturalists, /.../ of his day. ential New Zealand based biographer of Cook: /.../ [Johann Forster’s] work is of seminal signifi- cance for /.../ science and letters in the last quarter “In his [J.C. Beaglehole’s] work (The Life of Captain of the eighteenth century. Most German scholars James Cook, London, 1974, pp. 461–470.), together have long recognized this: Anglo-Saxon, ones, with other anti-Forster remarks scattered through- other than Germanists or specialists in the various out annotations and the introduction to the Second ‘Cook studies’ disciplines, have not...” (p. ix.) Voyage (Journals, 2, pp. XIII–XIVIII.), has evidently modelled the views of a number of other [English] However, meanwhile, just after 1775, some of writers...” (p. 402.) the most influential Tories in the British Admiral- ty tried – aggressively, unceasingly, and success- The present paper tries to facilitate the termi- fully – to thwart the literary and scientific output nation of this quarter-of-a-millennium long, sci- of the Forsters. For example (Hoare, 1982) cites entific dispute or quarrel. Peter Whitehead and calls the opposition of the The systematic investigation conducted by the English [British] officials against Johann’s publi- present author, more fully in (Vorbrich, 2011), cation effort: and partly in the present article, attempts to re- habilitate the Forsters in the eyes of the readers “...series of delays, dissensions, intrigues (and at deceived by the writings of the numerous an- time downright malice) that so beset the results, of tagonists of the two sons of the Commonwealth the journals as well as of the scientific works...” of Two Nations (the Polish-Lithuanian Common- wealth). Last but not least, the aim of the present Just after 1775 the main reason for this “...se- article is to clear the Forsters from the critics’ false ries of /.../ intrigues...” seems to be among oth- imputations of scientific incompetence and of the ers the literary ambitions of Cook, the liberal an- unauthorized (or piratical) use of Cook’s logs or ti-imperial ideas of Johann as well as some of his other scientific material, ideas etc. The Journals’... non-orthodox scientific theories, and W. Wales’ entries written in near real-time fieldwork en- derogatory essay Remarks..., cf. (Wales, 1778). In vironment on board the Resolution, seem to be his essay William Wales, astronomer on board the ideal medium for the present article’s pre- the Resolution, characterized the author of (Forster liminary dispute. The other memoirs, mentioned G., A Voyage..., 1777) among others as follows. above, however full of the documented research on geography, were written a’posteriori, in Lon- don, in an armchair environment. In addition 92 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich they used Journals... as an almost sole experimen- of the geographers contemporary to the Forsters, tal database. Therefore they do not guarantee the the sea-ice could not exist without land, so the same pristine primary source high quality as is land must be near any sea-ice. Therefore Cook’s provided by Journals... Cf. (Vorbrich, 2011). squadron began to look in earnest for Bouvet’s Cape Circumcision” (p. 88.) and for Kerguélen’s sighting, cf.: 3. Some geographical aspects in J. Forster’s Journals... “Dec. ye 14th [1772]... Though we were to the East of the pretended Cape Circumcision [sic], we were The geographical aspects present in Johann however in the same latitude now; if the Ice in- Forster’s Journals... constitute the main topic and creases in proportion so as it has done to day [sic], therefore form the bulk of the present article. The few days more will determine the Question either pages’ numbers in brackets printed directly after there is Land, or Ice will come so thick /.../ If the citations, refer to (Forster J.R., 1982). Any varia- discovery of Land we heard of at the Cape, made by tion from this rule is specifically indicated or can two French Ships le Fortuné & le gros Ventre within be inferred from the context. The discussion of this year 9 month ago is really a Continent & under the scientific controversy mentioned through- 48° South Latitude, under the same Longitude with out this paper would be probably assisted by the Isle de Bourbon or Mauritius, we must of course reader consulting the relevant entries in Cook’s fall in with the Coast somewhere.” (pp. 196/7.)1 Journals presented in (Cook, 1779) and (Beagle- hole, 1969). Although de Kerguélen’s expedition did not discover anything important in the Pacific area in terms of the alleged South Continent, it is prob- 3.1. Ice formation; the controversy: does sea- ably worthwhile to cite a fragment of George For- ice always mean proximity of land? ster’s post-Voyage comment:

The strategic aim of Cook’s Second Voyage “Im Jahr 1772 fand Herr von Kerguelen, nebst Herrn pivoted on the “official theory” that ice meant von St. Allouam, eine Insel im südlichen indiani- land or, in other words, that seawater cannot schen Ocean, die fast unter einerley [sic] Meridian freeze. The crux of this section of the present ar- mit der Mauritius-Insel, und unter dem 48°. Süder- ticle is the fact that as the Voyage progressed, Jo- Breite lag.” (“In 1772, M. de Kerguélen, along with hann in his Journals... was more and more unwill- M. de St. Allouam, found an island in the South­ern ing to submit to that theory. On the other hand, Indian Ocean, which is situated on almost the same during the decade of the Cook’s expeditions, the hypothesis that seawater cannot freeze had a strategic and highly political value for the Ad- miralty. It meant money from Parliament to keep 1 Note 1. Cape Circumcision – Johann Forster is in all like- the round-the-world expeditions at extremely lihood referring to present-day Bouvet Island (Bou- high latitudes going. The supposition that pack vetøya in Norwegian, dependent area of Norway). It was most probably discovered on January 1, 1739 by ice always means proximity of huge landmasses the French navigator Jean-Baptiste-Charles Bouvet de was one of the experimental arguments, which Lozier (1705–86). However, he did not fix the island’s Alexander Dalrymple and his backers used in position accurately. In fact he placed it eight degrees order to promote the idea of the Great Southern to the East. He did not circumnavigate his discovery, Continent and the idea of Cook’s Second Voyage so it remained unknown whether it was an island or part of a continent. Present-day Bouvet Island is������ lo- and the idea of the “North-West Passage” and cated in the South about 1300 Nauti- the Cook’s Third Voyage to the Admiralty and cal Miles (Nm) South-West of the Cape of Good Hope Parliament. and about 860 Nm North of the mainland of Antarc- As stated by Johann’s Journals...: “On 9 De- tica. Cf. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2004). Note 2. Two ships le Fortuné & le gros Ventre sailed cember [1772]” they encountered their first sea- from Mauritius on 16 January 1772 under the French ice. As mentioned above, according to the theory navigator Yves-Joseph de Kerguélen-Trémarec. SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 93

meridian as the island of Mauri­tius and on the 48th “...one might be induced to believe, that cold is degree of Southern latitude.”)2 a real Substance /.../which enters the water & ex- pands it, whilst it is formed into Ice...” (p. 215.) Meanwhile, while Cook was searching for this Circumcision Cape, Johann began to ask This section could be summed up as follows. questions about the ice: its physical properties: In his Journals... Johann provided a preliminary colours, shapes, and most importantly from the hypothesis to the effect that salt water could geographical point of view, about the origins of freeze. However, he had no firm evidence to sup- ice: port this. Nevertheless, Johann provided mount- ing proof, that the presence of the sea-ice does “That snow is chiefly the origin of these ice Masses not necessarily signify the proximity of land. This /.../ appears plainly from the spungy [sic] struc- conjecture was a crucial blow to the doctrine of ture of the Ice’. But did the sea freeze? That was the significant Northerly extent of the Southern the subject, clearly for much discussion in the great Continent and of the existence of the North-West cabin...” (p. 89.) Passage passable by the comparatively primitive wooden ships of that time. It may be worthwhile Around Christmas 1772 and the New Year to remember, that Cook’s ships were not pre- 1773, during their first “deep South probe,” they pared in the slightest to protect the hull against were still looking for land, but “despite the ice” ice damage. Their bow was not strengthened and they “fell not in with a Land which might have their waterline was not significantly reinforced formed it [ice]” (p. 90.). On 17 January [1773] the by layers of plating and was not supported by Resolution sailed over the (N to S) heavy stiffeners. Despite the fact that posterity at longitude 39o35’E. When they were at latitude proved that Johann had been right in his sys- app. 67o15’S they encountered pack ice, which tem of assumptions on sea-ice formation, it led proved impenetrable. Nevertheless from this po- to his downfall, however. Although Johann was sition they were obliged to steer North-East by attacked by the enemies of his theory on sea-ice North, further searching for land reported previ- formation, he was unwilling to alter in writing ously by the French mariners (p. 90.). his set of hypotheses. Cf. (Forster G., A Letter..., During the second “deep South probe” in the 1778, p. 10.): Southern Summer 1774 Johann wrote that despite sea-ice they did not encounter any land. In addi- “My father could not submit to the indignity of tion when their sailing was definitely and finally having his manuscript corrected in a manner which blocked by “Ice Islands” at 71o10’ South, they did totally deprived it of common sense...” not see any land; so sea-ice did not signify prox- imity of land (cf. section 3.2. below). Moreover, in London, in the midst of Johann’s Prompted by the constant failure to find land fight to be allowed to publish hisJournals... in ex- in the proximity of the sea-ice Johann became tenso, the Forsters issued the following expose, more and more engrossed with scientific research cf. (Vorbrich, 2011, p. 110.): on the structure and origin of sea-ice, which sur- rounded the ship. He put forward several theo- “If the patron [Barrington] maintain [sic] that salt- ries, among them, the tentative proposition that water cannot freeze, and his friend [Johann For- pack ice did not originate from land, that sea- ster] ventures to trust his own eyes and believe the water could freeze, and that cold has a tangible contrary; or if the great man [Dalrymple] dreams physical quality similar to matter: of a Southern Continent and his client [Cook or J.R. Forster] has the audacity to divulge that he has 2 Note 1. In George’s “Introduction” to Reise um die sailed over the spot where it should have been – Welt (Voyage Round the World), in: (Forster G., (1967: woe to the poor guardian’s friend; not the sea but repub.), (1778: first pub.): Reise..., pp. 28/9.). Transla- the patron’s heart will be instantly turned to ice...” tion from German K.K. Vorbrich. Note 2. Kerguélen Island is about 160 km in length (5820 sq. km), cf.: (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2004). 94 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich

Indeed, Barrington’s heart “turned to ice” to an Expedition, which is one of the most impor- and without his support, Johann’s plea to be al- tant in regard to the Geography of the Antarctic lowed to publish Journals... was definitely turned world & of the South Sea; /.../ appear that there down. is no Land, where our Philosophers suspected to find great tracts of Country & even that is a very great Discovery: & the Exploration of the Antarctic 3.2. The question of the “sound practical Ocean is another great point in Navigation & Ge- judgment” in Cook’s prolonged searching ography gained.” (pp. 408/9.) for the enigmatic Southern Continent On 21st December [1773], they crossed (N-S) From the beginning, Johann was enthusiastic the Antarctic Circle again in the Voyage. A fort- about the strategic aim of the Voyage, i.e. search- night later J.R. Forster wrote that the conditions ing for the fabled Southern Continent. Cf.: of the crew were appalling. Exasperated he ven- tured a theory, that even if discovered, land so “July ye 13th [1772] We weighted anchor & left far South would have no significant advantages Plymouth Sound /.../ Expedition, which /.../ by to Great Britain. So far, sequential “deep South all probability would became of great importance, probes” disproved land on a comparatively wide to /.../ Geography...” range of Southern longitudes. Therefore, land cannot be in the vicinity of the Resolution’s present “Dec. ye 13th [1772] ...It requires really a steady, set- position. In his Journals... J.R. Forster supposed tled mind to view with composure the Quantities that further searching for land during the second of Ice surrounding a Ship in about 54o [sic] Degrees “deep South probe” series, shall be fruitless. The of Latitude /.../ If there is anything to be discov- elder Forster summed up Captain Cook’s ambi- ered in these Seas the honour of doing it is to be left tions and aspirations possibly quite aptly and to the Brittish [sic] Nation, & to the skill, persever- feared that in the result of the over-prolonged ance & good Conduct of their Seamen, to dissolve probing for ‘Enigmatic Continent’ this Southern the Charm, by which these regions have hitherto Summer, the Resolution shall be obliged to stay remained unexplored.” (pp. 195/6.) West of the Horn for an additional season:

However, Johann’s disillusionment with the “Jan. ye 4th [1774] despair is visibly painted on all Southern Continent grew, as the voyage pro- faces, for they now begin to fear, that they shall be gressed. obliged to stay another year in those Seas & have In the meantime during the first “deep South another cold winter-campaign to go through. /.../ probe” in Southern Summer 1772, the Resolu- Jan. ye 5th The Gale /.../ we have found no land /.../ tion crossed the Antarctic Circle (N to S). Finally, The middle latitudes are most subject to impetu- the pack ice proved impenetrable and she was ous winds especially from the West. /.../ a small obliged to halt her course South. island at such a distance from Great Britain can be In the following extract from his Journals..., Jo- of no use & consequently of no consequence to this hann, after the first “deep South probe” and the Great Nation. A great continent cannot be there, first Oceania cruise, and in preparation for the for there are out two tracks that won’t admit of it, second “deep South probe,” summarises his sus- to the N.W. especially not, for all the great sea & picions that the extensive Southern Continent is swell come from thence /.../ What helps it there- in fact an enigma. fore to harass the Ship, the rigging & the crew in these turbulent Seas beating to windward /.../ As “8br [October] ye 23d [1773] /.../ Gale /.../ we may there is hardly any prospect of meeting with land perhaps /.../ aftertomorrow [sic] come to an An- here it would be best to make the best of this fine chor in Queen Charlotte’s Sound. Where we shall gale, & bear down again into 60o & upwards to go prepare for our next tour towards the Antarctic: & round Cape Horn. But we must submit, there are if we there meet with no land on this side of Cape people [Cook], who are hardened to all feelings, Horn, which I much suspect, /.../ thus put an end & will give no ear to the dictates of humanity & SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 95

reason; false ideas of virtue & good conduct [sic] are “continent” imagined by Alexander Dalrymple. to them, to leave nothing to chance [sic], & future On 17th January 1775, they landed in South Geor- discoverers, by their perseverance [sic]; which costs gia. From there they sailed in search of the elu- the lives of the poor Sailors or at least their healths sive “Bouvet’s Land.” As mentioned above they [sic]. These people [Cook] should be constantly commenced their first search for that land app. employed by Government upon such Schemes: “on 9 December [1772]” during the first “deep as for instance the N.W. [sic] or NE. [sic] Passage; South probe.” Johann wrote that finally, during there they will find a career to give to their genius the third “deep South probe,” on 21st February full Scope; but wo! The poor Crew under them.” [1775]: (pp. 443/4.) “We have passed over the place where Bouvet Further on 18th Jan. [1774] Johann wondered [sic] lays down his Cape Circumcision /.../ we shall when would this “cruise /.../ shocking to hu- therefore soon, as we hope, hawl [sic] [modern manity” and “interest & vanity” of James Cook spelling: haul] up to the North for the Cape of Good give way to ‘humanity.’ Hope & can now consider the Expedition as fin- Johann argued that even if discovered during ished. (p. 725.)” the second “deep South probe” series, land so far South (69o22’ S) should have no economic advan- Afterwards Cook indeed altered his course tages whatsoever: northwards and aimed for England via Cape Town. To sum up this section: Johann’s Journals... “Jan. ye 27th [1774] Having again passed the Antarc- show the elder Forster’s rising scepticism of the tic [N to S] /.../ something like land /.../ If it be wisdom of Cook’s incessant attempts to find the land it cannot but be hardfavoured [sic] by Nature, fabled Southern Continent. However, as the Voy- & by no means inviting for an habitation to the hu- age drew to its end, Johann apparently became man Species, & its production must be few & of convinced that Cook was right to persevere – de- very little consequence to Great-Britain or any na- spite the intense discomfort of his freezing crew – tion at such a distance from any Settlement, in so in his mission to prove the existence of “no-land” rigorous a Climate. /.../ Jan. ye 28th [1774] /.../ We where the geographers expected the continent. have never before been so far South /.../ The Lati- tude observed 69o22’ South...” (p. 450.) 3.3. Historical/ancient geography (Pacific) During the second “deep South probe” series, – verification and coordination of earlier as mentioned in the section above, the sailing def- voyages of discovery initely and finally was blocked by “Ice Islands” at 71o10’ South: For the Admiralty and Cook the main task of the Mission, which was to trace the history of the “Jan. ye 30th [1774] In the morning about 7 o’clock search for the Southern Continent, was coherent we discovered an Ice-Field of immense extent, ly- with the verification of the earlier voyages and ing E [sic] & W. with many high Ice Islands in it; we their discoveries. For both Cook and Johann For- soon found that it was impossible to go any further ster the occupation with the latter task started South: & in good faith, I believe, it is so far South, with the futile search for Bouvet’s “Cape Circum- as ever any man in future times shall choose to go; sicion [sic],” already mentioned above. Among it being nearly 71o [They reached in fact 71o10’] other matters Johann wrote the following entries South. We put about & went again to the North.” to this effect: (p. 451.) “Jan. ye 1st [1773] The new Year set in with Snow & On their third and final Southern “probe” se- a fresh cold Gale /.../ We are now advancing very ries, they doubled the Horn, and later anchored fast towards the meridian under which Mr Bouvet for three days off Staten Island. On 3rd January pretended to have seen the Land, he called Cape 1775, they “sailed over” the area mapped as Circumsicion [sic]...” (p. 211.) 96 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich

“Jan. ye 5th [1773] /.../ having been beyond the By the middle of July [1774] the Resolution Meridian under which Bouvet's land should lie....” reached the Northernmost islands of the group, (pp. 211/2.) which were called New Hebrides by Cook. Both he and Johann Forster were intent on testing the ”Feb. ye 6th [1773] The weather & wind & Sea near- previous discoveries made within this archi- ly the same. /.../ We saw no land, tho' we were in pelago by Spanish navigator Pedro Fernández the same Meridian with the Isle of Mauritius /.../ de Quirós and French circumnavigator Louis de the great run we had to make in order to reach Bougainville. New Holland. /.../ determined Capt Cook, that it In particular, in the vicinity of las Merquesas Jo- would be in vain, to be longer in search of a land, hann checked the dead reckoning of Quirós. I.e. which the French pretended to have discovered he indirectly tested Quirós’ geographic position- in the lat. 48o under the Meridian of Mauritius. he ing procured without the visibility of any known gave therefore order to wear Ship & to go to the land over extremely long distance and time. SEbE. & EbS...” (p. 222.) Quirós did this positioning by means of his ship’s magnetic compass and an outboard log. The lat- During the first Oceania cruise in 1773, Johann ter is understood in terms of a device consisting Forster on his own accord started the process of of a sea-anchoring-float with an attached line of the identification of the islands discovered by scaled length, and clepsydra. Both were neces- the previous European mariners and ascertain- sary to measure the semi-instantaneous speed of ing whether Cook’s squadron made indeed any a ship against the water. Johann wrote: genuine new geographical discoveries, cf.: “April ye 2d [1774] ...Being now very near the Isles, “Aug. ye 13th [1773] The Isles we now have discov- which were called by Mendañ[nn]a, las Merquesas, ered are most certainly different from any that have /.../ were laid by Quiros in 1000 Spanish-leagues been seen by former Navigators /.../ Adventure, & from the shores of S. American or Lima, which are they said there was a low Isle...” (p. 322.) equal to 3428 miles = 58o12’, which is in 134o56’W. from Greenwich, consequently we are now not “Sept. ye 30th [1773] /.../ This Course will bring us, above a days sail off these Isles...” (p. 479.) as is supposed, in a couple of days to Amsterdam, discovered by Tasman in January 1643, together As a research base in New Hebrides Cook with some smaller Isles. [Amsterdam Island is chose Tanna [Tana]. Johann was almost certain called by the natives [sic]] /.../ 8br [sic that this island was first sighted by white peo- – October] ye 2d /.../ We expect soon to see Amster- ple in 1606 by Quiros. While Cook’s Expedition dam Island. /.../ At 2 o’clock Land was seen /.../ anchored for a fortnight at Port Resolution, 5 km Whether this is Amsterdam or Middleburgh is still from an active volcano, Johann noted in Journals... uncertain. At 6 o’clock, having run 8 leagues since 2 some of his important geographical and geologi- o’clock we were abreast of the Isle, which seems to cal observations. They are mentioned in more de- be at 2 or 3 leagues distance, & to be 5 or 6 leagues tail in the other sub-section of the present paper. in length & of a good height; /.../ The tops of hills Four days after leaving the New Hebrides were covered with Trees. /.../ But comparing this archipelago [1774] they discovered the biggest land with Tasman’s view of the Isles he saw, it can- single island ever uncovered by Cook’s Voyages. not be any of them, for Rotterdam Island is low, & It seemed that no white mariner had reported it too 20o 15’ S; Amsterdam he says is flat & before. Johann wrote in Journals... that they asked low like Holland. Middelburgh, [sic] though high, the natives repeatedly about the original name of is however so near to Amsterdam, that it would be this island but nobody seemed to know it. The impossible not to see it; /.../ perhaps Amsterdam natives knew only the names of the particular will still be found by us more to the West...” (pp. district(s) close to their habitations. They did not 374/5.) know or pretended not to know the name of the whole island, later named by Cook New Caledo- nia. SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 97

Sailing from that island to New Zealand they phy. Nevertheless, he stressed the tentativeness were beset by alternative gales and calms and of his conclusions, cf.: with reference to these repeatedly occurring in- conveniences J.R. Forster offered the following “...Argument of similarity of Manners, will not al- contribution to his history of European Oceanic ways prove that one nation is descended from the Exploration: other. If allmost [sic] all the customs are the same or nearly so; if the language corresponds; /.../ “Octobr [sic] /.../ 4th [1774] /.../ The Gale still these arguments together have some weight is [sic] continues /.../ Octobr /.../ 8th. [1774] Still calm. In proving a relation between these Nations, but nev- America the people who carry Horses & Cattle to er one single Custom, or a few words may be used the W. Indies call the Latitudes where the Trade as Arguments in favour of it...” (p. 634.) winds end & the variable ones begin, Horse Lati- tudes [sic] because they commonly lose there [sic] On another occasion he offered his embryonic Numbers of Horses, being either becalmed, & Pacific anthropo-geographical theory of migra- having not Food enough they must kill them, or tion: they lose them there in bad weather, for there it is, where they meet either with calms or great Gales.” “...embarkation /.../ so slight, the winds so strong (pp. 663, 666.) & the Swell so common /.../ that it might be looked upon next to impossible, that these people could All in all, Johann in Journals... made an impor- come to this Land [New Zealand]. How far this tant contribution to the science of historical ge- suspicion may be true, time must show...” (p. 641.) ography. In his research on this subject he used his novel tools such as, for example, ethno-geog- In November 1774, they left New Zealand raphy and linguistic-geography, mentioned in and finally, the Resolution anchored for a week more detail below. at Terra del Fuego. Observing natives there, J.R. Forster added in his Journals... a valuable thesis to his theory of ethno-geography and culture-geog- 3.4. Ethno-geography and people’s migration raphy. In his notes, he inferred that the develop- in the Pacific rim area ment of society depended on the climatic zones. In all likelihood, Johann’s preoccupation with Johann took advantage of his fluency in com- ethno-geography in his Journals... was due to the munication to extensively pursue his linguistic- fact that both the range of his contacts with the ethnological-geographical field survey. In Jour- peoples of Oceania, and the wealth of material nals... Johann attempted to summarise: gathered by him for his anthropological theories, was unprecedented. The Forsters had a compara- “Sept. /.../ 4th [1774] /.../ The Population of New tively long-term contact with the inhabitants of Zeeland [sic] being most certainly made from the various islands. In addition, acquaintance with North because the Language of the New-Zeelend- seemingly not kindred peoples reinforced Jo- ers has so great Affinity with the Dialects spoken in hann’s view of the “national distinctiveness” of the South-Sea-Isles...” (p. 641.) the isolated regions. The sheer geographical range of the Voyage allowed communication with ap- In Tanna [1774] Johann worked extremely parently geographically unrelated peoples. hard amongst-other things on the above said Because of the territorial extent of Cook’s Sec- ethno-geography. As a result, Johann gathered in ond Voyage, J.R. Forster was particularly well his Journals... enough data to be able to cautiously provided with comparative material on ethno- classify the inhabitants of the New Hebrides into geography. J.R. Forster was in a position to com- a separate category of the peoples of the Pacific pare different unfamiliar civilizations with each archipelagos. In his records, J.R. Forster laid the other. He inferred from linguistic similarities and foundations for anthropology and ethno-geogra- the social structure analogies that the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands probably had a common 98 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich origin and that they descended from common Navigators taken the prudent Step to inquire the ancestors having an extraordinary aptitude for Natives, for the Names of the Islands they saw, we long distance ocean voyages. Furthermore, J.R. might be able to ascertain with certainty, what are Forster was interested in how manifold factors new discoveries & what not. We take allways [sic] influenced the difference between the inhabitants the trouble to ascertain the True Name, & then all of the different Pacific islands. However, accord- the future Navigators can enquire for the Name of ing to Forster, the geographical distance between what they see, & then they will easily make out, the islands is not always the main factor respon- whether it is new or not.” (pp. 479/480.) sible for the dissimilarity of cultures. Therefore, the differences in the ways of life result in cultur- From another angle, Johann, after he had al diversification. In turn, the way of life is gov- sailed through the Society and Friendly Islands erned, more often than not, by the differences in in October 1773, summarised the preliminary re- physical geography factors, such as topography sults of his research on the contrastive linguistic and local sub-climate, such as temperature, and geography, cf.: cloud cover. J.R. Forster used modern scientific concepts “Language of these Isles much related to that spo- well in advance of the age. In particular, he was ken in Eaoowe & -Tabu, that this latter Dialect referring to present-day “ecology-geography” is almost the same as that of the Isle of Cocos, as and “human-ecology-geography.” In general, may be seen from Schouten’s Vocabulary /.../ [the J.R. Forster explains, climatic changes lead to above-mentioned supposition] proves the Affin- changes of culture. He explains the origin of this ity of the Nation, & as I intend to form afterwards hypothesis, by means of his theory on the direc- a harmonic vocabulary of all these languages, to tion of the migration of the Pacific peoples. He which I may perhaps add some remarks relative infers from his linguistic data, that the Pacific Is- to the Affinity & change of Consonants & Vowels lands were settled from the West, i.e. from main- I therefore forbear to speak more on that Subject & land Asia and from the Malay Archipelago. return to my Journal...” (p. 405.)

However, Johann’s practice, recorded in Jour- 3.5. Linguistic geography and linguistic nals... confirms, that although the “Otahaite-lan- positioning/navigation (Oceania) guage” and the language of New Zealand Maoris are supposed to be related, the communication The research on the ethno-geography men- between the speakers of those languages is not tioned above, the elder Forster combined with easy or straightforward. Especially so between his study of linguistic geography. He recorded native Maoris and a white mariner trying to emu- in his Journals... his first rudimentary explanation late the “Otahaite-language.” Cf.: of the latter in terms of the verbal and non-ver- bal communication relationships of present-day “April ye 9th [1773] [New Zealand] Afternoon we . Some of the linguistic-geography re- returned to our new Friends the Natives /.../ search mirrored in Journals... had a clearly utili- Gibson the Corporal, who is allowed to speak the tarian aim. In particular, a list of native names for Otahaite-language better than any one man in the islands was a useful navigational, geographical, Ship, talked with them, but they did not under- historical-geographical, and political-military stand him, nor he them...” (p. 250.) strategic tool. Johann Forster commented on the usefulness of the navigation by means of identifi- Nevertheless, Johann also researched on the cation of the previously recorded local names of global-geographical invariability (or not) of some the islands: of the non-verbal communication signs, like white cloth supposedly uniformly signifying peace or “April ye 2d [1774] ...Being now very near the Isles, friendship, cf.: which were called by Mendañ[nn]a, las Merquesas, /.../ were laid by Quiros /.../ Had all the former SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 99

“[March ye 28th cont.] [1773] /.../ saw ten or twelve nesia, Polynesia (including New Zealand) and New Zeelanders [sic] on shore, & one of their ca- other known floristic zones pointed to important noes /.../ starred at the Ship. /.../ The Corporal future developments in phyto-geography [phyto – of the Marines Gibson, who can talk the Otahaitee combining form indicating a plant or vegetation: Language best, which has an affinity with that of phytogenesis] and the study of the distribution of the New-Zeelanders [sic], went on the Sprit-Sail- other phenomena, including volcanoes and coral yard-arm, & waved a white cloth to them, calling formations /.../ There is a striking resemblance be- to them harre-mai-Tayo i.e. come Friend. /.../ did tween Forster’s way of working, the development not chose to come for fear of being overpowered & of his ideas as he travelled and the procedures ill treated...” ( p. 242.) and methods of his great successor /.../ Presented here [New Hebrides] as “April ye 20th [1773] [New Zealand cont.] /.../ We in Dusky Sound, with virgin territory, Forster fully now plainly saw a Man, a woman & a Child on the displayed his talents as one of the great field scien- left hand shore. The woman waved a white bird tists and observers of the late eighteenth century.” Skin to us, in token of peace. It is remarkable, that (p. 118.) the white Colour, has been chosen by all Nations for a sign of peace, as if it were by agreement...” Hoare’s fragment is presented above as a sum- (pp. 261/2.) mary of this section.

3.7. Meteorological geography/climatic 3.6. Phyto-geography – distribution geography, storms, prevailing winds, “water- of the floristic zones (world-wide) spouts,“ distribution/properties of sea-ice Although Johann was conservative in his eth- no-geography-anthropology and linguistic geog- Essential for the elder Forster in his research raphy theories of migration, yet, he was bolder in mentioned in all subsections above was meteoro- his opinions on phyto-geography. Based on the logical geography and climatic geography. With preliminary work on the flora of New Hebrides, reference to that he conducted frequent observa- which he, his son George, and his co-worker Spar- tions of the ocean’s currents and temperature. Jo- rman had carried out, Johann began to systema- hann writes in Journals... that the sea surface cur- tise the data collected during the Resolution’s pas- rent’s vector has been measured by an ingenious sage. In his Journals..., Johann attempted to show method. Namely, the sea-anchor on an extremely that a very clear relationship exists – in terms of long rope was cast overboard from the research the phyto-geographical, altitudinal and climatic boat. The temperature of the sea was measured distribution – between the “floristic zones” of the by means of Ramsden’s thermometer with the , present-day Melanesia, present-day resolution of ½ degree [F], cf.: Polynesia, and New Zealand. However, it is ap- parent that J.R. Forster intuitively used methods “October ye 12th [1772] We brought to for Adven- way in advance of his generation. The categori- ture /.../ almost calm, we hoisted out the boat to zation of Oceania into Melanesia, Micronesia, try the Current, but we found none. We sent like- and Polynesia, took place later in the nineteenth wise at the same time our Thermometers down. century. To this effect and mentioning Johann’s viz Mr Wales /.../ & mine, which was made by Mr contribution to phyto-geography, (Hoare, 1975) Ramsden [sic] & which I put into a Tin cylindrical remarks: vessel made on purpose for it, with a valve below & a hole above /.../ My Thermometer [o] [K] /.../ “His [Johann’s] preliminary work with George open Air 60 /.../ Seawater /.../ Surface 59 /.../ and Sparrman on the flora of the New Hebrides At 100 fathoms below Surface 58 /.../ They [ther- and their recognition /.../ that very clear relation- mometers] stood below the Surface at 100 fathoms ship – geographical, altitudinal and climatic – ex- for 20’ & they were drawn up in 6’ time.” (p. 175.) isted between the plants of the East Indies, Mela- 100 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich

“Dec. ye 15th [1772]...We hoisted the boat out, & we “May ye 18th [1773] /.../ A String or column form- went to try the Current which set from NNW to ing upwards /.../ we saw 3 or more of these col- SSE 2400 feet in an hour or 40 feet in a minute... ” umns form /.../ diameter 80 fathoms /.../ The (p. 198.) base, where the water of the Sea violently moved & rose in a Spiral Shape in vapours...” (p.280.) Johann in Journals... recorded minutely in- formation about the geographical position, and “[May ye 18th [1773] cont.] /.../ another Water- distribution of the “pack ice,“ “ice floats,” “ice Spout was forming...” (p. 281.) pieces,” and “ice mountains [icebergs],” and sometimes also about the sizes of the ice objects In Journals... Johann included extensive pas- floating on the sea, as well as about the suitabil- sages generalising his ideas about physical ge- ity for drinking and cooking of the water melted ography. In the sample fragment below Johann from the sea-ice. Cf. some examples of many: among other things discusses the following themes: the differences between “the Arctic & “Dec. ye 11th [1772]... saw /.../ a large mass of Antarctic frigid Zone in regard to weather & the Ice...” (pp. p193/4.) degree of warmth & cold [and the distribution of land] under the same corresponding degree of “Dec. ye 13th [1772]...In the morning we passed sev- Latitude;” the probability of finding the fabled eral Islands of Ice, some of which were of an [sic] “Southern Continent.” The relevant fragment vast extent...” (p. 195.) follows:

“Dec. ye 14th [1772]...The Ice increased very much, “...Dec. ye 21st [1773] We passed the Antarctic at 6 about 4 o’clock more than 15 large lumps of Ice o’clock in the Evening. /.../ It is remarkable, that were in sight & before 8 o’clock more than 20 were there is so great & striking a difference between the in Sight...” (p. 196.) Arctic & Antarctic frigid Zone in regard to weather & the degree of warmth & cold under the same “Dec. ye 19th [1772] We passed the greatest piece of corresponding degree of Latitude. In the Arctic Ice, we had hitherto seen; quite close on our side. from 60 to 66 1/2 & upwards [sic] there is a good /.../ had a hard northern Gale had sprang up, we deal of Land to be met viz. , the North of should have been in the most imminent danger, to Norway, Sweden & Lapland & all the European be dashed against some one of the large pieces.” & Asiatic North of Russia, beyond that there is (p. 203.) Land in North America, about the Hudson’s bay; & Spitsberghen [sic]. Some parts of this However, the local absence of ice objects com- Northern land are inhabited & even cultivated & paratively close to “the Antarctic circle” does not are very fertile, bearing various kinds of Corn & escape Johann, cf. Journals...: Fruit. In winter [sic] it is true the whole is bound up with very severe & intense Frost; but in short “Jan. ye 26th [1774] [astro sign] It is very remarkable Summers [sic] they enjoy, there is sometimes an that being so near the Antarctic circle, we find how- intense heat, very little inferior to that under the ever no Ice, whether the cause is local, or owing to Line. We now already sailed more than half round the last winter’s cold being less intense, I cannot the world in Sixty Degrees of Latitude & now and decide...” (p. 449.) then up to 66 1/2 & beyond it. We have passed two Seasons called Summer [sic] in these Inhospitable Johann in Journals... recorded minutely infor- Climates, & have hitherto found no Land at all, & mation about the geographical position, distribu- there is as yet very little probability of finding any tion, and physical properties, and the meteoro- Land in this Antarctic frigid Zone. Wherever we logical conditions relating to the “water-spouts.” have hitherto been, omnia Pontus erat. [’Everything Cf.: was sea’] The Thermometer has never been all the Summer [sic] above 5 or 6 Degrees above the freez- ing point, & frequently it has been below it. When- SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 101

ever we attempted to dive into the Antarctic-Circle to more than 50 or 200 yards distance is filled with we found all the Sea covered with solid Masses of a steam caused by the falling & rarefied water...” Ice, very probably extending to the very pole. /.../. (p. 252.) We know that the Sea is in winter [sic] a great deal milder, than the Land: & in Summer [sic] it is upon In his Journals... Johann also described in some the whole cooler; the first on account of the damp & detail the geographical positions, states, views, moist Exhalations, the second because the beams of and the physical properties of the solid objects the Sun are swallowed up in the immense depth of under the influence of erosion. He also described the Ocean, without being reflected, so as it would artificial dams and their influence on the thriv- happen fell the beams upon the land. Now all this ing of local agriculture. Below is provided one of Ocean round & in the Antarctic must in conse- many examples: quence of this, be in Summer [sic] cooler than in the corresponding Northern Latitude, & in the winter “Aug. ye 29th [1773] /.../ [:] /.../ we /.../ went [sic] milder. The people that navigated round Cape /.../ to follow a fertile vale, along which a rivu- Horn in the winter found it not so much more cold, let ran. /.../ The natives had made several wears & in the midst of Summer [sic] Snow has been ob- of stone across the river in order to raise & stem served almost every day in Terra del Fuego & in the the water & by that means introduce it into their Magallanic Straights [sic]; Nay the difference of the plantations /.../ We found immense strata of lose Highest & lowest degree on the Thermometer in stones in the bed of the river. The banks of it are Falkland Islands all the year round is hardly more every where [sic] cultivated. About 4 English miles than 20 degrees.” (pp. 436–8.) from the Sea-Side we saw on the left hand or east- erly side a fine Cascade; we passed it following the The above fragment is presented here as river & the vale, which grew narrower & narrower a summary of this section. & the hills steeper /.../ deep vale /.../ We /.../ went on the sides of hills for them, on steep & very dangerous places for the least touch brought some- 3.8. Water and atmospheric erosion times down large lose stones which roller into the of the ground, water cascades (Oceania) vale from the steep sides...” (pp. 340–342.)

As can be inferred from the sections present- As a summary it is probably worth to men- ed above, water in different physical states and tion that although Johann’s descriptions of the its action/re-action with the atmosphere played phenomena subject to this section did not lead a great part in Johann’s studies of physical ge- to any striking conclusions and/or geographical ography. However, in Journals... not all research discoveries per se, these descriptions neverthe- is presented in a “dreary” technical manner. For less were made with reference to the lands very example, in his frequent descriptions in Journals... rarely visited and described by the European ge- of the water cascades, Johann combined the nar- ographers. rative ‘aspiring to beauty’ with the detailed tech- nical-like characterization of the geographical phenomena. One of many examples is presented 3.9. Low/high islands (Pacific), volcanoes below: and coral formation

“April ye 9th ... I /.../ went to the Cascade /.../ This In contrast to the previous section dealing sight had more grandeur & beauty than any thing, with the purely descriptive physical geography I had hitherto seen. A column of water of about research of Johann, this section presents his re- 6 or 8 yards apparent circumference, came rush- search leading to novel conclusions in geogra- ing down free of the perpendicular rocks out of phy. a chasm in a projectile, met at about the fourth part Already during the first run to Tahiti [1773], of the whole height, (which was about 100 yards, J.R. Forster keenly observed and recorded in writ- [sic]) a steep sloping rock /.../ The whole Vicinity ing the shapes of the passing islands. It induced 102 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich him to propose in his Journals... the outlines of his rocks of the Lithophyta Class viz. Madrepores & Celle- theory on the origin of coral islands. On their sec- pores; on which afterwards the Shells, Oysters & ond way to Tahiti [1774] they passed via Easter Muscles form their banks & thus yearly increase & Island, anchored at Tahuata (Mendanna’s Santa elevate these rocks; the winds carry with the waves Christina) in the Marquesas, passed through the from the bottom of the Sea Sand & Seaweeds on Northern Tuamotus, via the King George Islands. it, which together with the Dung of innumerable On 18th April, Cook approached Takaroa. While aquatic Fowls gradually form a layer of light but staying there Johann gathered, and recorded in fertile Soil. The ridge of rocks to the North West his Journals..., further intelligence for his devel- is always formed first into Soil & between it & the oping theory of the origin of coral reefs. During SW. ridge there is frequently a bason [sic]. If the the second Oceania cruise [1774] Johann tried to question be put, how it comes to me that they do it systematise his theories on volcanoes and coral by instinct, to shelter themselves the better against formation. the Impetuosity & constancy of the SW winds; so In the sample fragment presented below from that within the ridge there is always a fine calm Journals..., Johann discusses the geological aspects Bason [sic], where they feel nothing of the Effect of the origin of “high” islands and “low” islands of the most blowing weather. But these remarks (atolls) in Oceania. In this fragment Johann for I put here down as mere Guesses & nothing else. the first time presents his very embryonic theory He whosoever can say something more clever of the formation of “high” islands and “low” is- may do it, if he is able to support his Opinion by lands in Oceania. This theory he refined and de- proofs...”(pp.323/4.) veloped as the Voyage progressed. The more (or even much more) mature version is presented [Cf. (Forster G., A Voyage..., (2000: repub.), (1777: by Johann in: (‘The Theory of the formation of first pub.), I, 248–9) where the younger Forster Islands,’ in: Observations..., (1996: repub.), (1778: dwells briefly on the geological origins of the above first pub.), pp. 148–59.). In his Journals’... frag- mentioned atolls.] ment presented below Johann identified “high” islands with the volcanism and “low” islands With reference to the work on the formation with the coral “on which /.../ Shells, /.../ year- of volcanoes and coral islands, the elder For- ly increase /.../ rocks; the winds carry /.../ Sea ster’s Journals... show that Johann, while still on Sand & Seaweeds on it, /.../ Dung /.../ gradu- the Voyage, was capable of using novel scientific ally /.../ fertile Soil.” The fragment presented methods. They were later developed by his fol- below is self-explanatory and probably does not lowers in the nineteenth century. He was also need any extensive summary: “displaying his talents as one of the great field scientists of the late eighteenth century.” “Aug. ye 15th [1774] ...The gentle wind continued /.../ morning we saw Maiatea or Osnabruck Island [now Mehetia], which is a high Peak with a flat 4. Some geographo/geological aspects top, & looks for a world like a Hill, that has lost its in Journals... summit by an Eruption caused by an internal Con- flagration: so as a great many high Islands look, The subject defined by the title of this sec- that I have seen, & which bear besides some other tion shall be treated here extremely marginally. proofs of their Conflagration, as Lava & some other It has been so for two reasons. Firstly, the topic Slags, anochraceous, fertile, hot Soil etc. Thus we is so broadly presented in Journals... that it re- might account in a double manner for the forma- quires a separate full-blown present-day article tion of Isles. The high ones seem to be the work to deal with it. Secondly, this subject matter more of fire & the low ones are the work of the Sea & concerns geology than geography. The latter, as its Inhabitants, for it is a well known fact that all mentioned above, is the main topic of the present the low Islands in the South-Seas are surrounded paper. to the South East by a reef of rocks, which when examined, are nothing else but immense lumps of SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 103

4.1. Johann’s pre-Voyage research heard at each new quantity of Smoke a rolling in on geology/mineralogy the Volcano like that of Thunder, & these Explo- sions often followed one another very closely. Johann’s professional interest with mineral- The Smoke is not always like, sometimes whitish, ogy and also with some elements of geology had sometimes of a reddish dirty grey, which latter cir- started well before the Cook’s Second Voyage cumstance happened, wither when the hot ignited commenced. His pre-Voyage research on min- Ashes were thrown...” (pp. 582/3.) eralogy began in his native , perse- vered in situ at the salt mines in Russia (1765), In Tanna Forster found ample scope for geol- extended with his lectures on mineralogy (1768) ogy. He spent much of the time examining the at the Academy near Manchester, solfataras [sic], cf.: was maintained with his publications in Britain on the topics of geology, and culminated during “Aug. ye 11th [1774] ...as often as the Volcano rolled his study of the “Tinmines”in Cornwall, cf.: & thundered we saw new clouds of smoke come up from our Solfataras, which proves that they have “July ye 3d [1772] The Resolution was arrived /.../ a Connection with the Volcano. /.../ We found I returned to Plymouth /.../ & as I could do noth- several Species of Figs, which loved so much the ing on board /.../ I took a Journey into Cornwall in warm Spot, that they throve well within a yard of order to see the Tinmines [sic] there. /.../ the vein the Sulphureous [sic] steam. The Solfataras [sic] are is more valuable, being a fine white Quartz or as allways [sic] places free of bushes & Trees...” (p. the miners call it Spar or currstone [sic] with fine 597.) tin grains in it: but few of the arsenical ore is in this kind: in some places of the vein they find First He was frequently observing the eruptions of Gozzun [sic] or a kind of Iron ochre, & in such case the volcano on Tanna. For example cf.: they are always sure of finding Copper below it. The Copper ore is a yellow Pyrites...” (pp. 131/2.) “Aug. ye 12th [1774] ...we heard severally the Noise in the Volcano & saw a blazing fire rise from it. To- To sum up, Johann Forster’s papers, which day the Volcano was very noisy & threw up a pro- he had published before Cook’s Second Voyage digious quantity of Ashes, which are nothing else commenced and his pre-Voyage entries in Jour- but minute particles of Pumice Stone & some parti- nals..., show that he sailed on this Voyage well cles like points of Salts, long, pliant, transparent or versed in the 18th century mineralogy and geol- rather like Asbest-particles [sic]...” (pp. 598/9.) ogy. Apart from seeing much volcanic activity and collecting an abundance of evidence on volca- 4.2. Journals’... entries on volcanoes’ physical noes’ plants, J.R. Forster in Tanna came across properties, subterranean hot springs/waters, rich evidence of subterranean hot water springs, and mineralogy cf.:

As mentioned before, Cook decided to stay “Aug. ye 9th [1774] /.../ we saw there a hot well, a fortnight on Tana (or Tanna) in New Hebrides. whose water had such a heat, that we could not There, and starting from the entry dated “Aug. hold a finger above a second in it...” (pp. 592/3.) 21st, [1774]” Johann, in his Journals... made notes of his sighting of Tanna’s volcano. Cf.: “Aug. ye 11th [1774] ...The Soil in them places is all- ways [sic] moist of the hot Steams, that rise there- “Aug. ye 5th [1774] ...the Isle [Tanna] /.../ has on its from [sic], & from thence the hot Water it seems SE. side a Volcano [Mount Yasur] /.../ is not very comes...” (p. 597.) high; we saw the Smoke coming out in columns of reddish Smoke, rising often like a Tree, just so as At Tanna Johann made his preliminary con- Pliny describes the same of the Vesuvius; we soon clusions on volcanoes and the subterranean hot 104 Krzysztof K. Vorbrich water springs, which for the lack of space shall thor’s mind the worldwide achievements of Jo- not be cited even in summary here. In this chap- hann Forster in the 18th century geography alone ter it shall be deemed sufficient to write, that the are indisputable. innovative if scientifically controversial theory Still, the present author is not alone in his proving that volcanism is a major Island-build- conclusions. The unquestionable achievements ing force in the occupies much of the of the Forsters are fully and unanimously recog- conclusions about volcanoes in Johann’s Jour- nised by the German scholars and by the grow- nals... J.R. Forster postulates that in order to form ing number of the non-UK-based native speakers a cultivated and managed form of nature, people of English and specialists led by Michael Edward in Oceania could use the raw materials of volcan- Hoare and Nicolas Thomas. ism, sedimentation, and soil formation.

Acknowledgements 5. Conclusions This article is partly based on my second post- This article covers only a very small sample doctoral studies extending my second PhD dis- of the Johann Forster’s texts cited from his Jour- sertation in the history of English literature. I am nals... In addition, because of the lack of space under an obligation to express my gratitude to the present article was totally unable to critically Professor Dr hab. Wojciech Lipoński who sug- compare entries in Johann’s Journals... with the gested the theme of this PhD thesis and the sub- similar entries in Cook’s Journals... Therefore the sequent research. present article is not in a position to fully answer In addition this article is based on my first the topical questions surrounding the scientific post-doctoral studies extending my first PhD to controversy centred on Johann’s Journals... The ar- the field of the classic (James Cook’s) and satel- ticle has been also unable to list the critical words lite/inertial maritime/airborne navigation. The of Forsters’ Anglophone adversaries. The above- most helpful to the present author in his research mentioned list of the anti-Forsterian fragments has always been Professor Gunther Schänzer, alone, is several pages long and is contained in head of the Institute of Flight Guidance and Con- several dozens of books concerned with Cook. trol of the Braunschweig Carolo-Wilhelmina Uni- However, even the relatively short sample of Jo- versity in Germany. hann’s Journals... presented in this article shows I own a very considerable debt to Professor that his critics were probably not entirely right in Dr Robert Haworth (University of New England, accusing him of “...mediocrity, incompetence and School of Behavioural, Cognitive and Social Sci- in­consistency /.../ notoriously fractious person- ences, Armidale NSW, Australia). Prof. Haworth ality /.../ scientific incompetence or laxity /.../ has reviewed the present paper and has very piratical pretending of knowledge /.../ ignorance carefully proofread the draft. The amount of time and illiteracy, etc...” he has spent on discussion of some of my ideas Johann Forster’s achievements presented in often went beyond the call of duty. this article could be best assessed by a profes- sional geographer. The present author is not and does not pretend to be such a competent person. Bibliography However, the present author could assess the un- Be a g l e h o l e J.C., 1969. The Voyage of the Resolution and Adven- paralleled achievements of the Forsters’ in geog- ture 1772–1775. In: The Journals of Captain James Cook on raphy contemporary to them from the point of His Voyages of Discovery. Four Volumes and Portfolio. (Edited view of the professional person in other fields from the Original Manuscripts). Vol. II., Pub. the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press, London, for the Hakluyt of science, such as physic, astronomy, history of Society, Extra Series No. XXXV. London. English literature and culture and last but not Be a g l e h o l e J.C., 1974. The Life of Captain James Cook. A. and C. least professional satellite/inertial navigator and Black Ltd, London. Co o k J., 1779. A Voyage Towards the , and Round the sport oceanic navigator having the Ocean Going World. Performed in His Majesty’s Ship the Resolution and Yacht Master qualifications. To the present au- Adventure, In the Years 1772,1773, and 1775. Written By SOME GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL ASPECTS IN JOHANN FORSTER’S POSTHUMOUS JOURNALS… 105

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