Graffiti Survey: Interpretation Record Bodiam Castle, East Sussex TN32 5UA Client: The National Trust
June 2016
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
Contents
Section Page Number
1. Project Summary 3 2. Location: 3 3. Designation Status 3 4. Site Description 3 5. Project Brief 4 6. Constraints 4 7. Equipment 4 8. Methodology 4 9. Graffiti Interpretation Summary 4 10. Abbreviations and conventions 5 11. Graffiti background - accepted and acceptable 5 12. Construction 6 13. Surfaces/Decorative schemes/pigment 10 14. Graffiti concentrations 12 15. Graffiti types 15 15.1 Ritual Protection Marks 15 15.1.1 Compass Drawn Designs 17 15.1.2 Pentangles 18 15.2 Pre-reformation Inscriptions 21 15.3 IHS Inscription 22 15.4 Heraldic inscriptions 24 15.5 Astrological symbols 25 15.6 Mason’s marks 26 15.6.1 Banker’s/Quarry marks 26 15.6.2 Fine mason’s marks 29 15.6.3 Setting out/location marks 31 15.6.4 Lombardic ‘A’ 33 15.6.5 Architectural 35 15.6.6 The mason’s lodge/loft 36 15.7 Pictorial Inscriptions 37 15.8 Memorial/Tourist graffiti 38 15.9 National Trust graffiti 43 16. Prisoners of war at Bodiam 44 17. Conclusions and recommendations 46 18. Acknowledgements 48 19. Endnotes 49
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
Bodiam Castle, East Sussex 1. Project Summary The results of a raking light scaled photographic graffiti survey of all accessible areas of Bodiam Castle, East Sussex, on behalf of the National Trust. The fieldwork was undertaken during the Winter of 2015/16.
2. Location: Bodiam, East Sussex TN32 5UA.
OS Grid Ref: TQ7855425645
3. Designation Status: Bodiam Castle, Grade 1 listed structure (ENGLISH HERITAGE BUILDING ID: 292338)
Bodiam Castle, Scheduled Ancient Monument (SAM 24405), Date first scheduled: 08-Feb-1915 (revised: 1st March 1995)
National Heritage List Entry Number: 1013554 Date first listed: 3rd August 1961
Historic Enviroment Record, ADS Summary: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archsearch/ record.jsf?titleId=1769991
4. Site Description: Medieval castle probably built in the decade after 1385 when Sir Edward Dalingridge was licensed to crenellate, containing 6 gunports. Comprising a courtyard with four corner round towers and projecting square towers in the centre of the south, east and west sides, the whole is set within a wide moat. The main entrance is on the north side and is flanked by two projecting square towers, outside of which but still within the moat are a barbican and octagonal outwork. The castle was partly dismantled during the Civil War, but was restored and presented to the National Trust in 1919. Formerly regarded as a ‘textbook’ example of a Medieval castle, field investigation in 1988 revealed that rather than being a defensive work the castle was probably the centrepiece of an elaborate designed landscape involving sheets of water, the whole designed to be passed through and also viewed from above. (Source: Pastscape legacy record)
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
5. Project Brief: To undertake a variety of non-invasive photographic and measured raking light surveys of the accessible areas of Bodiam Castle, East Sussex. The purpose of the present report is to establish the significance of the graffiti located at the site, and suggest interpretations for individual inscriptions, whilst lacing the whole within the wider context of graffiti studies. This will inform the nature of any repairs and includes recommendations for future conservation measures that might be needed to safeguard the graffiti.
6. Constraints: 1. Many of the surfaces that were examined were shown to be friable and subject to extreme weathering. Safe access to all areas of the building was not possible, and survey work was confined to the safely accessible areas of the fabric.
7. Equipment: A variety of light sources to include 250w halogen floodlights, LED floodlights, and UV hand-held spotlights. Photography: a variety of digital format cameras with a minimum image resolution of 14 megapixels.
8. Methodology All areas were initially examined using hand held LED light sources to determine areas of possible concentration of graffiti inscriptions. Once areas of inscriptions had been identified these areas were subject to a raking light photometric survey. To facilitate this approach several areas were examined after dusk to maximise the effectiveness of the light sources. In areas where it was deemed necessary multiple raking light images were overlaid to create a complete map image.
The survey also made note of any individual features of interest, with particular emphasis upon the building fabric. All work was undertaken to the Institute of Field Archaeologists (IFA) Standards and Guidance for the Archaeological Investigation and Recording of Standing Buildings or Structures.
9. Bodiam Castle Graffiti Interpretation Summary This report details the interpretive findings of a survey of early graffiti inscriptions located in the publicly accessible areas of Bodiam Castle. In excess of eight hundred individual inscriptions were recorded, although an exact number is impossible to state with certainty due to the mass concentrations in certain areas of the structure. Contrary to expectations, and contradicting the findings of earlier field work, a good number of inscriptions were identified and recorded that date back to the pre-reformation period, and the time of the castle’s occupation as a high status residence. Although the majority of these markings were what is termed ‘ritual protection marks’, a small number of other late medieval inscriptions were identified. However, the vast majority of inscriptions recorded at Bodiam were created by early tourists to the site; a practice that continues largely unabated until the present day. The pre-reformation inscriptions, and most particularly the collection of ritual protection marks, can be regarded as ‘highly significant’. In addition, as part of the fieldwork survey the fabric was examined for evidence of the marks and working practices of the medieval masons responsible for the main construction phase of the castle in the late fourteenth century. As a result it has been possible to identify the numbers of each type of mason that worked on the structure, and has provided the probably location of the original mason’s loft. M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
10. Abbreviations and conventions The room numbers and area numbers used in this report are those referred to in the ‘Bodiam Castle interpretative floor plans October 2015’ document and the ‘Bodiam CP Draft Gazetteer Part 1 The Castle October 2015’ document. Reference to the Conservation Management Plan, abbreviated to ‘CMP’ refers to ‘ Bodiam Draft 21 October 2015 FINALpdf’.
Additional references and source material is provided at the end of this document.
11. Graffiti background - accepted and acceptable Today graffiti is seen as something that is both anti-social and destructive, and is generally regarded as an act of criminal damage or vandalism. It is most certainly not something that we would encourage on our historic monuments. However, that attitude is very much a modern one. Informal inscriptions on historic buildings were most certainly not something to be disapproved of until at least the middle of the nineteenth century; which somewhat ironically actually coincides with the first use of the term ‘graffiti’; originally coined as a wholly neutral term to describe the ancient and historic inscriptions then recently discovered at Roman sites such as Pompeii.a It is only subsequent to this point that graffiti begins to be regarded as something unwelcome.
The negative connotations associated with graffiti have, until very recent years, tended to hamper the study of these early inscriptions as a potentially rich resource for social and buildings history, and it has really only been in the last decade that its potential has begun to be fully recognised.b The idea that it was created by ‘vandals’, and something that was hidden away in dark corners, is now largely being put aside; recognising instead its potential to inform us of how buildings and places were used in the past. In many respects the informal nature of graffiti inscriptions can tell us aspects of the past that are simply not available via the traditional written records, and shed light upon previously elusive aspects of a site’s history.
Bodiam castle contains an important collection of early graffiti inscriptions that reflect its changing uses throughout the centuries. The very earliest inscriptions date back to the construction period
Fig 1: View of Bodiam from the north east. Samuel and Nathaniel Buck, 1737
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
of the castle in the late fourteenth century, many of which were created by the masons themselves. These particular inscriptions are deemed to be highly significant, having the potential to inform us upon aspects of the construction and design process that cannot be found elsewhere. The building also contains many more inscriptions dating back to its period of use as a high status residence and fortification, including several text inscriptions and a highly significant collection of ritual protection marks. The majority of the inscriptions recorded at Bodiam date to the period following its falling out of use as a high status residence, when its image as a romantic ruin of antiquarian interest attracted early visitors to the site. Whilst these inscriptions are perhaps less significant than the earlier examples, they do chart the life of Bodiam as an early tourist attraction, and add significantly to the story of the castle. Taken as a complete corpus of material the early inscriptions at Bodiam have the potential to add a good deal of information to our understanding of the site, and offer a human element to the interpretation chronology that cannot be found elsewhere.
Fig 2. Typical surface of a public area at Bodiam. This image, from the area of the Postern, contains no less than thirteen individually identifiable inscriptions, and a number of other heavily eroded and degraded examples.
12. Construction Details of the marks left during the construction of the castle are noted in the section dealing with Mason’s marks, however, a few general observations can be made. The external walls of the castle were built using locally sourced sandstone, from the Ashdown beds, that is now commonly referred to as ‘Wadhurst stone’, and were finished to only a rough standard.c The relative softness of the stone has made the creation of graffiti inscriptions relatively easy. A few surviving fragments of external render support the assumption that the stones were deliberately left in a rough finished state; firstly to help the render adhere to the surface, and secondly because the surface was to be hidden beneath the render itself - thereby negating the need to expend resources fine finishing a surface that would never be seen. The fact that the majority of the external stonework was never intended to be seen also accounts for the numerous straight fabric breaks across the stonework, most particularly in the area of curtain wall located between the Postern and the south western tower. M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
Fig 3. Fabric breaks in the curtain wall between the Postern an south western tower. Fabric breaks marked in blue are those that would be expected in the area of a window or doorway. The horizontal fabric breaks in red indicate that an average of three or four complete courses of stonework were completed each building season. Far less easy to account for are the two very clear vertical fabric breaks, which are not seen in other parts of the building.
The most common type of fabric break, seen at Bodiam and elsewhere, is the horizontal break that occurs between building seasons. The medieval building season tended to only last for approximately six months of the year, due to the slow drying nature of the lime mortar, with an average seasons work being 3 and 3.5 metres in height.d To build any higher than this within one season would result in the mortar being forced out of the lower joints by the weight of stone above, thereby seriously weakening the structure. Such fabric breaks are still most clearly to be seen on the east elevation at Bodiam. Less commonly fabric breaks will occur staggered across the vertical plane of the stonework, often the result of different teams of masons work joining together, or when building phases are tied together. Such staggered fabric breaks can still be seen at numerous castles and cathedrals across the UK, with one of the best known being at Binham Priory in Norfolk; where a staggered fabric break extends across three storeys of the building - clearly dividing the Romanesque architecture of the earlier building phase from the later Gothic phase.e Staggered fabric breaks are also evident at Bodiam, particularly visible on the eastern curtain wall.
However, Bodiam also shows evidence of numerous straight and vertical breaks in the fabric of the curtain wall, and the presence of so many vertical fabric breaks at Bodiam is not easy to account for. Such straight line vertical breaks are highly unusual in a medieval fortification, as they introduce decidedly weak points in the fabric, and are most usually to be seen (if at all) where
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
different building phases meet, such as at Bolton castle in Yorkshire.f Short vertical breaks are often to be found around areas such as windows, sometimes leading to the erroneous conclusion that they were later insertions, but to extend vertically beyond a single building seasons work is highly unusual. The fact that there are so many of these large vertical fabric breaks at Bodiam clearly supports the assumption that the external walls were never meant to be visible after completion, and dramatically weaken the argument for Bodiam’s defensive capabilities. Despite never intentionally being visible such vertical fabric breaks would have introduced significant structural weaknesses into the outer walls; something that it is difficult to reconcile with the concept of it having been built as a defensive structure by one of England’s most experienced military commanders.
There are a number of other areas where the wall fabric at Bodiam does not conform to what might be expected in a building of high status. Whist changes in the original plan such as the southern extension of the gatehouse have been noted in the CMP, and are obvious to even the most casual observer, there are a number of more discrete anomalies. The northern wall of the Postern tower and the surrounding curtain wall fabric show a number of oddities and eccentricities that are difficult to account for. These include layers of stonework that were laid at an acute angle, rather than in the usual horizontal bands, that have then required the creation of numerous levelling layers to create a horizontal working surface for the upper sections of the Postern.
Fig 4. The rear of the Postern tower. The green lines indicate the very unusual courses of stonework that are not built in horizontal bands. Whilst this stonework was never intended to be viewed, being concealed within the southern range, it does indicate a dramatic shift away from the techniques used elsewhere in the building.
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]
In general terms the walling stonework on the southern side of the castle is far poorer in quality and construction than that on the northern side. It is also notable how few ‘putlog’ holes are visible in the external fabric. These were the sockets where timber scaffolding would have been inserted into the fabric as the walls were being raised.g As the scaffolding was removed these sockets were most usually filled in with smaller stones, leaving a distinct pattern across the walls. Whilst there are clear putlog sockets in a number of areas of the curtain wall, there are far fewer than would be anticipated in a building of this size. Several areas were also recorded where the masons had used inserted oyster shells as levelling courses between the masonry, particularly in the Postern tower (2.17). Such a practice was a fairly common medieval building technique, with similar examples from Warkworth castle and Norwich cathedral.h
Within the higher status areas of the castle, most notable the northern gatehouse, extensive use has been made of a high quality and smooth grained pale stone, reminiscent of Caen stone - although no analysis has been undertaken. These areas of stonework are of good quality (CMP 2:10:37), and are comparable with general high status buildings of the period. However, it must also be noted that, whilst the quality of the stonework is good, it is by no means the highest quality, and its use is very limited in scope. Intriguingly, the very best finish to any of the higher quality stonework in the castle is that presented by the finishing detail on the stones surrounding the window embrasures in the well chamber (0.23). The finish applied to these stones has removed almost all evidence of the Fig 5. Oyster shells used for levelling of the door surround in mason’s combs, in contrast to almost all chamber 2.17 the other high status stonework in the structure. All these harder surfaces have also attracted considerable amounts of graffiti inscriptions, which would have taken far longer to create than those made on the local sandstone. The only other material of note used in the construction of the castle, leaving aside roof structures and fire surrounds, is evidence of the use of chalk clunch in the chapel screen, of which only fragments have been recovered.i
With only a few exceptions of higher quality stonework, such as the rib vaulting in postern entrance (1.17) and main gatehouse (1.2), all areas of the internal fabric indicate that they were originally intended to be plastered, rendered or lime-washed. Whilst there are considerable areas of surviving internal plaster, most notably in the northern towers, the vast majority of the original surfaces have been lost, taking with them any early graffiti inscriptions that may have been present. However, where earlier surfaces do survive early inscriptions were also recorded. It should also be noted that many surfaces show evidence of considerable small scale restoration undertaken in recent centuries. Whilst much consolidation has been recognised as having taken place on the curtain wall and upper sections of the towers, it should be noted that there is evidence of more discrete interventions in the lower fabric of the walls. In particular, there is evidence of resurfacing and cleaning back of stone surfaces within the gatehouse, with clear evidence of more modern mason’s
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 10
Fig 6. Two areas of stonework clearly showing the rough surface finish that was deliberately left to help the plaster adhere to the surface.
combs being used on several areas of stonework. Of particular note is evidence of modern work on the upper section of each of the ‘dumb-bell’ gun-loops flanking the entranceway. Whilst this may just indicate cleaning and consolidation of weathered surfaces it may also be indicative of more substantial work having been undertaken.
13. Surfaces/Decorative schemes/pigment As noted above, almost all surfaces at Bodiam, both internally and externally, with the obvious exception of certain areas of dressed and moulded stone, were originally plastered, rendered and/ or lime-washed. Although little external render remains there are small deposits still visible in a number of areas.j Internally, particularly on the northern side of the site, there are considerable areas of the surviving plaster surfaces, which in view of the castle’s history of occupation are deemed to be medieval in origin. However, with few exceptions, these areas of plaster are usually fairly degraded, having lost much of their original surface, leaving exposed the substrate beneath. The plaster itself is of generally medium quality, and clearly contains a large number of inclusions in the form of aggregate. Much of the moulded stone of high quality, particularly the fireplaces and door surrounds in the northern gatehouse, may originally have been left as exposed decorative stonework. It is clear, however, that the stone cross ribbed vaulting in the gatehouse stairwell was originally covered with a thin layer of lime plaster, leaving only the decorative bosse exposed. The stone of the rib vaulting still shows extensive evidence of ‘keying’ to the surface, designed to help the plaster adhere to the surface. The bosse shows no evidence of any pigment within the undercuts and reveals, but extensive lime-wash fragments, suggesting that it was always intended to appear white. Combined with the plaster on the cross ribs, this would have given the appearance that the whole area was constructed of a fine white stone, adding to the impression of opulence and expense. A similar finish was noted on the rib vaulting in the ‘treasury’ (0.14) suggesting that the stonework here was also originally plastered.
Significant areas of early plaster survive in the two accessible chambers in the north western tower. In both cases the surfaces have received multiple applications of lime-wash at indeterminate
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 11
Left: Fig 7. the sole surviving roof boss located in the gatehouse showed no evidence of any pigment, with lime- wash applied directly to the stone surface. Above: Fig 8. Tiny fragment of red pigment recorded in the gatehouse stairwell. dates. Despite significant delamination of the lime-wash there is no evidence of any surviving pigment beneath, except in one small area (approx 10mm x 15mm) where a red ochre pigment is visible. However, the sample is so small, and the surface so degraded, that it is unclear whether the pigment was applied to the early surface, or is the result of later accidental deposition. The only area in which large quantities of early pigment were recorded was in the upper chambers (1.6 & 2.6) of the north eastern tower. Both of these chambers have considerable areas of surviving early plaster, the composition of which appears visually the same as other samples recorded in the castle, suggesting a medieval date. In both chambers the plaster surfaces in the window embrasures showed evidence of at least two pigments - a pale red ochre and a carbon black. No area survives that is large enough to determine whether these simply formed part of a colour-wash or were part
Left: Fig 9. Dark pigment applied directly to surviving early plaster surface in the north eastern tower. Right: Fig 10. Faded pink or red pigment applied directly to surviving early plaster in the north eastern tower.
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 12
Fig 11. Detail of a fragment of early plaster surviving in the north eastern tower. The poor quality of the plaster, and the large number of dark inclusions are evident across the surface. The remains of a compass drawn design can also be clearly made out in the plaster surface.
of a more formal decorative scheme. Whilst it is clear that these pigments were applied directly to the plaster surface, with no evidence of lime-wash beneath, it is not possible to state with confidence when they may have been applied. One other small area of red pigment was noted, in the stairwell in the northern gatehouse, but again the sample was so small as to be able to draw any conclusions from it. There is also evidence of a red pigment on the vaulting in the postern entrance. However, the pigment is not associated with an original surface, and is assumed to be of a modern date associated with repair or consolidation work.
14. Graffiti concentrations The areas of graffiti concentrations recorded at Bodiam can inform us about aspects of access and accessibility at various points throughout the castle’s history. The earliest inscriptions, dating back to the period of the castles occupation, are now largely confined to the northern towers and the gatehouse. Although not significant in itself, simply being a reflection of the areas in which early surfaces survive, it does suggest that the original surfaces survived better in these areas because they were less exposed to the elements. Indeed, the survival of relatively large areas of early plaster, particularly in areas like the eastern guardroom (1.4), indicate that these areas have remained relatively watertight and not subject to extensive interventions since first constructed. This particular area, despite being located next to the entrance, also lacks any major concentrations of later tourist graffiti, suggesting that access to the area was limited or controlled.
The post-medieval tourist and visitor graffiti, particularly those created prior to approximately 1850, show a much more classical and well established distribution pattern. The vast majority of the inscriptions are concentrated in easily accessible and highly visible areas of the castle, particularly the gatehouse entrance (1.1, 1.2) and lower areas of the postern (1.17, 1.18) - where early visitors had largely unimpeded access. The obvious placing of the inscriptions, their high quality, and the time needed to create them, indicate that their creation was not regarded as something that was
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 13
Fig 12. Typical surface in the publicly accessible areas of the Postern tower. At least thirty-six individual inscriptions are present in this one image, dating from the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
anti-social and needing to be undertaken covertly. The inscriptions are indeed concentrated in the busiest and most public areas of the site, and similar patterns have been observed at heritage sites across the UK and Europe.k
A second type of graffiti concentration is also apparent in the inscriptions of the early tourist period. These are those made by individuals of a more adventurous nature, who have explored the ruin in detail, and left their inscriptions at the ‘point of deepest penetration’. Such a phenomena is still apparent today amongst cavers and pot-hollers, where they will leave their own graffiti at the most remote point they can reach within a tunnel system, as a commemoration of their achievement. However, such activity is nothing new. Poole’s Cavern in Derbyshire is reputedly the oldest show cave in the UK, having been a marked tourist attraction since at least the sixteenth century. The relatively easily accessed cave did, until very recent decades, end at the point of a rock fall about five hundred metres from the surface. At this point the walls are covered in a mass of graffiti inscriptions, which are notably absent elsewhere in the cave system, some of which clearly date back to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The graffiti concentration in Poole’s Cavern is essentially a point at which visitors commemorated, and displayed, the fact that they had reached the furthest and most remote extent of the system.l
There are three very clear concentrations of a similar nature recorded at Bodiam. The most singular is the area at the very top of the gatehouse stairwell, which marked the point beyond which even the most intrepid early castle explorer could not go. Here the walls and door surround show a marked concentration in the number of inscriptions, particularly noteworthy when compared to the lack of inscriptions generally recorded in the stairwell itself leading to this area. Similar concentrations occurs at the top of the stairs in the north eastern tower and the postern tower. A
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 14 more intriguing concentration also occurs at the entrance to the upper chamber in the postern tower (3.17), where the graffiti occurs around the doorway and upon the door frame, but with only quite recent graffiti within the chamber itself, despite the walls of the chamber still containing significant fragments of the early plaster surface. The presence of a relatively new floor within the chamber may indicate that, prior to its installation, the room was largely inaccessible to early visitors.
The more recent graffiti at Bodiam also follows generally recognised patterns of concentration. With the change of opinions regarding the creation of graffiti, and the perception that it was an act of vandalism, the concentrations of inscriptions moved away from the more public areas of the castle. The majority of inscriptions created in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries tend to be located in more discrete and hidden areas of the site, such as the well chamber and base of the treasury tower. These are areas that are difficult to monitor, and are generally not in plain view. It is also notable that the more modern inscriptions tend to be the hasty creation of only a few minutes, and a large number are created in pencil or marker pen. What is interesting to note is that, despite the generally negative view of graffiti on ancient monuments, the inscriptions are still being created on a regular basis. In this respect it must be assumed that the presence of the earlier historic graffiti seemingly legitimises the creation of new graffiti; albeit often in a more temporary medium than the elegantly carved inscriptions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Also of particular interest with regard to the future preservation of the site is that the structure has become a text book case of graffiti attracting further graffiti. Studies carried out by several American police departments, largely involved in establishing methods to reduce the quantity of graffiti inscriptions in urban centres, have also recognised that the presence of graffiti at a location lends a legitimacy to the creation of further graffiti. m Studies indicated that two identical sites could show marked differences to the distribution of graffiti inscriptions that were strongly influenced by the amount of graffiti already present. In essence, if one wall already contained a graffiti inscription then it was seven or eight times more likely that the second graffiti inscription would also be placed on that wall rather than the wall with no graffiti inscriptions.
These findings relating to modern graffiti have also been borne out by the surveys
Left: Figs 13 & 14. Examples of the cruder style of the modern graffiti recorded at the site, usually located in more concealed areas of the castle and hastily created.
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 15
of historic graffiti carried out elsewhere, and a number of medieval sites, including All Saints, Litcham, have shown marked concentrations of modern graffiti in areas where early inscriptions are located. In the case of Litcham a concentration of early graffiti on the easternmost pier of the south arcade has formed the focus for all identifiable graffiti inscriptions from the later decades of the 20th century, despite the relative prominence of the location and the availability of more discrete and easily accessible sites within the building.n The sheer quantity of graffiti inscriptions at Bodiam, particularly those from more recent decades, is likely to be seen as the key legitimising factor in the creation of new inscriptions and it is highly likely that Bodiam will continue to attract significant quantities of graffiti.
15. Graffiti types The inscriptions recorded at Bodiam are as diverse as they are numerous, and for ease of reference this report outlines the principal graffiti types. Each of the following sections deals with a particular collection of graffiti inscriptions, including background detail and possible interpretations.
15.1 Ritual Protection Marks Ritual Protection Marks are defined as symbols that have a overt ‘apotropaic’ function. Although many objects and artefacts may be considered to be apotropaic, or contain apotropaic elements, (derived from the Greek ‘apo’ meaning ‘away’, and ‘trepein’ meaning ‘to turn’) a strict definition of what does, or does not, constitute a ritual protection mark is fraught with difficulties, and can depend upon a number of not entirely related factors. The same marking used in different circumstances and contexts may have widely differing meanings, not all of which can be considered apotropaic. However, the markings recorded at Bodiam show no such difficulties and are clear and unambiguous, are located in exactly the areas that they might be expected to be found, and consist of good examples of two of the main types of markings most usually recorded in historic buildings.
The creation of ritual protection marks was a direct result of a belief system that saw the threat to individuals of the ‘evil eye’, demons, witches and the Devil as physical as well as spiritual.o The church itself talked of driving out the Devil during baptism services, of the power of demons over the physical world, and the misfortunes that could be brought about by witchcraft. Whilst many of the orthodox beliefs associated with such markings were officially put aside during the period of the reformation, the practice of creating such markings appears to have continued unabated.
Fig 15. Two compass drawn designs located upon the exterior of the eastern tower of the gatehouse, as viewed from the causeway. Both are heavily worn and abraded, in common with all the graffiti inscriptions in that area.
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Writing about the inhabitants of one Suffolk village in the early decades of the twentieth century, Allan Jobson stated that the older inhabitants were ‘forever taking avoiding actions against possible and portending evil... the menfolk nailed up a horseshoe over the cow-house and drew mysterious line, crosses and triangles in the dust before the door’.p As the work of Timothy Easton has clearly demonstrated the marks generally continue in use in a domestic settling and amongst all types of vernacular architecture right through into the eighteenth century.q Easton is also clear that many of the symbols he has recorded in sixteenth and seventeenth century vernacular settings are related to portals, entranceways and thresholds of buildings, with particular significance given to chimneys and door surrounds.
Contemporary sources support Easton’s findings, and make clear that certain times, localities and even areas of buildings were considered to be more vulnerable to acts of witchcraft and ill fortune than others. Specifically relevant to the location of graffiti inscriptions at Bodiam, many authorities note that entranceways and thresholds of buildings were particularly vulnerable to witchcraft, and therefore required directed and targeted protection from such influences. Writing in 1579 the unknown author of ‘A detection of damnable driftes, practized by three witches arraigned at Chelmsford’, recounts the story of an Essex witch who, being turned away from the door of a house where she was seeking charity, albeit with some menaces, resorted to witchcraft to revenge herself upon the inhabitants. After being turned unceremoniously away she ‘sat downe uppon her heeles before the doore, and made a circle uppon the ground with a knife. After that she digged it full of holes within the compasse’. When challenged by the wife of the house, and asked what she was about, the woman replied that ‘she made a shityng house for herself after that sorte, and so departed, the next day the wife comyng out at the same door, was taken sicke’.r Likewise Malleus Maleficarum stated that ‘witches use certain images and other strange periapts, which they are wont to place under lintels of the doors of the houses... and thus they cast spells over their victims, who have oft times been known to die’.s King James I/VI was more specific still about the threats posed by witchcraft entering a building, and that it wasn’t just confined to traditional entranceways and thresholds, stating that ‘some of them sayeth, that being transformed in the likenesse of a little beast or foule, they will come and pearce through whatsoever house or church, though all ordinarie passages be closed, by whatsoever open, the aire may enter in at’.t
Fig 16. Compass drawn design located on a surviving early plaster Fig 17. Compass drawn design inscribed into the stonework in surface in the eastern guardroom of the gatehouse. the upper chamber of the north western tower (3.28)
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The Ritual Protection Marks recorded at Bodiam fall into two main categories - compass drawn designs and pentangle markings. From their location it would appear likely that the markings were created over a period of some time, with perhaps several centuries passing between the making of the earliest and the most recent. Whilst some of the markings are likely to have been created during the buildings construction, others could only have been created after the fabric was completed. Similarly, some recorded examples appear to have been hidden within the fabric of the building, only becoming visible as the surface deteriorated over the centuries, whilst others would have been visible to all. Such a chronology of creation for the marks is by no means unusual. Similar survey work undertaken for the National Trust at Knole has recorded ritual protection marks in a securely dated pre-seventeenth century context, but also on a roof structure that was dendrochronologically dated to 1743. In a post-medieval vernacular context, and as noted above, these designs are often to be found associated with entranceways and portals to a building; including doors, doorways and fireplaces.u However, the lack of unaltered extant medieval vernacular housing, of either high or low status, has made it difficult to judge whether the post-medieval distribution patterns are simply a continuity of earlier practices. Therefore, the examples identified at Bodiam, where the period of habitation for the building is both generally known and limited, must be regarded as highly significant, in that they represent a corpus of medieval material from a high status vernacular setting.
15.1.1 Compass Drawn Designs Compass drawn designs are one of the most common ritual protection markings recorded on historic buildings of all ages. The designs can vary from the very simplest compass drawn circle, through the common six petalled design known as a ‘Daisy Wheel’ or ‘Hexafoil’, to elaborate multi-hexafoil designs of immense complexity. The origins of the symbol as a spiritually significant marking are unclear. Modern writers of the New Age movement refer to it as the ‘Seed of Life’ and claim that it stretches back far into antiquity. However, evidence for such claims can, at best, be described as limited. The design is one of the most common to appear amongst Roman graffiti inscriptions, and it features on many Roman altar stones and grave-markers, often in association with other symbols of recognised spiritual significance. The symbol is then amongst the most common informal graffiti found within medieval churches, and post-medieval vernacular buildings.v
Fig 18. Badly eroded compass drawn design inscribed into the stonework of the upper chamber of the gatehouse (3.1) Inset: reconstruction of the original design.
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Left: Fig 19. Multiple compass drawn circles located next to the window opening in the upper chamber of the gatehouse (3.1) Above: Fig 20. Similar multiple compass drawn circles located in the upper chamber of the western tower of the gatehouse.
The compass drawn designs recorded at Bodiam appear to follow the established patterns laid down by Easton; all either appearing on window embrasures or door surrounds.w The majority of recorded examples are in the gatehouse and north-eastern tower, where they are concentrated around the entranceway and openings. Several of the north facing window openings are adorned with multiple examples, on both the exposed stonework and surviving medieval plaster. Their presence on the stonework would strongly suggest that they were created by those constructing the building, prior to the application of the plaster to the surface - which would have concealed them from general view. This would also suggest that it was regarded as unimportant as to whether the circles were actually visible or not, acting as a deterrent to evil just by their very presence. However, there are also examples located in the north-eastern tower that were clearly inscribed into the upper surface of the surviving medieval plaster, which could have been created at any point during the castle’s period of habitation. Unlike the examples inscribed into the stonework, these compass drawn motifs would have been highly visible, being scored through the upper layers of pigment decoration to reveal the pale plaster beneath.x
15.1.2 Pentangles The second obvious and well attested ritual protection mark recorded at Bodiam is the pentangle. At least five examples were recorded in the eastern guard chamber of the gatehouse, one of which was located on the stone door surround of the garderobe. The others are all inscribed into the surviving medieval plaster surface on the western wall of the chamber, spaced at fairly regular intervals across the surface. Whilst such a concentration is highly notable, it must be recognised that this particular area of plaster is one of the largest complete and intact plaster surfaces to survive within the building (see ‘conclusions and recommendations’). As a result this concentration may represent a false distribution pattern, with other possible areas of concentration having been lost along with the medieval plaster. However, it is worth noting that the guard chamber also contains at least one compass drawn design, perhaps suggesting that this area, to the side of the main gateway and with numerous openings to the outside world, was considered a particularly vulnerable area.
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Fig 21. Pentangle inscribed into the stone door surround leading to the garderobe in the eastern guardhouse of the gatehouse (1.4)
The pentangle is an extremely ancient symbol whose use has been recorded as far back 3000BC where it formed part of the ancient Sumerian pictogram language. To the Greeks it was regarded as a symbol of mathematical purity or perfection, in similar manner to the geometric perfection of the Hexafoil or compass drawn design.y Since the reformation the symbol has become associated with the magical arts and, in more recent centuries, it has become particularly associated with Wiccan practises and Victorian concepts of ‘black’ magic.z However, during the middle ages it is clear that this symbol was regarded as a specifically Christian symbol with no ‘evil’ connotations and, more specifically, was seen as an overt symbol of protection. It is also one of the very few ritual protection marks for which we have any documentary evidence to support this supposed function.
In the late 14th century, at approximately the same time that Bodiam castle was being constructed, an unknown poet most probably from north western England, wrote the middle-English poem Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. The single manuscript, now in the British Library, contains the earliest known rendering of the now famous tale.aa In the original manuscript the unknown author goes into a great deal of detail concerning the equipment given to Gawain prior to his leaving upon his quest. His tunic, arms and armour are described in turn, before finally he is handed his shield. Upon the ‘shining scarlet’ shield is painted a pentangle in ‘pure gold’. The author then writes that ‘why the pentangle was appropriate to that prince I intend to say, though it will stall our story’. He then launches into a lengthy digression, one of the only ones of note in the poem, in which he sets out the symbolism of the pentangle. It is, he states, the symbol of Solomon that ‘is taken to this day as a token of fidelity’ and is known in England as the ‘endless knot’. He then goes on to explain the ‘five times five’ ways in which the symbol will protect and inspire the knight. It is a symbol of the five wounds that Christ suffered upon the cross, of his five faultless fingers, of the five senses, of the five joys of the Virgin Mary in her son, and lastly of the five virtues of knighthood – the ‘pure pentangle as people have called it’.
It is the purity of the symbol itself, echoing the Greek idea of geometric perfection, that gave it power within the medieval mind. To the Gawain author it was ‘a five-pointed form which never failed, never stronger to one side or slack at the other, but unbroken in its being from beginning to end’. This pure, unfailing and unbroken symbol also had one other particular and widely recognised power – to offer protection from demons. As the author highlights, the pentangle was regarded
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Fig 22. Pentangle inscribed into the surviving early plaster of the western wall in the eastern guardhouse of the gatehouse (1.4)
as the symbol of King Solomon. According to Jewish, Christian and Islamic tradition, the symbol of Solomon was found inscribed upon a ring that was delivered to him by angels. The ring gave its bearer many powers, including the ability to talk to animals, and very specifically gave Solomon the power to command demons.ab Solomon used the divine gift as a signet ring, signing documents and decrees, and the symbol, with numerous variations, became known as the ‘Seal of Solomon’. Although more usually regarded as being the six pointed star, known today as the ‘Star of David’, many early traditions have the pentangle and Star of David as being interchangeable - as is clearly the case with the Gawain author - and as late as the middle of the sixteenth century the ‘magician’ Paul Foreman was referring to it specifically as the ‘Pentacle of Solomon’.ac The association continued well into the early modern period with the ‘Book of Oberon’, a compilation of practical magic from the early decades of the reign of Elizabeth I, using the term on multiple occasions, and most particularly in relation to the control of summoned demons.ad
The pentangle on the shield of Sir Gawain can therefore be viewed in a number of different ways. Although it represents all the outwardly Christian religious and knightly virtues that the author ascribed to it, it would also have been seen by most of the original 14th century readers of the poem as a potent protection from demons and the supernatural. Its location upon both Gawain’s shield and mantle is particularly significant. The physical protection of the knight’s shield was
Fig 23. Pentangle inscribed into the surviving early plaster of the western wall in the eastern guardhouse of the gatehouse (1.4)
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being augmented, perhaps even enhanced, by the addition of the pentangle. Whilst the shield itself offered protection from the dangers of the physical world, the ‘pure’ symbol emblazed upon it in ‘pure gold’ offered protection from the dangers of the spiritual or supernatural worlds. This enhancement of the physical protection with protection from the supernatural echoes strongly with all the examples of ritual protection marks found at Bodiam. Whilst the castle and its battlement may have offered a physical security to the inhabitants, they still felt the need to create defences against the supernatural; enemies that no portcullis or gun-loops could protect against.
15.2 Pre-reformation Inscriptions Although few original surfaces survive at Bodiam, as a percentage of the whole, early inscriptions were recorded in a number of areas, most particularly the ritual protection marks concentrated in the northern area of the castle. However, there were also two distinct text inscriptions, with a possible third example, that dated back to the pre-reformation period. Again all three examples were located on the northern side of the castle, reflecting the survival of larger areas of the original surface in these areas. The two clear examples were both recorded in the northern gatehouse, whilst the possible third was located in the north western tower. In the northern guardroom (1.4) a small inscription was recorded on the western face of the door surround leading into the garderobe. Although the letters were each only approximately 10mm in height the inscription was clearly formed of five individual letters, all of which were clearly pre-reformation in origin, and most probably dating to the fifteenth century. The form of the capital ‘W’ is typical of the first half of the fifteenth century, although a few examples have been noted as continuing into the early decades of the second half of the century. The inscription reads ‘Waves’, and it is assumed that this is a personal name. However, the lack of documentary evidence for the period of the castles occupation means that this assumption is impossible to confirm.
Fig 24. The names ‘Waves’ inscribed into the boor surround leading to the garderobe in the eastern guardroom of the gatehouse (chamber 1.4)
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The second inscription is located on the door surround at the entrance to the upper central chamber in the gatehouse (3.1). The individual letters average between 20mm-30mm in height, with the capital ‘J’ being approximately 50mm tall. The inscription reads ‘Johann’ or ‘Johanni’ (John) and the letter forms again indicate a pre-reformation date, perhaps supported by the presence of early lime-wash within some of the lines of the inscription. With no surname, and few documentary records surviving, all that can be confidently stated is that the inscription was created by a literate member of the household, and someone well versed in the writing arts. The third inscription is even more ambiguous, being badly eroded and heavily abraded. Located in the north western tower it is clearly composed of early letter forms, but only the minims are now clearly visible. Whilst the lack of longer inscriptions is frustrating, particularly in view of how they could augment the scant documentary evidence associated with the castle, it must be borne in mind that pre-reformation text inscriptions are relatively rare within the wider graffiti corpus, representing less than three percent of all recorded inscriptions in cathedrals and churches. In light of this the Bodiam examples are surprising and significant discoveries.
Fig 25. The name ‘Johanni’, or ‘John’, inscribed into the door surround of the eastern entrance to chamber 3.1 in the northern gatehouse. Sadly no surname is present.
15.3 IHS Inscription In addition to ritual protection marks it is not uncommon to come across inscriptions that reflect the more orthodox teachings of the Christian church; unsurprising in a society in which religion was such a central focus to everyday life. Each of these inscriptions have been regarded as an extension of the more formal prayers of the church, and a physical manifestation of the faith of the individuals who created them. In common with the beliefs behind many of the ritual protection marks, it was believed that inscribing the prayers into the building not only acted as protection for the space in which they were created, but that the very permanence of the inscription could
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Above: Fig 26. Fragmented remains of an early plaster surface in the north western tower inscribed with the remains of an ‘IHS’ motif, dating from prior to circa 1550. Left: Fig 27. As above but with the inscription highlighted for clarity.
be regarded as enhancing the power or potency of the prayer itself. Surveys at sites similar to Bodiam, such as Carlisle castle and Norwich castle, have shown that such religious imagery is to be expected in a military or domestic setting, as much as within an ecclesiastical setting. Although at both Norwich and Carlisle the most spectacular examples are to be found in the area around the castle chapels, similar more discrete inscriptions were recorded in all areas of the fabric.ae The decayed and abraded nature of the stonework in the area of the chapel, and the mass of more recent inscriptions that have been applied to the surface, mean that it is impossible to determine if such a graffiti concentration ever existed at Bodiam.
Only one definite inscription of a more orthodox religious nature was recorded at Bodiam, on a fragmentary plaster surface in the north western tower (2.28). This takes the form of an inscribed ‘Holy Monogram’, which can stylistically be dated to before circa 1550. The Holy Monogram, also known as a ‘Christogram’, takes the form of three letters - IHS - denoting the first three letters of the Greek name of Jesus. In more modern times the monogram has been interpreted as representing the phrase ‘ Iesus Hominum Salvator (“Jesus, Saviour of men” in Latin), although there appears no obvious medieval tradition for this interpretation. The monogram was one of the most common western religious motifs throughout the Middle Ages and was used in areas
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from formal painted decoration and stained glass, to the decoration of personal items and clothing accessories, and was particularly common as a central motif on medieval personal seal matrices. The first written reference to the term in the UK is in Langland’s ‘Vision of Piers Ploughman’, written in the closing decades of the fourteenth century, and most probably within a decade of the beginning of the main construction phase at Bodiam. It has been argued that the ‘holy name’ was also regarded as a charm and a symbol of protection, with clear apotropaic functionsaf. If this is the case then it is one of the few formal motifs that crossed the distinctly blurred line between formal and informal religion. In terms of early graffiti inscriptions the motif is relatively common, and often to be found in groups and clusters of such imagery. Examples are to be found all over England, with particular concentration in churches in Lincolnshire and East Anglia, with the symbol in its modern form still being used in churches today.
The example at Bodiam is fragmentary, but clearly the remain of a holy monogram, and created in a blackletter text. In this form it is often described as reading ‘IHC’ rather than ‘IHS’, with the medieval ‘long s’ being mistaken for a ‘C’. The style of lettering indicates that the motif was created prior to circa 1550, and represents one of the few pre-reformation inscriptions that is identifiable on the early plaster surfaces at Bodiam.
15.4 Heraldic inscriptions Heraldic graffiti and coats of arms are also relatively common finds on medieval structures, most notably in churches, and Bodiam has at least two examples that may well date back to the period of the castle’s occupation.ag The best example is to be found on the door surround at the entrance to the upper room of the north west tower (3.28), although even this example is too worn to attempt an identification. Much heraldic graffiti is difficult to link to a particular person or family, the main reason being that heraldry is largely reliant upon colour to differentiate one coat of arms from the next, with pigment being noticeably absent from most examples of graffiti. Even with the finest preserved and most detailed surviving examples, such as those recoded at Troston in Suffolk and Norwich castle, the best that can be achieved it to associate them with one of half a dozen families.ah In the case of the Bodiam examples the form of the shield and the arms themselves appear not to relate to any families with known associations to the castle during its period of occupancy. As previously noted, the modern ideas of graffiti being seen as vandalism,
Left: Fig 28. Badly eroded heraldic inscription from a door surround in the north western tower (chamber 3.28) Above: Fig 29. Example of heraldic graffiti in good condition from Troston church, Suffolk.
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and something to be discouraged, simply do not apply to the Middle Ages, and it is therefore quite likely, although impossible to prove, that any heraldic graffiti was actually created by the owner of the arms in question. Indeed, the creation of heraldic graffiti is one of the few other graffiti types for which we have written evidence dating back to the medieval period.
In the closing decades of the fifteenth century the Dominican theologian Felix Fabri wrote a colourful account of the pilgrimage he had undertaken to the Holy Land in the year 1483. The book, taking the form of a guide to the sites and customs of the Holy Land, gives a detailed account of his own visit to the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and surrounding sites of religious interest. Fabri explains that upon first entering the Holy Land, their leader and guide read out in both Latin and German the twenty-seven rules that they should all observe to ensure that they did not offend the Muslim community, and to ensure their own safety. The sixth rule, as related by Fabri, stated that ‘pilgrims of noble birth must not deface walls by drawing their coats of arms thereon, or by writing their names, or by fixing upon the walls papers on which their arms are painted, or by scratching columns or marble slabs, or boring holes in them with iron tools, to make marks of their having visited them; for such conduct gives great offence to the Saracens, and they think those who do so to be fools’.ai The very fact that it was felt necessary to state this within the rules of the visit does rather strongly suggest that the act was not an unknown one, and many such examples can still be seen at the furthest point of Fabri’s pilgrimage; the monastery of St Catherine on Mount Sinai. It is also interesting to note that Fabri recounts only the condemnation of such acts amongst ‘the Saracens’ rather than by himself or his companions. With heraldic graffiti present and hundreds of churches in the UK, and within castles such as Dover, Norwich and Carlisle, it would appear that this informal memorial activity was commonplace.
15.5 Astrological symbols On the wall walk just outside the north western tower (between 3.28 and 3.3) are six strange symbols that have been deeply cut into the stones that form the rear of the curtain wall. The markings are cut far deeper and more deliberately than much of the graffiti located in the area, and their eroded nature indicates that they have not been made in recent decades, and are likely to be over a century old -at the very least. The symbols are cut in two horizontal lines of three, one located above the other, and do not appear directly related to any other inscriptions around them. F i g 3 0 . U n u s u a l astrological style symbols of indeterminate date inscribed into the wall walk between the norther gatehouse and the north western tower.
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Identification of the symbols as part of any known modern or ancient alphabet has not been possible, and they do not appear to correlate to any known letters, nor do they appear architectural in nature. The closest match for individual symbols has been in a number of astrological and alchemic texts from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; most notably the Clavicula Salomonis (The Key of Solomon the King), the Cambridge Book of Magic (attributed to Paul Foreman in the sixteenth century), and the Elizabethan ‘Book of Oberon’ (Folger Mss V.b.26 - attrib. ‘Book of magic, with instructions for invoking spirits, etc’). These manuscripts are compilations of earlier works, many of which were astrological or alchemic in nature, although the later compilations tend to be related to the formal practice of ‘magic’ and necromancy. The symbols are used throughout the works as part of ritual and incantation, and no explanations or meaning are given for the individual symbols. In addition, at no point in any of the manuscripts are the symbols to be found together in a coherent form. Such ‘astral magic’ texts were common at the time, blurring the lines between religion and emerging sciences, and many of the manuscripts are wholly contradictory in nature. To add further confusion to the issue, such manuscripts and symbols enjoyed a popular revival in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century’s, particularly amongst those studying spiritualism and early religion, and many examples of such manuscripts were reprinted; albeit only in small print runs.
It is, therefore, difficult to ascribe a date to the inscriptions, and more difficult still to determine exactly why they were inscribed into the fabric of the castle.
15.6 Mason’s marks The marks left by medieval mason’s are invariably the very earliest markings that can be found on any medieval structure, and in the case of Bodiam, where so many mason’s marks survive, can tell us a great detail concerning the medieval design and construction process. The traditional view of mason’s marks is somewhat simplistic, albeit useful in terms of interpretation, and states that each mason who worked on a structure had their own individual symbol with which they would mark the individual stones, or area of the building, that they had worked on. These marks were then used by their employer or the master mason to work out exactly who had done which piece of work, and how much each mason was to be paid. Although useful, such a narrative is both overly simplistic and in many cases just incorrect.
There are three main types of mason’s arks that can be found on medieval stonework, all relating to different types of stonework and construction techniques, and all three types were recorded at Bodiam.
15.6.1 Banker’s/Quarry marks The majority of the marks recorded at Bodiam are what are known as ‘Banker’ marks or ‘Quarry’ marks. These are the marks applied by the lower standard masons who were simply roughing out the stones for use in the external walls of the castle. The masons doing this work may have been apprentices, but just as likely were skilled men used to working large stone quickly. In the case of Bodiam, where the majority of the stone was locally sourced, these marks may have been applied as the stones were quarried - or could have been applied after they were cut to exact size in the mason’s loge on site. Such marks are usually fairly large in comparison to internal mason’s marks. They are fairly crudely formed, but created using mason’s chisels or punches, and in shape often take the form of a crude representation of mason’s tools, such as the set square.aj The fact that many of the marks appear at angles, or even upside down, indicate that the marks were applied to the stones prior to them being inserted in the wall.
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The presence of so many of these banker marks at Bodiam is an indication that the rough mason were being paid on a piece work rate; a set rate for every finished stone. This is in direct contrast to many sites, where existing documentation suggests that individual masons could and were paid by the yard of finished stone. A surviving document for work at Lincoln cathedral in 1308, made between the cathedral administration and the mason Richard of Stow, indicate two different rates of payment - one for plain walling and the other for carved work.ak Those undertaking the more skilled carved work were paid a daily wage, whilst the less skilled walling masons, were paid by the amount of work they produced. If the rough masons were paid by the yard then there was no need for them to mark so many stones, just to indicate the general areas in which they worked. The presence of large number of different marks in single areas of the stone walling, such as the old kitchens at Bodiam, supports the idea that the masons were being paid on a piece work rate. This would also give weight to the idea outlined in the CMP (2:10:20) that the castle was constructed relatively quickly, with the rough masons needing to work as quickly as possible to ensure that they maximised their earnings - a fact also supported by the unusual number and style of the fabric breaks across the structure. The number of vertical fabric breaks would have led to structural weaknesses in the curtain walls, but would have been quicker and more efficient to create at the end of a building season than the traditional staggered fabric break.al
Above: Fig 31. Typical banker marks, or quarry mark, found in most areas at Bodiam. This example is from the outer face of the gatehouse, north western face. Left: Fig 32. A more unusual example o a Bodiam banker mark, located on the roughly finished stonework of the rib vaulting in tthe gatehouse.
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The banker marks are reasonable evenly distributed on all the main external and internal walls, and despite serious weathering are still easily recordable. This suggests that the same team of masons were responsible for the majority of the lower fabric that is still visible today, and with the obvious caveat that any banker marks visible upon stones on the upper courses of the building may well be the result of the reuse of original material during relatively recent consolidation and reconstruction phases. However, it is also notable that there are areas of the extant structure, in particular internal facing and dividing walls, where the same banker marks are not to be found. The most obvious example is the dividing wall that sits at the junction of the old kitchen and the service range in the south western corner. The wall now contains a large fireplace and chimney and is deemed to be part of the original construction phase. However, the evidence of the stonework suggests this is questionable. Not only is the bulk of the wall constructed of differently sized and formed stones that those to either side, but there are also clear fabric breaks to the east and west. The fabric on both the eastern and western sides shows evidence of a large number and wide variety of bankers marks, none of which are apparent of the fabric of the partition wall itself, suggesting that the fireplace, chimney and wall have all been inserted. This is further supported by the fact that the construction offset to support the first floor joists in the western range continues through the fabric of the partition wall. Whilst the CMP notes that none of the internal partition walls that survive appear to have been bonded to the curtain or courtyard walls, and suggests that they were inserted at the final stage of the original construction phase (2:10:20), the evidence in relation to this particular wall is open to some debate. The change in construction style and lack of any banker marks indicate that it was not built by the same team of masons responsible for the curtain or courtyard walls. Additionally, the continuation of the construction offset for an inserted floor from the western range through this wall strongly suggests that the wall, if not a later insertion that wasn’t part of the original buildings phase, does at least represent a significant alteration in the original plan. It may be the case that this partition wall was inserted at an early date, but it was most certainly not undertaken by the original team of masons.
Fig 33. The six main banker marks identified on the stonework at Bodiam.
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15.6.2 Fine mason’s marks The second type of mason’s mark recorded at Bodiam are those located on the high status fine stonework. These were made by the expert masons undertaking the detailed carving and forming of the moulded stonework, such as the cross ribs and decorative foliate roof bosse which can be found within the northern gatehouse. Such markings are invariable smaller and more precisely cut that the banker marks found on the walling stone, and are usually formed of straight lines cut with a selection of mason’s chisels.am Many examples show evidence of having been created in situ once a particular piece of work was completed. Such markings are usually far less common than bankers marks, as is the case at Bodiam, suggesting that the masons involved were paid by the day or week, rather than on piece-work rates, and did not need to mark every single stone they competed. In this respect the finer mason’s marks can also be seen as a form of quality control mark, being applied to an area of work upon satisfactory completion of the set task. In contrast to modern masons, who hide their own marks on the rear of stones or within bedding joints, the medieval masons had no qualms about leaving their marks in plain view on the surface of the stones - a practice that is believed to have changed only in the seventeenth century. It is generally understood that the mason’s were less concerned with their marks being on the visible face of the stone as the surface was most usually then painted or decorated, which would have obscured the motifs. This can be clearly seen in the north western tower (pic 7872), where fragments of the original plaster surface were noted to still obscure a banker mark on the walling.
Fig 34. A small selection of the fine mason’s marks recorded at Bodiam. All are smaller, more discrete, and finer cut than the rough banker marks.
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The limited nature of the moulded stonework at Bodiam, even taking into account the lost high quality stonework of the Barbican, would suggest that there was no need for more than a handful of high quality masons on site. The mason’s marks identified in the northern gatehouse indicate that there were three individuals tasked with finishing the higher quality stonework, and multiple examples of each of their marks were recorded. One mark in particular appears to be associated with the fine stonework of door surrounds, suggesting perhaps specialisms for particular masons. A possible fourth mark was recorded, albeit badly degraded, and it is so similar to one of the other marks that it is likely that it is a corrupted version of the same mark. All the finer mason’s marks in the northern gatehouse are generally aligned vertically, suggesting they were created in situ upon completion of the individual task. As noted in the CMP, the gatehouse was likely to have been completed to full height prior to the rest of the castle, and the better quality masons may only have been on site during the earlier building seasons. This is perhaps supported by noting that the other areas of high quality stonework, including the well chamber (0.23) and treasury (0.14), are located in the lower sections of the south-western and south-eastern towers. These fine mason’s marks were not recorded in the Postern. However, the degraded nature of most of the stonework in the Postern, and the mass of graffiti inscriptions across the surface, suggest that if such marks were once present they would no longer be visible.
Fig 35. The fine mason’s marks recorded at Bodiam. The top three marks are those that appear on multiple occasions across the finer quality stonework of the castle. Those on the middle row are marks for which only one example was identified, with the majority being located in the western guardroom of the gatehouse. The two on the left are clearly derived from, or incomplete versions, of the examples in the top line. Line three contains examples that may be derived from those in line two, but again with only one example of each being recorded, and again located in the western guardroom of the gatehouse.
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In addition to the three main fine mason’s marks recorded across the structure of the gatehouse there were four (possibly five) other marks also recorded that are likely to have been the work of masons or those associated with them. However, only one example of each of these marks was recorded, all of which were located in the western guardroom of the gatehouse. Each of these marks, in common with the other masons marks, is formed of a series of precisely cut straight lines, and was undoubtedly made using a selection of mason’s chisels. In at least one instance the mark is located upon a stone that already bears a mason’s mark created by one of the three masons recorded as working extensively on the gatehouse, making its use as a traditional mason’s mark highly improbable. One suggestion may be that these are not the marks of fully trained masons, but of their apprentices, who left their mark in this particular area due to it being used as a workspace by the masons (see below - Location of the Mason’s Lodge), but who were not at a competent enough level to work on the fine stone of the gatehouse itself. Whatever may have been the reason behind their creation, such a collection of unique marks in one small area would be regarded as generally unusual, and is most certainly at odd with what is to be seen across the rest of the fabric at Bodiam.
15.6.3 Setting out/location marks The third type of mason’s marking recorded at Bodiam has the potential to give us numerous insights into the original construction process, most particularly of the higher status areas of the building, and the northern gatehouse in particular. These are the setting out marks and assembly or location marks created by the masons during the actual construction of the building, and take several forms.an The most obvious examples are the location markings on the stones, that set out areas for mouldings, outline profiles and establish centre lines. These are all chisel cut and very precise, making them easily recognisable as mason’s work, and are only likely to be found in areas of high quality stonework. Many of these lines were intended to be lost and removed during the final cleaning of the stone surfaces, resulting in many of them being very faint and difficult to detect. However, where the setting out marks were cut too deeply into the stones they will survive even after the final cleaning and finishing of the surfaces. In some cases, and very possibly the case at Bodiam, the masons were less concerned with removing these location markers and setting out lines on the understanding that the final surfaces were to receive either a layer of pigment or plaster.
Fig 36. Lower section of the rib vaulting from the link area in the upper section of the gatehouse. The mason’s setting out lines (marked with red arrows) are still clearly visible, suggesting that the vaulting was created in situ.
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Extensive location markers and centre lines were recorded in the second floor link area of the northern gatehouse, associated with the cross vaulting that supports the foliate roof bosse. The markings in this area include full construction markers for the cross vaulting itself, indicating that much of the work was set out and finished in situ, rather than being prefabricated within the mason’s lodge. Despite the better quality of the stonework, the surfaces have still been left in a relatively rough finished state, clearly indicating that the ribs of the vaulting were intended to receive a final thin finishing layer of plaster; fragments of which as still visible in several areas. No markings were located on the foliate bosse itself, although it was noted that many fragments of lime-wash still adhered to the surface, with no evidence of any pigment, suggesting that the plastered vault ribs and bosse were originally lime-washed - perhaps to suggest the use of a higher quality stone than was originally used.
The construction markings can also indicate areas where the masons either made mistakes during the building process, or simply changed their plans. The head of the door surround to the ‘armoury’ in the north eastern tower (2.6) has been marked out with a construction line that is at a significantly different angle to that which was finally created. Whether this was a change of plan, or marked out a reveal that was never eventually cut, remains unclear.
Fig 37. Upper section of the door surround to chamber 2.6 in the north eastern tower. The angle of the arch of the finished doorway clearly differs from that set out initially by the masons.
The other types of mason’s construction marks recorded at Bodiam are the assembly marks, placed of sections of stone to ensure that they are finally put together in the right order. The marks most usually take the form of Roman numerals, are similar to carpenter’s construction marks, but are not necessarily found in numerical order - the important point being that the numerals match up with those on the neighbouring stones. Such a lack of numerical sequencing often leads to the assumption that stones marked out of numerical sequence have been re-used from elsewhere, but this need not be the case. Examples of such markings have been recorded all over the UK, with complete sets discovered at sites such as Rougham in Norfolk, where the markings clearly outline the construction process for the south door surround of the church. Such marks are still used by masons today, but as with their own identifying marks, are invariably not on the surface of the stone. Numerous examples were recorded on the higher quality stonework located in the northern gatehouse at Bodiam, most especially on the door surrounds associated with the stairway.
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In common with other sites the markings are not in numerical order, but do correlate within themselves - with the Roman numeral III, IV and X all being present. This indicates that the stones that form the door surrounds were carved in the mason’s lodge, before being constructed on site, with the final finishing taking place when they were in situ.
Fig 38. Numerical construction marks, indicating the sequence in which the roughed out stones of the door surround were to be constructed. This is one of a number of examles recorded on the door surrounds of the gatehouse.
15.6.4 Lombardic A A fourth possible type of mason’s mark is located low down on the wall of the southern guardroom, next to the entrance door. The inscription takes the form of an elaborate Lombardic style letter ‘A’, and its meaning is, at present, the subject of much debate. These inscriptions have so far been recorded in at least seventeen separate sites, largely centred on fourteenth and fifteenth century East Anglian churches. In all recorded cases the marks take the form of a single neatly cut lombardic style letter. However, only a very small number of letters are represented in all these cases, principally the letter’s ‘A’, ‘T’ and ‘R’. At only one site, the church of Great Bardfield in Essex, is more than a single example to be found on the same structure. In all cases however, the letters are very neatly and precisely cut in the same manner as a more traditional mason’s mark, and clearly formed in direct imitation of letter styles from medieval manuscripts. The example recorded at Bodiam is the first such example located on a vernacular structure.
As stated previously, the exact function of these marks is a matter for some speculation, and the discovery of new additions to the corpus will undoubtedly shed more light upon the matter. However, the fact that each example recorded to date is very neatly and precisely cut, using chisels rather than a blade or stylus, would suggest the involvement of a mason. Unlike traditional mason’s marks these particular symbols are invariably found on their own, and aren’t repeated elsewhere in the building, with the noted exception of those from Great Bardfield. There the same ‘T’ mark is to be found on multiple occasions, much as you would expect to see with a more typical mason’s mark. However, the mark only occurs on the very high status stone screen and surrounding chancel arch. It’s presence on the screen, with has been identified as the work of a master mason, would suggest that it is indeed the mark of a master mason, signing the high quality work that he had personally undertaken. If this is the case, then it is not entirely fanciful
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Left: Fig 39. Lombardic letter ‘A’ recorded in the western guardroom of the gatehouse. Right: Fig 40. Interpretation image of Fig 39, with the details highlighted. Though eroded, the mark was originally neatly cut and decorated to emulate the style of a medieval manuscript capital.
to suggest that the marks recorded at the other East Anglian churches, and at Bodiam, are also the motifs associated with particular ‘master-masons’.
It is certainly already recognised that master masons did have their own marks, and used them in the way of a monograph. The building contract for Cooling castle in Kent, a near contemporary structure to Bodiam, was sealed by the master mason Thomas Crum in 1381 - whose own seal featured the central motif of a lombardic letter ‘T’. Similarly, work undertaken at Beverley Minster in Yorkshire identified a specific mason’s mark that was, on two occasions, accompanied by the name ‘Malton’ or ‘Maltun’ - seemingly referring to William de Malton, who held post as the master mason at the Minster in the early fourteenth century.ao
The role of a ‘master mason’ was far more than just as a carver of stones.ap During the Middle Ages it was the master mason who also doubled as the architect and building designer, negotiated building contracts, organised the supply of casual labour, and oversaw all aspects and activities of the masons who worked beneath him. He was master of the mason’s ‘lodge’, responsible for the training of apprentices, and oversaw all aspects of quality control. It is this last aspect of his responsibilities that may perhaps explain the unusual Lombardic marks that are being recorded. Surviving late medieval mason’s ordinances make clear that the master mason could face heavy fines if he allowed sub-standard work to pass out of the lodge that he controlled. The presence of a single master mason’s mark on a completed building may well have been one of the final acts of quality control - essentially ‘signing off’ a finished work. With the high quality mason’s operating extensively in and around the gatehouse area at Bodiam, as evidenced by the quantity of high quality stonework in the structure, it appears probable that the mason’s lodge was also located in this area, making the regular presence of the master mason in the area where the mark is located highly likely.
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15.6.5 Architectural The rarest of all types of inscriptions associated with the masons and construction are medieval architectural inscriptions.aq These inscriptions were created by the master mason during the actual design and construction phase, and are essentially the working drawings of any project. Until recent years there were only about a dozen of these large scale design drawings known in the whole of the UK, all of which were associated with ecclesiastical sites, including those found on the medieval ‘tracing floors’ at York Minster and Wells Cathedral.ar The recent large scale county surveys have more than trebled the number of known examples, but this type of inscription is still incredibly rare.
The medieval master mason’s tended to take a very pragmatic approach to the design process, and made use of any flat surface available as a drawing board. Although specially prepared tracing floors are to be found at larger sites, on which full scale designs could be prepared, recently discovered examples at sites such as Binham Priory, Swannington and Weston Longville are all located upon flat areas of walling.as In most cases these inscriptions are not the completed designs, but rather working drawings, where problems can be identified, examined and resolved.at Additionally, unlike the large tracing floors, where full scale templates could be made from the designs before being delivered to the mason’s lodge, the vertical design surfaces were most usually created at a much reduced scale. In the case of those recorded at Binham Priory the scale, although not exact, approximated at 1:4. In all recorded cases to date the wall surface onto which these designs have been inscribed had been especially prepared with the application of a thin 2mm-3mm layer of plaster. The designs were then cut into this plaster, using dividers and a straight edge. Once this thin plaster surface is lost, it is only in areas where the mason has inscribed deeply enough to mark the stones beneath that elements of the inscription may survive.
Fig 40. Very fragmented early plaster surface located in the western guardroom of the gatehouse. The plaster surface has been inscribed with a large scale geometric design using a straight edge; most probably an early architectural drawing. Inset: a more typical early architectural design, from Weston Longville, Norfolk.
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At Bodiam there is one area, and one particular wall, that appears to show fragmentary evidence for having been used for the creation of just such an architectural inscription; the first such inscription as yet identified at an English castle. The eastern wall of the western porter’s lodge or guardroom (1.3) has fragments of medieval plaster in several areas across the surface. Across this surface, and also across some of the exposed stonework revealed by the loss of plaster, are a series of extremely fragmented straight lines and curves. The lines are of a uniform nature, indicating that they have been created with a straight edge, and are the work of masons. Given the location of the lines, and the surface into which they are inscribed, it appears highly likely that this surface was once used for the creation of an architectural inscription. The lines are now so eroded that it is impossible to identify the exact nature of the inscription, or any architectural feature that it may relate to. However, the presence of the inscription in this area, coupled with the possible master mason’s inscription on the same section of wall, indicates that the original mason’s lodge was most probably somewhere in this immediate area; although the lack of natural light in the guardroom makes it unlikely that it was located within the room itself.
15.6.6 The mason’s lodge/loft During the original construction phase at Bodiam the masons would have constructed a temporary workshop known as a mason’s lodge.au These buildings appear in numerous medieval manuscript illustrations, and are invariably an open timber structure, with a solid roof. In some cases the sides of the structure are fully open to the elements, in others they are shown with a single rear wall. Such an open structure allowed the maximum amount of light for the masons to work by, but protected them from the worst of the weather. It would also have allowed for the manoeuvre of large stones without the need of trying to get them through doorways and passageways. As a temporary structure such lodges rarely leave any trace in the archaeological record, and it is unclear exactly where this would have been located at Bodiam.
However, the evidence suggests that medieval masons undertaking major projects did not just confine themselves to a single work area. As still survives at sites such as York minster and Wells cathedral, the masons would also have had a more sheltered area where they could undertake the planning and design stages of the project, known as the mason’s loft. At York and Wells these areas are still to be seen complete with the plaster ‘tracing floors’ upon which the master mason worked out his final designs, and created his wooden templates, before they were transferred to the mason’s lodge for completion. At Bodiam a number of recorded marks and inscriptions suggest a particular link between the masons and the area of the western guardhouse (1.3). It is in
Fig 41. a contemporary depiction of a mason’s lodge. Within the open structure in the background can clearly be seen the masons at work. Such a structure would have once existed at Bodiam, although its exact location is now unclear. Source: Cotton Nero D1, folio 23 verso.
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this space that the possible architectural inscription is located, as well as the numerous ‘possible’ mason’s marks that are not found elsewhere on the existing fabric. It is also in this area that the neat Lombardic ‘A’ inscription was located, suggested as being a master mason’s mark. The poor light in this room, coupled with the narrow access passage, makes it highly unlikely that it could ever have been used as the actual mason’s lodge, but a more than circumstantial link to the mason’s activities appears clear. Far more likely, given the evidence, is that this was the secondary space used by the team of fine masons for their design and planning work. As the CMP makes clear, the lower sections of the gatehouse were amongst the earliest of the buildings to be completed, and it would appear that the pragmatic approach of the medieval masons saw them take up residence in the most complete part of the castle whilst works progressed.
15.7 Pictorial Inscriptions There are very few examples of graffiti at Bodiam that might be considered pictorial, in marked contrast to the graffiti found in churches, cathedrals and castles such as Norwich and Carlisle. There are a good selection of traditional ‘lovers hearts’ graffiti across the castle fabric, with an unusual concentration in the north western tower. Alongside these the only obvious example is a single flower motif, located on the door surround to the eastern guardroom (1.4). If there were other examples of early pictorial graffiti, as appears likely from contemporary sites, then these have been lost along with the majority of the original early surfaces.
Above: Fig 42. partially eroded flower design located on the door surround at the entrance to the eastern guardhouse. Top right: Fig 43. One of a number of ‘lovers heart’ located in chamber 1.3 Bottom right: Fig 44. As Fig 43.
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15.8 Memorial/Tourist graffiti The quantity of post-medieval graffiti present at Bodiam is unusual. Although the overall quality would not be considered generally high, a number of examples are worthy of note and are extremely fine and precise in there execution. However, the sheer quantity of inscriptions, and the degraded state of much of the stonework, means that many areas are now so covered with a mass of inscriptions as to make identification of individual inscriptions all but impossible. Although several degraded examples of early inscriptions were identified, including at least one that dates back to the 17th century, the vast majority date from after the middle of the eighteenth century. It is notable that the last five decades of the 20th century are particularly well represented amongst the graffiti inscriptions identified, perhaps reflecting increased in access to the site.
Fig 45. Typical surface of the publicly accessible areas of Bodiam, which have attracted a mass of graffiti inscriptions that overlie each other. This small section is taken from the lower areas of the Postern tower.
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Fig 46. The earliest of the recorded ‘tourist’ style inscriptions. Dated to 1691 the inscription is located in chamber 2.17 of the Postern tower.
The majority of the post-medieval inscriptions recorded at Bodiam appear to be those created by early visitors to the site, most of which date from the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries. This is very much a feature in common with other ‘sites of antiquity’, and they can be regarded as memorial/ tourism graffiti, which mostly take the form of names, initials and dates. Similar concentrations of 18th and 19th century memorial/tourism graffiti have been recorded at other sites of antiquity within the country, most notably at sites such as St Benet’s Abbey, Castle Acre Priory (Prior’s Lodgings) and Castle Rising, the overall quantity of inscriptions is more reminiscent of popular early tourist destinations such as Robin Hood’s Stride (Derbyshire) and Pooles Cavern in Buxton. In these cases the recording of a name and date became de rigueur amongst fashion conscious early tourists as a memento and proof of having made the trip to a relatively inaccessible site.av In the case of Bodiam, its situation as a ‘romantic ruin’, and limited accessibility, may have attracted a similar fashion for the recording of these earlier visits.
The earliest of these tourist style inscriptions is located in the 1st floor room of the Postern tower (2.17) and is simply formed of the initials ‘JCB’ and the date ‘1691’. Whilst it is fair to categorise this inscription with the post-reformation graffiti it should be noted that, at this period, the Postern tower may well have formed part of the accommodation complex that was known to be in existence in this area later in the early eighteenth century. Although the quality of most of the Bodiam inscriptions can, at best, be described as relatively poor, there are a number that stand out for the quality and neatness of their execution. The names of Jane Hook and Ann Pratt, carved into the south face of the outer Postern doors in 1850, are still remarkably clear and neatly
Fig 47. The inscription of Jane Hook and Ann Pratt carved into the timber of the outer doors of the Postern tower.
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cut over a century and a half after they were first created. Similarly the inscription created by J. C. Harkness in the gateway beneath the gatehouse in August 1868 clearly took a great deal of time to inscribe by an individual well used to the writing arts. Located nearby, the inscription of 1824 created by ‘J. Jenkins’ uses a by then archaic form of the letter ‘J’, suggesting perhaps they were relatively old, having been educated in the middle decades of the eighteenth century. On the rear of the main gates is an inscription that clearly demonstrates that the creation of such inscriptions was acceptable at all levels of society. Carved neatly into the timber is the name ‘Lady Tomkin’ and the date ‘1850’. Lady Tomkin was the wife of Major W. H. Tomkin of Teighnmouth and Exeter, commander of the South Devon Yeomanry cavalry, and the couple appear to have travelled widely. However, much further research is required to link individuls to many of the inscriptions. For example, the ‘F. J. Stobberfield’ who left the ‘1884’ dated pencil inscription on the second floor of the gatehouse may well be the same ‘F. Stobberfield’ who is recorded as being senior member of the Hastings poor law Board of Guardians. However, he may also be related to the ‘J. Stobberfield’ of Ashburnham who was reported on numerous occasions for anti-social behaviour and, in 1869, accused of the wilful murder of his wife.
Above: Fig 48. ‘J C Harkness, August 1868’, gatehouse, lower stage. Right; Fig 49. ‘J Jenkins, 1824’, gatehouse, lower stage. Below right: Fig 50. The rear of the main gate in the northern gatehouse. The inscription of ‘Lady Tomkins’
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Fig 51. Pencil inscription of ‘F C Stobberfield, 1884’ - a local family with some interesting connections, and most certainly worthy of further research.
In the most general of terms it would be fair to state that the neater and more precise inscriptions belong to the earlier period, with the quality of inscribed text markedly deteriorating into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. What is clear from the Bodiam graffiti is that these earlier tourist type inscriptions were being created by clearly literate and well educated individuals; a fact that may sit uncomfortably with our modern perceptions of the creators of graffiti.
Whilst there does appear to be a general decrease in church graffiti from the middle of the seventeenth century onwards, graffiti in a vernacular setting, and most particularly on historic monuments, appears to remain as something that is largely acceptable. The most obvious location to demonstrate this continued acceptance of early graffiti inscriptions, and the most studied, must be regarded as the historic archaeological sites and monuments of ancient Egypt. Even today any visitor to the majority of tourist sites in the country will be surprised at the sheer quantity of inscriptions found there, many of which, much like those at Bodiam, very clearly date back into the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In some cases academic study of this graffiti has already taken place, linking the inscriptions to individuals and particular events. It is clear that many of those who left their mark on the monuments were from the privileged classes, essentially those who could afford to undertake such a journey, and many of the nineteenth century inscriptions appear to have been made by members of the nobility or upper classes undertaking their ‘Grand Tour’ following the end of their formal education.
Fig 52. Typical modern inscription located in chamber 3.28.
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In terms of the contemporary attitudes towards the creation of such inscriptions it should be noted that many of the early Egyptologists and scholars were amongst those who had no problems with the concept of inscribing the ancient structures they studied. At Ramasseum, the temple of Ramses the Great, can be found, amongst other inscriptions, the marking of Giovanni Belzoni (1816), the pioneering Italian archaeologist sometimes known as ‘The Great Belzoni’. Nearby, and on the same monument, is an inscription attributed to Henry Salt, a gentleman who became famed as an acquirer and collector of ancient Egyptian antiquities. In the early decades of the nineteenth century, with Europe plunged into years of warfare, Egypt saw its fair share of military visitors of rank, many of whom also left their mark upon the ancient sites they visited. Very prominently amongst these was the Scottish soldier, and later Member of Parliament, John Gordon, who inscribed his name into numerous monuments during his tour of 1804. Only three years earlier, whilst serving a senior officer in the army of Napoleon, Auguste Colbert left his own inscription on one of the pyramids at Dahshur. However, by the middle of the nineteenth century, and perhaps linked to the increasing accessibility of Egypt’s most ancient sites and the subsequent rise in the level of inscriptions, opinion was beginning to shift. Simple memorial inscriptions that had passed without comment at the beginning of the century were beginning to be seen as both destructive and unwelcome. Writing to his uncle from the island of Rhodes in 1850, the thirty year old French realist novelist Gustav Flaubert expressed his annoyance at the large number of ‘imbeciles Fig 53. Modern graffiti inscription located in chamber 3.3 names’ that were inscribed into every ancient monument he visited. ‘In Alexandria’, he continued, ‘a certain Thompson from Sunderland, wrote his name in letters six feet high on Pompeii’s column. It can be read a quarter of a mile off. There is no way of seeing the column without seeing the name of Thompson. This imbecile has become part of the monument and is perpetuated with it’.aw Flaubert was expressing a growing sense of concern and frustration at the proliferation of such inscriptions at ancient sites. At the very same time that serious academic study was being directed at earlier inscriptions, most notably at ancient Roman sites such as Pompeii, the increasing number of modern inscriptions was, in Flaubert’s eyes, damaging and defacing the monument themselves. However, Flaubert was merely articulating the concern of ‘his’ age, and as Richard Caminos has eloquently pointed out ‘Let a thousand years pass by, and scholars will be in raptures over ghafir Abdul Rahman’s signed arabesques incised on blocks of the Kumma temple’.ax
At the present time research has not been undertaken to link any of the names recorded amongst the Bodiam graffiti inscriptions with documentary records. However, given the levels of information contained in some of the inscriptions, which can include full names, dates and home location, such research should produce some positive results. Researching examples such as the inscription left on the Postern door by Jane Hook and Ann Pratt in 1850 may well begin to establish a historical visitor profile for the site, and shed light upon Bodiam’s early history as a tourist attraction.
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15.9 National Trust graffiti Although the majority of inscriptions at Bodiam have been created by visitors to the site it is also clear that there are a number of inscriptions created by National Trust staff. All of the NT inscriptions that were recorded are located in the eastern guardroom of the gatehouse, used as a staff utility room, and all are created using either pencil or marker pen. However, all of the inscriptions have also been applied only to modern inserted pieces of timber, used as a tool rack, and were not applied to the castles fabric itself. The inscriptions themselves are largely related to staff matters, with references to the cold, retirement and records of service; much like staff inscriptions recorded at other NT sites.
Top: Fig 54. Pencil inscriptions located on modern timbers in the eastern guardhouse of the gatehouse by National Trust staff or volunteers. Bottom: Fig 55. As above. Several of the inscriptions specifically relate to the weather conditions.
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16. Prisoners of war at Bodiam A local tradition has established itself that Bodiam castle was used to house prisoners of war from the Napoleonic period, and that they and their guards were responsible for a number of inscriptions to be found at the site. Exactly when this tradition began is unclear, but it was well established and part of the informal interpretation of the building at the time the survey was undertaken. The tradition would appear to be based upon a small number of inscriptions dating from the early nineteenth century, some of which were self evidently created by soldiers. This military connection, associated with dates from the Napoleonic period, has led to conclusions being drawn that are sadly not supported by any additional evidence. The additional research outlined below indicates that Bodiam was never used as a site to house prisoners of war.
Amongst the many hundreds of later inscriptions to be seen are a number from the Napoleonic period that were clearly created by serving soldiers, such as those created by James Bryan, of the 35th Regiment of Foot dated to 1818. The inscription appears on both the Barbican and the Gatehouse, and would have taken some time to produce. It is these inscriptions have led to the growth of a local tradition that the castle was used to house prisoners of war, and the graffiti was made by bored soldiers set to guard them. However, research undertaken during the graffiti survey has shown that this wasn’t the case. Many of the lower ranking French and their allied troops captured during the Napoleonic wars were held in remote and inhospitable locations in England, such as in isolated camps in the middle of East Anglia’s fenland, or the notoriously squalid prison hulks moored on the Thames. The hulks were ancient and decrepit Royal Navy warships, with masts removed, that were moored far offshore to limit the possibility of escape. At the end of hostilities in May 1814 the majority of these prisoners were hastily repatriated to reduce the administration costs associated with keeping them in captivity, and those with personal means were even allowed to make their own way home. The renewed outbreak of war, triggered by Napoleon’s escape from Elba, that culminated in the Waterloo campaign did lead to a new influx of prisoners, albeit in far reduced numbers that during the previous period of fighting. However, the Bryan inscriptions all date to 1818, and by that year all prisoners of war are documented as having been returned home at least two year previously.ay
Fig 56. The inscription of James Bryan of the 35th regiment, who visited Bodiam during the units reorganisation during 1818.
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F i g 5 7 . T h e s e c o n d inscription by James Bryan, located on the remains of the Barbican.
Furthermore, prisoners of war generated a vast amount of documentation, dealing with everything from the assignment of guard battalions to the provision of rations, much of which still survives in the National Archives and has formed the basis of several studies.az From this information it is possible to build up detailed histories of the sites used to hold prisoners, whose numbers peaked at approximately 72,000 in 1813, although not usually details of the prisoners themselves. Whilst a number of castle sites were used to house prisoners, including Porchester on the south coast, a provisional search of the surviving documentation has turned up no mention of Bodiam, or anywhere in the immediate vicinity, being associated with prisoners of war.ba
In addition, the 35th Regiment has a clear and documented history throughout this whole period, and there are no records of them being assigned any prisoner guard duties; a posting more usually undertaken by home service and veterans battalions. The 1st Battalion of the 35th Regiment spent the vast majority of the Napoleonic wars stationed abroad, most notably in the Mediterranean, sailing for home from Malta on September 29th 1817. The Regiment landed at Gosport and marched to winter quarters in Winchester on November 25th. Early in 1818 the Regiment was marched to Brighton, where it spent the Summer undergoing reorganisation and integrating new recruits from the 2nd Battalion; which had been disbanded in Ireland the previous year, following calls for a reduction in army size with the ending of hostilities. The regimental history makes clear that the period spent in Brighton was one of training, with no formal duties taking place, and James Bryan appears to have been simply one of the many people who took the opportunity to visit the ruins at Bodiam whilst his regiment was stationed nearby. Before the end of the year the 35th Regiment were sent abroad once again, first to Ireland, where they stayed for a period of two years, before being embarked for the West Indies. It is notable that in over three decades of active service the 35th Regiment spent only twelve months in England, perhaps encouraging James Bryan to make the most of the opportunity to visit local sites of interest. Bryan himself does not appear on the Army List for the period, indicating that he did not hold a commission, but his liberty to visit local sites of interest would suggest he was a non-commissioned officer such as a sergeant, rather than a simple enlisted man.bb
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17. Conclusions and recommendations
In the most general of terms, the survey of the fabric surface is in broad agreement with the findings of the Conservation Management Plan. It is clear that the majority of the original structure was erected in less than a decade, by a team of six identifiable banker masons and three fine masons. The six banker marks were recorded across most areas of the castles external stonework. However, there were certain areas of the castle where no masons marks were recorded, casting some doubt as to whether those areas were, as previously interpreted, part of the original construction phase. The soft nature of the sandstone used in the exterior of the building made the creation of graffiti inscriptions relatively easy, conversely also resulting in severe deterioration of those inscriptions that have been exposed to the elements. The fabric used the construct the curtain walls and towers at Bodiam is of variable quality. The vast majority of the work on the towers was undertaken using high quality large stone blocks in uniform horizontal rows, with the curtain walls including a far greater range of block sizes and more unusual fabric breaks. The length of curtain wall between the Postern and the south western tower is on noticeably poorer quality construction than that seen elsewhere in the castle. The concentration of unusual and unique markings associated with the masons also strongly indicate that there was a concentration of their activity in the western guardhouse (1.3); quite possibly the site of the mason’s loft or design area during the early phases of the castles construction.
The presence of the very highest quality stonework in the well chamber of the south western tower is anomalous with its current interpretation as a service area. Combined with the anomalies presented by the dating of the stonework of the wall inserted between the ‘old kitchen’ (1.22), and the continuity of the joist offset from the western range into the kitchen area, it suggests that significant alterations, changes of use, or changes of intention, have taken place in the south western corner of the castle. These cannot be accounted for in the current interpretation of the castle layout.
Fig 58. The stonework in the Well Chamber of the south western tower is of markedly better quality, with a far finer finish to the surface, than that currently found anywhere else in the castle.
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 47
A far greater amount of the original medieval surface material survives internally than was first anticipated, with relatively large sections of early plaster being recorded in many areas on the north side of the castle. The plaster itself is of only medium quality and contains a large number of rough inclusions. However, where such plaster surfaces do survive, the level of preservation of the original surface is variable. Several areas of plaster in the north eastern tower have the remains of at least two types of pigment still clearly visible. Although applied directly to the plaster it is not possible to state when this application took place with any level of confidence.
The vast majority of the graffiti inscriptions recorded date from the post-occupation period of Bodiam’s history, and appear to be largely the work of early tourists and visitors to the site. Most of these are located in easily accessible and open areas, such as the entrance through the northern gatehouse, and around the Postern tower. A number of areas contain such concentrations of graffiti inscriptions that deciphering all of the individual inscriptions is no longer possible. In these areas there are also notable concentrations of graffiti on any exposed woodwork as well as the stone. It is also apparent that the local tradition that Bodiam castle was used as a site to hold prisoners of war during the Napoleonic period has no basis in fact.
Contrary to previous expectations and observations, the survival of significant amounts of medieval plaster also allowed the survival of a relatively high number of pre-reformation inscriptions dating to the period of occupation as a high status dwelling. Although though only two legible text inscriptions were recorded from this period there is also a large and significant collection of ritual protection marks largely, but not wholly, concentrated in the northern area of the castle. In addition to these there are a number of other probable pre-reformation inscriptions that might be considered typical of the location and period, including heraldic inscriptions and a holy monogram. Although the number of early inscriptions is relatively low their concentration on the northern side of the castle would suggest that many of those areas have remained largely weatherproof throughout the centuries. Similarly, the concentrations of later tourist graffiti in certain parts of the castle also suggest areas of the site that were easily accessible at various points in the past, and other areas, such as the upper floor of the postern, that tourist had no way of accessing.
Fig 59. The inscription of a visitor from afar. J F Smiley, from Halifax in Novia Scotia, may well have been a soldier serving in the First World War. As with many of the individual inscriptions, more research is required.
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 48
Fig 60. Neatly cut simple inscription typical of many of those created in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This example was recorded carved into the gates of the postern.
The collection of ritual protection marks at Bodiam is significant for both the site and the wider field of study. Some were undoubtedly created during the construction process, whilst others could only have been created subsequently. Taken as a whole they suggest an ongoing tradition of spiritual protection being applied to areas of a defensive structure that might otherwise be considered spiritually vulnerable. The markings throw light upon the spiritual beliefs and concerns of those who built the castle, but also those who lived in it afterwards. With few medieval buildings having such a distinctive construction and occupation history as Bodiam, the ritual protection marks are more widely significant, as dates for their creation can be extrapolated from the buildings chronology.
In the most general of terms the site is likely to continue to attract graffiti inscriptions from visitors, and no form of direct intervention is likely to significantly reduce this. However, one particular area of the early surfaces within the castle may well merit some form of permanent protection. The western wall of the eastern guardroom (1.4) represents one of the largest intact medieval plaster surfaces in the castle, which contains several fine examples of ritual protection marks. At the present time the chamber is used only by NT staff and as a storeroom, so direct intervention by the public is unlikely. However, a modern timber rack now sits over this surface, from which tools are hung, and the chances for accidental damage are deemed quite high. It is therefore recommended that so form of physical barrier protection be applied to the surface, in consultation with NT conservators.
18. Acknowledgements The author would like to express his gratitude to all the National Trust staff and volunteers at Bodiam Castle for their generous welcome and hospitality during the fieldwork section of this study. The author is particularly indebted to Nat Cohen, the National Trust archaeologist for the South-East region for her held, advice and insights.
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 49
19. Endnotes
a The term is first recorded in 1851 as specifically being related to the inscriptions at Pompeii. By 1877 the term had been expanded to cover more recently made crude drawings in public spaces. b Champion, M., Medieval Graffiti: The Lost Voices of England’s Churches (Ebury Press, 2015) c Conservation Management Plan, Drury McPherson Partnership, 2015, p.57 d Rodwell, W., The Archaeology of Churches (Amberley, 2012) p.103-5 e Champion, M., Tracery Designs at Binham Priory, English Heritage Historical Review, Vol.6 (2011) p.6 f Hislop, M., Medieval Masons (Shire Arch,2012) p.42 g Rodwell, W., The Archaeology of Churches (Amberley, 2012) p.112-113 h Hislop, M., Medieval Masons (Shire Arch,2012) p.49 i Conservation Management Plan, Drury McPherson Partnership, 2015, p.86 j Conservation Management Plan, Drury McPherson Partnership, 2015, p.57 k Champion, M., Graffiti Survey Interpretation Report, St Benet’s Abbey, Norfolk (Norfolk Arch. Trust, 2012) l Champion, M., Medieval Graffiti: The Lost Voices of England’s Churches (Ebury Press, 2015) m Lamm Weisel, D., Graffiti: Problem Oriented Guides for Police Series, No.9 (US Department of Justice, 2002) n Champion, M., The Medieval Graffiti Inscriptions Found in All Saints Church, Litcham (Norfolk Archaeology, XLVI, 2011) o Elworthy, F. T., The Evil Eye. An Account of this Ancient & Widespread Superstition )John Murray, 1895); Ewart-Evans, G., Horse Power and Magic (Faber and Faber, 1979) pp.148-149; Hole, C., English Folklore (Batsford, 1940) p.10; Marlowe, C., Legends of the Fenland People (Cecil Palmer, 1926) pp.149-150 p Quoted in Easton, T., ‘Apotropaic Symbols and Other Measures for Protecting Buildings against Misfortune’ in Hutton, R. (ed), Physical Evidence for Ritual Acts, Sorcery and Witchcraft in Christian Britain: A Feeling for Magic (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016). p.64 q Easton, T., ‘Ritual Marks on Historic Timber’, The Mortice and Tenon 7, (Spring 1998); Easton, T., ‘Ritual Marks on Historic Timber’, Weald and Downland Museum Newsletter (Spring 1999) r Anon., ‘A detection of damnable driftes, practized by three witches arraigned at Chelmsford’ (1579) s Kramer, H. & Sprenger, J., Malleus Maleficarum: or, The Hammer of Witches (1486), Introduction by the Rev. Montague Summers, 1928 edition. t King James I/IV, Daemonologie: In form of a Dialogie Divided into three Bookes (1597), Aziloth Books edition, 2012, pp.56- 57 u Champion, M., Medieval Graffiti: The Lost Voices of England’s Churches (Ebury Press, 2015) v Champion, M., Medieval Graffiti: The Lost Voices of England’s Churches (Ebury Press, 2015) w Easton, T., ‘Apotropaic Symbols and Other Measures for Protecting Buildings against Misfortune’ in Hutton, R. (ed), Physical Evidence for Ritual Acts, Sorcery and Witchcraft in Christian Britain: A Feeling for Magic (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016). x Rodwell, W., The Archaeology of Churches (Amberley, 2012) p.350 y Becker, U. (ed), ‘The Pentagram’, The Continuum Encyclopedia of Symbols (New York, 1994) p.230 z Carr-Gomm, P. & Heygate, R., The Book of English Magic (London, 2009) p. 477-510 aa The original manuscript is BL Cotton Nero A.x. The quotations for this article are taken from - Armitage, S., (Trans), Sir Gawain and the Green Knight (Faber and Faber, 2007) ab The story appears in the Jewish and Islamic tradition, although more emphasis is placed upon the miraculous powers of the ring in the Islamic tradition. See - http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/13842-solomon (accessed 12/12/14) ac Young, Francis (trans), The Cambridge Book of Magic: a Tudor necromancers manual, attributed to Paul Foreman (Texts in Early Modern Magic, 2015) p.100 ad Folger Mss V.b.26 ae Champion, M., Medieval Graffiti: The Lost Voices of England’s Churches (Ebury Press, 2015) af Gilchrist, R., The Archaeology of the Life Course (Boydell, 2012) p.272 ag Pritchard, V., English Medieval Graffiti (Cambridge University Press, 1967) ah Champion, M., The Graffiti Inscriptions of St Mary’s Church, Troston, Proc. Suffolk Inst. Archaeol., 43 (2), 2014, p.250-
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected] 50
251 ai Stewart, A. (trans), Felix Fabri, Vol1, part 1, Palestine Pilgrim Text Society (London, 1896) aj Alexander, J., ‘Mason’s Marks and Stone Bonding’, in Tatton-Brown, T. & Munby, J., The Archaeology of Cathedrals, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, Monograph 42 (1996), p.219-221 ak Ibid, p.219 al Hislop, M., Medieval Masons (Shire Arch,2012), p.40 am Alexander, J., ‘Mason’s Marks and Stone Bonding’, in Tatton-Brown, T. & Munby, J., The Archaeology of Cathedrals, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, Monograph 42 (1996), p.219-221 an Alexander, J., ‘Mason’s Marks and Stone Bonding’, in Tatton-Brown, T. & Munby, J., The Archaeology of Cathedrals, Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, Monograph 42 (1996), p221 ao Hislop, M., Medieval Masons (Shire Arch,2012), p.50 ap Coldstream, N., Medieval Craftsmen: Masons and Sculptors (British Museum Press, 1991), p.15-16 aq Champion, M., Architectural Inscriptions: new discoveries in East Anglia, Church Archaeology, Vol. 16, 2012, pp. 65-80 ar Pacey, A., Medieval Architectural Drawing (Tempus, 2007) as Champion, M., Tracery Designs at Binham Priory, English Heritage Historical Review, Vol. 6, 2011, pp.6-21 at Champion, M., Medieval Window Sketch found at All Saints, Weston Longville, Norfolk Archaeology XLVI, 2012, pp.383– 6 au Coldstream, N., Medieval Craftsmen: Masons and Sculptors (British Museum Press, 1991), p.10-11 av Champion, M., Graffiti Survey Record: St Benet’s Abbey, Norfolk, Unpublished report for the Norfolk Archaeological Trust. aw Sartre, J. P., The Family Idiot: v. 1: Gustave Flaubert, 1821-57, University of Chicago Press, 1981 ax See page 22 in Caminos. R. A. (1976) ‘The Recording of Inscriptions and Scenes in Tombs and Temples’, in Ancient Egyptian Epigraphy and Palaeography. New York. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Press: 3-25 ay Chamberlain, P., The Release of Prisoners of War from Britain in 1813 and 1814., Napoleonica. La Revue 3/2014 (n° 21) , p. 118- 129 az Francis, A., Prisoners of War in Britain 1756 to 1815 (London, 1914) ba TNA: PRO ADM98/252. Admiralty letters to Agent, Portchester Castle 1810. bb Trimen, R., An Historical Memoir of the 35th Royal Sussex Regiment of Foot (The Southampton Times Newspaper and Printing and Publishing Company Limited, 1873) pp.120-122
M. J. Champion 40, Fakenham Rd, Great Ryburgh, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 7AN Tel: 07810 677723 e-mail: [email protected]