Volume 1, No.2 1986

ICE OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY

Botha and his gang are haunted by the spectre of and our South African Communist Party. Lately, their nightmares must have become even more frightening as they witness growing numbers of workers and youth everywhere defiantly raising the of our Party beside the black, green and gold of the ANC. Why is this happening? It is because the very policies of our Party that give our ruling class sleepless nights, are warmly applauded by the mass of our working people. This message was delivered loud and clear by the 20 000 people who risked life and limb when they gathered in Port Elizabeth to honour the memory of Moses Mabhida. The racists' propaganda machine pours out an endless stream of lies about communists and what we stand for. They try to discredit the liberation alliance by stories of 'communist manipulation' and they seek to weaken its very foun­ dation by attempts to drive a wedge between the ANC and the SACP. It is clear why they do this. It is equally clear why the basic policies of our Party are finding deeper and deeper roots among the working people. We South African communists have never hidden our aims. We dip our revolutionary We are inspiring more and more peo­ bannsr in ple with the vision of a honour of Moses Mbheki which has freed itself of national Mncane Mabhida domination and its foundation, General Secretary capitalist class exploitation. of the SACP who died on 8 March, 1986 We remain committed to the immediate struggle for the achievement of the aims of the national democratic revolution which are popularly defined in the . We believe that the achievement of Hamba these aims is not only in the best in­ Kahle, terests of all classes and groups Comrade among the oppressed but will also Mosesf create conditions for a democratic (Funeral tributes pages 4-7) transformation towards a socialist South Africa. That is why we work

CONTINUED ON PAGE TWO ... to assure a dominant role for the transfer of power based on the working people in the class allianc­ strength of the people's offensive. es which are demanded by the But clearly the main thrust of our struggle for a democratic republic. present strategy remains a revolu­ 4 tionary seizure of power and not Ve reject the idea that there can be negotiation. Our ruling class has no democracy and liberation without a intention whatsoever of dismantling radical redistribution of the nation's its state apparatus and its in­ wealth. Any 'solution' which de- struments of force whose existence ' parts from this gives permanent will only make a sham of the exer­ legitimacy to continued minority cise of democracy. control. We are encouraged by the growing We stand four-square in support of a number of defections from the united South Africa which is run — white laager as shown by economically, politically and social­ the readiness of some groupings to ly — by the will of the majority ex­ defy government pressure and to ercised on the basis of one person, exchange views with the ANC. But one vote. All schemes based on the real test is whether these group­ ethnic parity or 'minority protec­ ings are ready to accept genuine tion' are schemes to perpetuate majority rule. There must be minority domination or to break up vigilance against qualifications in­ the cohesion of a South African tended to prevent a radical nation. transformation. We have never turned our backs on the i possibility of principled negotiation We stand in full support of the ANC as and compromise with other forces head of our liberation alliance and in the course of a struggle. This believe that it is only under its um­ could arise at a time of a major brella that all the forces which stand revolutionary climax involving the for real change can move forward.

This is what we communists stand for. This is why the enemy targets us for special attack. And this explains the growing popularity of our leaders and our policies, and why our Party's symbols are being spread more widely. INTENSIFY THE OFFENSIVE IN THIS YEAR OF DECISION — THE YEAR OF !

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It all began in the United States, citadel of so- leader who was later one of the founders of called 'free' capitalism, where conditions for the Communist Party of South Africa. the workers have always been bad. In 1884 It was the Communist Party which the congress of the movement in organised the first non-colour-bar May the United States decided to fix May 1st, 1886, Day celebrations in the 1920s which as the date on which the campaign for an brought workers of all races together 8-hour day would be launched. The campaign In their thousands. caught the imagination of the workers, and as In 1930, at the height of the great depres­ May 1st, 1886 approached the congress sion, black and white unemployed workers newspaper declared: "There is 8-hour agita­ marched through the streets of Johannesburg tion everywhere1. The workers smoked on May Day shouting the slogan 'We want 'Eight-hour tobacco', wore 'Eight-hour shoes' bread'. They clashed with the police outside and sang the Eight-hour Song: the Carlton Hotel and the Rand Club and the leader of the demonstration, communist Issy We mean to make things over; Diamond, was sent to jail. we're tired of toil for nought In 1950 May Day demonstrations were call­ But bare enough to live on; ed in Johannesburg by the Transvaal ANC, never an hour for thought the Indian Congress, the African People's We want to feel the sunshine; Organisation and the Communist Party. In­ we want to smell the flowers dustry was brought to a halt with about 80% We're sure that God has willed it; of the black workers supporting the strike and we mean to have eight hours. call. But the police resorted to brutal reprisals, We're summoning our forces shooting dead 18 people in the townships. from shipyard, shop and mill- It was in protest against this massacre, Eight hours for work, eight hours for rest, and the Suppression of Communism Bill eight hours for what we will. being debated in Parliament, that our first On May 1st 1886 workers in every industry Freedom Day stay-at-home was staged downed tools. True to tradition, the bosses throughout South Africa on June 26, 1950. resorted to violence to crush the campaign. The history of May Day in A bomb was thrown into a trade South Africa is written in blood. union demonstration and the workers were Let us vow on this May Day, blamed for the loss of life. Eight workers' 1986, to honour the toil and leaders were convicted on framed up sacrifice of the workers and charges and four were hanged. their leaders in the past by Nevertheless, the campaign was a success. strengthening the trade union More than half the workers who went on movement, winning May Day as strike won their demand for an eight-hour day a paid holiday for all workers, that very May Day or shortly afterwards, while and carrying forward the remainder had the length of their work­ the fight for a united, ing day cut by 25% or more. democratic and non- Three years later, in 1889, the inter­ racial South national Working Men's Congress (the Africa. First International) decided to set aside May 1st as the day of working class unity. It has been celebrated as the workers' day ever since. The first May Day was celebrated in South Africa, organised by the Johannesburg District Trades Council, in 1895. Cape Town held its first May Day celebration in 1896. In 1910 the Cape Town May Day procession was jointly headed by Tom Mann, the great British dockers' leader then visiting South Africa, and Bill Andrewsi South African workers' RAISE THE RED FLAG ON MAY DAY! HAMBA KAHLE, COMRADE MOSES MABHIDA Comrade Mabhida passed away in on March 8th, 1986. The Frelimo Party gave him a state funeral with full military honours in Maputo's Lhanguene Cemetery. Gathered at the funeral were representatives of every section of the liberation alliance from inside and outside the country. The moment of mourning was also a moment of renewed dedication to the struggle for which Comrade Mabhida lived and died.

Extract from the Funeral Oration tionary giants like Albert Nzula, Johannes delivered by the Chairman of the Nkosi, , JB Marks, Yusuf Dadoo, SACP, Comrade and many others who took the same path. It is no accident that all these working class The racists hate South African communists and communist leaders also became outstan­ with a special venom. To discredit what we ding figures in a national movement. They stand for they spread the myth that com­ stood for a simple truth which could be easi­ munists are a strange people from far away ly grasped by every worker and peasant and, places who import foreign ideas from Europe indeed, by every national patriot. For them which are dangerous for Africa. liberation was much more than the raising of The answer to all these outpourings lies a new flag, the singing of a new anthem and before us in this coffin. the allocation of fat political jobs to a small Comrade Baba Mabhida, the leader of group of exploiters with black faces. They South Africa's communists, personified the believed that there could be no real libera­ real essence of our land and its people. His tion without a return of our country's wealth search for a way to win back for the people to the people and without attacking racism at the land and its riches began in early youth. its roots — economic exploitation of the col­ At the age of 19 he decided upon the answer; onised working majority. It is this working ma­ for him it was the theoretical tools of - jority which is the class core of the liberation Leninism and the South African Communist forces. And they understood the indispensi- Party which wielded it along the road of strug­ ble role of the African National Congress as gle towards national and social emancipation. the mass revolutionary national movement He saw in our militant working class the key which stands unchallenged at the head of our force in the alliance of classes facing the whole liberation front. enemy. Comrade Mabidha's name has now Like those who came before him, Comrade been indelibly added to the list of revolu- Mabhida could see no conflict between his v*^

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~- * .•• • • r c LAST FAREWELL From rightto left: Samcra Machel, President of FRELIMO; , President of the ANC; Joe Slovo, Chairman of the SACP, Stephen Dlamini, President of SACTU; Archie Gumede, President of the UDF; Curnick Ndlovu, Chairman of the UDF and at the microphone veteran Dan Tloome leadership of the Communist Party and his tribal divisions had facilitated the conquest role as a top leader of the African National and the three-and-a-half centuries of Congress. Those who worked with him from domination. Luthuli to Tambo recognised in him the Nor did he allow his pride of being African qualities of a most devoted and disciplined to undermine his dedication to the task of national figure who fought unswervingly to creating a united South African people and, build the African National Congress, to pro­ more especially, a united force of all workers tect its integrity and its independence and to whose organised strength would ensure that ensure complete loyalty by its members, at the fruit of the people's sacrifices will not be whatever level, to its internal democratic pro­ appropriated by yet another group of ex­ cesses. And it is this pattern, born and ploiters who might present themselves with developed in our own South African condi­ faces of another colour. tions, which laid the indestructible founda­ tion of the alliance between the African Na­ And his love of our country and its people tional Congress and the South African Com­ never stood in the way of his committed in­ munist Party. This alliance, which has been ternationalism. He had a special place in his further cemented by the life-work of our heart for the first workers' state and the Party departed leader, expresses the indivisible which Lenin founded. Unending Soviet sup­ link in our conditions between the class and port of and solidarity with our struggling peo­ the national struggle. ple had taught him the true meaning of pro­ letarian internationalism, and he always More than anything else, the enemy would equated anti-Sovietism with anti-people. like to drive a wedge between the AJJC and Although the political struggle was his the SACP. The answer to the enemy's whole life, those of us who had the privilege manoeuvres is being given by the masses in of working with him will also remember a Cradock, in Mamelodi, in Guguletu, in human being with infinite charm, warmth and , in Alexandra township and in other compassion. It was for the enemy that he centres of conflict where, side by side with reserved his unbending hatred and a mood the ANC flag, the workers and youth are de­ of hard and cold determination. fiantly also raising the red flag of our Party. Comrades, let the inspiration of Comrade And the news of this filled Comrade Mabhida's life become a signal for driving the Mabhida's eyes with tears of joy in the last offensive home on all frontsagains t an enemy days of his life. which is already swaying! Let us dedicate He was respected even by political op­ ourselves with even greater vigour to the ponents because of the way he could honest­ building of the Party and the liberation front ly blend seemingly contradictory aspects of headed by the African National Congress so historic realities and the people's heritage as to ensure the achievement of the true kind without compromising his basic beliefs. We of liberation for which our departed comrade all know how passionately Comrade Mabhida struggled all his life! loved the Zulu language, its folklore and the fighting traditions of the Zulu people. Yet he i Let v* carry him home soon to a free never allowed this passion to make him forget that he was part of the African nation whose South Africa! Hamba Kahle Comrade Mkhizel

Extracts from the Funeral Oration delivered by the President of the ANC, Comrade Oliver Tambo • We who have walked with giants know that Moses Mbheki Mabhida belonged in that company too. We who have filed among the ranks know that he was proud to count himself as a foot soldier. A colossus because he was supremely human, Moses Mabhida has departed from our midst. In the ANC, Moses Mabhida became a na­ tional leader who served on the National Ex­ ecutive Committee of the ANC, as a com­ mander and commissar of the People's Army, Umkhonto we Sizwe, secretary to the Revolu­ tionary Council, one of the chairpersons of the Political Military Council, as an interna­ tional representative and as an underground Left to right Alfred Nzo, Moses Mabhida and Yusuf Dadoo at the 26th Congress of the CPSU, J 981 nnnnimnnfflj organiser. He became the General Secretary from and opposed to the ANC and the Com­ of the SACP. He also served as Vice President munist Party. of the South African Congress of Trade Moses Mabhida knew that the durability of Unions. This combination of functions the alliance between the ANC, the Com­ sometimes surprised and puzzled our friends. munist Party and the trade union movement For they wondered why Comrade Mabhida lay in strengthening each as an independent had to serve in so many senior positions in dif­ formation and in securing their co-operation ferent organisations. But above all it was a on an entirely voluntary basis. He therefore combination of functions which enraged our always worked to ensure that these forma­ enemies. This combination of functions in one tions respected one another and that they leader of our people upset our adversaries developed among them a deep seated feel­ because it reflected the permanence and ac­ ing of revolutionary unity and interdepen­ ceptability among our people of the idea and dence. the practice of the unity of the revolutionary democratic, the socialist and the trade union Moses Mabhida saw in the ANC the unique movements in the South African struggle for and authentic vanguard to mobilise and lead national liberation. our people to victory. None among us was more conscious than he that the African Na­ It was part of Comrade Mabhida's greatness tional Congress could only carry out its that having quite early on understood the im­ historic mission if it maintains the character portance of the unity of these great it has come to assume. That character was that movements, he succeeded in ably serving of a parliament of all the people of our coun­ each one of them individually, and all of them try, representative of our future, the negation together. He served them together as a col­ of the divisions and conflicts that racial ar­ lective front for national and social emancipa­ rogance and capitalist greed have imposed tion. Throughout Moses Mabhida's lifetime in­ on our people. That is why Comrade Mabhida ternational reaction tried desperately hard fought hard and long to ensure that nothing and consistently to separate the three should rum the ANC into a rabble of black movements we have spoken of. It tried to chauvinists or a clique of leftist demagogues. separate the one from the other and to set He battled against all conspiracies design­ them against one another. In this contem­ ed to weaken the ANC as a fighting organisa­ porary period we have seen determined ef­ tion of the people, as a true national move­ forts to separate the trade unions from the ment loyal to the great principles which in­ broad democratic movement and to persuade spired its creation and have guided it to this them to be nothing mere than an agency to day. bring material benefits to a working class which remains enslaved. But Mcsss Mabhida The deep well from which he drew strength knew that the very dignity of labour demands and courage enabled him to teach a whole that those who toil should not only enjoy the generation not to fear the tyrants, however fruit of their sweat, but should do so as free powerful they might seem. men and women. Accordingly, he fought Wherever Moses Mabhida is laid to rest, his against all attempts to turn the trade unions grave shall be a place of pilgrimage to all into appendages of the property owning those who love freedom as he did, a beacon classes and he resisted all efforts to to the future for all those who value liberty emasculate the working class as a leading more than their own lives. Moses Mbheki social force for political change in our coun­ Mabhida will be there when the trumpets try. Likewise, he was fiercely opposed to all sound the salute to freedom. manoeuvres which sought to educate the Today Mabhida walks in the company of working class to repudiate its own history and Magigwane and Ngungunyane. With these as to allow itself to be turned into a base for the our standard bearers, we can never be creation of a new political formation separate defeated. We cannot but be victorious.

iiiimimiitiiHi iihiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiTiTmiminHiHiiiiiiiiiiiiiTnmnTr. Extract from the Funeral Oration Workers of our country will carry on his delivered by Comrade John Nkadi- I work. Already the formation of the Congress meng, General Secretary of SACTU j of South African Trade Unions has shown that ' the seeds he sowed throughout our land have Comrade Moses Mabhida was a worker just , germinated and grown strong. like millions of our workers. He was a worker •> Bearing the banners of the ANC, the SACP oppressed by racism, forced to carry a pass, ' and Sactu which Comrade Mabhida carried cruelly exploited and unable to provide the i aloft, they too will march along the same road necessities of life for his loved ones, because to freedom for our people. he was so poorly paid, because he was black in apartheid South Africa. He asked the ques­ tion: 'Workers have built the wealth. They have made South Africa gutter with gold, but they have not a rag to cover their bodies. How does that happen?* He began to understand why this was so and was determined to do something about it. These twin forces, the quest for knowledge and the need for action, raised him above or­ dinary men. Moses Mabhida recognised in particular the need to organise workers into trade unions as well as the essential unity of all workers irrespective of race, colour or creed. . Comrade Mabhida was instrumental in the initiation of Africa's trade union unity. In May 1961, he was present at the inauguration of the Ail African Trade Union Federation and again instrumental in the formation of the Organisa­ tion of African Trade Union Unity. He was known by trade unionists from Scotland to New Zealand, from the USSR to America, as the fighter for peace, for trade union unity, for . iJiiifiiliiiJiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiMiiJiiiiititritiialiiiriiiMiiitiiiiii> J iiiriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiifiiiiiiiiiii

Extract from the Funeral Oration delivered by President Samora Moses Mabhida, our brother, our comrade, Machel of felt as his own our freedom, * OUT in­ Moses Mbheki Mncane Mabhida remains dependence. He was an integral part of the with us as a symbol of the highest values of Mozambican people. Moses Mabhida will re­ the struggle of the African peoples, of main as a symbol of the indestructible frater­ workers of tho world, and of the world nity of the South African and Mozambican revolution. peoples, of the profound identity of our The whole of Africat of progressive peoples' struggles. mankind and all revolutionaries bow in He was denied his soil in life and it is homage to the personality and exemplar/ life denied to him after death. But he will not be of Moses Mabhida. Moses Mabhida has be­ buried in a foreign land. Mozambique is his queathed us his example as a determined country too. The Mozambican soil which he fighter for the ideals of freedom, justice, also loved, and of which the struggle made equality, democracy, socialism and peace. him a brother, will enfold him with love and We know him thus since the start of our na­ respect. We shall be the guardians of his tional liberation struggle. Moses Mabhida was body, which is a banner of victories. Men who an eider brother to us. Patiently and modest­ die fighting, who refuse to surrender, who serve the people and their ideals to the last ly he passed on to us his long experience of breath, are the victors. Moses Mabhida is a struggle. His advice was always valuable.In victorious combatant. His immense personal­ all his dealings with us he displayed his sim­ ity rests in the heart of all Africans, in the heart ple, modest and fraternal nature and showed of all revolutionaries and lovers of peace. his love of mankind. STRENGTHEN THE ALLIANCE! Pen Pictures of South African Communists

The lives and deaths of and Joe Gqabi were interlinked in many ways. Courageous investigative jour­ nalists, they worked on movement newspapers, expos­ ing the atrocities of apartheid South Africa, particularly the brutal conditions endured by prison and farm labourers. Committed revolutionaries, they were militants of both the ANC and the SACP. Their outstan­ ding contribution to our fight for freedom made them arch enemies of the South African regime. Both were assassinated by Pretoria's death squads. Joe Nzingo Gqabi Joe Gqabi, photographer and outstanding investigative journalist, veteran of many ANC cam­ paigns of the Fifties, was among the first to answer the call of Umkhonto we Sizwe. In 1961 he left the country for military training. After returning to South Africa, he was captured and sentenced to two years imprisonment for leaving the country illegally. Upon completion of this sentence, he was charged under the Sabotage Act and served ten years on . Released in 1975, he immediately set about working to strengthen the ANC underground apparatus, paying particular attention to mobilising the youth and students. After the Soweto Uprisings of 1976 Joe was Number One accused in the lengthy 'Pretoria 12' treason trial. After his acquittal, he escaped and joined the external mission of the ANC, becoming a member of the National Executive Committee. Joe was appointed as the ANC's first representative to Zimbabwe after independence. It was in Harare, on the night of July 31st, 1981, that he was assassinated by Pretoria's death squads. Born in Aliwal North in 1929, a leader, a man of the people, Joe Gqabi's life of struggle and eradication is an inspiration to us all. We are proud of this gallant son of our soil, who symbolises our people's indomitable spirit of resistance. Ruth First Ruth First, born in Johannesburg in 1925, was a lifelong Communist and a formidable foe of the apartheid regime. Her parents were founder members of the Communist Party. Ruth joined the Young Communist League in her teens and soon proved to be a dynamic speaker and organiser. She carried on the underground work of the Party after its banning in 1950, became a prominent figure in the ANC-led liberation alliance, and made an outstanding contribution as a journalist, writer and theorist. She served on all the movement's newspapers from The Guardian to New Age, was instrumental in exposing the farm labour sandal, and edited Fighting Talk. Together with her husband, Joe Slovo, she was a Treason Trialist (1956^60) and after a period of solitary confine­ ment was forced into exile in 1964. She wrote and edited several books, including 127Days, an account of her detention. She became an international authority on South Africa, a leading campaigner for the Anti-Apartheid Movement and the ANC. In 1979 she was ap­ pointed Director of Research in the Centre for African Studies in Maputo. Loved and respected by our people, she was feared by the Pretoria regime who assassinated her in Maputo on 17 August 1982. Heroine of our Party and liberation move­ ment, her life serves as an inspiration for all. FROM OUR READERS Dear Editor, theWASHLINE &- \ From the first issue of your publication, I fought not to miss a single issue: I was, I am, en­ thusiastic! This is the paper which will give im­ petus to our struggle. Theory, analysis, informa­ tion, all this, and much more, can be found in the African Communist. But a brief, simple, func­ tional, powerful and action-oriented magazine, that is what you succeed to produce! I like its style, simple and direct; the size of each article: just one page that can be read easily during a short rest in our agitated life. I like the topics grouped into series, varied and all essential for us: 'trade unionism', 'Marxism and violence', etc. A lot of discussions are raised, a lot of ideas are clarified and deepened. Many of us, still learning in hard conditions and with little means, appreciate greatly the series on 'How to master secret work' and often we wish you would ex­ pand on it. Umsebenzi should remain action-oriented, should guide us practically to develop our strug­ gle. Each article should have a component of agitation and practice, 30 we feel. I would have liked the article The SADF — What can be ex­ pected?' (No 3, 1985) to present also some sug­ gestions on how to infiltrate this institution. Your articles on People's Power are powerful! Please, continue to inform us on the struggle of our comrades in other parts of the world: we learn so much from the failures and successes of revolutionaries of Nicaragua, Chile, Cuba, Philippines, , etc. We need Umsebenzi and the guidance of the Communist Party. I hope to receive regularly a copy of Umseben­ zi for me and my comrades. Victory is ours! Dear Comrades, The affiliation of the trade unions to Cosatu relies on the will of its members. Whatever move can be done by Cosatu to ANC will push the interest of the workers. The most exploited in the work­ ing fields of South Africa, the unions belong to their members. The top bosses of the unions shouldn't take decisions for the powered workers. Top members mustn't decide for us, mustn't decide when we are going to be tearsrnoked and shot. We are not going to be delayed on our move by the term political leanings when we are dying day by day, sack­ ed day and night, weekends and holidays. Our enemy is one and there is no ways of be­ ing scared to be moved to the ANC. The ANC supports all the people including the union organisations, why can't we support it on the basis of the Freedom Charter. If one is scared of joining, that is he/she gives grounds to the lav/s and regulations that have been imposed without his/her consultation. We are tired of the organisations which exist on the side of the rul­ ing class, that help to strangulate the workers power against the management, that eliminate workers participation from their township pro­ blems. Workers must choose their path to freedom. I am one of the members of the trade unions in South Africa. SPREAD UMSEBENZI! THE WORKERS AND THE NATIONAL DISCI DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION lllllllllllllllllllllll STAGES OF O The article in Umsebenzi No 1, 1986, on 'Stages of our Revolution' shed more light on an issue that has generated heated debate Workers should be mobilised into the arm­ among democratic forces within the country. ed contingents — combat groups and profes­ In that article, the author makes the important sional guerrilla units — and participate active­ point that the working class should play its ly in the formation of popular organisations leading role ROW and show in action that it can and the rudimentary organs of people's be the saviour of all the oppressed people. power. As the struggle intensifies and the How should this manifest itself in daily people impose popular legality everywhere practice? — in the schools, seizing the land, etc — We say that black workers are the vanguard workers will also be faced with the task of for­ of the national democratic revolution because cibly returning the wealth of the country to they are based in the field of production its rightful owners. In brief, through action, which is the foundation of the whole system. the working class wins the confidence of the As a class both oppressed and exploited they rest of the motive forces of the revolution as are best able to express, and better poised their practical leader. They participate in all to fight for, the true national interest. these organisations and actions as individuals However, working class leadership does not and as organised contingents, the highest come of its own; it must be won in the theatre representative of which is their vanguard of struggle against the oppressors and ex­ movement, the SACP. ploiters. The working class must ad in such The working class champions also the in­ a way that the rest of the democratic forces terests of other groups and strata because come to accept it as their leader. their aspirations are its own short-term in­ By taking strike action on the factory floor terests. On its own the working class cannot around their economic demands, workers ad­ achieve national emancipation. It has to seek vance their most immediate interests. They and win the alliance of all the forces which also show by means of practical example that objectively stand to gain from the National only through struggle can we win our de­ Democratic Revolution, on the basis of our mands. They contribute their share in mak­ common denominator, the Freedom Charter. ing the entire system unworkable. By organis­ Working class participation and leadership ing and uniting in powerful trade unions they now will guarantee that the Charter is im­ strengthen themselves as a class at the same plemented thoroughly, and that it serves as time as they consolidate the democratic a basis for an uninterrupted advance to full movement as a whole. social emancipation. Workers themselves should be taught to In this process they have to wage a relent­ view these economic struggles as battles less battle of ideas against those forces which within the bigger war for national and social seek to divert the struggle into the marshes emancipation. And they should advance of reformism and compromise, as well as broader political demands at their places of those who want to launch them on an adven- work in concert with the people as a whole. turistic course and isolate them from the rest The general strike is one of the most impor­ of the struggling people. Their tested tant weapons in the hands of the people. vanguard, the SACP, plays the role of Current struggles abound with experiences educator, organiser and mobiliser. of community solidarity with workers on strike. Such unity in action also shows that the mass of the people recognise the importance of struggles at the point of production in the general democratic struggle. This confidence WORKERIST is strengthened by workers' participation in CONFUSION iiiimiiiiiiiiimnif community struggles, for example, against high rents, fares and prices. The September 1985 issue of the South But the workers would be far from playing African Labour Bulletin published an article their leading role if they did not act visibly as by Alec Erwin as part of the debate on the a defender of the interests of other groups question of ihe stages of our revolution. There and strata, as consistent fighters for democ­ are quite a number of inaccurate formulations racy in general. They should actively take which need to be answered. part in the struggle for democratic education Erwin suggests that our movement is and for the return of the land to the people; engaged in what he calls 'liberation ' they should challenge exploitation in all its which 'is concerned to destroy the legitimacy manifestations and at the same time support progressive demands of the oppressed 10 businessmen, etc. THE WORKING istence of the SACP in connection with his fON discussion of what he calls 'transformation polities'. It is about time he woke up to reali­ ty, which is that the working class need both IEVOLUTION mass organisations and a revolutionary political vanguard. of the ruling regime and its state apparatuses so that it cannot successfully govern and must abdicate*. In the firstplac e our objective is not to work for the regime's abdication but to bring about RACE its revolutionary overthrow. But, it is AND CLASS lUllHllimmilUIIIMT necessary (from the point of view of the pre­ I found your article on Two Stages very time­ sent discussion) to take issue with Erwin's ly because some people are puzzled by the description of what he calls the 'usual two- relationship between the national democratic stage argument'. This he describes as follows: struggle and the struggle to achieve 'The first stage will deal with the oppressive socialism. We sometimes come across the and anti-democratic regime and the second questions: if we are socialists, why do we not stage can address itself to issues of economic simply set about achieving a socialist system? equality, production and consumption'. Are we not allowing ourselves to be diverted Whose 'usual two-stage argument' is Erwin by talk of national struggle? Does such a referring to? As was made clear in Umseben- strategy not reduce the working class content zi's last article, this is a vulgar way of describ­ of our struggle? Does the notion of class ing the SACP approach to stages of revolu­ alliances that it implies not make it easier for tion. We have never regarded the democratic our struggle to take a non-socialist road, as and socialist stages of our revolution as com­ has happened in most of Africa? pletely separate from one another. Virtually It took many decades for the Communist every line Jn Umsebenzi places before our Party to arrive at its present strategy which, working class the perspective of a liberation I believe, correctly balances the relationship at this stage involving a redistribution of between the national struggle and the strug­ wealth, of land and of the other means of pro­ gle for social emancipation. duction; a liberation which will be won by an There are some people who dogmatically alliance of classes in which the working class continue to assert the need for pure class' must emerge as the dominant force. struggle or some other variant of that. Such Erwin correctly draws attention to the need 'purity' can only be maintained in classrooms. for maximum unity of purpose of all the Actual struggles teach us that the forces of the classes among the oppressed people in the enemy, on the one hand, and the people, on immediate struggle for liberation. But he ex­ the other, never line up in such pure forms. presses the fear that the need for such unity This is true of the , the may divert revolutionaries from asserting the revolutions in Vietnam and in . independent role of the working class, pro­ We must remember that national oppres­ tecting its place m the alliance and inhibit sion is a systematic phenomenon; it goes to necessary discussion on the transformation the root of the special content of the South towards socialism after a people's victory. Of African capitalist system. It is not merely course such dangers could arise and we must racism. It affects every aspect of peoples lives be vigilant. But what is the mechanism for and conditions the way in which workers most effectively avoiding such dangers? Er­ enter the labour market, the conditions of win's answer seems to be 'militant unionism' their struggle, etc. This is vital to stress and ;shop floor based trade unions'. because there is a tendency among 'left' in­ Of course, shop floor organisation and mili­ tellectuals to deny the systematic character tant trade unions are important ingredients in of national oppression and, by implication, to assuring workers short and long term in­ deny its class significance. terests. There is, however, no example in It is vital in the case of our country to history of a trade union movement on its own (understand the relationship between national leading the workers towards social emancipa­ oppression and class exploitation, between tion. The real answer to Erwin's fears is the race and class. In the same way, when we existence of a vanguard political party of the stress the national democratic character of working class. The SACP is such a vanguard our revolution, we are not downgrading our whose flag is being increasingly raised by the socialist goals. We do not choose to struggle working people throughout the country. It is for national liberation instead of socialism. puzzling indeed that Erwin did not find space What we need to understand is how to strug­ in his long article to even mention the ex­ gle for the national democratic revolution as part of the process of achieving socialism. Your article in the last issue of Umsebenzi is stimulating because it throws some light on SS IS THE KEY! the answer to this vital question. H JUNE 16th A New Chapter of Resistance | * P • June 16th 1986 marks the 10th anniversary of the infamous 'Soweto Massacre'. To honour those butchered in Soweto, Guguletu, Mannenburg and other townships and to pay tribute io the thousands of our youth that continue to fight and, if necessary, die on the battle fields, the ANC has declared lune 16 National Youth Day. The '76 generation wrote a new chapter in our glorious history of resistance. In the early Seventies the regime was confidently proclaiming that they had destroyed the ANC and the SACP. Vorster's detente policy ap- continuing killing of unarmed demonstrators peared to be succeeding, and with the help closed the debate about the legitimacy of the of his imperialist allies a concerted campaign armed struggle. Also, through the crucible of was launched to gain acceptance for apart­ fire, unity in action amongst all sections of the heid and to bring the regime 'in form the oppressed and a growing number of white cold'. June 16 1976 shattered this myth. By democrats was forged. And, through their ex­ their actions, our fighting youth and students perience, the students quickly learnt and ac­ helped to ensure that, within a short space of cepted the fact that the vanguard role had to ten years, the strategic initiative shifted into be played by the black working class. the hands of the oppressed. Today the ANC, But, despite the advances and un­ at the head of the liberation alliance, stands precedented militancy, there was a lack of undisputed as the leader of our people. coherent strategy; there was no unified pro­ June 16 was not a flash in the pan. It gramme of action; organisation and co­ reflected the growing socio-economic and ordination both regionally and nationally political crisis of the regime. The students' were weak; student demands were not link­ demonstrations were only one manifestation ed to broader demands; the rural areas were of the liberation movement's ability to recover hardly affected and the students were in from the setbacks of the Sixties. Already in danger of being isolated. early 1970 the black working class, increas­ In the years that followed efforts were made ingly impoverished because of the crisis of to tackle these problems. Today youth and capitalism generally and apartheid specifical­ student organisations exist in many parts of ly, began to stir. By 1973 they were once again the country (urban and rural). The process of confronting the bosses and the regime. The consolidating organisation and imposing emergence of the Black Consciousness greater accountability and discipline has not Movement, despite some of its negative yet been fully achieved. However despite features, mobilised many people. The never- some weaknesses and problems our revolu­ ending efforts of the ANC and the SACP to tionary youth and students continue to pose re-establish and consolidate their internal a serious challenge to the regime. The bann­ structures and our efforts to establish contact ing of Cosas, the continuing harassment, ar­ with the broad democratic masses were rests and murder of student activists, the at­ beginning to bear fruit. tempts to infiltrate and subvert the student Internationally the balance of forces was movement cannot stop this. also changing in favour of those fighting for Since 1976 the enemy has had no respite. peace, national liberation and socialism. The Every year has witnessed a qualitative escala­ successes of PAIGC, Frelimo, MPLA as well tion of our struggle. In 1976 thousands join­ as the changing attitudes of other countries ed the ANC and MK. Many returned. Some in the region not only inspired our people but of them have made the supreme sacrifice. also opened up new possibilities for the Many are in the forefront of our politico- development of the struggle in Zimbabwe, military struggle. They must be joined by Namibia and South Africa. thousands more. The ANC's 1986 slogan These internal and external factors sharpen­ 'Every patriot a combatant, every ed the enemy's contradictions. Faced with a combatant a patriot' must become a reali­ growing crisis the enemy responded with ty. To successfully achieve this we must have naked terror. But, unlike the past, state ter­ revolutionary consciousness, organisation rorism failed to create a mood of defeatism and discipline. It is above all necessary for or submission. On the contrary there was a the youth and students to act as one with the new mood of militancy, and our people, organised working class. Together we will go especially the youth, showed that they were forward to win national liberation and willing to fight and die for their freedom. The socialism. WORKERS AND YOUTH — ONE FIST! HOW TO MASTER SECRET WORK '+£> 5. SURVEILLANCE TECHNIQUES

In our last issue we defined surveillance as (Figure 1). When S turns right at a corner A an organised form of observation in which the drops back out of sight and B takes the lead police put a close watch on suspected per­ position. They continue in the chain forma­ sons or places. Various types of surveillance tion. An alternative technique is for A to cross and techniques of 'tailing' the suspect (sub­ the road and then turn right. In this case A is ject) are used. A subject's home or place of not now following directly behind B as in a work might be under observation from a sta­ chain, but is parallel to B on the opposite side tionary or 'fixed' position such as a of the road to both B and S and slightly to their neighbouring residence or vehicle. All com­ rear (Figure 2). A and B will avoid direct con­ ings and goings are recorded. When the sub­ tact with S. If S now crosses the street to the ject leaves his or her home they may be left A will either fallback , enter a shop or walk followed by foot or car or combination of swiftly ahead, whilst B will follow S from his both. All the places they visit and people they side of the street (Figure 3), meet are noted, photographed and followed too if necessary. Three Man or 'ABC' Surveillance Inclusion of the extra man makes tailing S Foot Surveillance easier. A follows S, B follows A and C At least two people will be used to follow the operates across the street from S and to the subject who we will call 'S\ They will com­ rear. When S turns a corner, A may continue municate through hand-signals and 'walkie- in the original direction, crossing the street talkie' radios so as to guide and assist each instead of immediately turning. A thus takes other. They will keep as close to S as 18 the C position, whilst either B or C can take metres in crowded areas and hang well back, A's original position (Figure 4). up to 100 metres, in quiet streets. They will A variety of tecliniques can obviously be try to be as inconspicuous as possible so as used. But the idea is generally the same. not to arouse S's suspicions. They will have Those following must keep the subject under a car to assist them, which keeps out of sight constant observation without arousing suspi­ in the adjacent streets. cion. The more persons used, the greater the scope and flexibility of the operation. Two-Man or 'AB' Surveillance Remember: By knowing the methods The person following directly behind S is A. of the enemy we con deaf with him and The second person is B, who follows on defeat him! behind A, as if in a chain. A and B alternate positions, 'leap-frogging' over each other Next Issue: Vehicle Surveillance

^FIGURE i|§!£

ROOT OUT ENEMY AGENTS! *Y AND PRACTICE * KNOWLEDGE IS STRENGTH * THEORY AND PRACTICE POLITICAL ECONOMY

* * 5. Capitalism Grew Through Robbery and Plunder

The settlers generally were white, so the land­ wages. Some were driven out by war. Laws owning class, soon to become a capitalist backed with threats of force and imprisonment class, was generally white. The former oc­ forced out others. Every male was made liable cupants of the land had been black, so the to imprisonment if he did not pay a Poll Tax— dispossessed, soon to become the working in cash—every year. For people living on their class, were generally black. In the more than own produce without trade, there had never 300 years since the land seizures, only a hand­ been a need for money. With no cash to pay ful of blacks, through good luck, special skills taxes they too were driven out to migrate to the or sometimes successful crime — have manag­ mines and factories to earn the cash. The Poll ed to wriggle into the capitalist ranks. And a Tax laws turned first men, later women and number of whites, arriving too late to grab land even many children into wage labourers. for themselves, have stayed to work for wages, Even after seizing the land, in most countries usually in the specially favoured, skilled and the new capitalist owners were not rich well-paid jobs. enough to provide all the implements, seed, Other countries of course have different fertiliser, transport and irrigation needed for histories, often without sudden foreign inva­ full use of their vast tracts of land, Nor did they sion and settlement. And yet everywhere tradi­ have sufficient accumulated cash to put up tionally 'public' land has been seized and con­ buildings and provide machines and power for verted into private property. Everywhere the large-scale factories and mines. How they ac­ richest and most powerful people in the old quired that wealth is another piece of history, societies — those with the patronage of great which cannot be told in detail here. kings, those who were the most successful But that history shows, in one way or another, soldiers or the most ruthless tax-gatherers or that wealth also — like the land — was got by robbers — turned the mass of the people off robbery and plunder. Military adventurers— the land, and seized it for themselves. By itself, mercenaries — invaded and laid waste other stealing the land did not turn them into countries, especially Africa, India and Arabia, capitalists. To turn land into 'capital', it has to and looted their wealth; some hunted down be made to produce goods for sale at a profit. men, especially in Africa, to be sold as slaves The land robbers needed propertyless to foreign plantation owners. Some became workers who would work for wages. They pirates, or highwaymen and robbed the mer­ recruited them from the peasants they had chants and traders; and others brutalised and driven off the land and who now roamed the terrorised the poor as collectors of the king's countryside, starving, stealing, suffering ter­ taxes—for a large commission. Together, they ribly. Those who survived the terrible times stripped not only their own countrymen but became the of wage workers. they looted all the non-capitalist world or its In South Africa, the white settlers seized most treasures of gold or diamonds, of its art works of the land, but not all of it. Small pockets of land and its carvings, and its sacred religious and remained into which our people retreated — tribal objects; and finally, they robbed those pockets where the soil was so poor or moun­ lands of their most active and vigorous young tainous that it could not be farmed privately at men and women, and turned them too into a profit; or where our ancestors' armed goods to be sold on the capitalist markets at resistance was so fierce that they could not be a profit. conquered. These pockets remained as over­ Thus, robbery on a grand, cruel, interna­ crowded 'reserves', or unconquered tribal tional scale laid the basis for the capitalist for­ areas. tunes of yesterday. And the fruits of those rob­ But the new capitalists needed all these peo­ beries, multiplied many times over by being ple as wage workers, not only on their farms, invested for profit, today still provide the basis but even more on the new gold and diamond not only for the wealth the capitalist class pass­ mines they were establishing on land they had ed down from generation to generation, but seized. Even the last survivors had to be driven also for the total impoverishment and misery out of these remaining pockets, to work for of the mass of the working class.

14 SOCIALISM BRINGS REAL LI BE RATION! 9 PRACTICE > KNOWLEDGE IS STRENGTH * THEORY AND PRACTICE V KNO TRADE UNIONISM 5. Lessons of the ICU The history of the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union QCU) is not merely a story of the rise and fall of a trade union. Its development and the lessons from these experiences marked a turn in the growth of popular resistance and in the revolu­ tionary organisation of the working class. The ICU was formed in 1919 in a period where the miMtan- cy of black workers had begun to assert itself. The outbreak of the First World War in Europe had caused THEKT 'S F/ve HERE " I cvrtt'xr* the cost of living in South Africa to soar at a time of increasing black urbanisation. Thousands of workers were drawn into stxug- fluence of communists who were working gles to increase wages. The then-existing within it. In addition it suffered from the South African trade unions were craft unions weakness of all general workers' unions. which had been formed under the influence Communist office-bearers like James la of immigrant workers from Britain. Guma, J Comas and EJ Khaile had been try­ 1919 was also a time when the process of ing to reorganise the ICU along industrial lines bringing together the African people under with proper structures at places of work in the leadership of the ANC (then called the orderto ensure democratic elections and con­ Native National Congress) to forge a united op­ trol over funds. In 1926, ail communists were position against national oppression, was expelled and the union rapidly disintegrated. under way. In addition, the South African In 1927* the ICU leader from , A W G Labour Party had split and the genuine Champion, challenged Kadalie's leadership. socialists had formed the International Socialist The competition between the individual am­ League (ISL), the fore-runner to the Communist bitions of the two provincial leaders caused a Party of South Africa. One of the key points of crisis within the organisation. The ICU began the programme of the ISL was the establish­ to promote regionalism and tribalism and ment of non-racial trade unions. drained the workers of their militancy and their The initiative to form the ICU came from a energy. Just as its formation was prompted by Cape Town parliamentary candidate A F Bat­ the individualist ambitions of Batty, so did the ty, who wanted the black workers to support subsequent individualism and opportunism him in the elections. Batty approached bring about the ICU's complete disintegration. Clements Kadalie who, in January 1919, con­ The emphasis on democracy and principle vened a meeting of Cape Town dockworkers which was constantly advanced by the com­ who formed the union. The union led a strike munists served as a vital lesson for the subse­ for higher wages and secured increases of quent developments in our trade union move­ nearly 100% by 1920. It was this success that ment. It was these communists who, using the laid the basis for the ICU's rapid growth and experience of the ICU, laid the foundation of popularity. By the mid-1920s, the ICU reach­ militant, industrial and non-racial genuine ed national membership figures of 100 000. trade unionism which has posed an ever- But the size of the ICU was not a measure of increasing challenge to the apartheid regime its strength. The leadership of the organisation and has multiplied the number and influence was corrupt and under the influence of Euro­ of the working class within the liberation move­ ment as a whole. Historically speaking, the pean (especially British) opportunists. Its com­ emergence of Cosatu is, in no small measure, position, structure and the inexperience of its the fruit of over six decades of genuine union members, enabled the leadership to crush the union's revolutionary potential and the in- building by communist workers.

TRADE UNION UNITY IS STRENGTH! 15 RY AND PRACTICE * KNOWLEDGE IS STRENGTH * THEORY AND PRACTICE MARXISM AND VIOLENCE 4. THE ARMY IS RULED BY THE POLITICAL VANGUARD In the last issue we concentrated on the importance of political mobilisation in all stages of people's war. We will now try to answer the question: who runs a peo­ ple's military struggle, is it an army head­ quarters or a political leadership? Communists have always rejected the view that there can be a separation bet­ ween the military and political leadership, or if there is, that the military leadership ANC President OR Tombo with (right), should be primary. Po'i'ico' ConimissQf o' MK Of course the art of military struggle needs special organs staffed by skilled any tendency to the contrary will en­ and talented personnel who devote courage all the unhealthy features of themselves almost exclusively to the crea­ militarism. As Lenin said, an armed strug­ tion of combat groups, co-ordinate their gle which is not 'ennobled by the actions and generally supervise the many- enlightened and organising influence' of sided implementation of the movement's the correct type of political leadership military perspectives. But the political 'becomes frayed, corrupted and organisation must remain supreme. prostituted'. It is of course true that once in the field The revolutionary armed struggle is no the tactical tasks of the guerrilla band can more and no less than a political struggle only be advanced effectively by those by means which include the use of engaged in actual fighting. No group of political force. leaders sitting outside of the situation can The victory for which we are striving has hope to provide successful day to day as its aim the conquest of power by the leadership. But it is also true that the people led by its political vanguard and overall conduct of revolutionary strategy not by an army. Of course, as the armed cannot be carried out effectively by the struggle begins to play a more important isolated armed band. part in our overall strategy, the political The complex art of revolution and the leadership devotes itself more and more determination of its strategic tasks from to the successful implementation of time to time require an experienced military objectives. But it remains a political leadership. Such a leadership political leadership and not merely the must provide the broad guidelines for the high command of an army. The political conduct of the military struggle itself and organisation is primary, and the army, create military structures which are with all its command structures, is its subordinate to the political movement at instrument. every level. This is necessary because the A political movement which is forced conduct of the military struggle depends by objective conditions to work for the (as we saw in the previous issue) on the necessary social transformation by means political mobilisation of the people as a of revolutionary violence, must always be whole, the never-ceasing interplay and on its guard to avoid unhealthy tenden­ positioning of class forces both national­ cies which may emerge because of the ly and internationally, and so on. unavoidable and necessary separation (at It follows therefore that the army must some levels) between the military and at all stages remain the instrument of political organs. Specialisation must serve politics and the political movement and politics and not the other way about.

16 LONG LIVE THE YEAR OF MK! D PRACTICE * KNOWLEDGE IS STRENGTH * THEORY AND PRACTICE * KNO THE HISTORY OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY 4. Against Fascism and War The Great Depression of the Hungry Thir­ cedures on equal terms with privileged ties marked the beginning of a dangerous white workers. period. It included tire temporary victory of The Red Army's decisive victory at Stal­ German National Socialism, better known ingrad in 1843 turned the tide of war against as Nazism, imperialist aggression against the Axis powers, and brought hopes of the democratic Spanish Republic, and the deliverance from colonial oppression to gigantic upheaval of World War II. millions of people in Asia and Africa. Though weakened by division in its A new spirit of militancy spread through leadership, the Communist Party respond­ South Africa's liberation movement, giving ed magnificently to the challenge of rise to the formation of the ANC Youth widespread unemployment, on the one League in 1943 and joint action by the ANC hand, and the growth of fascist movements and the Party against the pass laws. Dr among racists on the other hand. Dadoo and six more Party members were In the pre-war decade the Party manag­ elected to a National Ariti-Pass Council ed to form trade unions of factory workers, formed in 1944 under the chairmanship of achieve united action between black and Dr Xuma. Their partnership in struggle white unemployed, and gain a foothold in began a process that was to result in the country towns. Congress Alliance of 1955. As the war threat came to a head, com­ Heroism, self-sacrifice, military skills and munists gave increasing attention to cam­ determination enabled the Red Army and paigns in support of the Spanish Republic, Soviet people to defeat and expel Hitler's opposition to Italy's invasion of Ethiopia, armies from Russian soil. The AJris Powers and more than anything else, the United surrendered unconditionally in 1945. As the Front against Fascism and War. end of the war came in sight, South African Johnny Gomas, the Party's leader in racists brushed aside all pretence of Western Cape, went to prison for insulting reforms and reverted to familiar forms of His Majesty George V; and issued a pam­ repression. phlet denouncing the celebration of 100 Meeting in July 1945, the Party Central years of emancipation from slavery. The Committee warned that the 'united front' Colouredknew only the freedom to starve, phase had come to an end. The war boom, he wrote; there could be no freedom it predicted, would give way to severe without land, bread and the equal right to depression accompanied by attacks on liv­ work. ing standards. White supremacists would When war broke out in September 1939, resume the offensive against African, Col­ the communists stood alone among the op­ oured and Indian rights. A period of bitter pressed in denouncing the imperialist war. class and national struggle lay ahead. "The The treacherous invasion of the Soviet ultimate result of failure to raise the living Union in June 1941 by Hitler's armed hordes standards of the poorest section and to ex­ changed the character of the war. Calling tend democracy will be wage cuts and loss for the defence of the Workers' Fatherland, of democracy for all'. the Party urged the government to recruit, It was a correct forecast. In the next five train and arm members of all colour groups years African miners downed tools in the on equal terms for the defeat of the German, biggest industrial action yet taken in South Italian and Japanese Axis Powers. Africa. The Party's Political Bureau went on The Party combined its campaign for an trial for sedition. The Afrikaner National Par­ all-out war effort with a vigorous attack on ty won a general election on a platform of colour bars in all areas of social life. Only apartheid and outlawed the Party in 1950. strong labour unions would enable down­ trodden, under-paid black workers to READ THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST regain a sense of dignity, improve living Theoretical quarterly journal of the standards, defeat racism and win the right South African Communist Party. Available from Inkululeko Publications to take part in collective bargaining pro­ 39 Goodge Street, London W1P 1FD, UK

STRENGTHEN THE PARTY! 17 SOUTHERN AFRICAN ROUNDUP REAGAN, BOTHA and SAVIMBI WHS Student Protest

If ever the alliance between the racist op­ "covert aid') through the infamous Central In­ pressors in our own country and United States telligence Agency (CIA), imperialism has been exposed it is now. There are two main reasons Reagan and his The United States government has decided administration want to help Savimbi in this way. to supply millions of dollars worth of military Firstly, they can do it secretly. The exact aid to the Unita bandits who are fighting our amount they give Savimbi and what it is used Angolan comrades led by the MPLA Workers to buy for the bandits will be known only to a Party. By doing so, the American government few warmongers in the CIA and government. has shown more clearly than ever before It has been leaked to American newspapers whose side it is on. It fully supports the apart­ that the amount they plan to give Savimbi is $ 13 heid regime not only in ts ruthless oppression million. But the CLA and other American in­ and exploitation of us but also in its destabilisa- telligence agencies have other huge funds tion of Angola and other neighbouring coun­ they can dip into to give the Unita bandits much tries. America has shown it is our enemy, the more — without the American congress, the enemy of national liberation, the enemy of public or the world knowing. Africa, of democracy and peace. The second reason Reagan wants to give This is not something we have not known in Savimbi 'covert aid' is because, in terms of the the past. It is just that the imperialist offensive American lawmaking process, this way means has reached new heights of aggression and the American public will have almost no con­ crudity. Publicly, the amount the United States trol through their elected representatives over plans to give the Unita bandits led by Jonas how much money is in fact given and how it Savimbi is $ 13 million. But it is likely to be very is used. much more. If the money was given to Savimbi through The timing of this American aid to Unita is a law passed by the American congress, then interesting. The Botha regime, which has been the situation would be different. Then, Savimbi's main paymaster since 1975, is suffer­ democratic people in the United States would ing a serious economic crisis. Botha just does be able to at least know how the money was not have the kind of money he had three years being spent and, perhaps exercise some con­ ago to help Savimbi and his bandits murder, trol over it, or even stop it. But Reagan and his rape and loot in Angola. advisors do not want this. They want total and Our rising popular revolt against oppression secret control over their undenriining of and exploitation has also stretched Botha's Angolan independence and of the liberation military forces. Our actions in the streets, fac­ struggle in our own country and in Namibia. tories, mines, schools, universities and in the The courageous people of Angola, under countryside mean Botha cannot afford to send the leadership of the MPLA Workers Party, the same number of troops to terrorise have proven themselves steadfast allies in our Angolans as he used to. struggle. They have borne the full brunt of the What does the United Sates then do? It steps Botha regime's military might and stood to fight in to relieve the pressure on Botha. The United again. We have a new task: We m ust de­ States decides to help pay and arm Savimbi. fend the people of Angola. What also makes interesting reading is exact­ More than ever before, their struggle is ours, ly how the Americans plan to pay Savimbi. and our struggle is theirs. We have a common Some of the worst reactionaries in the enemy: the apartheid regime and world im­ American congress wanted to pass a law open­ perialism led by the United States. Our inter­ ly giving Savimbi money and arms. But Presi­ nationalism as workers and progressives, and dent Reagan and his administration said they our common commitment to Africa binds us had a better way. Reagan said he would prefer together with the Angolan people. to give Savimbi secret help (what he calls BANDITS OUT OF ANGOLA! SOVIET COMMUNISTS MEET The 27th Congress of the CPSU will stand out in history as one of the most important gatherings of the Party founded by Lenin. For ten days from 25th February, 1986 the two great questions which dominated the proceedings were the safeguarding of world peace and the flowering of advanced socialist construction. Fresh and'exciting initiatives had already been taken in the period immediately preceding the Congress. The April 1985 Plenum of the Central Committee had already laid down new guidelines to speed up the 's social and economic develop­ received and taken into account. ment. Internationally, the CPSU General The programme contains some very impor­ Secretary Mikhail Gobachev had already tant new formulations, particularly on the ques­ spread a ripple of hope to every corner of our tion of the transition from socialism to com­ world with his vision of humanity entering the munism. The building of the communist socie­ 21st Century without nuclear weapons. ty remained the beacon towards which the The Central Committee report was extreme­ CPSU would guide society. The Soviet Union ly rich in content with many levels of innova­ had clearly entered the stage of 'developed tions and many layers of deep thought. Here socialism'. Comrade Gorbachev drew atten­ was a demonstration of the way Marxism- tion to the fact that the thesis on developed Leninism should be used as a tool of analysis socialism had emerged as a reaction to the and not as' mere memorising and repetition of previous 'simplistic ideas about the ways and "formulas".' terms of carrying out the tasks of communist No attempt was made in the Central Com­ construction', which was quite often 'reduc­ mittee report to sweep mistakes or ed to just registering success while many of weaknesses under the carpet. A frontal assault the urgent problems... of the economy... were was made on red tape, bureaucracy, corrupt not given due attention'. Now the important practices, old-fashioned economic ap­ aim was to concentrate not so much on recor­ proaches, departures from socialist legality ding what has been achieved but on finding and so on. The fact that a party can so openly ways and methods of speeding up socio­ expose some of its weaknesses is a sign of economic progress. enormous strength. The achievements of the Two million comments were received prior past had created a strong enough foundation to the Congress on the draft CPSU rules which for an all-out offensive against practices which had been circulated for discussion. As a result had stood in the way of socialism achieving its many important additions and clarifications full potential. were contained in the document which final­ A large part of the Central Committee report ly came before the delegates. discussed the need to democratise all levels The Central Committee report merits deep of society. 'Democracy', said Comrade Gor­ study by revolutionaries everywhere. It is in­ bachev, 'is the wholesome and pure air deed a rich addition to the storehouse of without which a socialist public organism can­ Marxist-Leninist thought. Comrade Gor­ not live a full-blooded life' and that real ad­ bachev defines the spirit of the Central Com­ vance in the Soviet Union cannot take place mittee report: 'without a further development of all the 'The surging tide of history is now speeding aspects and manifestations of socialist towards the shallows that divide the second democracy'. and third millenia. What lies ahead, beyond Within the Party this called for the effective the shallows? Let us not prophesy. We do application of the principles of collective know, however, that the plans we are putting leadership at all levels and the promotion of forward today are daring, and that our daily af­ criticism and self-criticism. New problems can fairs are permeated with a spirit of socialist only be successfully resolved if the Party frees ethics and justice. In this troublesome age the itself of the 'infallibility complex1. thrust of our social, and I would add, vital The Congress, attended by over 5 000 strategy is that people should cherish our delegates, was not the beginning of the planet, the skies above and outer space, ex­ debate; it was one of the climaxes of a discus­ ploring it as the pioneers of a peaceful civilisa­ sion which touched every level of Soviet socie­ tion, ridding life of nuclear nightmares and ty. For example, since the beginning of the completely emancipating all the finest discussion on the new edition of the Party pro­ qualities of man, that unique inhabitant of the gramme , over six million responses had be en universe, for constructive effort only1.

LONG LIVE THE CPSU! 19 WHY WORRY ABOUT WORLD PEACE?

'We are fighting a People's War. Why should same place — against the cause of peace. Its we be interested in world peace?' This is a soldiers kill our people today but are also question which participants in the South ready to take part tomorrow, if they are need­ African people's movement sometimes ask. ed, in the war plans of Botha's allies. The It sounds a good question but in fact it shows South African government has tried, more a lack of understanding. There are two strong than once, to form a 'South Atlantic Treaty reasons why the South African people should Organisation' in which South Africa, America, take part, with the peoples the world over, in Britain, France and others would prepare for the struggle for peace. joint military action against the socialist coun­ First, we must think about the dangers of a tries. Because South Africa's name stinks too world war, fraught with atomic bombs. It much, the Americans and others will not could destroy the whole human race. The fact openly reveal such plans. The plans exist, all that the bombs would kill millions is only part the same. of the danger. They could also change the Ever since the days of General Smuts, the climate of the whole world. People in coun­ South African army has been in close contact tries where no bombs had actually exploded with the armies of the Western powers. All could still be doomed to die from their ef­ these armies work on the understanding that fects. Clouds of deadly dust would circle the they would be allies in the event of a world world, spreading incurable diseases. These war. clouds would shut out the light of the sun, This is one of the main reasons why the causing an endless winter in which people Western countries will never take real action would starve to death. against apartheid. There is the closest possi­ In that case, what use would it be for the ble link between the Western powers' South African people to have won their preparations for world war and their soft at­ freedom? If our children are to have the hap­ titude towards South African racism. py future for which we all hope, two things The South African people must make the are necessary. One is that apartheid must go same link between the struggle for peace and and freedom and socialism come in its place. the struggle against racism. The other is that world war must be avoided. These two things go together. Neither will do by itself. The second reason is this. The enemies of peace and the enemies of Freedom are the same people. The friends of peace and the friends of freedom are also the same people. Great South Africans such as Yusuf Dadoo and Bram Fischer, who spent their lives fighting for freedom, were also founders of the South African Peace Council. Leaders of the ANC such as Oliver Tambo and Alfred Nzo are members of the World Peace Council. They stand for peace alongside the governments of the socialist countries. Those same countries stand for freedom in South Africa and give'help in many ways to the struggle of the RNC. On the other side, the government of Ver- woerd gagged the South African Peace Coun­ cil, jailed its members or drove them into ex­ ile. The government of Botha stands in the END US NUCLEAR BLACKMAIL!