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THE COLLECTED WORKS of MAHATMA GANDHI Right Course? Nor Can One Deny His Downright Honesty

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THE COLLECTED WORKS of MAHATMA GANDHI Right Course? Nor Can One Deny His Downright Honesty 1. NOTES INDIANS IN FIJI1 A cablegram from Suva says, “Indian members motion common franchise rejected Council today all three resigned”. This means that the Fijian Legislative Council would not have Indians on a common franchise. That would be too much for the white exploiters of Indian labour. The Indian members elected by Indian electors only have really no influence in the Legislative Council. I congratulate the three members on their patriotic spirit in having resigned from the Council by way of protest. I hope that they will on no account reconsider their decision unless a common franchise is obtained. Having resigned however they must not sit idle but continue their agitation for the simple justice to which they are entitled. If the Indian colony in Fiji is well organized, the citadel of anti-Indian prejudice is bound to break down through united effort. IS IT A SALE OF INDULGENCES ? A student writes from Lucknow as follows:2 I should be sorry to discover that the students and others who pay to the khadi fund do so not with the intention of using khadi themselves but merely as a salve for their conscience. I have warned audiences paying their subscriptions that their payment of subscri- ption is an earnest of their desire to wear khadi as far as they can. The writer of the letter seems to think that khaddarites do not subscribe. The fact however is that those who wear khadi are the largest single subscribers. If people merely paid subscriptions to the khadi fund and none used khadi, the subscriptions would be perfectly useless, for they are not given as donations to the poor but as a return for work done, and if the fruits of their work are not used by the people, their work becomes useless. KHADI BUYERS BEWARE3 The Secretary of the All-India Spinners’ Association writes:4 This is a very serious matter. It is necessary for all buyers of 1Vide also “Letter to Secretary, Fiji Congress”, 14-11-1929. 2 The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent reported that students considered their duty ended with payment of subscription to the khadi fund. Vide also “Speech at Allahabad University”, 17-11-1929. 3 A note on the same subject appeared in Navajivan, 15-12-1929. 4 The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had listed names of merchants in Tuni (Andhra) who were passing off mill-yarn cloth as genuine khadi. VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 1 khadi to be very cautious about their purchases. of course those who are satisfied with the ordinary khadi that one gets in the different provinces are generally safe, but those who will wear fine Andhra khadi or none at all have need to be most particular about what they buy. The Association has repeatedly warned the public that they should not regard any khadi as genuine which does not come from a certificated khadi bhandar. The list of cerificated khadi bhandars has been already published in the papers and can be had for the asking against an anna stamp from the Secretary of the Association. So much for the public. What is one to say however of those who are selling spurious khadi and thus damaging a vast national movement specially designed in the interest of famishing millions? Even as a butcher may to a certain extent be humane, so should these merchants set a limit to their greed and exempt at least the famishing millions from their fraudulent operations. I shall be glad to learn that this paragraph has caught the eye of these Tuni merchants and that they will cease to sell spurious khadi. Young India, 21-11-1929 2. HONEST DIFFERENCES1 Mr. J. B. Pennington whom the readers of Young India will recognize as the nonagenarian friend writes under date 6th October: This is most likely the last time I shall worry you with my despairing efforts, but I must just say that I am glad you declined the Presidentship of the Congress because I suppose it means that you prefer to be independent, and I hope, determined to exercise your own judgment in these critical times, no matter what happens. You never answered my question as to whether you were prepared to be the first president of the Indian republic, perhaps because you thought it was a ridiculous question which it certainly was not; because if you with your unrivalled experience and reputation, are not fit for the job, I don’t know who is —and it must be a republic or chaos, if you get rid of us. Is it quite impossible for you to work with the present administration, say, for another 10 years, till you find your feet? Your experience at Bardoli shows that you can influence even the Present Government by ordinary means and once associated with it on equal terms you could easily get all you want without bloodshed of which, God knows, we have had more than enough for one generation. Still hoping for the best in India. I have no doubt the reader will share with me the wish and the hope that Mr. Pennington may live many a long year to send his letters and even to see India reach her cherished goal. Who can withhold admiration for the consistent zeal and industry Mr. Pennington is evincing in the pursuit of what he considers to be the 1 Vide also “Letter to J. B. Pennington”, 14-11-1929. 2 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI right course? Nor can one deny his downright honesty. That he may not think as we toiling under the British harrow do is a limitation for which he is not responsible. In any case his wonderful zeal, industry and optimism are worthy of imitation by the youth of the country. And now for the reply to Mr. Pennington’s question. I do remember his question about the first president of the future Indian republic. If I must for the time being give up my modesty, I must tell Mr. Pennington in confidence that if there was an Indian republic in my lifetime and the burden was imposed upon me by the simple people of the country, I daresay that it would not break me. At any rate I should make a fair effort to shoulder it. What however I am striving for is not a life of isolation for India but a life of association with the British on absolutely equal terms. Republic or chaos is, in my opinion, an easy thing to get if we would but make up our minds to copy our English tutors and begin to break heads here, there and everywhere without dreading the consequences. That however would not please me, and a republic so gained would not probably find me alive, but if it did, its first duty would be not to install me on the throne but to put me under the gallows. The republic therefore of my imagination would have to be a republic gained by non-violent means, and if the country would continue its choice of non-violence and truth as the method par excellence fo attaining its goal, it would not need to drive the English out, but it would have converted the English who under that state of conversion would work as willing servants of the country and would deem it an honour to live on Indian sufferance. If such a consummation comes to pass, it would be something of which India will have every reason to be proud and forwhich the world will be the richer. It may be a dream never to be fulfilled but it is enough for me that it makes me happy. Mr. Pennington will now see why it is quite impossible for me to work with the present administration, even for a day, let alone 10 years. Under the present administration equality is an impossibility. It is an administration which, I hold, has proved ruinous to India and is based upon brute force. The fundamental difference between Mr. Pennington and Indian nationalists is that the latter consider. that India is fit today for administering her own affairs without the patronizing help of any outsider. If a robber by sheer force of arms has dispossessed me of my estate and holds me as his slave, it does not mean that I therefore consider myself to be unfit to own my estate although I may not have sufficient arms to enable me to dispossess him of the estate unlawfully gained by him. Thirdly, Mr. Pennington’s memory surely betrays him when he says that the present Government was influenced by ordinary means with reference to Bardoli1. It was just the extraordinary means discovered by non-co-operators that were 1 The Bardoli Satyagraha. VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 3 employed by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel with consummate skill and absolute faithfulness that influenced the Government, and it is just these extraordinary means which I would like the country to adopt, and I know that it will reach its goal as surely as the simple peasants of Bardoli did. Lastly, I would like Mr. Pennington to follow up the ideal for which the Association with which he is intimately connected is working. The printed letter-heads which Mr. Pennington uses for his letters are issued from the office of the National Homecroft Association Ltd., whose object is to promote the development of homecroft settlements; i.e., suburban food-raising areas designed to accommodate working class families in individual homes, erected upon individual crofts, of such size and equipment as will enable the family food to be produced from the family’s soil by the family’s own off-time labour.
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