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Collection: Speechwriting, White House Office of: Research Office, 1981-1989 Folder Title: 06/03/1988 Guildhall, London (3) Box: 385

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(Dolan) May 16, 198~ <: 4:00 p.m. J_;

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: FOREIGN AFFAIRS ORGANIZATION GUILDHALL LONDON, ENGLAND FRIDAY, JUNE 3, 1988

I wonder if you can imagine what it is for an American to stand in this place. Back in the States, you know, we are ✓ v ✓ ✓ terribly proud of anything more than a few hundred years old. Indeed, there are those who see in my election to the Presidency

America's attempt to show our European cousins that we too have a ii regard for /ntiquity. ✓ ✓ Guildhall has been here since the 14th century. And while it is comforting at my age to be near anything. tha~ timuch older v than myself, the age of this institution, venerable as it is, is hardly all that impresses. Who after all can come here and not think upon the moments these walls have seen: the many times the people of this city and nation have gathered here in national V V crisis or national triumph. In the darkest hours of the last V V world war -- when the tense drama of Edward R. Murrow's V t/ V ltfl" v opening ... "This is London" .•. was enough to impress on millions of V -./ ,/ V Americans the mettle of the British people -- how many times in V I/ y v v those days did proceedings here conclude wit~ a moving, majestic y V hymn to your country and to the cause of civilization for which V' \, ...... ,,,,, you stood. From the Marne to El Alamein to Arnhem to the V ..,.- V V Falklands, you have in this century so often remained steadfast V for what is right -- and against evil. You are a brave people V V and this land truly, as that hymn heard so often here proclaims, V V a "land of hope and glory." And it is why Nancy and I -- in the twilight of a Presidency and in the evening of our lives -- are - 2 - glad to be in England once again. After a long journey, we feel among friends; and with all our hearts we thank you for having us here. Such feelings are, of course, especially appropriate to this occasion; we are here in part to celebrate the special relationship between the United States and Great Britain, a relationship at the center of the NATO alliance. This hardly means we've always had perfect understanding or unanimity on every issue. When I first visited Mrs. Thatcher at the British Embassy in 1981, she mischievously reminded me that the huge portrait dominating the grand staircase was none other than that of George the III; though she did graciously concede that today most of her countrymen would agree with Jefferson that a little revolution is now and then a good thing. I'm also reminded of a time when Sir Winston, who wasn't always as sedate as he appears over there (points to statue of seated, reflective Churchill), grew so exasperated with American diplomacy he called our Secretary of State at a press conference, quote: "the only case I know of a bull carrying his own china closet with him." Then too, during his religious talks in our country, the English Jesuit and author, Reverend Barnard Basset, delights his American audiences by revealing some of the naughty things you used to say about our G.I.'s, when they peacefully invaded your island 44 years ago so that together we could not-so-peacefully invade Nazi-held Europe. "What is the difference," one of your naughty stories went "between a cow chewing his cud and a G.I. chewing gum?" Answer: "The look of intelligence on the cow's face." - 3 -

Not that we Americans haven't had our moments. I once dared to remind you of your own youthful and rambunctious days when an English king angrily asked the Duke of Dublin whether it was true that he had just burned down the local cathedral. Yes, replied the Duke, "but only because I thought the archbishop was inside." And then we do hear stories from the French about your famous absorption with all things British, they even claim this headline actually appeared in a British newspaper: "Fog Covers Channel. Continent cut off." So there has always been, as there should be among friends, an element of fun about our differences. I gained a lesson in this point from an English army officer in 1947 when I was on location here for a film. He explained to me that one day during the war, he was standing in a pub with some of his comrades when a group of American airmen entered nosily, set up a round or two, got a bit rowdy and started making some toasts that were less than complimentary to certain members of the British royalty. "To heck .•• to heck with ••• a prominent member of British royalty," the Yanks shouted. (Obviously I'm not quoting them exactly.) Quite properly offended by this rude behavior but determined to give as good as they got -- the British officer and his comrades responded with a toast of their own: "To heck (and here again the quotation is not exact), " •.• to heck with the President of the United States." Whereupon all the Americans in the bar grabbed their glasses and yelled: "we'll drink to that." Well, whatever I learned here about our differences, let me also assure you I learned more about how much we have in common ••• and the depth of our friendship. And, you know, I have - 4 -

often mentioned this in the States but I have never had an opportunity to tell a British audience how during that first visit here I was, like most Americans, anxious to see some of those 700 years old inns I had been told abound in this country. Well, a driver took me and a couple of other people to an old inn, a pub really, what we would call a "mom and pop place." This quite elderly lady was waiting on us, and finally, hearing us talk to each other, she said, "You're Americans, aren't you?" We said we were. "Oh," she said, "there were quite a lot of your young chaps down the road during the war, based down there." And she added, "They used to come in here of an evening, and they'd have songfest. And they called me Mom, and they called the old man Pop." Then her mood changed and she said, "It was Christmas Eve. And, you know, we were all alone and feeling a bit down. And, suddenly, in they came, burst through the door, and they had presents for me and Pop." And by this time she wasn't looking at us anymore. She was looking off into the distance and with tears in her eyes remembering that time. And she said, "Big strapping

lads they was, from a place called Ioway. 11 From a place called Ioway; and Oregon, California, Texas, New Jersey, Georgia. Here with other young men from Lancaster, Hampshire, Glasgow and Dorset -- all of them caught up in the terrible paradoxes of that time: that young men must wage war to end war; and die for freedom so that freedom itself might live. And it is those same two causes for which they fought and died -- the cause of peace, the cause of freedom for all humanity that still bring us, British and American, to this place. - 5 -

It was for these causes of peace and freedom that the people of Great Britain, the United States and other allied nations have for 44 years made enormous sacrifices to keep our military ready and our alliance strong. And for these causes we have in this decade embarked on a new post-war strategy, a strategy of public candor about the moral and fundamental differences between statism and democracy but a strategy also of vigorous diplomatic engagement. A policy that rejects both the inevitability of war or the permanence of totalitarian rule; a policy based on realism that seeks not just treaties for treaties' sake but the recognition of fundamental issues and their eventual resolution. The pursuit of this policy has just now taken me to Moscow and let me say: I believe this policy is bearing fruit. Quite possibly, we are breaking out of the post-war era; quite possibly, we are entering a new time in history, one made possible by authentic change in the Soviet Union and its ideology, a change that itself results from the steadfastness of the allied democracies over the past 40 years and especially in this decade. I saw evidence of this change at the Kremlin. But before I report to you on events in Moscow, I hope you will permit me to say something that has been much on my mind for several years now but most especially over the past few days while I was in the Soviet Union. The history of our time will undoubtedly include a footnote about how during this decade and the last, the voices of retreat and hopelessness reached crescendo in the West -- insisting the only way to peace was unilateral disarmament; proposing nuclear - 6 - freezes, opposing deployment of counterbalancing and deterrent weapons such as intermediate-range missiles or the more recent concept of strategic defense systems. These same voices ridiculed the notion of going beyond arms control -- the hope of doing something more than merely establishing artificial limits within which the arms races continues almost unabated. Arms reduction would never work, they said, and when the Soviets left the negotiating table in Geneva for 11 months, they proclaimed disaster. And yet it was NATO's zero-option plan, much maligned when first proposed, that is the basis for the I.N.F. treaty [the final papers of which Mr. Gorbachev and I signed just 24 hours ago;] the first treaty ever that did not just control arms but --.. reduced them and, yes, actually eliminated an entire class of nuclear weapons. Similarly, just as these voices urged retreat or slow withdrawal at every point of Communist expansion, we have seen what a forward strategy for freedom and direct aid to those struggling for self-determination can achieve. For 2 weeks now, Soviet troops have been departing Afghanistan and there is hope of similar change in other regional conflicts. This treaty and the development in Afghanistan are momentous events. Not conclusive. But momentous. And that is why although history will, as it has about the skeptics and naysayers of any time, duly note that we too heard voices of denial and doubt, it is the voices of hope and strength that will be best remembered. And here I want to say that through all the troubles of the last decade, one such voice, a voice of eloquence and firmness, a voice that proclaimed proudly - 7 -

the cause of the western alliance and human freedom, has been heard. And even as that voice never sacrificed its anti-Communist credentials or realistic, hard-headed appraisal of change in the Soviet Union, it did, because it came from the senior leader in the alliance, become one of the first to recognize real change when real change was underway, and to suggest that we could, as that voice put it, "do business with Mr. Gorbachev." So this is my first official duty here today. Prime Minister, the achievements of the Moscow summit as well as the

Geneva and Washington summits before them are the work of your valor and strength and by virtue of the office you hold, the work

of the British people. So let me say, simply: At this hour in history, Prime Minister, the entire world is in your debt and in the debt of your gallant people and gallant nation. And while your leadership and the vision of the British people have been an inspiration not just to my own people but to all of those who love freedom and yearn for peace, I know you join me in a deep sense of appreciation for the efforts and support of the leaders and peoples of all the allied nations. Whether deploying crucial weapons of deterrence, standing fast in the Persian Gulf, combating terrorism and aggression by outlaw regimes or helping freedom fighters around the globe, rarely in history has any alliance acted with such firmness and dispatch, and on so many fronts. In a process reaching back as far as the founding of NATO and the Common Market, the House of Europe has stood as one; and, joined by the United States and other democracies such as Japan, moved forward with diplomatic - 8 -

afbievement and a startling growth of democracies and ree markets all across the globe -- in short, an expansio of the frontiers of freedom and a lessening of the chances of war. I believe history will record our time as the time of the renaissance of the democracies; a time when faced with those twin threats of nuclear terror and totalitarian rule that so darkened this century, the democracies ignored the voices of retreat and despair and found deep within themselves the resources for a renewal of strength and purpose. So, it is within this context of gratitude to you, Prime Minister, to the British people and to all our valiant allies that I report to you now on events in Moscow. Yesterday, at __ Greenwich time, Mr. Gorbachev and I [signed the final papers of the I.N.F. treaty.) (Report on INF and START and other negotiations.) Now, part of the realism and candor we were determined to bring to negotiations with Soviets meant refusing to put all the weight of these negotiations and our bilateral relationship on the single difficult issue of arms negotiations. We have understood full well that the agenda of discussion must be broadened to deal with the more fundamental differences between us. This is the meaning of realism. As I never tire of saying, nations do not mistrust each other because they are armed, they are armed because they mistrust each other. So other items on the agenda dealt with critical issues like regional conflicts, human rights and people-to-people exchanges with regard to regional conflicts, here too, we can see momentous progress. We are now in the third week of the pull out of Soviet - 9 - troops from Afghanistan. The importance of this step cannot be underestimated. (Report on Afghanistan, and other regional conflicts.) our third area of discussion was human rights. (Human rights report.) And finally the matter of bilateral contacts between our peoples. Let me say that this trip itself saw many such contacts. At Moscow State University, at the orthodox monastery at Daniloff, at meetings with Soviet dissidents, artists, and writers, I saw and heard ... (Report on meeting and bilateral agreements.) All of this I took as further evidence that it is usually governments not people who make war on each other. And I am reminded of the words of Gandhi, spoken shortly after he visited Britain in his quest for independence that he was "not conscious of a single experience throughout my 3 months in England and Europe that made me feel that after all East is East and West is West. On the contrary, I have been convinced more than ever that human nature is much the same, no matter under what clime it flourishes, and that if you approached people with trust and affection, you would have ten-fold trust and thousand-fold affection returned to you." And yet while the Moscow summit showed great promise and the response of the Russian people was heartening; let me interject here a note of caution and, I hope, prudence. It has never been disputes between the free peoples and the peoples of the Soviet Union that have been at the heart of post-war tensions and conflicts. No, disputes among governments and the pursuit of a - 10 - statist and expansionist ideology has been the central point in our difficulties. Now that the allies are strong and the power of that ideology is receding both around the world and in the Soviet Union, there is hope. And we look to this trend to continue. We must do all that we can to assist it. And this means openly acknowledging positive change. And crediting it. But let us also remember the strategy we have adopted is one that provides for setbacks along the way as well as progress, indeed, just as our strategy anticipated positive change, it provides for the opposite as well. So, let us never engage in self-delusion; let us remember that the jury is not yet in; let us be ever vigilant. And while we embrace honest change when it occurs; let us also be wary. But let us be confident too. Prime Minister, perhaps you remember that upon accepting your gracious invitation to address the members of the Parliament in 1982, I suggested then that the world could well be at a turning point when the two great threats to life in this century -- nuclear war and totalitarian rule -­ might now be overcome. I attempted then to give an accounting of the western alliance and what might lie ahead including my own view of the prospects for peace and freedom. I suggested that the hard evidence of the totalitarian experiment was now in and that this evidence had led to an uprising of the intellect and will, one that reaffirmed the dignity of the individual in the face of the modern state and could well lead to a worldwide movement towards democracy. I suggested, too, that in a way Marx was right when he said - 11 - the political order would come into conflict with the economic order -- only he was wrong in predicting which part of the world this would occur in. For the crisis came not in the capitalist west but in the Communist east. I noted the economic difficulties now reaching the critical stage in the Soviet Union; and I said that at other times in history the ruling elites had faced such situations and, when they encountered resolve and determination from free nations, decided to loosen their grip. It was then I suggested that tide of history were running in the cause of freedom but only if we as free men and women worked together in a crusade for freedom, a crusade that would be not so much a struggle of armed might, not so much a test of bombs and rockets but a test of faith and will. Well, that crusade for freedom, that crusade for peace is well underway. We have found the will. We have kept the faith. And, whatever happens, whatever triumphs or disappointments ahead, we must hold fast to our strategy of strength and candor our strategy of hope, hope in the eventual triumph of freedom. Let us take further, practical steps. I am hopeful that our own National Endowment for Democracy, which has helped democratic institutions in many lands, will spark parallel organizations in European nations. I praise the Council of Europe which, in conjunction with the European Parliament, has held two international democracy conferences including one on Third World democracy. The latest conference has called for establishment of an International Institute of Democracy; the United States heartily endorses this proposal. But as we move forward with these steps, let us not fail to - 12 -

note the lessons we have learned along the way in developing our over-all strategy. We have learned the first objective of the adversaries of freedom is to make free nations question their own faith in freedom, to make us think that adhering to our principals and speaking out against foreign aggression or human rights abuses is somehow an act of belligerence. Over the long run such inhibitions make free peoples taciturn, then silent and ultimately confused about their first principles and half-hearted about their cause. This is the first and most important defeat a free people can ever suffer. For truly, when free peoples cease telling the truth about and to their adversaries, they cease telling the truth to themselves. It is in this sense that the best indicator of how much we care about freedom is what we say about freedom; it is in this sense, that words truly are actions. And there is one added and quite extraordinary benefit to this sort of realism and public candor: this is also the best way to avoid war or conflict. Too often in the past the adversaries of freedom forgot the reserves of strength and resolve among free nations, too often they interpreted conciliatory words as weakness, too often they miscalculated by underestimating willingness of free men and women to resist to the end. Words for freedom remind them otherwise. This is the lesson we have learned, the lesson of the last war and, yes, the lesson of Munich. But it is also the lesson taught us by Sir Winston, by London in the Blitz, by the enduring pride and faith of the British people. Just a few years ago, Prime Minister, you and I stood at the - 13 -

Normandy beaches to commemorate the selflessness that comes from such pride and faith. And, I wonder if you might permit me to recall this morning another such moment, one that took place 18 months after Overload and the rescue of Europe. Operation Market Garden, it was called. A plan to suddenly drop two British and one American airborne armies on Belgium and launch a great flanking movement around the Siegried line and into the heart of Germany. A battalion of British paratroopers was given the great task of seizing the bridge deep in enemy territory at Arnhem. For a terrible, terrible week, in one of the most valiant exploits in the annals of war, they held out against hopeless odds. A few years ago, a reunion of those magnificent veterans, British, Americans and other of our allies was held in New York City. From the dispatch by New York Times reporter Maurice Carrol there was this paragraph: "'Look at him,' said Henry Knap an American newspaperman who headed the Dutch Underground's intelligence operation in Arnhem. He gestured toward General John Frost, a bluff Briton who had commanded the battalion that held the bridge. 'Look at him •.. still with that black moustache. If you put him at the end of a bridge even today and said 'keep it,' he'd keep it.'" The story also told of the wife of Cornelius Ryan, the American writer who immortalized Market Garden in his book, "A Bridge Too Far." She told the reporter that just as Mr. Ryan was finishing his book -- writing the final paragraphs about Colonel Frost's valiant stand at Arnhem and about how in his eyes his men would always be undefeated -- her husband burst into tears. That was quite unlike him; and Mrs. Ryan, alarmed, rushed to him. The - 14 - writer could only look up and say of Colonel Frost: "Honestly, what that man went through •••. " Seated there in Spaso House with Soviet dissidents a few days ago, I felt the same way and asked myself: what won't men suffer for freedom? The dispatch concluded with this quote from Colonel Frost about his visits to that bridge at Arnhem. "'We've been going back ever since. Every year we have a -- what's the word -­ reunion. No, there's a word.' He turned to his wife, 'Dear what's the word for going to Arnhem?' 'Reunion,' she said. 'No,' he said, 'there's a special word.' She pondered, 'Pilgrimage,' she said. 'Yes, pilgrimage,'" Colonel Frost said. As those veterans of Arnhem view their time, so we must view ours; we also are on a pilgrimage, a pilgrimage towards those things we honor and love: human dignity, the hope of peace and freedom for all peoples and for all nations. And I have always cherished the belief that all of history is such a pilgrimage and that our maker, while never denying us free will nor altering its immediate effects, over time guides us with a wise and provident hand, giving direction to history and slowly bringing good from evil -- leading us ever so slowly but ever so relentlessly and lovingly to a time when the will of man and God are as one again. I also cherish the belief that what we have done together in Moscow and throughout this decade has helped bring mankind along the road of that pilgrimage. If this be so, it is due to prayerful recognition of what we are about as a civilization and a people. I mean, of course, the great steps forward, the great civilized ideas that comprise so much of your greatness: the - 15 - development of law embodied by your constitutional tradition, the idea of restraint on centralized power and the notion of human rights as established in your Magna Carta, the idea of representative government as embodied by your mother of all parliaments. But we go beyond even this. It was your own Evelyn Waugh who reminded us that "civilization -- and by this I do not mean talking cinemas and tinned food nor even surgery and hygienic houses but the whole moral and artistic organization of Europe has not in itself the power of survival." It came into being, he said, through the Judeo-Christian tradition and "without it has no significance or power to command allegiance. It is no longer possible," he wrote, "to accept the benefits of civilization and at the same time deny the supernatural basis on which it rests." So, it is first things we must consider. And here it is a story, one last story, can remind us best of what we are about. You know, we Americans like to think of ourselves as competitive and we do dislike losing; but I must say that judging from the popularity of this story in the United States it must mean that if we do lose, we prefer to do it to you. In any case, it is a story that a few years ago came in the guise of that new art form of the modern world and for which I have an understandable affection -- the cinema, film, the movies. It is a story about the 1920 Olympics and two British athletes. It is the story of British athlete Harold Abrahams, a young Jew, whose victory -- as his immigrant Italian coach put it -- was a triumph for all those who have come from distant lands and found freedom and refuge here in England. ,,

, - 16 -

It was the triumph too of Eric Liddell, a young Scotsman, who would not sacrifice religious conviction for fame. In one unforgettable scene, Eric Liddell reads the words of Isaiah. They speak to us now. "He giveth power to the faint, and to them that have no might, he increased their strength ... but they that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength .•. they shall mount up with wings as eagles. They shall run and not be weary .•.. " Here then is our formula, our ultra secret for the years ahead, for completing our crusade for freedom. Here is the strength of our civilization and the source of our belief in the rights of humanity. Our faith is in a higher law, a greater destiny. We believe in -- indeed, we see today evidence of -­ the power of prayer to change all things. And like the founding fathers of both our lands, we posit human rights; we hold that humanity was meant not to be dishonored by the all-powerful state but to live in the image and likeness of him who made us. My friends, more than three decades ago, an American President told his generation they had a rendezvous with destiny; at almost the same moment a Prime Minister asked the British people for their finest hour. Today, in the face of the twin threats of war and totalitarianism, this rendezvous, this finest hour is still upon us. Let us go forward then -- as on chariots of fire -- and seek to do His will in all things; to stand for freedom; to speak for humanity. "Come, my friends," as it was said of old by Tennyson, "and let us make a newer world."

AN

APPEAL FOR

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM

IN THE SOVIET UNION

ON THE OCCASION OF THE

MILLENNIUM OF

CHRISTIANITY IN

KIEVAN RUS' O6pa~enue no Iloeo,11,y Ilpa3,11,noeaHHH ThlcHqeJJeTHH An Appeal for Religious Freedom in the Soviet Union Kpe~eHHH KueecKoii Pycu On the Occasion of the Millennium of Christianity Ceo60,11,a PeJJHrHH Hapo,11,aM CoeeTcKoro Co103a In Kievan Rus'

1eHepaJ1hHOMy ceKpernpIO 1..1,K KITCC To Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev M1ua1rny Ceprees11tJy 1op6atJesy. General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union I. 1988 MARKS THE MILLENNIUM OF CHRISTIANITY I. 1988 5IBJI5IETC51 1O,IJ:OM ITPA3,IJ;HOBAHH51 ro,n: in Kievan Rus'. While this anniversary has special meaning TblCHlJeJ1eTm1 np11xo,1J,a xp11cT11aHCTBa Ha K11escKyIO Pych. for the Christian community throughout the world, it also XoTH :na r0,l],0Bll.1;11Ha 11MeeT oco6oe 3HatJeH11e ,l],JlH xp11CTl1aH provides an occasion for all men and women of goodwill to BO BCeM M11pe, HO 3T0 Ta K)Ke TI0B0,l], ,l],JlH JlIO,l),eH ,l],06pOH B0J111 celebrate the great and varied spiritual heritages carried by 03HaK0Ml1TbCH C orpoMHblM 11 pa3Hoo6pa3HbIM AYX0BHbIM the peoples of the Soviet Union- Orthodox, Catholic, Pro­ Hacne,1J,11eM scex Hapo,1],0B, scex pen11r1101Hb!X o61.l.1;11H, testant, Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist. HacenHIOll.1;11X CoseTcK11i1 Co101: npasocnaBHhIX, KaT0J111K0B, Religious freedom has been acknowledged as a funda­ npoTecTaHT0B, espees, MycynhMaH 11 6yM11CTOB. mental human right in such landmark steps towards the PeJ111rH03HaH CB060,l),a 6b1Jla np113HaHa B KatJeCTBe growth of international law as the United Nations Charter, He0TbeMJleMoro npaBa tJeJloBeKa B TaKl1X 0CH0BHbIX the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Me)K ,l),yHap0,1],HblX ,l],0KyMeHTax, KaK Y CTaB OpraH111au;1111 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International O6be,1J,11HeHHhIX Hau;11i1, Bceo61.l.l;aH ,IJ:eKnapau;1151 npas Covenant on Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights, the tJenoseKa, Me)K,lJ,YHapo,1],HhlH flaKT o rpa)K,1J,aHcK11x 11 Convention Against Discrimination in Education, the Helsin­ non11T11tJecK11x npasax, Me)K,1J,yHapo,1J,HhIH flaKT 06 ki Final Act, and the U.N. Declaration Against All Forms of 3K0H0M11tJecK11x, cou;11aJ1bHhIX 11 KYJlhTYPHhIX npasax, Religious Intolerance- agreements to which the Soviet Union KoHBeHl.1;1151 0 6opb6e C ,l],11CKp11Ml1Hau;11ei1 B o6naCTl1 has solemnly pledged its adherence. The international com­ o6pa30BaH1151, 3aKJllOlJl1TeJlbHblH aKT XeJ1bCl1HCKOro munity recognizes that respect for such fundamental human cosell.l;aH11H no 6e1onacHOCT11 11 C0TPYAH11tJeCTBY B Espone, rights as religious freedom is an essential building block of ,I];eKnapau;11H OOH o n11KB11,1J,au;1111 scex CP OT 8 anpenH 1929 ro,r:i;a equivalent decrees adopted by the Supreme Soviet Presidia (11 ero 3KBHBaJleHThl B C0J03HhIX pecny6n11Kax, BBe,r:i;eHHhIX of the other Union republics), be repealed as contrary to ,r:i;eKpeToM Ilpe311,r:i;11yMa BepxoBHoro CoseTa PCCP OT 23 the constitutional separation of church and state. HJOH51 1975 ro,r:i;a), a TaK)Ke CX0,Ll;HhJe 3aK0Hhl 0 We urge you to publish and submit for public reconsidera­ pen11r1103HhIX o6be,LJ;HHeHl151X, BBe,r:i;eHHhIX TI03)Ke B D tion, with the participation of religious believers, all C0I03HhlX pecnyn6J111Kax. hitherto secret or only partially-published decrees and B CP 11 11x 3KBl1BaneHThI B ;::i;pyr11x buildings, and other confiscated property necessary for their pecny6n11Kax, a TaK)Ke ;::i;eKpeT Ilpe311;::i;11yMa BepxosHoro religious activities. coBeTa PCCP «O np11MeHeH1111 cTaThH 142 yrnoBHoro Ko;::i;e Kea PCCP» 11 ;::i;eKpeTa «06 a;::i;M11H11cTpaT11BHOH 0TBeTCTBeHH0CTH 3a HapyweHHe 3aK0H0J];aTeJ1hCTBa 0 III. THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT OF RELIGIOUS pen11rl103Hh!X KYJlhTax» 11 HX 3KBl1BaJ1eHT0B B C0I03HhlX freedom, as codified in the U. N. Declaration Against All pecny6n11 Kax, KaK 3a KO HOB, np0Tl1B0peaJlbHaH u.epKOBb. O6e 3Tl1 u,epKBl1 6b1Jll1 np11 children without being harassed or discriminated against on CTaJ111He nocTaBneHbI rocyAapcTBOM BHe 3aKoHa. Mb1 this account. Religious organizations should be able to np113bIBaeM Bae BepHyTb 3Tl1M u,epKBHM xpaMbl, conduct institutions of religious education without state MOJ111TBeHHbie AOMa, u,epKOBHYl:O YTBapb, MOHaCTblpCKl1e 11 interference. Clergy should be allowed, with parental ceM11HapcK11e noMeW,eHl151 11 Apyroe KOHqJ11CKOBaHHOe permission, to provide religious instruction to children. 11Myw,eCTBO, Heo6XOA11MOe AJlH 11X pe1111r1103HOH School children and students at secondary or university AeHTeJlbHOCTl1. levels should not be pressured to join organizations espousing atheism; punished for declining to do so; or otherwise be denied equality of educational opportunity and III. HEOTbEMJIEMOE ITPABO HA PEJ111Tl1O3HYJO advancement on account of their religious beliefs and cBo6oAy, KaK 3TO 3aqi11Kc11poBaHo B ,[(eK11apau,1111 OOH o practices. 1111 KBl1Aau.1111 Bcex qiopM HeTepn11MOCTl1 Ha OCHOBe pe1111r1111 11Jll1 • The state should not interfere in the appointment of y6e)l(AeHl1H, AOJI)l(HO HaXOA11Tb KOHKpeTHOe Bbipa)l(eH11e B no­ seminary faculties, and should relinquish its control over BCeAHeBHOH )1(113Hl1 HapoAa. ITo3TOMY MbI np113hIBaeM K np11- the appointment of candidates to seminaries. HHT111:0 CJleAyIOW,11X Mep: D Religious believers, including children, should be able to • BceM y3H11KaM coBecT11 11 ocy)l(AeHHbIM no pe1111r1103HbIM absent themselves from work or from school on religious MOTl1BaM AOJl)l(Ha 6bITb o6bHBJleHa aMHl1CTl151. holidays. • BepyIOW,11M AOJl)l(HO 6hITb npeAOCTaBJleHo npaBO CB060AHO • Believers who wish to emigrate from the Soviet Union on 11cnoBeAOBaTb CBOl:O Bepy 6e3 BMewaTeJlbCTBa, religious grounds should be allowed to do so. npec11eAOBaH11H 11 3anyr11BaH11H co CTOpOHbI BJlacTeH. Tpe60BaH11e np11HyA11TeJ1bHOH per11cTpau,1111 B11acTHM11 D Believers, clergy, and religious groups in the Soviet Union Bep y10w,11x, CBHW,eHHOCJlY)l(l1TeJleH Aa)l(e AO Ha4aJia 11X who wish to maintain contacts with fellow-believers and religious institutions throughout the world should be free to pe1111r1103HOH AeHTeJlbHOCTl1 AOJl)l(HO 6bITb OTMeHeHo. TaK)l(e AOJl)l(HO 6bITb OTMeHeHO npaBO BJiaCTeH Ha do so. 3anpelll,em1e K y'-!acnuo B 1..1,epKOBHbIX 11 np11XO,J],CKl1X D Religious communities should enjoy the full rights of social COBeTaX Tex mm HHbIX JlHIJ,, BbI6paHHbIX BepyI-Olll,HMH ,J],JlSI organizations in the Soviet Union. Religious communities 3TOH 1..1,eJ111. 4JleHCTBO B 3THX COBeTax, BKJll-0'-!aSI nOCT should be able to solicit funds for charitable activities, to npe.D,Ce,JJ,aTeJlSI, ,J],OJl)l(HO 6bITb OTKpblTO AYXOBeHCTBy. engage in works of charity, to own property, and to participate in organizations such as temperance societies. D PeJ111r1103Hbie 06be,JJ,11HeHHS1 ,JJ,OJl)l(HbI HMeTb npaBo nponoBe,JJ,OBaTb, ny6J1HKOBaTb 11 pacnpocTpaHSITb CBOe D Religious services should be permitted in hospitals, prisons, peJ1Hrl103HOe y'-leH11e np11 noMOll.1,11 cpe.D,CTB MaCCOBOH and homes for the aged. Religious believers should be able 11Hq>OpMaIJ,HH. He3aBHCHMble peJ111rH03Hhie 113,JJ,aTeJlbCTBa to wear religious symbols, and to have access to religious ,J],OJl)l(Hbl HMeTb B03MO)l(HOCTb CB060,JJ,HO ocylll,eCTBJlSITb l literature, while they are in hospitals, prisons, and homes CBOH cpyHKI..1,1111. for the aged. D Po,JJ,11TeJ1SIM ,JJ,OJl)l(HO 6hITb npe.D,OCTaBJleHo npaBo CBo6o,JJ,Ho o6y'-laTb CBOl1X ,JJ,eTeH OCHOBaM HX peJ111r1111 6e3 CTpaxa npecJ1e,JJ,OBaH11H HJlH ,J],11CKp11Ml1HaIJ,11H. PeJ1HrH03HblM opraHH3aIJ,HSIM ,J],OJl)l(HO 6hITb npe.D,OCTaBJleHo npaBO IV. ESTABLISHMENT OF THESE BASIC GUARANTEES C03,JJ,aBaTb w KOJlbl ,J],JlSI 06y'-leH11S1 OCHOBaM peJ111r1111 H 3TOT of the fundamental right of religious freedom is an important npo1..1,ecc He ,J],OJl)l(eH HapywaTbCSI BMewaTeJlbCTBOM measure of the status of human rights in the Soviet Union. We rocy.D,apCTBeHHbIX opraHOB. ,ll;yxoBeHCTBO ,J],0Jl)l(H0 HMeTb call on you, Mr. General Secretary, to demonstrate your commitment to peace by assuring all the peoples of the Soviet npaBO C pa3perneH11S1 pO.D,HTeJleH ocylll,eCTBJlSITb o6y'-leHHe Union the right of religious freedom, which is an essential ,JJ,eTeH OCHOBaM peJ1HrHH. rocy.D,apCTBeHHbie opraHbl He guarantor of peace. We appeal to you, on this occasion of the ,J],OJl)l(Hbl OKa3b!Ba Tb ,JJ,aBJleHHSI Ha CTY ,JJ,eHTOB 11 Millennium of Christianity in Kievan Rus', to join with us in WKOJlbHl1KOB C TeM, '-IT06bI 3aCTaBl1Tb 11X BCTynaTb B working for an international community committed to defend­ opraH113a1..1,1111, nponoBe,JJ,yI-Olll,He aTeH3M. Y '-lalll,11ecsi ing the dignity of human beings as a fundamental requisite of ,J],OJl)l(Hbl 6hITb CB060,JJ,Hbl OT CTpaxa npecJle,JJ,OBaHHSI HJlH peace. ,J],l1CKp11MaH1..1,1111 B CJly'-lae OTKa3a BCTynaTb B TaKHe opraHH3al..l,11H. OHH He ,1],0Jl)l(Hbl no,JJ,BepraTbCSI ,J],HCKpHMHHaI..1,1111 B o6pa3oBaHHH HJlH npO.D,B11)1(eHHH no CJly)l(6e no peJ111r1103HbIM MOTHBaM. 0 rocy.D,apCTBO He ,J],0Jl)l(H0 BMelllHBaTbCSI B pacnpe.D,eJ1eH11e lllTaTOB B ceM11Hap11six 11 B BbI6op KaH,JJ,11,JJ,aTOB ,J],JlSI nocTynJleHHSI B ceMHHapHH 11 AYXOBHbie lllKOJlbl. D BepyI-Olll,He, B KJlI-O'-!aSI ,JJ,eTeii, ,JJ,OJl)l(HbI HMeTb CBo6o,JJ,y OTCYTCTBOBaTb Ha pa60Te--11 WKOJlbHblX 3aHSITHSIX--B ,J],HH peJ111r11O3HblX npa3,JJ,Hl1 KOB. D Bepy1-0lll,11e, KOTOpbie XOTSIT JM11rp11poBaTb 113 CCCP no peJ1Hrl103HbIM MOTHBaM, ,J],OJl)l(Hbl 11MeTb 3TY B03MO)l(HOCTb. D BepyI-Olll,HM, cBsilll,eHHOcJ1y)l(HTeJ1SIM 11 peJ111r1103HhIM o6be,JJ,HHeHHSIM B CCCP, KOTOpb1e xornT no,JJ,.D,ep)l(11BaTb KOHTaKTbl C BepyI-Olll,11MH HJ111 peJ111r11O3HblM11

' Signatories to the Appeal for Religious Freedom in the Soviet Union* ( I.isl in formation) Robert H. Bork Dean C. Curry John M. Olin Scholar in Legal Associate Professor of Political opramnaU,JHIMl1 B ,11,pyr11x CTpaHax, ,11,0JDKHa 6bITb Studies, American Enterprise Science, Messiah College .John F. Ahearne Institute Richard T. Davies npe,11,ocTaBJieHa :na B03MO)l(HOCTb. Vice President and Senior Fellow. President, Research Center for Resources for the Future Rudy Boschwitz U.S. Senator, Minnesota Religion and Human Rights in • PeJil1rl103HbJe 06be,1J,11HeHl1Sl ,11,0JI)l(Hbl TTOJib30BaTbCSI TeMl1 Mark R. Amstutz Closed Societies Barbara Boxer )l(e npaBaMl1, 1-ITO 11 ,11,pyr11e 06I.L1,eCTBeHHbie opraHl13aU,1111 B Chairman. Department of Richard Deats Political Science, Wheaton College U.S. Representative, California CCCP. lIM ,11,0JI)l(HO 6bITb npe,11,ocTaBJieHo npaso co611paTb Director, U.S.-USSR Hadley Arkes Joseph Boyle Reconciliation, Fellowship TTO)l(epTBOBaHl1Sl Ha 6JiarOTBOp11TeJIHbie u,eJil1, 3am-1MaTbCSI Professor of Political Science, Professor of Philosophy, of Reconciliation University of St. Michael's 6JiarOTBOp11TeJibHOH ,11,eSITeJibHOCTblO, BJia,11,eTb Amherst College College Stan DeBoe, O.SS.T. 11MyI.L1,eCTBOM 11 np11H11MaTb yi-iacT11e B pa6oTe TaKl1X Ben Armstrong Jeffrey Boutwell Director, Office of Persecuted Executive Director, National Believers, Holy Trinity Fathers opraHl13aU,11H, KaK 06I.L1,eCTBO Tpe3BeHHOCTl1. Staff Director, International Religious Broadcasters Security Studies. American Dennis DeConcini D Heo6xo,11,11Mo pa3pern11Tb coseprneH11e 6orocJiy)l(eH11ii B Dawoud Assad Academy of Arts and Sciences U.S. Senator, Arizona President, Council of Masajaad 60JibHl1U,ax, TIOpbMax, CTapl.!eCKl1X ,11,0MaX. BepyI-OI.Ll,11M Bill Bradley Midge Deeter William Bentley Ball U.S. Senator, New Jersey Executive Director, Commillee for ,11,0JI)l(HO 6bITb pa3perneHO HOCl1Tb OTJil1lJl1TeJibHbJe 3HaKl1 Allorney Alan Brinkley the Free World 11X sepo11cnose,11,osaHl1Sl 11 11MeTb ,11,0CTyn K peJil1rl103HOH Paul Baltakis, O.F.M. Associate Professor of History, G.B. DeLashmet Jil1TepaType B nep110,11, npe6brnamrn B 60JibH11u,e, TIOpbMe Roman Catholic Bishop for Harvard University Executive Vice President l.ithuanians outside Lithuania Abitibi-Price Sales Corporation PIJil1 CTapl.!eCKOM ,11,0Me. Kathleen M.A. Brooks Fred Barnes Vice President and Executive Christopher DeMuth Senior Editor, The New !3!public Director, Children 's Relief Fund President, American Enterprise George W. Bashore John H. Bunzel Institute /Jishop, Boston Area, United Senior Research Fellow, J.S. Denton Methodist Church Hoover Institution President, National Forum Fred Baumann Kenyon C. Burke Foundation Assistant Professor, Kenyon Associate General Secretary, Candace DeRussy Division of Church and Society, IV. YCTAHOBJIEHIIE 3TIIX OCHOBHblX rAPAHTIIH College Executive Officer, National Council of Churches The American Foundation for peJI11r1103Hoii cso60,11,b1 6y,11,eT Ba)l(HOH MepKoii, no KOTopoii Arnold Beichman Research Fellow, Hoover W. Glenn Campbell Resistance International Me)l(,11,yHapo,11,HaSI 06I.L1,eCTBeHHOCTb 6y,11,eT cy,11,11Tb 0 lmtitution Director, Hoover Institution Robert Destro Seriior Regent, noJIO)l(eH1111 npas lJeJioBeKa B CoseTcKOM Coio3e. Mb1 Maurice M. Benitez Associate Professor of law, University of California Catholic University of America np113bIBaeM sac, rocno,11,11H reHepaJibHbIH CeKpeTapb, llishop, Diocese of Texas, l:i1iscopal Church Dick Cheney Edd Doerr U.S. Representative, Wyoming npo,11,eMOHCTpHpoBaTb CBOIO npwsep)l(eHHOCTb ,11,eJiy MHpa 11 Peter L. Berger Executive Director, Americans Pamela Braun Cohen For Religious Liberty npe,11,ocTaBHTb Hapo,11,aM CoseTCKoro Co103a cso60,11,y Un iversity Professor, Boston National President, sepowcnose,11,aH11SI, KOTOpaSI caMa SIBJISieTCSI Ha,11,e)l(Hb!M University Felix Dubneac Union of Councils for Soviet Jews Archimandrite and Editor of rapaHTOM M11pa Ha 3eMJie. Joseph Cardinal Bernardin Alberto Coll Gandiresiarta Archbishop of Chicago B CBSI3H c npa3,l],HOBaHHeM TbICSilJeJieT11SI KpeI.L1,eHHSI Professor, U.S. Naval War College Paul A. Duffey Walter Berns Charles W . Colson KwescKOH Pycw Mb! np113bJBaeM Bae npwcoe,11,11HHTbCSI K Secretary, Council of Bishops, John M. Olin University Professor, Chairman, Prison Fellowship United Methodist Church Georgetown University M11pOBOH 06I.L1,eCTBeHHOCTH B ,11,eJie 3aI.Ll,HTbl lJeJioBelJecKoro John W. Cooper Robert P. Dugan, Jr. ,l],OCTOl1HCTBa KaK Heo6xo,11,11Moro ycJIOBHSI sou,apeHHSI MHpa Tim Blanchard Senior Research Fellow, Director, Qffice of General Director, Conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center Public Affairs, National Ha 3eMJie. llaptist Association of America Thomas C. Cornell Association of Evangelicals Maurice Blond National Secretary, Thomas H. Dunkerton President, Interfaith Movement, Catholic Peace F~llowship President, Inter- Varsity Christian In c. Jim Courter Fellowship Albert Boiler U.S. Representative, New Jersey Bernard J. Dwyer Associate Editor, Religion in U.S. Representative, New Jersey Communist Dominated Areas- Michael Cromartie Research Associate, Ethics and Charles M. Fairbanks, Jr. Mary Ellen Bork Public Policy Center Research Professor, School of Chairman of the Board, Thomas Advanced International Studies, Mo re Society of America Johns Hopkins University Leon Klenicki Dan Lungren Victor Nakas Roland Faley, T.O. R. Bill Green Earl G. Hunt, Jr. Director, Inter-faith Affairs, U.S. Representative, California Washingt on Branch Manager, Executive Director, Conference U.S. Representative, New York Bishop, Florida Area, United Anti-Defamation League of B'nai Lithuanian In.formation Center Methodist Church B'rith . . Edward Madigan of Major Superiors of Men Oscar Handlin U.S. Representative, Illinois Richard John Neuhaus Harris W. Fawell Carl M, Loeb University George W. Hunt, S.J. Stephen Klitzman President and Editor-in-Chief; Roger M. Mahony Director, Rock.ford Institute U.S. Representative, Illinois Professor, Harvard University Chairman, Committee on Center on Religion and Society America International Human Rights, Archbishop of Los Angeles and Edward Feighan Olexa R. Harbuziuk Chairman, International Policy Bruce Nichols U.S. Representative, Ohio President, All-Ukrainian Henry J. Hyde Section of International Law U.S. Representative, Illinois and Practice, American Commillee, United States Director, Education and Studies, Edwin J. Feulner, Jr. Evangelical Ba?tist Fe llowship Catholic Conference Carnegie Council on Ethics and Helen H. Jackson Bar Association President, The Heritage International Affairs Owen Harnes Chairman, Henry M. Jackson John L. May Foundation Editor, The National Interest Francis B. Koper Foundation Rector, SS. Cyril and Methodius Archbishop of St. Louis M1ehael F. Noone, Jr. James Finn C. Lowell Harriss Seminary R. Bruce McColm Associate Professor of Law, Editorial Director, Freedom House Professor Emeritus of Economics, John E. Jacob Catholic University of America President and CEO, National Vladislav Krasnov Executive Director, Peter T. Flaherty Columbia University Urban League Professor. Monterey Institute Freedom House David Novak Visiting Professor, Department of Chairman, Citizens for Reagan Thomas J. Harvey Kenneth M. Jensen of International Studies Donald J. Mc Crary ·11· J Fl Executive Director, Catholic Executive Editor, Eternity Talmud, Jewish Theological WI. tam • ynn . Charities U.S.A. Director of Research and Charles Krauthammer Seminary of America Chairman and Chief Executive Studies, U.S. Institute Senior Editor, The~ B_ep_ublic Michael C.D. McDaniel Officer, Mutual of America Alden M. Hathaway of Peace Michael Novak Franklin D. Kreutzer Bishop, North Carolina Synod, . Bishop, Diocese of Pillsburgh, Evangelical Lutheran Church George Frederick Jewi/1 Scholar, E t L F t James Turner Johnson International President, rnes • or m Episcopal Church in America American Enterprise Institute Professor of Theology, Professor of Religion, Rutgers United Synagogue of America Boston Coitege Stanley Hauerwas University Thomas A. McDill James Nuechterlein Irving Kristo! • F Professor of Theological Ethics, Nancy L. Johnson President, The Evangelical Free Editor, The Cresset M arvm OX The Divinity School, Duke Senior Fellow, Church of America - --- Ph1hp W. Lown Professor of Universitv US Representative, Connecticut American Enterprise Institute Margaret Nulty, S.C. Associate Director, Jewish Philosophy, Brandeis Carl F.H. Henry Albert E. Jolis James P. McFadden Tom Lantos Chairman, National Commi11ee of Leadership Conference University Evangelical Author and Executive Director, U.S. Representative, California Catholic Laymen of Women Religious William C. Frey Theologian American Institute for Resistance Bernard Cardinal Law William V. O'Brien Bishop, Diocese of Colorado, Arthur Hertzberg International Ralph Mcinerny Archbishop of Boston Michael P. Grace Professor Professor of Government, Episcopal Church Vice President, World Jewish Barbara Jordan William H. Lazareth of Medieval Philosophy, American University Milton Friedman Congress Lyndon B. Johnson Centennial University of Notre Dame Chair in National Policy, Bishop, Metropolitan New York Brian O'Connell Senfor Res.earch Fellow, Hoover Ira Michael Heyman Synod, Evangelical Lutheran Program Coordinator, lns11tut10n, Professor Ementus, Chancellor, University of University of Texas Cornelius M. McRae Church in America Rector/ President, Pope John Peace, Freedom, and Securitv University of Chicago California at Berkeley Francis I. Kane Studies Program, National · Ernest W. Lefever X XIII National Seminary Felice Gaer Kent R. Hill Chairman, Philosophy Association of Evangelicals President, Ethics and Public Mohammed T. Mehdi Executive Director, International Executive Directur, Institute on Department. Salisbury State Policy Center Secretary-General, National Joseph A. O'Hare, S .J. League for Human Rights Religion and Democracy College Leslie Lenkowsky Council on Islamic Affairs President, Fordham University Franklin I. Gamwell John P. Hittinger Alfred Kazin Dean and Professor, The Divinity Newman Professor of American President, lnstit.utefor Educational Billy A. Melvin Kevin R. O'Neil Associate Professor, College of St. Affairs President, School, University of Chicago Francis Civilization, Cornell University Executive Director, National Association of American Buddhist Movement Suzanne Garment Stephen F. Keller Samuel L. Lewis Leroy C. ·Hodapp President, U.S. Institute of Peace Evangelicals Heinz R. Pagels Resident Scholar, American Bishop, Indiana Area, United Vice-Chairman, Seidler Amdec President, International League Enterprise Institute Methodist Church Securities, Inc. Charles Lichtenstein Robert H. Michel for Human Rights Penn Kemble Distinguished Fellow, U.S. Representative, Illinois Marc Gellman Paul Hollander The Heritage Foundation Rabbi, Temple Beth Torah President, Prodemca John Miller Allan M. Parrent Professor, University of Professor, Protestant Episcopal Massachusetts at Amherst Charles R. Kesler William 0. Lipinski U.S. Representative, Washington Carl Gershman U.S. Representative, Illinois Theological Seminary in Virginia President, National Endowment David Hollenbach, S.J. Associate Director, Jim Moody for Democracy Associate Professor of Moral The Henry Salvatori Center, Sidney Liskofsky U.S. Representative, Wisconsin Charles Pashayan, Jr. U.S. Representative, California Theology, Weston School of Claremont McKenna College Director, Jacob Blaustein Louis E. Moore Ann Gillen, S.H.C.J. Theology Institute for the Advancement of Jordan Paust Executive Director, Ghazi Khankan Director, International Affairs, Sidney Hook Director, Voice of Islam Human Rights · Communications Workers Professor of Law, University National lnterreligious Task Force of Houston on Soviet Jewry Senior Research Fellow, Russell Kirk Herbert London of America, A FL-CIO Hoover Institution Robert L. Payton Nathan Glazer President, The Educational Dean, Gallatin Division, Constance A. Morella John A. Howard Reviewer, Inc. New York University U.S. Representative, Maryland Scholar-In-Residence, Professor, Harvard University University of Virginia Ernest Gordon Retired President . Evron Kirkpatrick Joseph E. Lowery John P. Murtha The Rockford Institute President, Helen Dwight Reid President, Southern Christian J. Richard Peck President, Christian Rescue Effort U.S. Representative, Pennsylvania Leadership Conference Editor, for the Emancipation of Dissidents Steny H. Hoyer Educational Foundation Kenneth A. Myers nd International £!!!:.!.E..!E!i Qig!E Robert Grant U.S. Representative, Maryta Leonid Ki shkovsky Edward D. Lozansky Editor, This !:!:'.£ds!. Chairman, Christian Voice Blahoslav Hruby President-elect, National Council Executive Director, Nicolai Petro Micah H. Naftalin Director, Ce nterfor Contemporary President, American Freedom Executive Director, Research of Churches; Secretary for Free University National Director, Coalition Center for Religion and Human Ecumenical Affairs, Orthodox Russian Studies, Monterev Union o{ Councils for Institute of International Studies Rights in Closed Societies Church in America S{J\·iet Jell's William Phillips M. Holt Ruffin Steven L. Snyder Editor,.E!!.!J..i.§.g_n~' Executive Director, President, World Without War Council Christian Solidarity International Robert Pickus of Greater Seal/le W. Bruce Weinrod· President, Jerry Solomon Director of Foreign Policy and World Without War Council Andre Ryerson U.S. Representative, New York Defense Studies, The Heritage Chairman, Vincent R. Sombrotto Foundation Juliana Geran Pilon Allied Organizations Consultant, President, National Association for Freedom Ted Weiss U.S. Department of Interior of Le11er Carriers, AFL-CIO U.S. Representative, New York James V. Schall, S.J. Norman Podhoretz George Soros Jacqueline Grennan Wexler Associate Professor, President, Editor, Commentary Georgetown University President, Soros Fund Management National Conference of John Porter Paul Seabury U.S. Representative, Illinois Paull E. Spring Christians and Jews Professor of Political Science, Bishop, Victor S. Potapov University o/ California at Berkeley Robert S. Woito Northwestern Penns1·lvania Director, Rector, Russia·n Orthodox Dale Shaheen Synod, Evangelicial.Lutheran Cathedral of St. John the Baptist World Without War Council­ Vice President, National Church in America Midwest Casimir Pugevicius Council on Islamic Affairs J. Francis Stafford Frank R. Wolf Executive Director, Albert Shanker Archbishop of Denver Lithuanian Catholic Religious Aid U.S. Representative, Virginia President, Stephen Sulyk American Federation Michael J. Woodruff Quentin L. Quade Archbishop of Philadelphia, Executive Vice President, of Teachers, AFL-CIO Director, Metropolitan for Ukrainian Marquette University Center for law and Religious Nina Shea Catholics in the United States Freedom, Christian Legal Society Earl Rabb Washington Director, Emeritus Director, The Puebla Institute Harry G. Summers, Jr. William S. Woods, Jr. Jewish Community Relations Syndicated Columnist Retired Vice President, Amy L. Sherman The Sun Company, Inc. Council of San Francisco Program Officer, Leonard Sussman I. Andrew Rader 7he James Madison Foundation Senior Scholar in International R. James Woolsey Chi~{ Executive Officer Communications, Freedom House Attorney ( Retired), A lien- Bradley Co. Donald W. Shriver, Jr. President, Charles H. Townes Helen Bates Yakobson Thomas J. Reese, S.J. Union 7heological Seminary University of California al Professor Emeritus of Russian, Fellow, Berkeley George Washington University Bud Shuster Chairman, Woodstock Theological Center U.S. Representative, Pennsylvania Yuri Tuvim Development Group Manager, The Millennium Commillee James Reichley Ronald J. Sider Senior Fellow, Millipore Corporation Gus Yatron Executive Director, U.S. Representative, Pennsylvania 7he Brookings Institution Evangelicals for Social Action Ernest van den Haag John M. Olin University Amy Young Don Ritter David Sidorsky U.S. Representative, Pennsylvania Professor, Fordham University Executive Director, Professor of Philosophy, law School International Human Rights Charles S. Robb Columbia University Dale Vree law Group A11orney Philip Siegelman Former Governor of Virginia Editor, New Oxford Review James Zwerneman Professor of Political Science, Treasurer, Christians in Commerce Adrian Rogers San Francisco State University Myron W. Wasylyk President, Southern Baptist Director, Henry Siegman Ukrainian National Convention; Pastor. Bellevue Executive Director, Baptist Church, Memphis Information Service American Jewish Congress Morton M. Rosenthal Thomas M. Simmons James D. Watkins, U.S.N. Director, (ret.) President, Former Chief of Department of Latin American National Council of Catholic laity Affairs, Anti-Defamation League Naval Operations of B'nai Brith William E. Simon Ben Wattenberg Eugene V. Rostow Chairman of the Board, Senior Fellow, WSPG International, Inc. American Enterprise Institute Distinguished Visiting Professor Former U.S. Secretary of law and Diplomacy, National of the Treasury Carolyn Weatherford D~fense University Executive Director, Thomas W. Skladony Woman 's Missionary Union, Toby Roth Vice President, U.S. Representative, Wisconsin Southern Baptist Convention Institute for Educational Affairs Vin Weber Robert Royal James W. Skillen Vice President for Research, U.S. Representative, Minnesota Executive Director, Ethics and Public Policy Center Association for Public Justice George Weigel President, * Organizational affiliations are for identification purposes only. Signatories join Chris Smith The James Madison Foundation U.S. Representative, New Jersey the Appeal as individuals. The "Appeal for Religious Freedom" is a project of the James Madison Foundation, in cooperation with the Puebla Institute and the Trinitarians. Information on the Appeal may be obtained by writing Amy L. Sherman, Program Officer, James Madison Foundation, 1030 15th St. N.W., Washington, D .C. 20005, or by calling the Foundation at (202) 842-1514.

CONVERTED TO ROME WHY IT HAS HAPPENED TO ME

Three popular errors reappear with depressing regularity in any discussion about a convert to the Roman Catholic Church. It may be useful to mention these before going on to a more positive explanation of my position. They are: I. The Jesuits have got holdofhim. I have heard this often the last few years and have come to realize that there are a great number of English people who regard this pious and erudite body as a kind of spiritual pressgang, out for head­ money; millionaires and great noblemen are the real quarry, but if, in the course of the hunt, they can bag a novelist or two, so much the better. This is very far from the truth. Instruction is, of course, necessary for anyone who wants to join the Roman Catholic Church, and Jesuits, like other priests, are ready to give help to those who need it. There is no coaxing or tricking people into acquiescence. They state or explain their doctrine, and the proselyte decides for himself whether it is true . . l.., 2. He is captivated by the ritual. This is certainly arranged to a great extent as an aid to devotion, but it would be a very superficial person who would accept a whole theological and moral system on these grounds alone. Indeed it seems to me that in this country, where all the finest ecclesiastical buildings are in the hands of the Anglican Church, ancf where the liturgy is written in prose of unexampled beauty, the purely aesthetic appeal is, on the whole, rather against the Roman Church. 3._He wants to have his mind made up for him. The suggestion here is that the convert cannot face the responsibility of thinking problems out for himself, but finds it convenient to swallow whole a complete explanation of the universe. The answer to this is that if he has a lazy mind it is easy enough to stagnate without supernatural assistance, and if he has an active mind, the Roman system can and does form a basis for the most vigorous intellectual and artistic activity. I think one has to look deeper before one will find the reason why in England today the Roman Church is recruiting so many men and women who are not notably gullible, dull-witted or eccentric. It seems to me that in the present phase of European history the essential issue is no longer between Catholicism, on one side, and Protestantism, on the other, but between Christianity and Chaos. It is much the same situation as existed in the early Middle Ages. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries conflicting social and political forces rendered irreconcilable the division bet­ ween two great groups of Christian thought. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the choice before any educated European was between Christianity, in whatever form it was presented to him in the circumstances of his upbring­ ing, and, on the other side, a polite and highly attractive scepticism. So great,

Daily Express, 20 October 1930. 104 . ULTRA-MODERN? indeed, was the inherited subconscious power of Christianity that it was nearly the Church one is s - two centuries before the real nature of this loss of faith became apparent. individual members, Today we can see it on all sides as the active negation of all that western would be worthless i culture has stood for. Civilization - and by this I do not mean talking cinemas visiting a Roman Ca and tinned food, nor even surgery and hygienic houses, but the whole moral people do use their ch and artistic organization of Europe - has not in itself the power of survival. It all classes at all hours came into being through Christianity, and without it has no significance or from their work. power to command allegiance. The loss of faith in Christianity and the conse­ Roman Catholic quential lack of confidence in moral and social standards have become feeling of affectation, embodied in the ideal of a materialistic, mechanized state, already existent in associated in their · Russia and rapidly spreading south and west. It is no longer possible, as it was in Roman Catholics in the time ofGibbon, to accept the benefits ofcivilization and at the same time going to Chapel, tha deny the supernatural basis upon which it rests. As the issues become clearer, Protestant attitude s the polite sceptic and with him that purely fictitious figure, the happy hedon­ while the Catholic's · ist, will disappear. That is the first discovery, that Christianity is essential to civilization and . that it is in greater need of combative strength than it has been for centuries. The second discovery is that Christianity exists in its most complete and vital form in the Roman Catholic Church. I do not mean any impertinence to the many devout Anglicans and Protestants who are leading lives of great devotion and benevolence; I do find, however, that other religious bodies, however fine the example ofcertain individual members, show unmistakable signs that they are not fitted for the conflict in which Christianity is engaged. For instance, it seems to me a necessary sign of completeness and vitality in a religious body that its teaching shall be coherent and consistent. If its own mind is not made up, it tan hardly hope to withstand disorder from outside. In the Anglican Church today matters of supreme importance in faith and morals are still discussed indecisively, while the holders of high offices are able to make public assertions which do violence to the deepest feelings of many of their people. Another essential sign one looks for is competent organization and discip­ line. Obedience to superiors and the habit of submitting personal idiosyn­ crasies to the demands of office seem to be sure signs of a real priesthood. Any kind of 'crankiness' or individual self-assertion in the ministers of a religious body shakes one's confidence in them. Most important of all, it seems to me that any religious body which is not by nature universal cannot claim to represent complete Christianity. I mean this as a difference in kind, not in extent. The Church in the first century, when its membership was numerically negligible, was by nature as universal as in the time of the Crusaders; but many religious sects seem to pride themselves upon exclusion, regarding themselves as a peculiar people set aside for salvation. Others claim regional loyalty. Those who regard conversion to Roman Catho­ licism as an unpatriotic defection - a surrender to Italian domination - seem to I The Daily Expms foll, Protestant MP), 'Rossi miss the whole idea of universality. SJ , 'ls Britain Tumin1 These are a few of the signs by which in its public affairs one would recognize Controversy', 25 Octo· CONVERTED TO ROME . 105 was nearly the Church one is seeking. There also remain the devotional needs of the parent. individual members, for, however imposing the organization of the Church, it at western would be worthless if it did not rest upon the faith of its members. No one gcinemas visiting a Roman Catholic country can fail to be struck by the fact that the ole moral people do use their churches. It is not a matter of going to a service on Sunday; urvival. It all classes at all hours of the day can be seen dropping in on their way to and ificance or from their work. theconse­ Roman Catholic people are notable for this ability to pray without any e become feeling of affectation, and the explanation of it seems to me that prayer is not existent in associated in their minds with any assertion of moral superiority. You never see e, as it was in Roman Catholics going to Mass, as one sees on the faces of many people same time going to Chapel, that look of being rather better than their neighbours. The Protestant attitude seems often to be, 'I am good; therefore I go to church,' while the Catholic's is, 'I am very far from good; therefore I go to church.'1

tion and enturies. teand vital ence to the at devotion wever fine that they instance, it gious body not made e Anglican als are still e public ir people. and discip­ al idiosyn­ thood . Any a religious •

ry, when its as in the elves upon r salvation . manCatho­ n - seem to l The Daily Express followed Waugh's article with three features: E. Rosslyn Mitchell (a Protestant MP), ' Rosslyn Mitchell Replies to Evelyn Waugh', 21 October; Father Woodlock , SJ, ' Is Britain Turning to Rome?', 2 2 October; and 'Today Readers Join in the Great Id recognize Controversy', 25 October 1930. / THE ESSAYS, ARTICLES AND REVIEWS OF EVELYN WAUGH

EDITED BY DONAT GALLAGHER

Little, Brown and Company Boston Toronto ~-~ CHRISTIANfIY AND CHAOS: 1930 I CHRISTIANITY AND CHAOS: 1930 conversation was good, or a stool in a pub. He had earned his pl ac•• . . , • • • • ,1 111 1111 ;(\I oun try could consider itself civilized unless it had been conquered by scmnllanng company and was proud of his celebnty. But if he was ~w ,· 1 !!, 1 f no ~ the early 'thirties it was, outside France, an .eccentric thesis. By 1936, was not of them, separated now by that invisible wall of belief. • 1 I 11, · 111· •· 1 rise of Franco and Mussolini as defendants of Catholic culture against Shortly after his reception he published an article in the Ex"ress e-- ,,1.1 · '~~ht •it •omm unists, it had gained popularity in some quarters while remaining decision. Here he contemptuously rejected the three 'popular errY ors th., . re•1111 11 ,...,,t • • ,, 11 « ~shionable in li:e_rary c~cles. . with depressing regularity in any discussion about a conve rt . . .'. The,: \ :' W.& ugh's spiritual and pohncal beliefs, then, do seem ultimately to have been ' "The Jesuits have got hold of him", "He is captivated by the ritual" " I Ir 1 tttJluc: nccd by aesthetic enthusias~ but not in the way most critics have supposed. to have his mind made up for him" '. He dismisses the Jesuits' rcput• .u,.. i"u"'J tt•·., fl,i (nll:rcst focused not on the appeal of the ritual but on the defence of the intriguers, believes the aesthetic appeal of Anglicanism to be greater, anJ .l \\q•, rdsdc sensibility against 'the ideal of a materialistic mechanized State, already that 'the Roman system can and does form the basis of the most , iguro.. , ,!,te nt in Russia and rapidly spreading south and west'.59 The Catholic hierarchy intellectual activity'. The problems involved are more fundamental: mlJhl wdl have been suspicious of so pragmatic a belief in the supernatural. We -----It seems to me that in the present phase of European history th e onot maintain civilisation without Chris~anity, he seems to say, therefore we essential issue is no longer between Catholicism, on one side, and lhould choose the most competently organised system of Christian philosophy. It Protestantism, on the other, but between Christianity and Chaos. It is 1.omcs awkwardly close to accepting civilisation as the justification of his faith. much the same situation as existed in the early Middle Ages .. . . 111 'fow11 rds the end of his life he noted in his diary: 'When I first came into the the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the choice before any educated 'hurch I was drawn, not by splendid ceremonies but by the spectacle of the European was between Christianity, in whatever form it was presented priest as craftsman. He had an important job to do which none but he was to him ... and ... a polite and highly attractive scepticism. So great, 11u.i lificd for. He and his apprentice stumped up to the altar with their to s and indeed, was the inherited, subconscious power of Christianity that it set to work without a glance to those behind them, still less with a , intention was nearly two centuries before the real nature of this loss of fait h to make a personal impression on them.'60 Arts and crafts again. i became apparent. Today we can see it on all sides as the active negatio n The priest and the artist-craftsman, Waugh believed, were engaged on similar of all that Western culture has stood for. Civilization - and by this I do 111sks. Their business was the organisation and elucidation of the disparate frag­ not mean talking cinemas and tinned food, nor even surgery and hygienic houses, but the whole moral and artistic organization of Europe ments of daily existence within a wider perspective. But for all that, the act of - has not in itself the power of survival. It came into being through fai th, the¥- leap beyond the fallible intellect, was undeniable and recognised by Christianity, and without it has no significance or power to command Waugh as ~ jindamental precept of his new philosophy. A man of his acute allegiance .... It is no longer possible, as it was in the time of Gibbon, intellect couffl never desert logical analysis. He merely re-directed it from the to accept the benefits of civilisation and at the same time deny the it natural to the supernatural. From this point the supernatural became his new supernatural basis on which it rests. . . . Christianity . . . is in greater reality and he delighted in the scope this provided for anti-rationalist argument. need of combative strength than it has been for centuries.57 - Life on earth could now quite happily be reviewed as an empty charade. All 1 fonns of humanism which attempted to rationalise it were equally absurd. Decline. fall were no longer the subject for jokes. Takmg this as the basis 'Modernist' writers and painters, psychoanalysts and economists were, in his for his argument he went on to say that because 'Christianity exists in its most opinion, pretending to plumb the depths of reality in isolated ponds. Even those complete and vital form in the Roman Catholic Church', this can be the only artists who ultimately concluded that the world's absurdity was itself the only effective bastion against 'disorder from outside'. Catholicism is more 'complete consistent truth he saw as misguided. '[Picasso's] devotees', he wrote in 1945, and vital' to him because its teaching is 'coherent and consistent' and 'universal', 'tell me he communicates i:haos and despair and these are not the messages of because its clergymen represent 'competent organisation and discipline'.58 art. Art is ennobling and purgative. ·chaos and despair are brilliantly conveyed < These ideas were not original. Chesterton and Belloc had crusaded for the by any issue of the Daily Mirror.'61 concept of Romanitas in an earlier generation. The symbolism of the Catholic City beyond whose frontiers lies chaos is common to this debate as is the notion 59. Ibid. , 10. 60 . . Diaries, Easter, 1964, pp. 792-3. 57. 'Converted to Rome . . .', DE, 20 October, 1930, 10; EAR, pp. 103-5. 61. ALS, 27 December, 1945, to Robin Campbell, the painter, whom Waugh had met during 58. Ibid., 10. service training at Largs in the last war. This is another version of the one (presumably re-drafted) which appears in ltttm, pp. 214-16. [ 230] '/

(Dolan) May 16, 1988 4:00 p.m5j

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: FOREIGN AFFAIRS ORGANIZATION GUILDHALL LONDON, ENGLAND r FRIDAY, JUNE 3, 1988 l U; v 1-"' I wo der if you can imagine what it is for an American to I stand in this place. Back in the States, you know, we are rn1 vid tt h n1 ~ ~~ trmrleted terribly proud of anything more than a few hundred years old. i~ M,-1°· Indeed, there are those who see in my election to the Presidency ~Ct ~~t- b'\"t lQ f erica's attempt to show our European cousins that we too have a b~tkjrno, regard for antiquity. ~ I S-+1--,, ~ t, ' ' Guildhall has been here since the ~t2:1:1i::.century. And while it is comforting at my age to be near anything that much older than myself, the age of this institution, venerable as it is, is hardly all that impresses. Who after all can come here and not think upon the moments these walls have seen: the many times the people of this city and nation have gathered here in national p ers Th atB:crisis or national triumph. In the darkest~ s of the last i), albcrsta orld war -- when the tense drama of Edward R. Murrow's ~-llA ~ ~ ~ ~ I opening .•• "This is London" ••• was enough to impress on millions of . ~ .. ~ Americans the mettle of the British people how many times in those days did proceedings here conclude with a moving, majestic t c-10 hymn to your country and to the cause of for which Jiltf L you st d. From the Ma ~ o El Alamein to Arnhem to the f'>tlilt,01;~ v I I., alklands, you have in this century so stea 1 l ltt'h ~n ~ for wh~t is right -- and against evil. You ar,r "';r:..b ve people lulh\ ral 11 Ofijee.y a'lt

glad to be in England once again. After a long journey, we feel among friends; and with all our hearts we thank you for having us here. Such feelings are, of course, especially appropriater his occasion; we are here in part to celebrate the special , relationship between the United States and Great Britain, a relationship at the center of the NATO alliance. This hardly means we've always had perfect understanding or c,,,v ~ unanimity ~ ery •issu~ When I first visited Mr~ tcher at the British Embassy in 1981, she mischievously reminded me that av-/ ~ the huge portrai~ inat~ng the grand staircase was none other

than th~ George ~ she did graciously ~ de X that today most of her countrymen would agree with Jefferson that r~ 6 .t..1£,( ~ ,'f ~ \t a little :r::e•>if lYtiefi .l:lf now and thenil a good thing. I'm also /\ ~ I tf>A--' reminded of a time when Sir Winston, who wasn't always as sedate , A,>k' r ~ ~ ~ ~• as he appears over there (points to statue of seated, reflective f, ~~ Churchill), grew so exasperated with American diplomacy he called oJ,~' our Secretary of ~ te a l< a !!ECAS ouw,aNwee-r quote: "the ~ ~ (Y,A/ L ~t:$ S k..of case I know of a bull +e: a11y:ing •his own china ~clos ati with him." >( y Then too, during his religious talks in our country, the v' V English Jesuit and author, Reverend Barnard Basset, delights his V V v American audiences by revealing some of the naughty things you 1 used to say a~out our G.1"': 1 s, when they peacefully invaded your , V V V island 44 years ago so that together we could not-so-peacefully V invade Nazi-held Europe. "What is the difference," one of your V naughty stories went "between a cow chewing his cud and a G.I. y chewing gum?" Answer: "The look of intelligence on the cow's face." - 3 -

Not that we Americans haven't had or moments. I once dared to remind you of your own youthful and ; f ambunctious days when an V V ✓ 1 English king angrily asked the Duke of Dublin whe mer it was true /J V V that he had just burned down the local cathedral./ Yes, replied # V V the Duke, "but only because I tho ght the archb.i/shop wf s inside." , V I ' V And then we do hear sto~ es fro the French ab tit yo r famous abso..;'tion wi~; /:i.1 things Br' i: h,/4hey even t -::,,is i'::adline actually appeared in a Britis, ~ paper: "Fog Covers Channel • ./ Continent cut off." So there has always been, as there should be among friends, V an element of fun about our differences. I gained a lesson in v v V V this point from an English army officer in 1947 when I was on V V locationv. here for a film. He explained to me that one day during v V V the war, he was standing in a pub with some of his comrades when ✓ v' V a group of American airmen entered nosily, set up a round or two, V got a bit rowdy and started m; king some toasts that were less than complimentary to c rtain members of the British royalty. I "To heck ••• to heck with ... a prominent member of British royalty," the Yanks shouted. (Obviously I'm not quoting them v exactly.) Quite properly offended by this rude behavior but ,v determin~d to give as good as they got -- the British officer and V his comrades responded with a toast of their own: "To heck (and V here again the quotation is not exact), 11 ••• to heck wi th the a,.. President of the United States.",.,., Whereupon all the Americans in the bar grabbed their glasses and yelled: "we'll drink to that." Well, whatever I learned here about our differences, let me also assure you I learned more about how much we have in common ••• and the depth of our friendship. And, you know, I have .. ~'{ -<., tJ ~ )(...JS - 4 - .· ~~ ,~,~"-, re~t ~~t/nJ·-rv ~ ~ ,1!, , often ~ on d this in the ~ s but I have never had an J opportunity to tell a British audience how during that first 3t!J,i: _visit ~w I w~7 likw t Americans, anxious ~ e some of ~et tr ub-f.A nose "RftFyearf old inns I had been told abound in this country. ~ Q.,t ~ X lbsM Mtsa_Well, a driver took me and a couple of other people to an old 11-~ -Slt, inn, a pub really, what we would call a "mom and pop place." This quite elderly lady was waiting on us, and finally, hearing ~ us talk to each other, she said, "You're Americans, aren't you?" ~ We said we were. "Oh," she said, "there were quite a lot of your t!}/1../ young chaps down the road during the war, based down there." And ~ she added, "They used to come in here of an evening, and they'd have songfest. And they called me Mom, and they called the old man Pop." Then her mood changed and she said, "It was Christmas Eve. And, you know, we were all alone and feeling a bit down. And, suddenly, in they came, burst through the door, and they had presents for me and Pop." And by this time she wasn't looking at us anymore. She was looking off into the distance and with tears in her eyes remembering that time. And she said, "Big strapping ~ lads they was, from a place called Ioway. 11 From a place called Ioway; and Oregon, California, Texas, ~ New p ey, G~ a. Her~ th other young men from Lancaster, Hampshire, Glasgow and Dorset -- all of them caught up in the terrible paradoxes of that time: that young men must wage war to end war; and die for freedom so that freedom itself might live. And it is those same two causes for which they fought and died -- the cause of peace, the cause of freedom for all humanity that still bring_us, British and American, to this place. - 5 -

It was for these causes of peace and freedom that the people of Great Britain, the United States and other allied nations have for 44 years made enormous sacrifices to keep our military ready and our alliance strong. And for these causes we have in this decade embarked on a new post-war strategy, a strategy of public candor about the moral and fundamental differences between statism and democracy but a strategy also of vigorous diplomatic engagement. A policy that rejects both the inevitability of war or the permanence of totalitarian rule; a policy based on realism that seeks not just treaties for treaties' sake but the recognition of fundamental issues and their eventual resolution. The pursuit of this policy has just now taken me to Moscow and let me say: I believe this policy is bearing fruit. Quite possibly, we are breaking out of the post-war era; quite possibly, we are entering a new time in history, one made possible by authentic change in the Soviet Union and its ideology, a change that itself results from the steadfastness of the allied democracies over the past 40 years and especially in this decade. I saw evidence of this change at the Kremlin. But before I report to you on events in Moscow, I hope you will permit me to say something that has been much on my mind for several years now but most especially over the past few days while I was in the Soviet Union. The history of our time will undoubtedly include a footnote about how during this decade and the last, the voices of retreat and hopelessness reached crescendo in the West -- insisting the only way to peace was unilateral disarmament; proposing nuclear - 6 -

freezes, opposing deployment of counterbalancing and deterrent weapons such as intermediate-range missiles or the more recent concept of strategic defense systems. These same voices ridiculed the notion of going beyond arms control -- the hope of doing something more than merely establishing artificial limits within which the arms races

ago;) the first treaty ever that did not just reduced them and, yes, actually eliminated an entire class of nuclear weapons. Similarly, just as these voices urged retreat or slow withdrawal at every point of Communist expansion, we have seen what a forward strategy for freedom and direct aid to those '3 ~ w;.fftch,QWol struggling for self-determination can achieve. For• weeks now, ' ~,r. ~ ~ ~ l,,. bt1tns ·-J sotiet troops have been departin1 Afghanistan and there is hope 7 of similar change in other regional conflicts. • This treaty and the development in Afg an are momentous events. Not conclusive. But momentous.

And that is why although history will, as it has about the skeptics and naysayers of any time, duly note that we too heard voices of denial and doubt, it is the voices of hope and strength that will be best remembered. And here I want to say that through all the troubles of the last decade, one such voice, a voice of eloquence and firmness, a voice that proclaimed proudly - 7 -

the cause of ·the western alliance and human freedom, has been heard. And even as that voice never sacrificed its anti-Communist credentials or realistic, hard-headed appraisal of I r.yh; 'J-ges ~ he Soviet Union, it did, because it came from the .;ll.Ptii bt leade";'fn the alliance, become one of the first to recognize real change when real change was underway, and to ,> .. ~ h ~ 11 suggest that we could, as that voice put it, "do business ~ -~ ~ A 'rhlteh-fN IA PI : hhu\n-d1Pii'"""8e~~c;.!! News 'P,-y ;'t"f ~ · so this is my first official duty here today. Prime p. i1-e1 · Minister, the achievements of the Moscow summit as well as the Geneva and Washington summits before them are the work of your valor and strength and by virtue of the office you hold, the work of the British people. So let me say, simply: At this hour in history, Prime Minister, the entire world is in your debt and in the debt of your gallant people and gallant nation. And while your leadership and the vision of the British people have been an inspiration not just to my own people but to all of those who love freedom and yearn for peace, I know you join me in a deep sense of appreciation for the efforts and

~'11-f..t\,,f-- support of th~ aders and pe~ es of all ~ allied nations. 6f fet Jv~ Whether deploying crucial weapons of deterrence, standing fast in ahd ~~ ~ oP ~ the Persian Gulf, combating terrorism and aggression by outlaw ~ ~ . ~ imes or helping eedom fig~ters around the globe, rarely in w~ f't O ~e~ )'tot,,,.,...... S ,~~ history has any -::a:lt;;ta::SSC:a acted with such firmness and dispatch, X .. ~ ~ and on so man~ nts. In ~ cess reachi as ~ the w· r1 founding of NATO and the Common Market, the House has stood ~~_/bne; and, joined by the United States an other ~ v- ar-d CanodtL- democracies such as Japan moved forward with diplomatic - 8 -

achievement and a startling growth of democracies and free markets all across the globe -- in short, an expansion of the frontiers of freedom and a lessening of the chances of war. I believe history will record our time as the time of the renaissance of the democracies; a time when faced with those twin threats of nuclear terror and totalitarian rule that so darkened this century, the democracies ignored the voices of retreat and despair and found deep within themselves the resources for a renewal of strength and purpose. So, it is within this context of gratitude to you, Prime Minister, to the British people and to all our valiant allies that I report to you now on events in Moscow. y' . / . V Yesterday, at Greenwir time, Mr. Gorbachev and I 4 0 ~~~ (j ,.,1,s1 ~~~i sthe I. ~~-~~'!t; ~ eport on INF and START and other negotiations.) N.ow, part of the realism and candor we were determined to bring to negotiations with Soviets meant refusing to put all the

l ~ weight of these negotiations and our bilateral relationship on '1- ( ./\ \. t\ \, · the single difficult issue of arms negotiations. We have .~.S ~t" understood full well that the agenda of discussion must be \N''>i>" \\, J ~~~f~ broadened to deal with the more fundamental differences between ~t,1 c>-)c\~'~'7 us.~ is is the meaning of realism. As I ne,;-er tire of saying, \,,~ ~~ \t · nations do not mistrust each other because they are armed, . they vP, ~,q are armed because they mistrust each other. \' So other items on the agenda dealt with critical issues like regional conflicts, human rights and people-to-people exchanges with regard to regional conflicts, here too, we can see momentous Vitnr.hawa l progress. We are now~ in the thir. d ~wee k ofth e pull out of~Soviet rl b in IS-: - 9 -

troops from Afghanistan. The importance of this step cannot be underestimated. (Report on Afghanistan, and other regional conflicts.) Our third area of discussion was human rights. (Human rights report.) And finally the matter of bilateral contacts between our ✓ ( . V peoples. Let me say that this trip itself saw many such v - ✓ V contacts • . it Moscow State University, at the orthodox monastery V V ✓ V V at Danil~ at meetings with Soviet dissidents, artists, and V V writers, I saw and heard ••• (Report on meeting and bilateral agreements.) All of this I took as further evidence that it is usually I governments not people who make war on each other. And I am _[:JJ/' I, Hfl. l

statist and expansionist ideology has been the central point in our difficulties. Now that the allies are strong and the power of that

ideology is receding both around the world and. in the Soviet

Union, there is hope. And we look to this trend to continue. We

must do all that we can to assist it. And this means openly

acknowledging positive change. And crediting it. But let us also remember the strategy we have adopted is one

that provides for setbacks along the way as well as progress,

i ndeed, just as our strategy anticipated positive change, it

provides for the opposite as well. So, let us never engage in

self-delusion; let us remember that the jury is not yet in; let

us be ever vigilant. And while we embrace honest change when it

occurs; let us also be wary.

1 f But let us be confident too. Prime Minister, perhaps you h~h r~.remember that upon acc~ting your gracious in: i,tation to addr:;, (,- --81 ~ ~ p:;,.., the me~ s of the Parliament in 1982, I suggested ~ that the

world ~ dwell be at a turning poi~ en the two great threats

to life in ~~ century -- nuclear ~ ar and totalitarian rule -­

might ~ow be overco~ I attempted then to give an accounting of

the westernp;,iance and what might ~ head -- including my own view~~ the prospects for peace a freedom. I sugges~ that the rard evide;;,of the totalitarian e riment was n 'n and that this evidenc~ d led to an uprising of the~ ellect and will, one that reaffirm~ e dignity of the individual in the

face of the moder~ te and could well lead to a worldwide

movement towards democracy. ti"- , ~ I suggested, too, that in a way Marx was right when he said - 11 -

the political order would come into con ict with the econo~ ---="" ('"\. ~ (7)/' (IL.t._ h~~rder -- only he was wrong in predicting which part of the world f't'>t this would occu~ . For the cri~ is came not in the capitalist ~ ~ f.,V ,i1 west but~ the Communist east. I no1;!}he economic I))'--' ~ ,~ difficulties now reaching the critical stage in the Soviet Union; and I said that at other times in history the ruling elites had

faced such situations and, when they encountered resolve and

determination from free nations~ cided to loosen their g~

It was then I ~ sted that tide of history were running in the

cause of freedom but only if we as f ~ men and women worked

together in a crusade for freedom, a ~ ade that would be not so

much a stru~ of armed might, not so much a test of bombs and

rockets but a test of faith and will.

Well, that crusade for freedom, that crusade for peace is

well underway. We have found the will. We have kept the faith.

And, whatever happens, whatever triumphs or disappointments

ahead, we must hold fast to our strategy of strength and

candor our strategy of hope, hope in the eventual triumph of

freedom. Let us take further, practical steps. I am hopeful ,/ that our own National Endowment for Democracy, which has helped

democratic institutions in many lands, will spar k parallel V l/ V organizations in European nations. I praise the Council of v ...I Europe which, in conjuncti~ n with the European✓Parliament, has v held two international democracy conferences✓ including ' one on V V Third World democracy."' The latest conference has called for • 'V 'fl establishment of an International Institute of Democracy: the

United States heartily endorses this proposal.

But as we move forward with these steps, let us not fail to - 12 - note the lessons we have learned along the way in developing our over-all strategy. We have learned the first objective of the adversaries of freedom is to make free nations question their own faith in freedom, to make us think that adhering to our principals and speaking out against foreign aggression or human rights abuses is somehow an act of belligerence. Over the long run such inhibitions make free peoples taciturn, then silent and ultimately confused about their first principles and half-hearted about their cause. This is the first and most important defeat a free people can ever suffer. For truly, when free peoples cease telling the truth about and to their adversaries, they cease telling the truth to themselves. It is in this sense that the best indicator of how much we care about freedom is what we say about freedom; it is in this sense, that words truly are actions. And there is one added and quite extraordinary benefit to this sort of realism and public candor: this is also the best way to avoid war or conflict. Too often in the past the adversaries of freedom forgot the reserves of strength and resolve among free nations, too often they interpreted conciliatory words as weakness, too often they miscalculated by underestimating willingness of free men and women to resist to the end. Words for freedom remind them otherwise. This is the lesson of the last war and, yes, ·t it is also the lesson ~ v taught us by Sir Winston, by London in the Blitz by the enduring ~ ~ pride and faith of the Bri is pepple. Just a few years ago, - - 13 -

Nor!:::.; beaches t ~ commem~ the selfless~ess that comes from ' i)( such priqe and faith. _ And, I wonder if you might permit me to ~ such moment, one that took place ~ v of Europe.

Ir- _l ~; '" to 5Ndd'ltf1il" y' , ,,~ ~1 ,v~~"4 -=-•-ll!i- ~ ~ iL ~iWlll\ and . V ,..__the - i~d line ad v\ irito the heart of Germany. A battalion of British paratrobpers ~ t>--- was givef'-th~t task of seizing the bridge deep in enemy territory at Arnhem. For • tc11 f:11e ,~f.1 e 1J ecJc, in one of. the most valiant" exploits in the aw1-s of war, th; y~ eld out against hopeless odds. A few yea;;s ago, a reunion of those ~ ~ ~ magnificent veterans, British, Americans and other of our allies ~ was held in New York City. From the dispatch by New York Times reporter Maurice carrolj-f ere was this paragraph: "'Look at ~»v him,' said Henry Knap an ;::lJ:m er j e aA newspaperman who headed the ~ Dutch Underground's intelligence operation in Arnhem. He .__, , gestured toward General John Frost, a bluff Briton who had commanded the battalion that held the bridge. 'Look at ~ him ••. still with that black mous~ e. If you put him at the end of a bridge even today and said 'keep it,' he'd keep it.'" (Jj_,; The story also told of the wife of Cornelius Ryan, the v te).t ft ~ I{ € r MR-~ f kl ' } American ~riter who immortalized Market Garden in his book, "A (),/;_/ V X Bridge Too Far." She told the reporter that just as Mr. Ryan was finishing his book -- writing the final paragraphs about Colonel Frost's valiants~ at Arnhem and about ho~ his eyes his men would always be undefeated -- her husband burst into That h»l wasf ite unlike him; and Mrs. Ryan, alarmed, rushed The p

/' /·· _\ \ I I I /

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~ writer could only look up and say of Colonel Frost: ~ "Honestly, what that;:. went through •. ~ Seated there in Spaso House with Soviet dissidents a few days ago, I felt the same way and asked myself: what won't men suffer for freedom? J\.t,y .

(JJlt,,I._,, about his visits to that bridge at Arnhem. "'We've been going back ever since. Every year we have a -- what's the word -­ ~ reunion. No, there's a word.' He turned to his wife, 'Dear r what's the word for going to Arnhem?' 'Reunion,' she said. ~ 'No,' he said, 'there's a special word.' She ponder,ed, 'P ~ ~ntl.. l!fS \.. ar­ 'Pilgrimage,' she said. 'Yes, pilgrimage,'" ~~a~~~M said. X As those veterans of Arnhem view their time, so we must view ours; we also are on a pilgrimage, a pilgrimage towards those things we honor and love: human dignity, the hope of peace and freedom for all peoples and for all nations. And I have always cherished the belief that all of history is such a pilgrimage and that our maker, while never denying us free will nor altering its immediate effects, over time guides us with a wise and provident hand, giving direction to history and slowly bringing good from evil -- leading us ever so slowly but ever so relentlessly and lovingly to a time when the will of man and God are as one again. I also cherish the belief that what we have done together in Moscow and throughout this decade has helped bring mankind along the road of that pilgrimage. If this be so, it is due to prayerful recognition ·of what we are about as a civilization and a people. I mean, of course, the great steps forward, the great civilized ideas that comprise so much of your greatness: the 15 -

v' V ✓ development of law embodied by your constitutional tradition, the rv./ ~ ~ idea of restraint on centralized power and the notion of human ~f.(',.A rights as establis ed in your Magna c~ , the idea ~ f l ~ . ✓ v ~ ~v-r~representative government as embodied by your mother of all ~~} · parliaments. ~/ But we go beyond even this. It was your own Evelyn Waugh

who reminded us that "civilization -- and by this I do not mean ( l¾orr talking cinemas and tinned food nor even surgery and hygienic ~f (~tj ouses but the w~ e moral and artistic organization of Europe

Wnu 7 has no~ in itse:)if th~ pqwer of survival." It came into being/ he W'lj i - ~3h,U\> -- ~ ~ p.., "l,j& 7 said, hrough the Judeo~C ristian traditio/ and "without it has ~~no significance or power to command~ giance. It is no longer 5 \A~ pos~ le," he wrote, "to accept the benefits of civiliiation and vl 1. "l ~ I ... _ \~O ~..., J \at the same time deny the supernatural basis on which it restif" So, it is first things we must consider. And here it is a

story, one last story, can remind us best of what we are about.

You know, we Americans like to think of ourselves as

competitive and we do dislike losing; but I must say that judging

from the popularity of this story in the United States it must

mean that if we do lose, we prefer to do it to you. In any case,

it is a story that a few years ago came in the guise of that new

art form of the modern world and for which I have an

/ understandable affection -- the ci~ , film, the movi~

,,~~(Nl.fot~ • f ~ is a story about the 1920 Olymp · cs and two Britis f 1re J~ athle~~!;, It is the story of Britis athl,e1:e Harold Abraha,¥> , a rµv- ~ ltra IP - ~ \l- ,S1 young Jew, whose _pry -- as his immigrantAltalia~ ch put \N)i~ta 't -- a triumph f or 11 those who have c~ from distant ands found freedom and refuge here in England. • •

.. - 16 - • i ~ It was the tri~ too of Eric Liddell, a Scotsman, who would not sacrifice religious conviction for fame. In one ~ ~ unforgettable scene, Eric Liddell reads the words of Isaiah. They ow. "He giveth l)Ower to the faint, and to them that have no

\ might, he incre_ased their strength ••• but they that wait upon the Lord shall ren~ heir strength ... they shall mount up with wings as eagles. They shall run and not be weary •••. " Here then is our formula, our ultra secret for the years ahead, for completing our crusade for freedom. Here is the strength of our civilization and the source of our belief in the rights of humanity. Our faith is in a higher law, a greater destiny. We believe in -- indeed, we see today evidence of -­ the power of prayer to change all things. And like the founding fathers of both our lands, we posit human rights; we hold that humanity was meant not to be dishonored by the all-powerful state

f,_~, Lbut to live in the image andtJl~ nes~ him who made ~s. We~" I.I Tl My friends, more than t!lrua decades ago, an American X i 'h~h!~- Pr~ dent told his gener~ n they had a rendez~ with destiny; i I W\ • llf I ) / ~ a,,.-, l .: riu loch.I~ alm st the same momp-Prime Minister asked the British I &/~11~~ people for their finest hour. Today, in the face of the twin ~ ~ threats of war and totalitarianism, this rendezvous, this finest 0~ hour is still upon us. Let us go forward then -- as on chariots O{U--:~ of fire -- and seek to do His will in all things; to stand for ~f~~ f edom; to speak for humanity. }>-Jc ~ i . . (/ ' "Come, my fr ends," as it was said of old by Tennyson, JJ._ , I) ..L. w 1,, -"=> Y'--0 r tz, L~ IV s e ~ I \. t ( - .) - • _ . er world." :, / "J

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