The Emotional Historiography Ofvenetologists Slovene Diaspora, Memory, and Nationalism

The emotional historiography ofVenetologists Slovene diaspora, memory, and nationalism

Zlatko Skrbis

Nationalist historiography as a the glorious past and the bravery of its inhabi 'poetic science' tants, represents a legitimizing ground for pro jections of a glorious future, which is rooted The question of history parades in nationalist in the abstract timeframe of eternity. There is historiography in various and colorful dis an abundance of examples, which can help us guises. The task of nationalist historiogra illustrate this point. Hobsbawm ( 1993: 63), for phies is to provide dramatic narratives, recall example refers to some study of the ancient catastrophic events and heroic stories of sur civilization of the cities of the Indus Valley vival against the odds, as well as of conquest. which features the telling title '5000 years of They are feeding nationalist imaginings with Pakistan'. The problem is, Hobsbawm reminds emotionally potent material and generally cor us, that the very idea of Pakistan has never respond to what Mandy Thomas (1999: 149) been mentioned before the 1930s when it was termed 'compulsive memorialization'. History first used by a group of student militants. Or, is not the source of identity pure and simple. as Anderson (200 1: 39) ironically remarked: From the point of view of nationalist politics "the older the Past the better". Also, the preoccupied with pressing immediate con present-day Indian autochtonistic theorists cerns it is also a symbolic investment of a very who are trying to prove that all languages of special kind. It transforms history from sci the world derive from Sanskrit are just as pas ence into a precious commodity. In the ideal sionate, as they believe themselves to be world of nationalist historians the uncovering knowledgeable, about their case. Although of an ever more authentic past would always they do not have strong evidence to back be coupled with an ambition to make the past their theory and have had their ideas clearly conform to political aspirations of the present. refuted (cf. Witzel 2001) this docs not make Only such a past would have the capacity to them any less attractive among fellow nation guard members of the nation from the ever alists. In a different part of the world, Roma present corrupt and unfavorable realities. nian romantic nationalists have been work The establishment of continuity with the ing hard to prove that they are the direct de distant past is the most powerful weapon of scendants of Daco-Romans, despite the gap romanticizing nationalists, and the tools of in historical evidence between the third and their trade are often less precise than those of fourteenth centuries (White 2000: 224-28). rigorous historical scientists. It is not uncom The idea of a nation is never far away from mon to see them seeking refuge in the distant historiographic and emotional excess. When past, which reaches far beyond the docu Ernest Gellner (1997) asked the famous ques mented period. The history of their nation tion 'Do nations have navels?', he pointed at thus becomes rooted in an abstract temporal the crucial aspect of nationalist narratives ity of times immemorial. Such history, which which is often presented in terms of the idea is normally accompanied by narratives about of 'chosen peoples' and 'national election'

Focaal- European Journal of Anthropology no. 39, 2002: pp. 41-55 41 (Akenson 1992, Smith 1999). The idea of the elaborating on the case of the Venetological It was against this emotionally charged back the superficial political union with other Bal 2 navel metaphorically captures the essence of theory among Slovenes, a theory that emerged around that in 1985 a Slovene news article in kan Slavs. Additionally, these newly discov nationalist historiography. Ideally, the navel in mid-1980s. At that time the state of Yugosla Vienna published the first discussion article ered ancestors of Slovenes are presented in should not only be clearly discernible but via, of which Slovenia was a part, was facing on the Veneto logical origin of Slovenes by an the Venetologicalliterature as repositories of should be able to connect the present with a very serious economic crisis that was com economist Jozko Savli (1985). Eventually, his unprecedented heroism that warrants pride. remote and hard-to-imagine past. The stron pounded by emerging political and national efforts were compounded by two other ama As one of the key texts boldly puts it, the ger the real and imagined linkage between the divisions in the Yugoslav communist oligar teur historians: Matej Bor, the poet, and Vien famous forebears of the present-day Slovenes distant past and the present, the stronger the chy. The two defining elements of the post na-based Slovene priest, Ivan Tomazic. Their must be "designated as 'victorious'" (Savli claim to a righteous slice of the future. Second World War political order, Yugosla first joint work was published in the German and To mazic 1996: 82) whenever compared to Nationalist historiography has a proven ten vism and communist ideology, were on the language in Austria with the title Unsere Vor other ethnic groups. dency to occasionally slide into 'poetic sci path that eventually led to their violent implo fahren - die Veneter but was soon translated Venetological theory's protagonists find the ence', due to its capacity to take the national sion. The withering away of the final reminder into Slovene (Savli et al. 1988). evidence for the link between Venets and ist aspirations of beholders to be at least as of their ideological mystique was producing In contradiction to widely accepted acade Slovenes in practices such as the non-stan important as historical facts and scientific a void that engulfed Yugoslavia in a delirious mic opinion that Slovenes are Slavs who mi dard method of reading inscriptions on an rigor. The ultimate measure of success of na and contradictory mixture of democratization, grated to Europe from the region around the cient ~onuments and artifacts, looking for tionalist historiography is not the scrupulous authoritarianism and nationalist orgy. Carpathian Mountains in the sixth century proofs for their theory in Slovene folklore and attention to facts and painstaking approxima The broader context and genesis of the they put forward the thesis that Slovenes are myths, or by looking for similarities in the tion between the data and their interpreta Yugoslav crisis has been extensively discus the descendants of the proto-Slavic Venets sound of non-Slovene toponyms in places tions. Rather, it is the pleasure derived from sed elsewhere (Ramet 1999, Pavkovic 2000). who emerged around 1200 BC. By the eighth such as Austria, Italy, Germany, Switzerland the discovery of the glorious past and drama The crisis, with its mix of economic hardship, century BC they had spread between the Alps and as far away as the Near East (Savli and of the ancestors. Nationalist historiography ideologically divided communist elite, and and the Adriatic Sea and inhabited a large Tomazic 1996: 189). The case of Switzerland is is time and context-sensitive and it normally blossoming national stereotypy, produced cir part of Europe. They were known by various illustrative: proliferates in periods in which old certain cumstances that were recognized among some names, such as Veneti, Venedi, Winidi, Wendi, ties are collapsing and new realities are all too Slovenes as calling for re-definition of Slove Sloveni names which are, in different Euro "You would probably laugh if we said that slowly taking shape. The new, supposedly nianism. The existing economic nationalism pean languages and contexts, in use even to Slovene was spoken in Switzerland. But we more authentic history is then offered as a of Slovenes (Connor 1984) had then begun to day. Venetological theorists argue that most can not avoid facts. I am not saying that the firm ground from which the people can obtain incorporate additional motives and take on European nations have inherited the culture contemporary Slovene used to be the Swiss a tighter grip on the future. The most impor an increasingly pronounced ideological, po of Venets and so, for example, Venetological language. There are proofs, however, that the tant task of nationalist historiography is to litical, and nationalist dimension. By the sec heritage represents a substratum for two Swiss original language was very similar to provide the new foundations for national iden ond half of the 1980s the quest for assertion thirds (sic!) ofGennans (Savli 2001). They also Slovene but it disappeared under external in tity and to provide a new base for identity of Slovene national identity and independence assert that it is modern Slovenes who are di fluences" (Tomazic 1990: 68). construction. In short, the new version of his became a site of both political and symbolic rect descendants of Venets and are today the tory that nationalist historiography delivers struggle. The need for symbolic distinction most important repositories of Venetie tradi This statement is followed by a substantial is a reaction to the present and selective dia from other ethnic groups in the fonner Yugosla tion and culture, which is best exemplified in list of toponyms which "only Slovenes can logue with the suitable past. via has never been greater. Slovene national similarities of language, tradition, and folk understand" (ibid.). After examination it be ists have based their nationalist projections lore. For Venetologists, the Slovenes are the comes clear that the listed toponyms can only on the belief that Slovenes were: autochthonous European population and it be understood by more imaginative speakers Slovene romance with nationalist is this quintessential Europeanness that of Slovene. Venetologists interpret signs and historiography "Being deprived of their enjoyment by 'South makes them the first builders of the European letters liberally and often suggest that a cer erners' (Serbians, Bosnians) because of their community. 1 One of Venetological theory's tain sound could be written with various com Nationalist historiography can not be fully proverbial laziness, Balkan corruption, dirty boldest claims is that the Slavic origin of Slo binations of signs. This allows them to ma appreciated without taking into account the and noisy enjoyment, and because they de venes was a fabrication and conspiracy de nipulate Venetie inscriptions until they find a political realities that inform the need for new mand bottomless economic support, stealing signed initially by German nationalist histori suitable combination of sounds, which could history. There are moments in historical de from Slovenes their precious accumulation by ans and later put to use by the communists. then be recognized as Slovene in origin. Such velopment when the need for new historical means of which Slovenia could already have The sole purpose of this conspiracy was to a procedure clearly breaks the fundamental foundations is particularly pressing. The pre caught up with Western Europe" (Zizek 1990: deprive Slovenes of their rightful status as rules of paleography (Grafenauer 1988: 387- sent article will illustrate this situation by 55). Europeans par excellence and to keep them in 96) and phonology (Lencek 1990).

42 Focaal- European Jotmutl ofAnthropology no. 39, 2002: pp. 4/-55 43 There is no doubt, however, that this liberal nists, Josko Savli and Ivan Tomazic lived in porters of right-wing parties, particularly those Diasporic environment, emotional use of imagination in interpretation of foreign Italy and Austria respectively. The third prota associated with the Slovene World Congress. capital and the Venetological theory words makes Venetological science appear gonist, the late Matej Bor, a distinguished Although nationalist historiographies do democratic, for it removes the important bar poet, lived in Slovenia but was in his old age not necessarily attract a massive following, In what follows I shall return to the claim made rier between lay and scientific communities: almost completely alienated ti·om the academic their existence usually does penetrate public above, also confirmed in my correspondence the knowledge of interpretative methodolo community due to his adventurous historio awareness. This applies to Venetological with two Venetological protagonists, that gies and scientific methods. The removal of graphical ideas. The Venetological theory theory in Slovenia, but also to Iranian theory most of the production, translation, and disse strict scientific criteria from Venetological en thus emerged on the geographical margins of in Croatia and Rigvedic theory in modern In mination of texts, and support for Venetologi deavors means that everyone is invited to the Slovene nation and on the fringes of the dia, to give but a couple of cursory examples. cal theory continues to take place in diaspora participate in a grassroots effort to contrib scholarly community. This double marginal It is no contradiction to say that nationalist and outside the Slovene borders. My initial ute to an understanding of the glorious past ity remained a defining feature ofVenetologi historiographies equally effectively attract interest in Venetological theory and its rela of the Slovene forebears. The Venetological cal theory to this day. I argue that most of its both the intense support of its followers and tionship with diaspora goes back to my field research outcomes are therefore easily attain production, translation of texts, dissemina public ridicule. They effectively turn public work among Slovenes in Australia in the 1990s able and the communitarian nature of this en tion, and consumption continues to take place ridicule in their favor, presenting it as the last (Skrbis 1999). I found that books exploring deavor guarantees success. Not surprisingly, in the diaspora outside the Slovene borders. line of defense of desperate intellectual and the Venetological history of Slovenes were a housewife, a poet, a dentist, an economist, At the recent first international conference political defenders of an established order. The often treasured possessions in migrants' and a priest can enjoy the journey of Veneto dedicated to Venetological scholarship, titled defenders of nationalist historiographies usu homes and although often left unread they logical self-discovery with equal passion and 'Venets within the ethnogenesis of the cen ally see themselves as defenders of Truth, were constructed as outward signs of the mi credibility. Venetological scientific efforts ap tral european people' held in Slovenia, almost visionaries and martyrs who need to endure grants' ethnic and national consciousness. pear in principle to be democratic and non half of all participants were from outside criticisms and threats in order to allow the Having one of these books in possession ten discriminatory and resemble popular nation Slovenia (Venets within ... 200l). Although hidden truth to finally emerge. In other words, ded to be perceived as a form of patriotically alism represented in Applegate's (1990) study Venetological theory is broadly based and Venetologists perceive themselves as the inspired curiosity and as a sign of apparent on the idea of Heimat in the region of the open to contributions from individuals with mediums through which Slovene national openness for the true glory of Slovene histo Pfalz. She demonstrates how Pfalzer almost varied research capacity, the production of destiny is announcing itself to the ideologi ry and heritage which can not be found in the collectively responded to the call of enchant Venetological theory is still limited to a relati cally blinded and ignorant. They are a self homeland. The firm embeddedness in Slovene ing beauties of their homeland and began vely small group of dedicated researchers. I constructed elite, members of which believe diaspora's imaginary is further confirmed by enthusiastically to celebrate its local virtues. would estimate that their number does not in their insight and moral capacity to speak the fact that Venetological re-interpretations This was done by collecting museum pieces, exceed forty, although there are some more out the truth about Venetological origin of of history are promoted and sold through the preserving the folklore, boasting of natural who participate in the Venetological discus Slovenes. widely respected Slovene-Australian Catho beauties, or simply by resorting to- as Apple sions marginally through internet discussion The quantitative parameters of the Veneto lic press, which has the largest circulation of gate puts it - a 'George-Washington-slept forums.' logical phenomenon are difficult to establish. all Slovene publications in Australia and here' version of history. Although very diffe Despite early attempts by Slovene academic There is no real data available on how many which enjoys broad support among immi rent in practical terms, and difficult to be paral linguists (Sivic-Dular 1990) and historians ( eg. people actually favor Venetological interpre grants. leled with the ethnological zeal ofthe Pfalzer, Grafenauer 1988) to engage in a dialogue with tations over the 'official' ones, although the Venetological theory in a diaspora context the invitation to such grassroots enthusiasm Venetologists, these attempts have failed. widespread availability ofVenetological texts represents a coherent ethnographic reality and is also clearly contained in the Venetological While the academic side was persistently em in bookshops in Slovenia is a good indica allows for a focused analysis of this phenom efforts to rewrite Slovene history. It goes with phasizing Venetological passion for adven tion of the existing market for this literature. enon. Even though the Slovene diaspora set out saying that such an approach is on a col ture and complete disregard for scientific meth Perhaps much more important than to estab tings differ from one state and continent to lision course with established science. ods, the Venetologists were in turn accusing lish the size of the market for the Veneto logical another, they nevertheless provide a highly scholars of political corruptibility, disregard theory is to understand the function that the specific, and in some ways 'controlled', envi for truth, and pro-Yugoslavism. In scholarly new nationalist discourse fulfils and the way ronment when it comes to dissemination of Venetological theory: terms, the Venetological theory retains a very in which it taps into existing political senti information and generation of ideas and emo the production-consumption nexus marginal status in Slovenia. The key Venetolo ments. Venetological theory is certainly leav tions. 'Controlled' is not understood in any gical texts are widely available in Slovenia, ing behind a rather recognizable pattern that deterministic fashion but instead refers to a What is particularly interesting about Veneto but the theory lacks a widespread support. lends itself to discursive analysis. specific conditioning, which takes place in a logical theory, is that it initially emerged out The most common supporters of the Veneto diaspora environment. In short, the more side Slovenia and two of three initial protago- logical theory in Slovenia are the political sup- tightly organized the diaspora community, the

44 Focaal- European Journal o.f Anthropology no. 39, 2002: pp. 41-55 45 more likely it is that it will approximate the communism and who even today have a pro tionalist impulse by discreetly, and moderately dom as something that is an inevitable- albeit idea of a 'controlled' environment, whereby nounced propensity to toy with the idea of successfully, molding their membership ac perhaps very distant - future. responses to certain questions, issues and communist conspiracy. These are generally cording to pro-nationalist, pro-religious, anti This produced a situation whereby, for ex ideas are less diverse and more predictable people comprising a spectrum between po communist and anti-Yugoslav sentiments. ample, Slovene national costumes were el than in the homeland environment. In com litically disillusioned, academically marginal This produced circumstances conducive to evated to the pedestal of national pride and parison with some organized sections of the ized, and those with inclination towards right the development of a particular brand of dia honor, marking almost every diaspora com Jewish diaspora in the United States, for ex wing political tendencies. For them, the Vene spora mentality. It should be stressed that the munal celebration. In Slovenia itself, mean ample, the Slovene diaspora only moderately tological theory became more than a theory - intensity of this diaspora mentality varied. It while, such items were increasingly taken from approximates this 'controlled environment' it is a cause. The outline of specific historical was, for example, far less articulated in Austra the public domain. Such symbolic discrepan model. Nevertheless, some effects of this con experiences that shaped the constitution of lia than in Argentina. In Argentina, the Slo cies were then used by the diaspora to show trolled environment model are clearly observ the Slovene diasporic imaginary is briefly out venes successfully established a Slovene en that it is a repository of everything truly Slo able in the Slovene diaspora too. This circum lined in a section below. clave, complete with cultural production and vene. In other words, the diaspora setting was stance has an important implication, not only rather successful promotion of marriages readily generating, accepting, and disseminat because Venetological theory contains a cal among second and subsequent generations ing ideas, processes, and events which were culated and powerful emotional component, The 'distant view' approach: diaspora of Slovenes. The reason for such a high en designed to carry on the Slovene tradition but also because the diaspora has a strong receptivity to Venetological theory dogamous intensity of Slovenes in Argentina and consciousness and which at least re predisposition for the receptivity of emotions, is closely related to the high concentration of motely held the promise to celebrate the particularly in so far as they relate to the idea In order to understand the reasons for the political refugees who arrived immediately achievements of the Slovene spirit. of a Slovene nation. successful receptivity ofVenetological theory after the end of the Second World War (Skrbis I have discussed this phenomenon else As Svasek (2000) rightly argues, emotions in the diaspora, we must understand the de 1999: chapter 2). Diaspora mentalities in Aus where (Skrbis 1999, chapter 4), referring to it are always 'embedded in contexts' and the mographic and political characteristics of a tralia might not have been of the same intensi as 'the distant view', showing how the inten diaspora setting is one such clearly defined rather heterogeneous Slovene diaspora. ty, but they certainly shared the same values. sity of symbolic imagining is amplified in the setting that successfully amplifies emotions. The end of the Second World War gener This diaspora mentality was responsible for diaspora by virtue of distance ti·om the home The emotional effect ofVenetological theory ated a large number of Slovene displaced peo two trends. First, the members of the diaspora land. There is no denying that contemporary is dependent on the theory's inherent capac ple. They migrated to Argentina, Canada, developed a sense that they have a legitimate borders and spaces are permeable to an unpre ity to generate and exploit 'emotional capi Australia, the United States and some other right and morally justifiable reason to be a cedented extent. However, the 'distant view' tal;. The Veneto logical theory is to be seen as countries. Some members of this group were part of the ideological opposition against the approach does not refer to the physical dis embodying the kind of emotional capital the members of pro-Nazi Home Guard military socialist government in the homeland, no mat tance but rather to the symbolic distance that which tends to be sought after in a diaspora formations who managed to escape the post ter that this opposition was largely symbolic accompanies dislocation, uprootedness, and context. Just as in Bourdieu's (1984: 39) work war massacres conducted by the victorious and objectively largely weak. Second, and life away from the original social and cultural in which a given class location implies a cer communists. Regardless of their inter-war mili more importantly, they managed to develop a milieu. This situation produces circumstances tain aesthetic predisposition, the diasporic tary allegiances, in terms of political senti particular brand of diaspora sentimentality that are conducive to amplified receptivity to location in itself implies a rather well defined ments, these displaced persons could quite which encouraged the propensity to see the ethno-national myths and propaganda. The predisposition for emotionalized capital. To easily be collectively described as at least mo homeland through the prism of ethnic and characteristic demographic structure, the put it differently, what the diasporic position derately nationalist and as intensely anti-com national symbols no less than to view the prevalence of certain political beliefs and the requires is precisely what Venetological the munist. At least some of these migrants re homeland - short, that is, of its political re way in which information is disseminated and ory has to offer. After all, the emotional po jected the idea of any further contact with gime - as inherently worthy of nostalgic cel pre-selected for its audience, all contribute to tential of the Venetological arguments is not their homeland so long as the communist re ebration and glorification. The migrants were the desired effects actually materializing. an accidental side effect of the theory but gime was in power (Skrbis 1999: chapter 2). thus discreetly encouraged by diaspora in It is quite appropriate to view the diaspora rather an integral part of the theory's design. With the shift from political to economic stitutions to view themselves as repositories and homeland settings between 1945 and the In order to make the argument more precise based migration from Slovenia, the anti-com of those Slovene values that were con late 1980s as two rather discrete units charac and to avoid unwarranted generalizations, the munist edge of new migrants was becoming structed as being under threat of extinction in terized by almost diametrically opposing con present article employs a very focused defi increasingly less pronounced. Regardless, the communist Yugoslavia. These values inclu ceptions of Slovenism. The processes, which nition of the Slovene diaspora. Herein the term Slovene migrant associations in Australia, ded a broad range of highly symbolic prac led to the proclamation of Slovene indepen diaspora refers specifically to those members South America, North America and elsewhere tices, such as folklore, but also Catholicism dence from Yugoslavia in 1991, were based of Slovene migrant communities who were that emerged after the 1950s, somehow man and/or the rhetorical encouragement of ab on the idea of global Slovene solidarity, aimed once prima facie negatively disposed towards aged to nurture the anti-communist and na- stract ideas of democracy and national free- at transcendence of historically conditioned

46 Focaal European Journal of Anthropology no. 39, 2002: pp. 41-55 47 political particularisms. This idea of solidar contemporary social and political ills in Slo providing explanations that everyone ~an which provide basic guarantees that Slovenes ity conditioned the establishment of the Slo venia are due to the lack of a radical break understand and relate to. In other words, dms are different from everybody else and unques vene World Congress, an institution designed from the communist past. pora nationalist's thinking elevated Veneto tionably assured of primacy in Europe. to foster a sense of an overarching commit Venetological theory's evoking of national logical theory into a tool of communication To understand the processes of symbolic ment to fostering a Slovene national commu ist pride and its emphasis on the current worth that cuts across various geographical loca frontier construction, it is worth remembering 4 nity as a transnational project. The incorpo and ancient roots of Slovenes had an intense tions and provides a sense of an imaginary that this practice is not uncommon in that part ration of the diaspora in nation-building emotional appeal to the diaspora population. community of belonging. of Europe and, as I have explained elsewhere, played an important symbolic role in the pro Put differently, the social, cultural and politi In what fo11ows I cover six Venetological is strongly present in a diaspora context (Skr cess of transition to democracy. It was cer cal characteristics of the diaspora setting, as claims and promises that directly tap into the bis 1999: 118-28). tainly in sharp contrast to the period through well as the effect of the 'distant view' pro diasporic economy of national sentiment. In a more general discussion of the imagi out the post-Second World War period when cess, all contributed to providing safe ground nary nationalist frontiers of the Balkans, Zizek 5 it was often portrayed by the Yugoslav state for the anchoring of Venetological theory. Symbolic frontiers writes: as consisting of people who are negatively Equipped with this understanding, the next disposed towards the Yugoslav state and section attempts to show how Venetological Venetologists argue that Slovenes no longer "For the right-wing nationalist Austrians, this fully out of touch with contemporary reality. theory raises precisely those issues which need to view themselves as coming from "the· imaginary frontier is Karavanke, the mountain The diaspora saw the end of communism in form the traditional preoccupation ofdiaspora Trans-Carpathian swamps" (Savli et al. 1996: chain between Austria and Slovenia: beyond Slovenia as an opportunity to materialize its Slovenes with national romanticization and 10). The Venetologists reassuringly tell Slo it, the rule of Slavic hordes begins. For the own dreams and it positively encouraged its glorification. venes that they "do not accept the proposi nationalist Slovenes, this frontier is the river members to imagine themselves as coherent tion about Slovenes being part of the South Kolpa, separating Slovenia from Croatia: we and legitimate symbolic actors. It was in the Slavic 'one race and blood'" (ibid.: 9). They Slovenians are Mitteleuropa, while Croatians late 1980s that the diaspora got a sense of The diaspora reading of commonly evoke that established historical are already Balkan, involved in the irrational political dreams and central European reality Venetological promises to the science portrays Slavs less than favorably: ethnic feuds that really do not concern us" collapsing into one. And nothing fed these Slovene nation as people who aimlessly wondered around, (Zizek 1992: 39). dreams better than a heroic narrative about lacked firm organization and sought refuge in the newly discovered and authentic truth Although the Slovene diaspora often related forests. In contrast, they dissociate Slovene This is not, of course, where it all ends. Fur about their nation's past and uniqueness. The skeptically to things from their homeland for ancestors from this portrayal totally. Slovene ther South, one encounters the frontier be historical momentum thus became a typical fear of being stained by conceptions of ancestors, they say, "did not dwell in swamps tween Croatian Catholicism and the Serbian site of tension between the rational and the Yugoslavism, Venetological theory managed and forests( ... ) Rather, they settled on hills Eastern Orthodox collective spirit, which can emotional (Lutz and White 1986). to completely avoid such a predicament. Im and sunny sides in full view of their potential not grasp the values of western individual This bipolarity between diaspora and home portantly, it was not identified as coming di enemy" (Savli et al. 1996: 14). The 'swamps ism. And Serbs then, finally, conceive of them land settings still persists today although it rectly from Slovenia, and it was perceived as and forests' are of course more than simply a selves as the last line of defense of Christian might be thought of as unnecessary. After opposed to established Slovene historical factual description of Slovene ancestors' life Europe against the polluting hordes of Mus all, communism in Europe has collapsed, Slo science, traditionally suspected of being a style. The metaphor is designed to produce a lims (ibid.: 40). 0 venia was proclaimed an independent state slave to communist ideology. In contradis rather predictable reaction of revulsion and Venetological emphasis on Slovenian dis in 1991 and, following a decade of successful tinction to established theories of Slovene disgust and evoke specific emotions. By iden tinctiveness when compared with the sur democratic and economic development, it is Slavic origin, Venetologists did not make Slo tifying the metaphoric zone of 'swamps and rounding groups fits the well-established na now a stable and relatively prosperous par venes blend into historical processes - they forests' Venetological theorists identify some tionalist practice of construction of national liamentary democracy. However, the gap be made them stand out. Venetological theory places as being best kept at a distance, for ist symbolic frontiers. But the emphasis on tween the diaspora and the homeland is still was offering Slovene diaspora nationalists too close an alignment with them may cause difference and unrelatedness also gives the considerable because the diaspora finds com everything that nationalists could dream of: a symbolic pollution. In other words, the more promise of continuous assertion oftbis diffe fort in the time warp in which it exists. It not narrative about their nation as a nation with effectively the habitation of Slovene ances rence. This difference is not neutral and incon so much refuses to acknowledge the change dignity, history, heroic tradition, and rich cul tors in swamps and forests can be disproved sequential. Rather, the entire symbolic capital but is rather unable to cope with the idea of it. ture. What appealed to diaspora nationalists and habituation on the sunny areas asserted, of the Venetological position rests on it. This position finds its homeland-based equi was also that Venetologists could speak the the purer the form of Slovenism. In order to valent in those political parties which exploit language of the common people, defying the achieve this distancing from life in 'swamps Historical memory and the indigeneity theory the rhetoric of continuity between commu rules of academic conventions, building their and forests' Venetologists fortify the Slovene nism and post-communism and insist that the arguments on common sense notions and national entity behind the symbolic frontiers, Venetologists claim that Slovenes rightfully

48 Focaal European Journal ofAnthropology no. 39, 2002: pp. 41-55 49 see themselves as indigenous to the Euro the Slovenes who suffered and lost most, never brutish and violent. Quite the contrary, South-Slavic unity, Yugoslavism, Germanic pean continent. They have not come to Eu fighting in the first line of defense for the free "the Venets did not leave their settlements primacy in Europe, and turn Slovenes into rope from anywhere else but they have occu dom of Europe" (Savli 1996: 523).7 but acquired new areas in a totally peaceful diminutive players in world history. The sec pied the European continent since time imme way by their 'missionary' enthusiasm" (Toma ond category consists of French, English "and morial (eg. Savli 1996:200, 521). The tetm 'im The Internet site that is moderated in Austra zic 1990: 9). Even when military force was other history writers [who] merely copied memorial' puts the question of national ori lia and is dedicated to Venetological discus used, it was never done to "enslave other peo German anti-Slavic intentions" (Savli 1996: gin outside any measurable frame. Immortal sions recently featured a contribution from ples, but to bring them the new faith and firm 492). The theory about Slavs being the late ity is traditionally appealing to nationalists one of the founders of Venetological theory social organization" (ibid.). comers to Europe is presented as a German and it rather symptomatically prefaces Vene (Savli 2001 ). He argued that the name of India The belief in the ability of the Venets to con plot which was designed to "clear the way for to logical texts again and again, reassuring comes from Vindia, which supposedly clearly quer half of the world in a completely peace the political powers to carry out Germaniza people concerned of their right of domicile. indicates relatedness to Venets (Venets= Vin ful manner directly corresponds to a popular tion of the West Slavs" (ibid.: 200). When Venetological theory promised to inau dia=India). This discussion also includes a Slovene nationalist myth that in direct op This mistrust of established science gives gurate a radically new understanding of Slo section on the spiritual might of Venets in In position to other Southern Slavs Slovenes the Venetologists important credentials, par vene ancient history, this idea was quickly dia (Savli 2001 ). The argument goes that when are not a warring nation. This myth was com ticularly in the diaspora. Pursuing the truth embraced by the diaspora Slovenes. After all, Venets combined with Arians and penetrated monly re-iterated to me when I was undertak for the sake of truth and against the main it promised to add substance to an already into the river valley of the Ganges in around ing research among Slovenes in Australia. My stream is praiseworthy and a sure sign of true selective romantic and folkloristic portrayal 1000 AD, their spiritual impact was as follows: Australian Slovene respondents constructed intellectual independence. Their mistrust of of Slovene ethno-history. Serbs and Croats as violent, bloodthirsty, science and politicians is what makes them "The religious and spiritual force of Indian noisy and militaristic and Slovenes as the ex trustworthy in the eyes of people inclined to The Slovene predisposition for things Wends or Veneti was unbelievable. For cen act opposite. More specifically, the Slovenes be skeptical about the establishment. This spiritual turies, their religious cast of Brahmins gover were portrayed as "a gentle nation" (Skrbis quality is something that the diaspora popu ned in all the principalities that evolved in the 1999: 127). Through the prism ofVenetological lation finds particularly appealing because of Following the idea of the construction of sym territory of Hindustan. Such a spread of reli theory, the idea of a peace-loving, gentle the historical baggage attached to their posi bolic frontiers is the notion that Slovene Vene gion, philosophy, poetry and story telling, that Slovene nation finally receives its historical tion and because of their traditional mistrust tian ancestors stand out of the conglomerate was caused by the Veneti in India, was never justification. of mainstream Slovene academic and political of other ethnic groups by having a particu seen by the world before. Theirs are the fa processes. In general the diaspora shares larly well developed sense of spirituality. The mous Vedas, poetry Mahabharata, remarkable Venetologists versus corrupt scientists these sentiments with those Slovenes in the acceptance of Christianity by Venets is not a Upanishads and also the much-appreciated homeland who are associated with the World historical accident but rather a logical conse Ramayana, even though it appeared much Venetologists present themselves as rebels Slovene Congress. quence of the fact that their pre-Christian spi later, but it originates from the Venetie tradi with a cause. Their mission is to liberate rituality resembled the basic tenets of Chris tion. So let us refer to just some of the unbe Slovenes from the chains of a corrupt aca Honor and shame, love and infatuation tianity. Tomazic ( 1990: 9) wrote: "Venets were lievable spiritual legacy that does not come demic establishment whose ambition is to afraid of afterlife. This means that they had a from Arians but from Wends or Veneti" (ibid.). push Slovene ancestors outside Europe, de The sixth and final point brings us to the cen sense of responsibility before God. What in prive them of European indigenous status and tral promise of Venetological endeavor. The evitably followed from that was the belief that In other words, Slovene Venetian origins are identify them, without distinction, with other protagonists of Venetological theory argue the man must make good deeds and avoid inherently connected with a strong spiritual Slavic people. Venetologists argue that they that the theory has an extra-scientific dimen bad ones". It was this heritage of Venets that dimension. The diaspora, which always em have uncovered the truth about the origin of sion. When asked whether their theory "em predisposed Slovene ancestors to embrace phasizes the connection between religion and Slovenes, and more than this, they claim that bodies a wish to establish in Slovene lands Christianity and furthermore to excel in its Slovene national consciousness, finds the their theory is the truth, which is also ideo an affirmation of its history and Slovene pres defense. Not surprisingly, we read that: Venetological emphasis on spirituality per logically unbiased because it has no connec ence from the beginning of the civilization" fectly appropriate. tion with Slovenian academia and parties (ibid.: 492), the answer was: "From the 15th century on, the southern Slo which are recognized as forces of communist vene regions of the Habsburg Monarchy Slovene peacefulness and missionary continuity. Venetologists emphasize two cat "Yes, absolutely, and more! The essence of (present-day Slovenia) were repeatedly victi enthusiasm egories of people whose objective position 'Venetie theory' is to correct the wrongs com mized by Turkish raids. It was mostly the Slo dictates that they resist Venetological theory. mitted against the Slovene nation- the disfig venes- without outside help (sic!)- who bore Despite obvious bravery and- what we would The first group consists of Slovene academ uring of its origin and its early history" (ibid.). the brunt of those recuning invasions. It was call today - imperialist exploits, Venets were ics who were brainwashed with ideas of

50 Focaal- European Journal of Anthropology no. 39, 2002: pp. 41-55 51 In a different context, Tomazic puts it no less tory is an attempt that would commit it to a ness. Furthermore, their "every day is still ruled man occupants of the European continent. The clearly, that until Slovene youth are taught in recontextualized historical memory. The Vene by the old anti-Slovenian forces". The solu indigenous theories were not limited to the schools "the misleading theory about the arri tological explanation shows some of the clas tion proposed by Lenarcic is as simple as it is nineteenth century, however. In the 1960s, a Slovene political exile, Franc Jeza, published val of Slovenes in sixth century from trans sical attributes of national myths such as effective: the work on Slovene ethno-geneal a thesis about the Scandinavian origin of Slo unrelatedness, separateness from surround Karpatian swamps, Slovenes are going to be ogy must be encouraged. The war against the venes, based on similarities between some ashamed of their own ethnie" (quoted in Stih ing groups, and autochthonous existence enemies of the nation thus continues but with Swedish and Slovene words. And around the 1997: 36). The only way out of this shame is from ancient times. National attributes of this rather different means. 1970s, a theory about the Etruscan origin of to teach them to recognize themselves as the type very clearly serve the purpose of accen This article argues that the Venetological Slovenes began to be advocated by Matej Bor, "descendants of the famous paleo-Venets" tuating the distinctiveness and uniqueness quest for a new history of Slovenes is not Ivan Rebec and Anton Berlot. It is worth not (ibid.). of the Slovene people and follow the ambi what it purports to be, namely, an exercise in ing that neither of these theories could with These statements not only refute their tion of establishing- as Hobsbawm ( 1984: I) truth seeking. Instead, it should be viewed in stand linguistic and historical analysis and that claims that they are pursuing an unbiased puts it - the "continuity with a suitable his a broader historical context, which is external neither of the above-mentioned authors was a historian, nor was he able to use the proper view of Slovene history, but also put them in toric past". ly defined by dramatic changes that took place methods of scientific investigation. What these service of a romantic notion of Slovene nation While the Venetological theory remains the in Europe in the last fifteen years of the twen authors had in common was an ambition to hood. Their effort thus becomes a matter of work of a relatively small group of pseudo tieth century, and internally by the national show that Slovenes are the original European national pride, unfailing love and honor which scientists, the very nature of this endeavor ist inspirations of its authors. The search for inhabitants and therefore distinct from other official history denies to them. Lencek's ( 1990: raises some interesting questions about the a new and more suitable past is designed to Slavs. Neither of these theories received much 84) accusation that Venetologists are "wan context and circumstances in which this increase the symbolic capital of the nation by popular support and in the case of the Etruscan dering into romance" is nowhere more obvi theory emerged and is nurtured and dissemi dissociating itself from its neighbors and theory, one of its chief protagonists, Matej ous than when they speak about the need to nated. The specific focus on diaspora popu emphasizing its uniqueness, its ancient roots Bor, eventually distanced himself from the give Slovenes back their honor. lation, its specific background, ideological and cultural heritage. The Venetological re obviously adventurous thoughts of his co-ad vocates of this theory. The Venetological quest to uphold the honor profile and ensuing needs has helped our interpretation of Slovene history is fundamen 3. Visit, for example, the discussion forum at of the Slovene nation is predicated in their understanding of how a historiographic myth tally a search for collective emotional anchor http://forums.delphiforums.com/VENETI. sentiments oflove for the Slovene people and can effectively uphold the nationalist aspira age and emotional gratification. And the his 4. The Slovenian World Congress was established their homeland. As Scheff (1994) and Scheff tions and feed into diasporic imagination. toriographical poetry performs this task far during the process of Slovenian independence and Retzinger (1991) interestingly observe Although it is an opportune child of the better than a science of history ever could. in June 1991. It was conceived as an organiza through the analytical dichotomy of love and demise of the communist project, Veneto tion uniting all Slovenes in the homeland and infatuation, an excessive romanticization and logical theory remains firmly faithful to the overseas. One of its aims was to bring about love of one's own nation, accompanied by principles of nationalist politics. It continues national reconciliation, hoping to overcome radical distanciation from others, could be to preoccupy those who take the interests of Notes differences between pro- and anti-communists dating back to the Second World War. The task seen as a symptom of a repressed shame. In their nation to be their ultimate tasks in life, I. Veneti: First Builders of European Commu of the Congress was also to encourage inter the case of Venetologists, this source of those who long for an imagined and imagi nity is the title of an English-language book national recognition of the new independent shame appears to be the formal association, nary glory of their forebears, and those with a aiming at global popularization of Venetolo state of Slovenia and foster various forms of which Slovenia enjoyed with other southern taste for historical drama tailored to political gical theory (Savli eta!. 1996). exchange between diaspora and homeland. As Slavs in the post-Second World War period. need. In short, it preoccupies all those who 2. The Venetological theory is not the first at time progressed, the Congress became increas What emerges here is an interesting dialectic keep the evils of communism and its associ tempt to reinterpret Slovene history. Stih re ingly instrumental in defending the line of right between shame and honor ( cf. Peristiany 1965) ated imaginary alive in spite of the reality that veals that theories propagating Slovene Euro wing political parties, particularly the Social which can only be resolved by the denial of fails to conform to the products of their imagi pean indigeneity began to emerge particularly Democratic Party. shame and total privileging of pride. This is nation. Through their fondness for amateur strongly at the time of the nineteenth century 5. Not surprisingly, the theory that Croatians precisely what Venetological theory does so politics, they wage a war against the evils of Romantics when they were used as a tool of are oflranian origin was best nurtured in dias national emancipation. For example, the nine pora, particularly in Argentina and in Austra effectively by its investment in the distant another era, the era of now by-gone commu teenth century publicist Trstenjak (1817-90) lia. With the rise of Croatian nationalism in past. nism. Veneto logical theory emotionalizes and argued that Slovenes had occupied their pre the late 1980s, the theory started to become hardens the resolve of those who perceive sent-day territories since time immemorial and increasingly popular in Croatia proper. In fact, the communists and enemies of the Slovene that Slavs used to rule all three continents of one of the first books dedicated solely to this Conclusion nation all around them. As Lenarcic (2001) the old world. Henrik Tuma (1858-1935) also issue, published in Croatia, was financially put it, the Slovenes are still at the zero point argued in favor of Slovene indigenous status in sponsored by a Canadian Croat and by a elias The Venetological rewriting of Slovene his- when it comes to their national self-aware- Europe but added that they were the first hu- para-based political party in Australia (Vido-

52 Focaal- European Journal of Anthropology no. 39, 2002: pp. 41-55 53 vic 1991). Connor, Walker 1984. Eco or etluw-nationalism, Savli, J. 1985. 'Veneti- nasi davni predniki? Glas 6. This dialectic of otherness-building can be com Ethnic and Racial Studies, 7(3): pp. 342-56. Korotana, 10: pp. 23-125. plicated even further, as Stjepan Mestrovic Gellner, E. 1997. Nationalism. London: Phoenix. Savli, J. 2001. 'Vindia: Veneti med Evropo in Ind ( 1994: 61) reveals: "Thus, the Slovenes regard Grafenauer, B. 1988.0 autoktonisticnih teorijah ijo', at Delphi Forums: Veneti- Wends- Windish, http://forums.delphiforums.com/YENETI, ac their border with Croatia as the border be (etruscanski, venetski itd.) v zvezi s pojavom tween the West and the Orient, respectively. slovenskih prednikov v novi domovini v 6. sto cessed on 18 June 2002. I. Yet the Croatians regard themselves as West letju. In: Pavel Diakon (ed), Zgodovina Lango Savli, J., M. Bar and Tomazic 1988. 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