COMMUNICATLNG ABOUT UNEMPLOYMENT: A CASE STUDY OF THE EXPERIENCE OF UNEMPLOYED YOUTH IN THE CANBERRA COMMUNITY
Nerelle Poroch BA (Mod Lang) UC, MA (Comm) UC
THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNTVERSITY OF CANBERRA, AUSTRALLAN CAPITAL TERRITORY
July 2000 DEDICATON
To my late husband, Eugene Poroch, who said the word 'Doctor' and sent me on this journey. ABSTRACT
This study is about the risk of youth unemployment in Canberra. It applies the perspective of Giddens and others on risk communication to how the hazards of self identity and self esteem, coping ability, the ,work ethic, family support and level of education, the ability to enjoy spare time, drugs and alcohol use, poverty and suicide affect young people's ability to cope. The study's communication perspective also integates political with organizational, interpersonal and network as well as mass media communication. The study also draws from scholars who write from a sociological and psychological viewpoint and are frequently cited.in communication sources.
The loss of traditional work opportunities in the Public Service in Canberra is a significant barrier to a young person's integration into the community. Other barriers are the reduced work opportunities for young unskilled workers in a fledgling private market, the lack of adequate social and transport facilities, and family breakdown that can leave young Canberrans abandoned. The added factor of a global decline in participation in work in the last two decades has resulted in the general collapse in the full time jobs market, a growth of part time and casual employment, multiple job holding, and non-standard hours of work.
Using historical research, participant observation, interview data and newspaper content analysis the study shows that the risk of unemployment for young people remains high notwithstanding the reduction in the overall unemployment rate. The media has played a sibmificant role in forming community attitudes since the 1974 recession to the new millennium - a time of increasing government hardline policies towards welfare reform. Such policies have resulted in semi-privatisation of the employment services and tightening of welfare eligibility. Poor communication of these policies and coordination of their service delivery has resulted in public confusion about accessing these services. This is exacerbated in varying ways at the individual level depending on the extent that young people are affected by the hazards of unemployment.
The government's answer to the problem of youth unemployment seeks to force young people to return to school and the family home. The outcomes of other reforms, such as the mutual obligation component of work for the dole, are yet to be determined. Young people want to work. However, the consequences of the present government reforms for young people are that they are 'parked' in education, denied access to full time employment and the privileges of adult status. All of these issues are reflected in the findings of the five research questions posed in the study detailed as follows:
Research Question 1: What role does interpersonal communication play in the construction of a positive sense of self-concept among young unemployed people?
Findings: Young people are vulnerable to social change. At the individual level, the risk of unemployment and its associated hazards is heightened when an individual's sense of self and identity is not properly developed and they are unable to forge a sense of belonging with society. Reduced job opportunities, lack of trust despite the strong will do to the 'right thing' have prevailed amongst the young. For some access to choice is exciting. For others who are overwhelmed or have dropped out the world can be a bleak place. For an increasing number of young people the absence of family support and education impinges on their interpersonal communication skills in developing coping strategies in their day-to-day existence outside society's norms of acceptance.
Research Question la: How important is a positive sense of self-concept for young unemployed people in communicating with community support organizations?
Findings: A positive sense of self-concept is paramount for young people communicating with Centrelink and the Job Network organizations in an environment where they are required to contribute extra effort in finding work, reduce their use of social assistance, adopt compliant behaviours towards the government's welfare reforms and meet raised expectations in finding employment.
Research Question 2: How do young unemployed people differently experience their primary and secondary social support networks?
Findings: Family support as well as education increases the ability of young unemployed people to interact with their primary and secondary social support networks. Consequently, a poor experience of primary support leads to eventual confusion when dealing with organizations that deliver employment services. The replacement of family support by a friendship group can nevertheless be empowering in these circumstances.
Research Question 2a: How does young people's ability to access secondary support networks affect their experience of unemployment?
Findings: The lack of family support and education increases the chances of having low resilience, low trust in organizations and other people and an inability to cope. These are all significant barriers to communicating successfully with secondary support networks that provide assistance with employment opportunities. Staying in education is a safety net against youth unemployment. The feeling of connectedness with the community is difficult because of the loss of identity and the absence of identity recognition for young unemployed people through discrimination. The maintenance of the work ethic in the main stems from the desire to accrue material benefits.
Research Question 3: What is the role of community and organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment?
Findings: The findings of the study highlight the vulnerability of young unemployed people accessing organizational support with the hazards stated in the study being the intervening variables. It was found that reforms linking markets and networks make increasing demands on the unemployed and their families. Poor communication within Centrelink, interorganizationally with the Job Network providers and in public communication informing about such reforms has resulted in confusion amongst young unemployed people. The new market driven environment has had detrimental effects on clients because of the lack of integrated programs and has generated a lack of trust in organizational providers.
Research Question 4: What is the role of the media and public opinion polls informing community perceptions about youth unemployment?
Findings: Media agenda setting provides the cues setting the standards by which the public evaluates government and attributes responsibility for societal problems. Public opinion is formed when media reports on public affairs. People talk to one another about the topic and consequently public opinion is formed. In the 1970s the media framed unemployed youth as 'dole bludgers' and the polls reflected public attitudes that unemployment was due to people not wanting to work. Media framing in the 1990s contrasted with the 1970s view. Such indications included that it now considered that young people were priced out of a job whilst showing cynicism of governments to improve the situation. It did not use the 'dole bludger' tag. Although the salience of youth unemployment in the opinion polls had diminished, it was still a dominant consideration. Sympathy for young unemployed people who are seen as victims of social change by the media has maintained into the new millennium with media criticism aimed at the government's punitive approach to youth unemployment.
Research Question 5: How are policies about youth unemployment communicated to the community?
Findings: Following Foucault the study found that government is a broader process involving more than the state. From depth interviews with organizational representatives it was found that formulation of policy for youth and unemployment should be bottom up - community, state, federal - before Cabinet consideration. Political and economic ideologies currently precede pragmatism and there is a diminished voice of those representing youth policy.
These findings contribute to building on understandings of the phenomenon of youth unemployment at the community level in Australia and inform about the various individuals, groups, organizations including the media that contribute to shaping the discourse in and around youth and youth unemployment. -viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Scope of the Thesis (1) Overview Scope of the Thesis (2) Theoretical Perspectives Aims and Objectives of the Thesis Contribution of the Thesis Structure of the Thesis
CHAPTER 1 - YOUTH AND UNEMPLOYMENT: PERSONAL EXPERIENCE
Introduction Society's Changing Concept of Youth The Rites ofPassage for Youth Youth in the 1990s - Who Are They? Youth at Risk in the 1990s Coping with Social Chunge Risk Communication and Individualism Interpersonal Communication and Youth Unemployment Interpersonal Communication and Self Identity Selflmage and the Work Ethic Social Support Networks and Unemployment Organizational Communication and Unemployment Organi,.ationul Risk Communication Interorganizutional, Internul und External Communicution Chapter Summary
CHAPTER 2 - YOUTH AND WORK: HISTORICAL POLICY COMPARISONS
Introduction Youth and Unemployment in Australia - 1970s to 1990s The Changing Concept of Work The Changing Work Ethic The Prospects of Finding Work - European and United States' Perspectives The Prospects of Finding Work - Australian Perspectives New Solutions for Work in Australia Communicating Public Policy on Youth Unemployment in Australia Policies on Youth Unemployment Federal Government Policies ACT Government Policies Chapter Summary CHAPTER 3 - COMMUNITY ATTITUDES LN MEDIA REPORTING AND PUBLIC OPINION POLLS IN THE 1970s
Introduction The Concept of Community Canberra's Genesis as a Community Towards a National Capital In Retrospect The People The Place Public Sector Versus Private Sector The Media Agenda Setting Hypothesis Second Level Media Agenda Setting Media Agenda Setting and Risk Communication The Personul Versus the Societal Frame Assigning Blame for Risk - The Personal Versus Societal Frume The Impact of Interpersonal Communication on Community Attitudes Community Attitudes and Opinion Polls - North American and Australian Perspectives Australian Community Attitudes - Youth Unemployment in the 1970s Australian Community Attitudes - Youth Unemployment in the 1980s and 1990s Chapter Summary Appendix to Chapter 3 - Appendix C - ACT Town Centres
CHAPTER 4 - THEORY AND METHOD
Introduction Deriving the Research Questions The Research Questions Analysing the Research Questions Case Study Research Limitations of the Study Methods of Data Collection The Interview Process The Interviewees Focus Group Interviews Interview Transaction and Limitations Interview Analysis Techniques Participant Observation and Analysis Techniques Newspaper Content Analysis Chapter Summary CHAPTER 5 - COMMUNITY AITITUDES IN MEDIA REPORTING AND PUBLIC OPINION POLLS IN THE 1990s 134
Introduction The Role of the Newspaper in Forming Public Opinion Newspaper Content Analysis The Opposition's Job Forum 4-5 July 1992 Sources and Category of Articles Frum ing Anulys is Editoriuls and Letters to the Editor The Government's Youth Job Summit - 22 July 1992 Sources and Category ofArticles Framing Analysis Editorials and Letters to the Editor Comparison of Media Framing - Job Forum and Job Summit Opinion Poll Results Following the Forum and the Summit The Continuing Problem of Youth Unemployment Newspaper Content Analysis 1999 Sources and Category of Articles Melbourne Newspapers - Framing Analysis Sydney Newspapers - Framing Anulysis Cunberra Newspapers - Framing Analysis Comparison of Sydney, Melbourne, Canberra Newspapers Opinion Poll Results at the End of 1999 Chapter Summary
CHAPTER 6 - THE HAZARDS OF YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AND CANBERRA SUPORT ORGANIZATIONS' PERSPECTIVES OF YOUNG UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE
Introduction The Canberra Community Unemployed Youth - Involvement in the Canberra Community Fumily Support in Canberra Education in Canberra The Work Ethic - Canberra Youth Poverty in Canberra Drugs and Alcohol in Canberra Youth Suicide in Canberra Youth Unemployment and Spare Time Organizational Perspectives -Youth Unemployment Community Perspectives - Attribution of Risk and Blame for Youth Unemployment Community Perspectives - Government's Attribution of Risk and Blame for Youth Unemployment Centrelink and Job Network Perspectives of Employment Service Delivery Community Support Organizations' Perspectives of Employment Service Delivery Chapter Summary CHAPTER 7 - YOUNG PEOPLE'S PERSPECTIVES OF CANBERRA'S SOCLAL SUPPORT NETWORKS
Introduction Young People's Experiences of Unemployment in Canberra The 'Have Nots' - Primary and Secondary Support Junes ' Story Tim '.I. Story Trust Relationships and Moral Values Seun 'S Story The Empowerment of Friendship Groups Emmu 'S Story Coping Ability Lilly 'S story The 'Haves' - Primary and Secondary Support Hurry 'k Story Murruy S Story ./ason 'S Story Mandy 'S Story Comparison Between the 'Have Nots' and the 'Haves' Chapter Summary
CHAPTER 8 - FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS 241
Introduction Study Findings Research Questions I - 5 Study Conclusions The Role of the Mediu und Opinion Polls Youlh Unemployment - Policy Communicution Community and Orgunizutionul Perspectives of Young Unemployed People Young Unemployed People's Perspectives of Social Support Networks Implications for Theory Implications for Practice Specialised Employment Educution Interorgan i,.cltional Coordination und Sociul Marketing Severing the Link Between Work and Leisure Social Policy Legacy APPENDICES
Page Appendix A: Communication Network - Homeless Unemployed Young Person 292
Appendix B: Communication Between Government Employment Service Organizations
Appendix C: ACT Town Centres (see Chapter 3)
Appendix D: Sources of Articles - Job Forum and Job Summit, July 1992
Appendix E: Sources of Articles for Year 1999
Appendix F: Pilot Interview Young Unemployed People in Canberra
Appendix G: Interview Young Unemployed People in Canberra
Appendix H: Interview Full-Time Student Focus Groups Aged Between 15 and 25 Years
Appendix I: Pilot Interview Job Network Providers
Appendix J: Interview Job Network Providers
Appendix K: Interview Representatives of Community Support Organizations
Appendix L: Interview Parents of Youth Aged 15 to 25 Years
Appendix M: Interview Youth Sector Representatives
Appendix N: Interview ACT Chamber of Commerce and Industry
Appendix 0: Interview Youth Bureau, Department of Employment, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA)
Appendix P: Interview Centrelink
Appendix Q: Interview ACT Government, Chief Minister's Department
Appendix R: Interview Careers Advisor, Phillip College, Canberra
Appendix S: Interview ACT Police LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 1 Unemployment Rate for Australia and the Australian Capital Territory 47
Table 2 Unemployment Rate for New South Wales and Victoria
Table 3 Overall Unemployment Rate % - Comparing Australia with Other Countries 56 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to gratefully acknowledge and express deep appreciation to the many people who have assisted me to complete this study:
to the young people and representatives of the support organizations in the private and public sector for their assistance in making their time available to further my study research. Their sharing of knowledge and personal views has provided the study with a privileged insight into youth unemployment in Canberra.
to the University of Canberra for financial support in the form of a postgraduate scholarship and research funding. Also to the insights gained from my supervisors, Dr John Jenkins, Professor Warwick Blood and Associate Professor Glen Lewis.
most of all to my primary supervisor, Glen Lewis, whose steadfast support, encouragement and confidence in my ability prepared me for each new challenge. His generosity in providing constructive criticism and his expertise have all contributed to the enjoyment of creating this thesis.
to loving friends and the company of Blanche and Sibyl who helped me maintain motivation.
finally, to Philip Waite who through his gift of love and support has endowed me with an environment conducive to completing this thesis. ABBREVIATIONS
ABA Australian Bankers' Association ABC Australian Broadcasting Commission AE3S Australian Bureau of Statistics ABS, ACT Australian Bureau of Statistics, ACT in Focus ABSC Australian Bureau of Statistics Unemployment Rates Consultancy AES, LF Australian Bureau of Statistics Labour Force Australia ACT Australian Capital Temtory ACTCOSS ACT Council of Social Services ACTE W ACT Electricity and Water AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome ANOP Australian National Opinion Poll AYPAC Australian Youth Policy and Action Coalition BHP The Broken Hill Proprietary CO Ltd CES Commonwealth Employment Service CNC The Canberra Northside Chronicle CSC The Canberra Southside Chronicle CT The Canberra Times CIT Canberra Institute of Technology DEWRSB Department of Employment, Workforce Relations and Small Business DETYA Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs DSS Department of Social Security DTM Daily Telegraph Mirror GG Governor General HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HS Herald Sun 1T Information Technology LAGE Location of Australian Government Employment LAPAC Local Area Planning Advisory Committee MTV Music Television NATSEM National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling NCA National Capital Authority NCDC National Capital Development Commission NEAT National Employment and Training Scheme OECD Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development PM Prime Minister PS Public Service SMH The Sydney Morning Herald SYEPT Special Youth Employment Training Scheme SYSS Special Youth Support Scheme TAFE Technical and Further Education TV Television UK United Kingdom USA United States of America USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics YMCA Young Men's Chstian Association - -
Introduction 1
INTRODUCTION
Scope of the Thesis (1)
Overview
This study is about the risk of youth unemployment in Canberra in the Australian Capital Territory (ACT) and the hazards experienced by young people in its wake. The study examines communication within the community and its influence on public perception of youth unemployment in the 1990s, as compared with the mid 1970s when youth unemployment became a social issue. The study draws on the relevant literature, participant observation and interviews with young Canberra people. Individuals who represent the federal and the ACT government, and business and community organizations have also been interviewed about their policymaking and service delivery roles in supporting young unemployed people.
The main focus is on the youth of Canberra who are aged between 15 and 25 years, and unemployed. There are two categories of young people in the unemployment debate: teenagers aged between 15 and 19 years, and young adults aged between 20 and 24 years. One in five of these young people are likely to rely primarily on Centrelink payments for their income (Dusseldorp 1999). In 1999 the national unemployment rate for teenagers was 20.1 percent, while for young adults it was 7.9 percent. The overall unemployment rate for Canberra was 5.8 percent, while the national rate was 7.2 percent (ABSC 2000).
The study draws from various disciplinary approaches to youth unemployment and employs different levels of studies in communication to synthesise the research. The communication perspective integrates political communication about government youth unemployment policies with the organizational support that enables government policy. Interpersonal and network communication provide insights into how young people cope with unemployment in terms of their self concept and their ability to access social support. Mass media theory examines how media discourses differ From the 1970s to the 1990s and where responsibility has been placed for this social issue. The study considers the role of the media and public opinion polls in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment in the 1970s and the ,1990s. It makes a comparison between community attitudes in the 1974 recession by accessing literature and previous Introduction 2 studies, and during the 1992 recession in using newspaper content analysis. Newspaper content analysis is also carried out during 1999 to assess present day media discourse about youth unemployment. The media coverage following a recession was conducted against a background of economic downturn, and this time was chosen for that reason.
The study attempts to redress the knowledge gap about the intractable problem of youth unemployment by examining a case study of the experience of unemployed youth in the Canberra community. As the national capital, Canberra has a small community of 308,411 and in size of population is not unlike other regional centres of Australia (ABS, ACT l999:37,2 17). However, its national capital status has meant that residents have settled in Canberra not so much by choice as by necessity of moving to their Public Service jobs. They were first relocated from other coastal states of Australia from about 1927 to the inland bush capital, which had been selected to be the home of the Parliament of Australia. From reluctant beginnings some of its modem day residents now have extended families that have been reared in Canberra. They have also contributed to the lineage of Canberra's public servants who have, in the 1990s, witnessed a severe reduction in the public sector work. From 1996 to 1998, 16,000 Canberra public servants from the ACT and federal governments have either left the Service or have been made redundant (ACT Government, August 1999).
Scope of the Thesis (2)
Theoretical Perspectives
The study aims to extend risk communication perspectives that so far have been mainly focused on scientific and environmental risk (Szerszynski, Lash and Wynne 1996). Hohenemser, Kates and Slovic (1983) consider that a risk is the 'probability of injury, illness, or death associated with a hazard'. The study introduces the view that youth unemployment is a hazard in that a hazard is a 'threat to humans and what they value' (Hohenemser et al. 1983:378-384). The dimensions of the hazards of youth unemployment which the study examines are the individual factors of self identity and self esteem, coping ability, the work ethic, family support and level of education, the ability to enjoy spare time, drugs and alcohol use, poverty and suicide. These hazards have a bearing on how young people cope with the inevitability of their being 'parked' in education, unable to assume adulthood status by becoming self-sufficient and economically independent of their parents and social support organizations. Introduction 3
The concept of risk in society encompasses societal and technological development. Youth unemployment can be likened to a social risk that has arisen from the imperfect social arrangements of the times (Furedi 199758). The risk of being unemployed in the United States of America rates as the equivalent of smoking ten packs of cigarettes a day because of the heightened risk of suicide, liver cirrhosis from drinking alcohol and other stress related diseases (Ross 1995, cited in Furedi 199758). Many people do not think continually about the likelihood of such injury to themselves or to those close to them until they become more salient through personal experience or through one's acquaintances or friends. This experience may alter the perception of the relative frequency of the risk. However, for some, such information is likely to come neither from personal experience nor from other interpersonal sources but from the mass media. A November 1991 Los Angeles Times survey, (cited in Singer and Endreny 1993:3), showed that only 15 to 20 per cent of the population knew anyone who was ill with AIDS. However, over 99 per cent had heard or read about Magic Johnson's decision to retire from professional basketball because he had the AIDS virus. This study examines how the media report the risk of youth unemployment at the individual and the social level.
In the context of increasing individualisation, the concept of risk has gained prominence in child-rearing, marriage, friendship and in much of life itself. This shift has occurred because agents from normative institutional constraints are set free (Beck 1994). The world today is a 'post traditional' world, where traditions or mode of action are no longer foundations for living one's life in the complex and ever changing circumstances of the present. Traditions and customs, beliefs and expectations today are 'adaptable, bendable, plastic resources in a globalized, cosmopolitan world of intersecting cultures and life styles' (Giddens and Pierson 1998:15-1 6). In the modem world, traditions are located and contextualised as alternative contexts of decision- making and as alternative sources of knowledge, value and morality. The transformation of tradition is unique to modernity. Giddens describes this transformation thus:
Where the past has lost its hold, or becomes one 'reason' among others for doing what one does, pre-existing habits are only a limited guide to action; while the future, open to numerous 'scenarios' becomes of compelling interest (Giddens 1994:92-93). Introduction 4
The society of the mid-nineteenth century comprised a form of simple modernisation. Today's society can be described more as the age of reflexive modernization. This means that in contemporary times there is a high degree of social reflexivity where the conditions are a product of our own actions and these are oriented towards managjng the risk and opportunities of what we have created (Giddens and Pierson 1998:16). Where premodern societies faced the threat of natural risks, modem society faces the threat of 'manufactured risks' to personal and environmental life, for example, from eating contaminated food to swimming in polluted seas. In premodern society, social identity was attached to tradition, kinship and locality. Today this relationship is not connected with contexts, communities and the expectations that prescribe the identity of who people are and how they live. Identity is now a 'moving projection through the complex social and institutional contours of a globalized cultural system'. In this environment, each person needs to undertake a 'reflexive project of the self by steering their own individual course between the risks and promises of modem society (Giddens and Pierson 1998:19).
Social commentators such as Mackay (1 997a & b), Davis (1997) and Holtz (1 995) are acknowledging Giddens' concept of 'reflexive modernity7 when they describe the environment of today's youth. This is the generation named by Mackay (1997b:146) as the 'options generation', who in the absence of the strict moral upbringing of their parents, has developed their own moral codes and established their own sets of values. Davis (1997:viii) also makes some observations about this generation, which he calls 'Generation X', and its place in Australian culture. He cites youth issues and race and gender politics as being at the forefront of the evolving Australian culture debate. This revolves around fears about change and 'declines of ethics, historical memory and old- style politics and aesthetics' and is often played out across a generation gap. It is about changed work patterns (casual work taking over from full-time work), and changed families (single parents and blended families). This generation has grown up in a time marked with HIVIAIDS and a decline in health services. The food people eat has changed and especially for young people takeaway meals have become the norm. The dominant belief systems of the early to mid-twentieth century have changed with the result that the church, state, family and the sciences no longer have the authority they once did. Many avoid unemployment by spending years in tertiary education and 'end up waiting on tables for the luckiest generation in history - the baby boomers' (Davis Introduction 5
1997:16, 243). Holtz (1995) writes about Americans born during the 1960s and the 1970s in the same vein.
Since the 1970s the debate about youth unemployment has revolved around world economic pressures, what the government should do about it, changing work patterns, and the necessity for education and job training. In hindsight, the prediction by the Confederation of Australian Industry Report in 1978 that a disproportionate burden of unemployment would continue to be shouldered by the young proved true. As further predicted in the Report, by 1992 the social impact on young people unable to find work had manifested itself in problems such as drug and alcohol abuse, suicide, family breakdown and increased crime. In the 1992 recession the debate revolved around reducing youth wages, creating jobs, skilling young people and providing them financial security and integration in the community.
This study examines the experience of unemployed youth in the Canberra community in contemporary times. Although at the commencement of the year 2000 the national unemployment rate had fallen to 7.2 percent, such indications of rising employment do not apply to all Australians (ABSC, 2000). For example, in relation to teenagers, those aged between 15 and 19 years:
More than 190,000 (14.5 percent) of teenagers were not in full time work and not in full time education (at May 1999). Seventy percent of teenagers at risk of not obtaining employment are early school leavers. For every teenager counted as unemployed, there is at least one more not involved in full time work or full time study. The teenage unemployment rate is three times the level of older experienced workers. Nine percent of teenagers are moving in a world of casual employment and unemployment. The number of full time teenage jobs halved between the mid 1980s and the mid 1990s. Australia has the second lowest proportion of its post-compulsory age group in apprenticeships or vocational education of all the OECD counties (Dusseldorp, 27 October 19995-6).
In relation to young adults, those aged between 20 and 24 years:
In May 1999 almost 300,000 (23.5 percent) of young adults were either: unemployed; working part time and not in education; not in the labour force but Introduction 6
looking for employment and unable to start in the next four weeks or would if childcare was available. Eight percent of 24 year olds have not completed any higher education or participated in TAFE or an apprenticeship and been employed for 25 percent of their time. By the age of 24 their incidence of unemployment is twice that of school completers. The young adult unemployment rate is double that of mature age adults (25-54 years) even though their participation rates are similar. Casual jobs as a proportion of all young adult jobs have doubled over the past decade. Twenty four percent of higher education graduates are unemployed or working as casuals four months after graduating. Twenty percent of non-student young adult jobs are casual (Dusseldorp, 27 October 1999:6-7).
These findings lay the foundation to the research questions detailed in the following section.
Aims and Objectives of the Thesis
The assertion of this thesis is that:
Youth unemployment as a factor putting the community at risk in the 1990s is a continuing social problem notwithstanding its eclipse by the improved overall unemployment rate. The Morgan Poll in November 1999 showed that the public were concerned about healthhospitals, and education~schoolsbefore unemployment. This result is a significant reversal of opinion because unemployment has been the most mentioned issue since 1992. However, another Morgan Poll in November 1999 also found that 63 percent of Australians believed that the government was not doing enough to stop unemployment rising. This suggests that unemployment remains on people's minds.
The aims of this study are: 1. to provide an historical understanding of the social concept of youth unemployment and the associated issues of unemployment and work since the 1974 recession; and
2. to examine these issues within a communication theoretical framework that introduces the concept of the risk and hazards of youth unemployment; and to inform about the individuals, groups, organizations, including the media that contribute to shaping the discourse about youth unemployment. .-
Introduction 7
The objectives are to answer five research questions. They are:
1. What role does interpersonal communication play in the construction of a positive sense of self-concept among young unemployed people? and
l a. How important is a positive sense of self-concept for young unemployed people in communicating with community support organizations?
2. How do young unemployed people differently experience their primary and secondary social support networks? and
2a. How does young people's ability to access secondary support networks affect their experience of unemployment?
3. What is the role of community and organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment?
4. What is the role of the media and public opinion polls in forming community perceptions about youth unemployment?
5. How are policies about youth unemployment communicated to the community?
This communication approach enables an assessment to be made of the current community perceptions and the experiences of youth unemployment. This thesis argues that technological change in contemporary times has meant that youth are 'parked' in education, denied access to full-time employment and the privilege of adult status. This is the most highly educated, and media stimulated generation and the world is very exciting for those who can cope. However, for those who have dropped out the world is a bleak and daunting place (Mackay 1997b:138). Communication plays a significant role in facilitating the ability to cope with the hazards encountered by young unemployed people. Nevertheless, when an individual's sense of self and identity is not properly developed, they are unable to develop a sense of communion and belonging with those around them. Consequently, the risk of unemployment is heightened through their difficulties in accessing social support. Other significant factors which contribute to the hazards of youth unemployment and are examined in Chapters 1,2, and 6 are the strength or otherwise of the work ethic of this generation in the absence of a strict moral upbringing, and the gradual decline in the value of work. Introduction 8
Contribution of The Thesis
This thesis aims to contribute to the study of communication in assessing changing attitudes to youth unemployment. The .assumption of this thesis is that a communication approach can offer valuable insights into youth and community perceptions of this social issue and enhance risk communication commentary. The major significance of this thesis is that it contributes a case study in a field that has not been researched to any great degree. It is a study based on the Canberra community. Aptly referred to as the 'bush capital' the size of population of 308,411 (ABS, ACT 1999:37,217) is a model for testing Giddens' (1998:79-80) notion of reflexive societies marked by high levels of self-organization and small group movements in examining the extent of young unemployed people's acceptance and integration into the Canberra community.
Canberra's unique status as the national capital has meant that unlike other Australian capital cities, it has been profoundly affected during the 1990s' by governments concerned about cutting the costs of what has traditionally been the major source of work for young school leavers - the Public Service. Consequently, job opportunities for unskilled young people are restricted within Canberra's fledgling private sector. It is also different from other capital cities in Australia because of its reduced opportunities for young people to socialise due to their reliance on bus services for commuting between far flung town centres thereby increasing the isolation of young unemployed people. The community is highly educated and computer literate and is much younger than for Australia as a whole. However family breakdown can leave young Canberrans abandoned when separating parents return to their state of birth. Although it holds the unique position of being the nation's only true middle-class city where the difference between the highest and the lowest income is smaller than in other parts of Australia, unemployment or casual employment is a direct cause of poverty in Canberra.
Apart from the Oeser and Emery study in 1954, four other community studies appeared in the first half of the 1970s: Bryson and Thompson 1972; Brennan 1973; Oxley 1978, and Wild 1978, plus the Williams and the Dempsey studies in 1981 and 1990 respectively. However, Australian community studies with a focus on youth Introduction 9 unemployment are rare. The unemployment trends in Australia generally reflect what is happening globally. Predictions have been made that in future decades 80 per cent of the world's population will be unemployed due to new labour and time saving technologies. Rifiin (1995), Miegel (1997), and Martin and Schumann (1997) offer American and European perspectives and predict that some people will work few hours in the formal market sector while the unskilled will be unable to secure any work at all in the automated high-tech global economy. This prediction has important ramifications for young people as they strive to enter the labour market. The contribution of this thesis is that it explores the changing social conditions of a very significant segment of the community - the young unemployed.
There has been a certain amount of research camed out on youth, their leisure and sub- cultures in recent decades (e.g., Roberts 1983, Rapoport and Rapoport 1975; Brake, 1980). However, there is a tendency for such research to become quickly dated. The Australian contemporary writing of Davis (1997), and Mackay (1997a & b) have concentrated on the present rise of generationalism, while Bessant, Sercombe and Watts (1998) and Wyn and White (1997) have written about the overall concept of youth in the 1990s. Taking a communication perspective, this study focuses on unemployed youth in Canberra and how they exist in an environment of reduced employment and increased welfare reform. The 1960s and 1970s were times when young people were 'affluent' in being able to find employment and earn wages. In the 1980s and 1990s, young people have shouldered a disproportionate burden of unemployment.
The unifLing idea of the thesis is that valuable insights can be acquired in its use of the risk perspective, which informs on the related issues of interpersonal and network communication as well as media coverage and organizational communication. Consequently the study makes a distinct and significant contribution to the knowledge and understanding of the subject through its theoretical application. It results in important findings that reveal duplication and malcoordination of services amongst support organizations through poor internal, external, interorganizational and public communication. It establishes the media's role in changing attitudes to attributing blame for youth unemployment from the mid 1970s into the new millennium. It also highlights the vulnerability of young people to social change, the importance of a sense of belonging with society through the ability to communicate with primary and Introduction 10 secondary social support groups in an environment of reduced job opportunities and punitive government welfare policies, which generate a feeling of a general lack of trust.
The consequent implications for practice are found in the areas for further research such as the requirement for specialised employment education for young people before entering the workforce, the need for interorganizational coordination and social marketing by organizations that provide employment services and the requirement to examine the link between work and leisure in relation to hture directions for work in Australia as input into future employment policies.
Structure of The Thesis
This thesis has seven chapters and a conclusion. The first three provide a theoretical fiamework to answer each research question. Chapter 1 introduces the concept of the risk and hazards of unemployment and the effect of unemployment on the self-concept of young people within the framework of society's changing idea of youth. Interpersonal communication, social support networks and organizational communication provide the theoretical framework to examine these issues. Chapter 2 discusses the issue of youth unemployment as an intractable problem brought about by the changing role of work. It contrasts government policies on youth employment in the 1970s with the 1990s and examines how they are communicated to the community. Chapter 3 considers the effects of media fiaming and of focussing on the individual over societal factors. It contrasts media reporting with public opinion polls about youth unemployment in the 1970s and during the 1980s. Chapter 4 explains the derivation of the study's five research questions, summarises the theoretical rationale used for the analysis, and explains the case study method employed. It identifies methods appropriate to the theories and justifies and explains the choice of methods and limitations. It also explains the selection of respondents used in the study's interviews and the choice of print sources used in the content analysis.
Chapters 5 to 7 analyse the data gathered through the various methods described in Chapter 4. Chapter 5 examines public opinion through opinion polls of the 1990s. It also analyses the content analysis data of the newspapers most read by the Canberra community, in 1992 and 1999, to determine whether blame and responsibility for youth Introduction 11 unemployment was attributed differently in the 1970s. Chapter 6 analyses the role of community and organisational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment. Chapter 7 analyses how the ability to access primary and secondary support contributes to young people's experiences of unemployment. For reference purposes the chapters that address the research questions are specified below:
Chapter Research Questions
Chapters 1 & 7 What role does interpersonal communication play in the construction of a sense of self-concept among young unemployed people? and
How important is a sense of self-concept for young unemployed people in communicating with community support organizations?
Chapters 2 & 6 How are policies about youth unemployment communicated to the community?
Chapters 3 & 5 What is the role of the media and public opinion polls in forming community perceptions about youth unemployment?
Chapter 1 & 6 What is the role of community and organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment?
Chapter 7 How do young unemployed people differently experience their primary and secondary social support networks? and
How does young people's ability to access secondary support networks affect their experience of unemployment? Personal Experience 12
CHAPTER 1
YOUTH AND UNEMPLOYMENT: PERSONAL EXPERIENCE
Introduction
This chapter examines the consequences of unemployment on the self-concept of young people within the framework of society's changing concept of youth. It provides European and United States' perspectives as well as Australian perspectives. The two research questions it addresses ask:
What role does interpersonal communication play in the construction of a positive sense of seljkoncept among young unemployed people?
How important is a positive sense of self-concept for young unemployed people in communicating with community support organizations?
A risk communication theoretical perspective introduces the notion of the risk culture of modernity where individuation and the breakdown of community life have intensified the dificulties in finding role satisfaction through self-identity and in coping with unemployment. This is explored through discussion of these issues in relation to the so-called 'options generation' work ethic. There is an awareness that a whole generation may be at risk through social and economic change resulting in a widening gap in living standards between those in steady employment and those who are unemployed, and are experiencing changed patterns of work and leisure and family breakdown (Evans and Poole 1991 :6). Giddens (1999) describes this situation as 'manufactured risk', where individuals have no prior examples that they can follow - they are starting out afresh, like pioneers, and consequently think more in terms of risk.
This chapter discusses the importance of social support networks to young unemployed people. It complements Chapter 7, which considers how the ability to access primary and secondary support contributes to young people's experiences of unemployment. This chapter examines the idea of primary social support networks, which involve interacting with family, friends, acquaintances, neighbours, and the secondary social support networks that involve interacting with various community support organizations. Discussion of secondary social support networks also introduces the concept of organizational communication to understand how the support organizations communicate internally, externally and interorganizationally. Personal Experience 1 3
Society's Changing Concept of Youth
There are a range of different discourses that tend to have fairly predictable attitudes about the issue of youth and 'what should be done about them'. These emanate from different institutional and agency speaking positions. They are styles of competing discourses in the areas of journalism, youth welfare, and scholarly research that attempt to exert public andlor policy influence. Some examples are the media's representation of youth and government youth policies, the social commentary of Mackay (1997a & b) and Davis (1 997) in Australia; and Holtz ( 1995) and Kagan ( 1999) in America, who write about youth in modernity; and sociological studies such as Bessant et al. (1998) that analyse youth in Australia today.
However, to introduce the human dimension to the study of youth unemployment we can compare the stories of two such young people, Anne and Jason who reside in Canberra. Their experience of unemployment provides an introductory picture of what it is like to be young and unemployed. Anne is in the teenage, 15 to 18 age group, and has been independent from her family since the age of 15. She has yet to complete her schooling. Jason is in the young adult, 19 to 25 year group, and lives with his father.
Anne is 18 years of age. She lives in long term-assisted accommodation in inner city Canberra. Her family live in a country town in New South Wales and when she was 15 they asked her to move out of home due to major family problems. She has seen them about twice in the last two years. However she and her mother maintain contact by phone. Anne has never seriously looked for work since leaving home. She has completed schooling to Year 9. Anne's parents want her to get a job and Anne thinks it would feel good to have her first job and money and experience.
She has low self-esteem except when she is on medication, which helps her to function normally. The medication, which she is addicted to, stabilises her mood swings. She lacks the courage to enquire about jobs at Centrelink as she considers that she does not have any of the job skills required. She has dreams of being a model student like Anita, a heroine in the ABC series Heurthreuk High. She wants to complete her schooling to Year 12 but finds problems in doing this. For example, the school in which she is enrolled is not within walking distance of her accommodation. She also considers it would be better for her to enrol at the Canberra Institute of Technology (CIT) to study Personal Experience 14 with adults as she cannot relate to school kids. In the meantime Anne has done a Bar and Waiting Course, which she did not pass. She plans to do this course again and other courses, which will give her job skills in cooking as well as personal skills. However, she has a tendency to miss course commencement dates probably through lack of motivation and self-confidence.
Anne socialises with two groups of friends. She enjoys going to clubs, movies and band concerts. She loves dancing and is able to enjoy this when she has had some alcohol. It makes her feel good, tired and healthy. She also feels this way when she uses the rowing machine at the gym. Anne considers that being unemployed is her normal life. She considers she does not have the motivation or strong stamina for work. She would rather live in a warm climate, as Canberra is too cold. Anne has come to the attention of the Police in the past for forging a Doctor's prescription. She smokes pot and has tried heroin. Working at McDonald7s holds no appeal for Anne because of the low wages. She may become a sex worker, if she has the courage, because she considers that this type of work will bring in a lot of money within a short time. If she does not spend it on drugs she thinks she will be able to accumulate wealth and have a good life. If she lives to be twenty-one Anne would like to think she would have completed Year 12, to have a car and a baby. It would not matter to her whether the father remained with her after the baby's birth as she thinks she would be able to survive on welfare support (Anne 811 998).
Another example of the human face of unemployed youth is the case of Jason. Jason is twenty-two. Since leaving school at 18 after completing Year 12 he has not been able to find paid work. Through Centrelink he has completed two landscaping courses each of six months' duration. Landscaping is his chosen working environment. He has carried out gardening work with a government group over an eighteen month period. He has also secured work for a short time in a window installation firm. This was obtained through his father who played football with the owner of the firm.
He lives in his father's house generally by himself as his father stays elsewhere with his girlfhend most of the time. His mother visits almost every weekend from Sydney to see him and his older sister. His family do not put pressures on him to work. They ask how he is and when he tells them he feels happy they are happy for him. No other member in his family has previously been unemployed. Although he enjoys his life Personal Experience 15 now he thinks a job would enable him to be more motivated and more active and aware of things. He considers that his present situation is his normal life and thinks the dole enables him to both look for a job and provide his lifestyle. Jason has always lived in Canberra and he feels part of and involved in the community largely because of football, the work he has secured to date, and his friends.
Football training and the competition itself puts routine into Jason's life. His father shares the same interest and coaches football. Football provides Jason with social interaction. He is part of a group of four or five friends who are also involved in the game as well as the social activities of the football club. Jason has not thought too much about how he would feel if he were not able to find long term work in the future but hopes, in three years time, to be doing landscaping, environmental or horticultural work (Jason 81 1998).
Anne's story shows that she does not appear to have much connection with the Canberra community. She would probably perceive herself as marking time until embarking on studies. In reality, her own fears may coincide with those who support her in various ways - that she may never reach her goal. Jason has a stronger link to the Canberra community through supportive parents and involvement in team sport. His own and others' perceptions would no doubt be in accord - that he has studied towards a goal which he could reasonably expect to result in work. Jason's experience is typical of those young people who are able to set their goals and work towards achieving them. Anne is part of a growing number of young people who have barriers to employment which include lack of secure housing, life skills, education, work experience and family support. These young people rely heavily upon social support organizations. The following provides a more theoretically based understanding of young people and their rites of passage into adulthood.
The Rites of Passage for Youth
Biddle (1983) and Frith (1984) present a sociological account of the rites of passage for young people in the old world (England) as well as the new world (United States). Referring to the old world, Biddle (1983:153) obsemes that earlier societies lacked a separate role for adolescents where one passed fiom childhood to adulthood at physical maturity. The contemporary concept of youth has evolved fiom the nineteenth century, Personal Experience 16 which witnessed the gradual decline in the need for manual labour and changes in provision of education. With each passing decade there has been a decrease in the proportion of young people in the labour force and an increase in school enrolments. Biddle (1983:154) describes the resultant situation by the middle of the twentieth century in most Western countries as creating:
large groups of post-pubertal citizens - youths - who were segregated from adult society in academies, and who were denied access to full-time employment and other privileges of adult status (Biddle 1983:154).
A youth sub-culture developed which ranged from clothing fads to tastes in music, foods, reading matter and the use of illegal drugs. Consumer industries sprang up which catered for adolescents. Mass media developed interest in youth standards. Youth interests and peer influence to some extent, replaced parental interests and influence (Biddle 1983:154). Frith's (1984:IO-l l) view is that as teenage culture filled the gap left by the decreasing relevance of traditional norms of youth behaviour, parents were unable to give their children advice on how to behave as teenagers because they had never been teenagers in an affluent, consumer society. The changes in adolescent patterns of tastes and expenditure went beyond changes in neighbourhood and community ties and traditions. The high school and college began to replace the family as the centre of middle class youths' social life, and the source of their moral values.
Teenage culture was a form of American culture. British teenagers received their main impressions of American youth culture from music and films. By the late 1930s it was possible to make a clear distinction between middle class school culture and working class street culture. However in the 1950s the high school became the social centre of the lives of most young Americans and the resulting concept of the teenager blurred class distinction. In Britain in the 1950s youth culture meant working class youth culture but in America the term covered both rough street group activities and respectable school group activities (Frith 1984).
In Australia, the importance of education was recognised in the early twentieth century when all states legislated for a compulsory school leaving age of 14. (Legislation now requires all young people to spend five days each week in schools). By the late 1980s Australia had a comprehensive public education system that included 30 universities Personal Experience 17 and numerous Technical and Further Education Colleges (Bessant et al. 1998). Australia did not view teenagers as a significant group of potential consumers with different tastes in food and fashion until after the Second World War. In the 1950s there were signs that the Australian family was allowing young people more freedom and responsibility. It is also possible to detect the emergence of youth culture in Australian novels of the 1950s and 1960s that introduced specific youth issues. Some examples are a teenager's search for identity in A Sapphirefor September (Brinsmead 1967), and the alienation of a teenager in The Rackety Street Gung (Evers 1961). Unemployment in the 1950s among young people under 19 years was negligible, and consumer goods to which youth eagerly responded were becoming plentiful. The working class youth culture was referred to as bodgie and widgie cults. By 1960 middle class young people had assimilated working class leisure styles, which in effect became classless youth consumerism (Irving, Maunders and Sherington 1995).
Irving et al. (1995: 124) record that by the mid 1960s, in contrast to earlier views of youth as delinquents, there were suggestions that the problem of youth was not with young people but with adults who had helped create youth as a separate category to keep them in a state of dependence. However in the late 1960s the student radical began to replace the juvenile delinquent as a source of concern. This coincided with student revolutions in Europe and the United States. Conscription for 20-year-old males was introduced in 1965 and ended in 1972 at the conclusion of the Vietnam War. In 1973 the vote was given to 18 year olds. The 1960s and 1970s also provided a focus on youth as part of a major policy agenda for new services through education, welfare and recreation. This also provided the basis of a new form of dependence between young people and the state, and the subsequent economic downturn added to this dependency. Political decisions to increase welfare benefits and a court decision to increase junior wage rates occurred just prior to the 1974 recession that brought high levels of youth unemployment (Irving et al. 1995:124).
In the 1980s the concept of a transition to adulthood became increasingly problematic, as older youth appeared unable to achieve full time employment. Public and press interest in youth issues grew in this period and by the mid-1980s the main focus was on youth unemployment (Irving et al. 1995:231). Irving et al. (1995:232) observe that for much of this time youth were increasingly portrayed as victims of changed social circumstances in the media, and the earlier view of young unemployed people as 'dole Personal Experience 18 bludgers' gave way to concerns about the structural changes in Australia's economy. By the late 1980s the main problematic image of youth was of homelessness as a result of social and family breakdown. These negative views were countered by the rise of specialist youth focused publications and the growth of a sector of youth workers. A National Clearing House for Youth Studies published a number of studies in areas such as health, homelessness and juvenile justice (Irving et al. 1995:232). The growth of such studies and various opinion polls helped promote more complex public perceptions of youth. Some polls suggested that youth were the New Traditionalists. Others concluded that youth were not so much conservative as more progressive than their elders and placed more emphasis than older age groups on having an interesting job. They were more likely than the population as a whole to attend a lawful demonstration, join a boycott or an unofficial strike, occupy buildings or go to gaol for their beliefs, but they were far less interested in the formal political system (Irving et al. l995:232).
Youth in the 1990s - Who Are They?
In his commentary about Australian youth in the 1990s Hugh Mackay describes the time as:
one of the most dramatic periods of social, cultural, economic and technological development in Australia's history: the age of discontinuity, the age of redefinition, the age of uncertainty. They do not share their parents' or grandparents' conscious anxiety about the rapid rate of change and its destabilising effect on society: for them, constant change is the air they breathe; the water they swim in. It is simply the way the world is (Mackay 1997b:138).
Davis (1997) also thinks that the current rise of what he refers to, as 'generationalism' is exceptional. He defines this as the way society now allocates tastes and ideologies according to age to set up young people as outsiders. The environment in which this has occurred is one of economic rationalism with particular forms of youth demonisation in the media. Davis (1997) describes the era this generation is growing up in as being in the shadow of the baby boomers. It is an era of changed work patterns (the trend to casual work), changed families (single parents and blended families), HIVIAIDS, the rise in popularity of takeaway. food, and the diminished authority of the church, state, family and the sciences (Davis 1997). Wark (1999) describes Personal Experience 19 generationalism in a different way. He considers that a generation does not share the same experience. Instead, the existence of a shared point of reference in the form of radio and television results in a generation sharing different experiences received via the same images.
Mackay (1997b:138) has observed that this is Australia's most highly educated and media stimulated generation and the world is very exciting for those who can cope. Yet, for those who have dropped out, the world is a bleak and daunting place, hence the incidence of 'street kids', drug taking and suicide. Mackay uses a 25-year gap to separate generations. This time span reflects the average time between a woman's birth and the birth of her first child. That span is being extended as the rising generation of young adults postpone marriage and parenthood. The knowledge of job insecurity is part of the 'options generation' acceptance of impermanence. This generation has grown up without the moral framework espoused by their grandparents to their baby boomer parents (those born between 1946 and 1961). In disregarding the established values of discipline, simplicity, and respect instilled by their parents, the baby boomers have opted for less discipline and restraint to the extent they now feel disquiet at their children's assertiveness, materialism and lack of manners (Mackay 1997:140). Tacey's (1999) Australian studies on public enchantment and the spirit have led him to believe that the consumerisms and addictions of the 'options generation' become the symptoms of an unlived spiritual life, which Damon (1995) attributes to the elevation of self by American parents of the so-called Generation X.
Damon (1 995) describes modem American youth as demoralised and contends that this has occurred by well-intentioned mistakes. Young people have a 'cynical attitude toward moral values and goals; a defeatist attitude toward life; a lack of hope in the future; a thinning of courage; and a distrust of others as well as of the self (1995: 18). Damon attributes this to the elevation of self - when parents engender in their children an artificial belief in their own importance instead of building positive social relations with others. The condition of self-centeredness is connected to the failure to present a more inspiring and developmentally constructive alternative: that youth should concern themselves about things beyond and above the self.
Holtz (1995) writes about Americans born during the 1960s and 1970s known as Generation X, or as he describes it, 'the fiee generation' in terms of their liberation, Personal Experience 20 variety of choices, experience of family breakdown, and dismal job and income prospects which minimise home ownership. It is unlikely that they will surpass their parents' standards of living. Holtz (1995:4) cites a case of a 25-year-old auto worker who has been laid-off from his job. He still lives at home and knows he will never be recalled because there are 5,000 other laid-off auto workers with more seniority than he. In a 1992 MTV survey of 1000 young adults aged 18 to 29, two thirds believed that the single greatest obstacle facing their generation was the lack of jobs (Holtz 1995:149).
Sacks' (1996) account of contemporary American youth is less compassionate than Holtz's (1995). He describes Generation X as jaded, unachieving, highly demanding, and lacking respect for standards or intelligence. They expect to earn top grades by just showing up in class, which they interrupt with their portable TVs, cellular phones, or personal pagers. The absence of respect for authority of Generation X was manifested in their recent show of weariness with the Kennedy family's prominence and continuing influence. When J F Kennedy Jnr died in an aeroplane accident in July 1999, the hostile attitude of Generation X toward the major rescue effort, which they viewed as unwarranted, became obvious in the questions asked by young reporters at a press conference at the time (Dejevsky, CT 1999:9).
Notwithstanding the lack of job prospects for modem youth, on a psychological level, Professor of Psychology at Harvard University, Jerome Kagan (1999) considers that a person's coping ability is dependent on their temperament. How they will cope also depends on whether they are first or later born and whether they are born into a disadvantaged group. The latter indicator is the best predictor of how much educational and career success, the quality of marital life and health, that the young person will attain. These personality traits are also dependent on the way they were acquired and on the lived culture in which it is displayed. However, Kagan (1999) considers that children have a great capacity for resilience and change and cites George Bernard Shaw who grew up in one of the poorest parts of Dublin. His father was unemployed and an alcoholic. His mother did not like him and he got very poor grades. Those were all high-risk conditions and yet Shaw became one of the world's great playwrights. A Canadian study in 1998 also found that resilient adolescents coped better than those who were well adjusted or vulnerable (Durnont and Provost 1999:343-363). Kagan (1999) also believes that human beings have an innate moral Personal Experience 2 1 sense and that ethics are biologically programmed. However, humans have a unique competence that no other animal has in that every person is aware that there are good and bad things in the world. He suggests the reason why murder, rape and torture feature in the headlines is because they are freak events. They are rare because humans are essentially moral creatures.
This section has examined the emergence of a separate role for youth from nineteenth century England. It has also examined the social and economic changes of the technological age and the state of gowing up in this social environment. The reduction in work opportunities has meant that in the twentieth century youth are 'parked' in education, denied access to full time employment and the privileges of adult status, all of which have catapulted this generation into uncertainty and marginalisation. The following section describes the risk environment of modernity. The reference to the notion of 'risk' and unemployment refers to the risk of unemployment that is potentially faced by all youth as well as the risk associated with actually being unemployed thus leading to experiences of the dimensions of the hazard associated with such risk.
Youth at Risk in the 1990s
This study develops the concept of youth unemployment as a hazard and 'a threat to young people' and what they value (Hohenemser et al. 1983). The dimensions of the hazard of youth unemployment examined in this study are the individual factors of self identity and self esteem, coping ability, the work ethic, family support and level of education, the ability to enjoy spare time, drugs and alcohol use, poverty, and suicide.
Writing about Australia in the 1990s Evans and Poole (1991 :6) observe that there is an awareness that a whole generation may be at risk through social and economic changes. Changes in technology are bringing about significant changes in all areas of daily life, resulting in different patterns of work and leisure and generating a vastly increased range of needs, where personal debt is normal. The result is a widening gap in living standards between those in steady employment and those who are unemployed and changed patterns of leisure and personal relationships. Personal Experience 22
In his 1999 Reith Lectures Giddens refers to the changes in the pattern of society as 'manufactured risk', where individuals have no prior examples that they can follow and consequently tend to think more in terms of risk. Marriage and youth unemployment are examples of manufactured risks. The institution of marriage and the family is no longer fixed by tradition and custom. The result is that when there is a breakdown within the family young people are reliant on the assistance provided by support organizations. Similarly, the opportunity to work and the way work is conducted has changed. In such situations individuals are traversing fresh ground, and they start thinking increasingly about the risks involved. They have to face personal futures that are much more open than in the past as well as the opportunities and hazards this brings (Giddens 1999). Hohenemser et al. (1983) consider that a risk is the probability of injury, illness, or death associated with a hazard.
Coping with Social Change
The vulnerability of young people to social change is reflected in the image they need to project. In Australia, youth want to be known as 'young people'; they like to be listened to and not patronised; they like to be regarded as legitimate citizens with opinions and feelings; they want to change society's perceptions that they commit crimes - especially if they come from ethnic or Aboriginal backgrounds; and they enjoy meeting in public spaces, such as shopping malls, for social interaction and not for the purpose of harassing others and committing crimes (Youth 98 Melbourne Conference, 1998).
Starr (1986) argues that American youth are marginal to the primary institutions of life, lacking opportunities to develop skills within the family, to exercise responsibility, and learn adult roles. Coleman and Husen (1984) refer to the growing irrelevance of youth in societies where there is an increasing need for skills and experience. Australian studies show similar concerns. Wilson and Wyn (1987), for example, found four main areas of life concern for young people: (I) material concerns; (ii) social concerns; (iii) coming to grips with reality; and (iv) being able to participate in work and leisure. A 1984 Australian National Opinion Poll survey highlighted jobs, independence, and freedom. The Youth Affairs Council of Australia (1 983) emphasised the need of youth for a sense of empowerment. Evans and Poole (198755-72) identified the major concerns for young people (aged between 15 and 18 years) in Brisbane and Sydney as Personal Experience 23 jobs, gaining educational qualifications, relationships with others, self development and self realisation, and to a lesser extent, economic and social awareness. In 1993, Daniel and Cornwall produced a Report, The Lost Generation? for the Australian Youth Foundation, which surveyed 725 young people representing the half-million Australians aged between 15 and 24 who were 'living on the margins of Australian society, participating in neither fill-time work nor education'. The survey examined their income support and material needs, their fears of violence and alienation, and sought views on their prospects. They found that young people still, most of all, wanted self-fulfillingjobs (cited in Irving et al. 1995:232).
The Australian Council of Social Service (1996:16) has raised the question of whether the desire to work is for reasons of being able to obtain income to consume, or to work at a job so as to produce. Regardless of the reason, this area of social change has also brought the realisation that any current employment will not be constant throughout one's working life. Lobo (1998a:7) identifies some responses that young people have adopted in the current turbulent social and political climate. They include forms of alternatively being in and out of work; sub-employment; medium term careers; careers as welfare claimants; staying in full time education; pre-marital cohabitational relationships; and single-parenthood (Roberts 1985, cited in Lobo 1998a:7). The ability to adapt to these requires social maturation to make such role transitions. They can be termed'as 'entrances into and exits from social roles' and can cause stress. This process of readjustment within a non-normative situation, such as unemployment, can be stressful depending on the individual's social environment, social supports and coping ability (Aneshensel and Gore 199 1:73).
From an American perspective, Thoits (199553-79) considers that the use of effective coping strategies may lessen the negative effects of stress. When the individual's coping abilities and resources exceed the demands of the stressor they will use problem-focused coping strategies such as making a plan of action and overcoming obstacles step by step. Alternatively, they will use emotion-focused coping strategies, such as wishing the problem would disappear if the person perceives that the demands of the stressor exceed their coping abilities. Social support can buffer the negative effects of life stress on health and well being. The number of social relationships, frequency of contact with social network members, interconnections among social Personal Experience 24
network members, perceived emotional support, and the availability of social support functions, have been shown to exert direct beneficial effects of health and well being.
Risk Communication and Individualism
People in modem times are constantly faced with risks that must be overcome to live a 'reasoned' and 'civilised' life (Giddens 199 1; Beck 1992; Douglas 1992; Lash, Szerszynski and Wynne 1996). Beck (1 992:87) considers that today's emphasis on risk is part of a 'social surge of individualisation' where, in the instance of youth unemployment, dangers, threats or crises are often seen as individual rather than social problems (Frith 1984:60). In a large sample of British unemployed 17 year olds, lack of monetary assistance, emotional or informational support, unavailability of confidants and social integration, predicted psychological distress. Tangible assistance, social integration, and information on things to do, were associated with lower levels of psychological distress (Ullah, Banks and Wan, cited in Cutrona and Russell 1990:340).
Discussions about risk and individualism are varied. Tulloch and Lupton (19975) consider the reason for individualising problems is that people now consider themselves the centre of the conduct of life. In previous times misfortunes were often looked upon as something out of individuals' control. An example is the tragic mass shootings in Dunblane in Scotland and Port Arthur in Australia in 1996. These events generated the debate about gun laws, violence in the mass media, identifying the mentally ill to prevent further tragedy and protect the 'innocent' from society's 'deviants'. Risk is used in these debates to distinguish between self and other, to project anxieties and cast moral judgements and blame upon marginalised social groups (Douglas 1992). However, while individualism and risk suggest a high level of choice, some people have greater access to choice and have greater authority over the ways that risks are identified and managed than do others such as the reduced choices for unemployed youth (Tulloch and Lupton 1997:6).
Furedi (1997:148) highlights the decrease in shared values when he refers to society's growing concerns about daily life. He cites the fear of technological development as another contributing factor in creating an atmosphere of ambiguity and doubt. However, Furedi considers that there is an exaggerated fear of risk growing within the general population, whether it is fear of high profile disasters or fear in everyday Personal Experience 25 experiences. An example of the latter is the high incidence of young mobile phone owners in Australia (one in three aged between 16 and 24 years) and its use connected with risk and safety (Doherty, The Canberra Sunduy Times 9 April 2000:7). The main reason for this insecurity and consciousness of risk is located in the changing relationship between society and the individual. Economic change has created an insecure labour market that is aligned with the transformation of social institutions and relationships throughout society, the decline of participation in political parties and trade unions and the decline of traditional working class organizations. These factors create a tendency for society to fragment while wider social networks have given way to 'self help groups, helplines and counselling' (Furedi 1997:67).
Giddens (1998) maintains that it is not possible to recapture community or the traditional family in modem society. However he thinks it is possible to have a 'morality that is both social, in a certain sense collective, but also recognises the key significance of individual freedom' (Giddens and Pierson l998:57). Beck ( 1994) also considers that modernisation leads to individualisation and that increasing individualisation has given the perception of risk more prominence in daily life. This means that individual status is no longer assessed on a class based system, thus freeing people from the collective conscience, but at the same time increasing their dependence on the standardisation of markets, money and the law. In essence, individualisation means that the ways of life of the industrial society are first disembedded and then re- embedded by new ones in which individuals must develop their biographies (Beck 1994:14).
Giddens (1994) considers that social changes reflect the trend towards democratisation of emotions where relationships depend on negotiation and open exchange. Consequently, these decisions have a bearing on government policies, the behavioural expectations and the communal networks that are the social contexts of personal life. Modern life is characterised by a high degree of social reflexivity. In a situation where tradition has lost its hold and no longer guarantees the reliability or trustworthiness of individuals or institutions, each person is faced with a series of open choices about how to live their life. Self-actualisation, realising one's own identity through personal and social encounters, is a basic condition of modem social life. It promotes personal autonomy from socially embedded expectations - individuals, to an increasing degree, can choose who they are and where. Therefore, the process of communication is Personal Experience 26 increasingly central to conducting personal life in the absence of fixed roles or norms of behaviour. Communication is also central in conducting public life because mass global migration and the worldwide spread of modem media have transformed modem societies into actual or virtual cosmopolitan cultures. Giddens considers that individuals can develop a basic framework for handling their desires and feelings in the private and personal sphere. He writes:
To the extent that it comes into being, a democracy of the emotions would have major implications for the hrtherance of formal public democracy. Individuals who have a good understanding of their own emotional make up, and who are able to communicate effectively on a personal basis, are likely to be well prepared for the wider tasks and responsibilities of citizenship (1994: 16).
Adams ( 1995) cautions, however, that modernisation is a process that affects different people differently. Individualists will view the process of modernisation as liberating and empowering, and fatalists will consider that it means being liberated from traditional societal support systems and being cast adnft in a changing and indifferent world into the modem condition of risk and danger. The following section examines the importance of interpersonal relations in providing self identity, trust relationships, and coping abilities (Giddens 1990:12 1). This is dependent however, on being able to communicate emotionally 'with each other and with self based on deliberately cultivated, face-to-face relationships (Giddens 1992:130).
Interpersonal Communication and Youth Unemployment
The preceding examination of youth at risk in modem times has drawn from the sociological perspectives of Giddens, Beck and others. It has shown that individuation and the breakdown of community life have enhanced the risks and hazards associated with young unemployed people's ability to find role satisfaction through self-esteem and self-identity. Shifting the focus to the personal experience of young people means that identity, as a psychological concept, needs to be considered to properly grasp the individual experience of unemployed youth. The perceived generational change in moral values and attitudes such as those described by Mackay (1997a & b), Holtz (1995), and Sacks (1996), increases the risks of youth unemployment and exposes this group's vulnerability to negative public perception in an environment of reduced work opportunities. The result is a delay in the transition to adulthood status and becoming Personal Experience 27 economically independent of their parents and support organizations. The lack of a secure self-identity is a significant potential hazard facing young people and its development is dependent to a large extent on social interaction (Mead 1934).
Interpersonal Communication and Self Identity
Pierce, Lakey, Sarison and Sarison (1997) consider that an individual's earliest experiences have profound influence on adult interpersonal interactions. The ways in which interpersonal relationships and emotional experiences are understood are fixed in early childhood. The preferences in the way people cope and seek help indicate those who report high versus low levels of social support differ (Rice 1993:451-484). Bessant et al. (1998) refer to this process as primary socialisation, which also includes learning to speak a language, read, write and count, and to make sense of appropriate moral standards, attitudes, aspirations and social roles. Secondary socialisation, or learning how to be social, takes place in schools, universities, at work, church, in prison, or through reading, radio, TV and film, or interaction with filends.
Identity has inner (subjective) and outer (objective) qualities. It is objective in that others see young people as entities, and the internal experiences of young people are ipored. Identity is often extended to young people in ways that are reflective of the older person's perception of them. Identity is subjective because it is experienced in the consciousness of young, and people of all ages, whether as feelings or perceptions about oneself (Bessant et al. 1998). A sense of self and identity is developed when children enter into social interaction (Mead 1934). The self develops in relationship to others in the act of self-comparison. The urge to be effective is transformed into a sense of self-esteem in the social context, and this motive becomes a desire for a sense of competence. Effective social interactions over time become subjective measures of self worth by indulging a person's sense of self-capability and resulting in satisfaction. Consequently, self-esteem is a function of a person's feelings of efficacy and a criterion of fundamental competence (Spitzberg and Cupach 1984). Smith (1 968) considers that the reinforcement history of an individual exerts a strong influence on the development of hdamental competence. Once an individual is on the right track, successes multiply and accumulate thereby enhancing the individual's attitude, knowledge and skills, and making subsequent success more likely. Personal Experience 28
The risk of unemployment (or not being successful) is heightened when an individual's identity is not properly developed and they are unable to establish a sense of belonging with those around them. They are unable to experience the values important to communicating with family, friends and the wider community such as:
The value of experiencing self esteem and self reliance which influences one's personal life situation;
The value of experiencing a sense of belonging and communion with one's fellows which influences one's immediate surroundings; and
The value of solidarity with the society of which one is a part which influences the society of which one is a part (Thunberg, Nowak, Rosengren and Sigurd 1982:48).
In contrast with Giddens' (1990:21) view that modernity is a threat to the continuity of our personal identity, in taking a post-modem view Gergen (1991:3) thinks we are reaching a state of social saturation. He considers this is brought about by the profound changes that have been taking place throughout the twentieth century, through new technologies such as the Intemet and by expanded tourist and business travel. These make it possible to sustain direct or indirect relationships with an ever expanding range of others. Gergen thinks that our ways of conceptualising the human self and social life have changed from the nineteenth century romantic view of the self, where each person was considered to aspire to the characteristics of personal depth. The characteristics of the later modernist view of the self are our ability to reason in depth, in our beliefs, opinions and consciousness.
Rapoport and Rapoport (1980:28,46,50) in studying British and American youth note that in teenage years young people are faced with decisions that may be critical for their future lives. The crucial decisions are whether to continue with further education or to pursue a job or career. They also have the added option of rejecting accepted social norms. From the ages 16 to 19 they are forging a separate identity from those authority figures that have previously run their lives. They may feel depressed and despairing, and experience a sense of meaninglessness if they fail to answer the question 'Who am I?' In the next phase, which commences in the early adult years and continues for about a decade, young adults search for intimate relationship or commitment and identification with social institutions in which they can take meaningful roles. Personal Experience 29
In 1984 Turner and Billings (cited in McCall 1987:67) presented new evidence that conversation is the most frequent point of a sense of authentic selfhood. Harre (1987) and Backman (1983) also hold that conversation with significant others is the location of selfhood by its very nature. Berger and Kellner (1964) show that it is through inferred rather than clear and direct communication that identity is shaped. They contend that every individual requires the ongoing validation of their world including validation of identity and place in the world by those few who are significant others. However, in everyday life, the principal method used is speech. Therefore the individual's relationship with their significant others is an ongoing conversation. As the conversation occurs,
it validates over and over again the fundamental definitions of reality once entered into, not, of course, so much by explicit articulation, but precisely by taking the definitions silently for granted and conversing about all conceivable matters on this taken-for-granted basis. Through the same conversation the individual is also made capable of adjusting to changing and new social contexts in his biography. In a very fundamental sense it can be said that one converses one's way through life (Berger and Kellner 1964:4).
Wexler's (1992:lO) Australian study verifies the value of communication. He found that the central and defining activity in school is to perform the social interactional labour that enables young people to establish at least the image of an identity. That image further organises the course of their lives. Similarly, Becker (1 970:238) maintains that those without adequate education find it difficult to co-operate in the achievement of some common goal. This skill deficit makes it dificult for them to fight against the people and agencies that exploit and harm them and may be one of the chief problems they have to deal with. The preceding research provides a clear indication of the important role interpersonal communication plays in building a sense of self-identity among unemployed young people in the risk culture of modernity. The notion of self image and the 'options generation' attitude to the work ethic extends the discussion of the hazards of youth unemployment in the following section.
Self Image and the Work Ethic
In gaining employment, self-image plays an important role in young people's ability to believe they can find a job and to motivate themselves to do so. However self-image is Personal Experience 30 at risk from the psychosocial costs of unemployment. Unemployment is associated with the loss of self-respect (Smith 1977), an increased sense of helplessness, and a loss of competence (Casson 1979, Hartley 1980). Other sips of psychological distress associated with unemployment include anxiety (Jahoda 1979, Brewer 1980) anger and depression (Jahoda 1979), unhappiness and despair (Bamngton 1W6), and alienation (Hartley 1980, Rapport 1981). In addition to these consequences, Becker and Hills (1980) have found evidence of a 'scarring effect' on unemployed youth. Young people who experience unemployment are likely to experience additional times of unemployment. Therefore repetitions of this psychological distress would require utilising social, cognitive and emotional capabilities in obtaining social support, coping, self-concept and other moderators of stress (Pearlin and Schooler 1978).
In an environment of low job opportunities young people also experience instances of being unmotivated, bored, depressed and feeling marginalised which are all significant barriers to seeking support (Graham, Barbato and Perse 1993). In addition to the negative feelings of finding out who they are young unemployed people also suffer from lack of motivation and boredom. Frith (1984:60) refers to research in the United Kingdom that suggests that even though most young unemployed people know that everyone around them is out of work, they still regard their own situation as an individual problem. He concludes that:
Unemployment means staying in bed, staying around the house, watching daytime television or videos, kicking a ball against the wall, and boredom. It does not mean spreading into weekday time peer groups' evening and weekend public jaunts (Frith 1984:60).
In his study of Australian unemployment in 1979, Windschuttle maintained that young unemployed people, 'contrary to popular prejudice, make greater efforts to find work than do unemployed adults' (197956). His research concluded that young people were not primarily motivated to work by money, but by boredom, lack of activity and loss of opportunity for social interaction. Stokes' (1983: 269-286) study of unemployed young people in the United Kingdom found that as a result of redefining their attitudes towards the value of work young people no longer experienced unemployment as a significant personal crisis. Nevertheless, they had also become 'lethargic, apathetic, disinclined to participate in constructive leisure activities and had little commitment to a society that seemed to be offering no worthwhile future' (1983:271). When Personal Experience 3 1
Winefield et al. (1993: 147) carried out a longitudinal study on the psychological impact of unemployment of South Australian school leavers who left school from 1980 to 1989 they found some significant historical changes in work attitudes. The students were more optimistic about their chances of employment (which statistically had not improved), while the attitudes of the children from lower socio-economic status, about the need for qualifications and the importance of study, had become closer to those of the children from higher socio-economic status backgrounds.
These findings run counter to the suggestion of some writers such as Kelvin (1980) and Mackay (1997b:146) that there is a decline in the work ethic. Mackay suggests a possible change in the work ethic of the young people of the 'options generation', who, in the absence of the strict moral upbringing of their parents, have developed their moral codes and established their own sets of values (1997b:14). Kelvin (1980) considers the issue from the perspective of declining full employment and predicts that the value of work will also undergo a gradual decline. Kelvin does concede, however, that such a change in values may lag behind structural changes in society. Winefield et al. (1993:147) in their study found no evidence to support such a proposition. On the contrary, the young people they surveyed displayed a heightened level of aspiration. They suggest this could have been due to an increase in formal education or, as Jahoda (1982) suggests, to the impact of television presenting a view of life filled with material benefits. It could also reflect the importance of the hidden functions of work, such as social contact and a sense of personal identity. The following section explains how a positive sense of self-concept is important for young unemployed people in communicating with their social support networks.
Social Support Networks and Unemployment
It is not the purpose of this study to compare communication networks of the young unemployed, but to assess their role in providing primary and secondary support. Secondary support groups are often ties to persons outside the primary group and open up one's range of contact to supportive but distant non-interpersonal links (Albrecht and Adelman 1987:49). In relation to this thesis, the secondary support groups for Canberra's unemployed youth include Centrelink and the Job Network organizations (welfare payments and mutual obligation activities,'such as work for the dole, job training and job search); Social Justice Agencies (detention, job training and Personal Experience 32 counselling); Community Housing (accommodation); Youth Centres (counselling and leisure activities; and Youth Refuges (short term accommodation and counselling).
Early researchers considered that social support was a resource available From one's network of friends and acquaintances that helped one to deal with everyday problems or more serious crises (Walker, Wasserman and Wellman 199453). They observed relationships between persons in dyads, examined extended ties with small and large social groups and cliques, stronger and weaker ties with significant others, formal organizational affiliation, and other general ties of sociability (Rogers and Kincaid 1981). Granovetter (1973) in a significant network study traced the dyadic links through which a sample of individuals obtained information resulting in their finding a new job. He found that dyads that linked close fnends who were highly homophilous were much less important in transmitting job information, than dyads between heterophilous individuals who were not close fiends. The individual already knew the same job information as their close friends. Therefore they had to break outside of this interlocking personal network to obtain new information. Instead of being a close friend, the job informant was usually an old college fnend or a former workmate, or an employer with whom sporadic contact had been maintained, and hence was only marginally included in the current network of contacts. l
Researchers then considered whether a greater amount of social support resulted in increased health, happiness and a longer life. Recent researchers have concentrated on the composition of the social network and its role in providing social support. The result has been the realisation that the mere presence of a tie between two people does not mean that support is provided, and different ties within a network will provide different types of support. Consequently an individual cannot rely on one or two others for all types of assistance but must maintain relationships with a wide variety of individuals to ensure that all types of support needed is provided. By treating the complete network as a complex and unique entity, rather than focusing on dyads or one or two types of relations, it is possible to study the way the structure of the network and its component parts affect the provision of support (Walker et al. 1994).
Walker et al. (199455) believe that the broadest definition of a personal network would include 'all those with whom a person interacts on an informal basis (people mutually recognized enough to have a conversation)'. Bernard and Killworth (1990) estimated Personal Experience 33 that the average North American has about 1,500 informal ties and that active ties in a personal network are about 20 ties to significant individuals based on frequent sociable contact, supportiveness or feelings of connectedness. Albrecht and Adelman (1987:49) consider that social support is comprised of two groups, primary and secondary. Primary support groups are usually kin and close mends and represent the strongest structural ties and the closest interpersonal communication in an individual's life. Primary relationships, both early and current, are important to understanding the effects of supportive behaviour. They lead an individual to develop a sense of acceptance that reflects the extent to which the individual believes that he or she is loved, valued, and accepted by significant others. Early primary relationships are particularly significant because they influence the development of adult relationships by influencing personality development in childhood. The sense of acceptance, in turn, influences the development of adult relationships by enhancing the development of social skills, feeling of self-efficacy and comfort in social relationships. A high sense of acceptance is also likely to contribute to a high level of perceived available social support that enhances coping effectiveness as found in the Lehman, Wortman and Williams research on bereavement (l987).
An example of a primary and secondary support group communication network can be illustrated by a fictional character, Graeme, who has a family support structure which has strong supportive ties to his sister and mother, a moderately supportive relationship with his brother, and a weak tie to an uncle. He is likely to exchange the most intensive range of support in his strongest relationships, such as financial aid and emotional reassurance (Denoff 1982). Graeme's family support structure may also have ties to each other that indirectly affect the support they provide him when he is unemployed. For example, while Graeme may have a weak direct tie to his uncle, the uncle is closely linked to Graeme's mother (his sister). It may be that he provides strong help to the mother, which increases her ability to support Graeme (Albrecht and Adelman 1987:41-42). In addition to his kin ties Graeme has links to other groups of friends, neighbours, youth workers and Centrelink staff Some of Graeme's relationships are stronger resources of support than others, depending on the opportunity for interactions and the extent of role attachments that any single relationship has. For example, Centrelink may employ a neighbour whose job may include providing weekly information sessions at the Youth Centre that Graeme frequents. This situation increases the opportunities for communication and the extent of shared interests. Personal Experience 34 l
The frequency of communication and the many types of role connections in the different relationships show the likelihood for mutual influence across the range of social cliques Graeme is connected with. Isolates and clustered relationships will have meaning for him in context. These can affect his consequent communication behaviour, such as the frequency with which the interactions occur, under what circumstances and with what kinds of intent (Albrecht and Adelman 1987:43). Members of one of Graeme's network groups may also meet those of his other groups leading to a blend of linkages within the network. In this way, communication networks involve the individual in ever widening social circles (Albrecht and Adelman 1987:43).
Walker et al. (1994:71) concept of primary ties is mends who provide emotional support and/or companionship, and immediate kin who provide both emotional and financial support. They expand the supportive community or secondary ties to include neighbours who provide many goods and services. However, for the purpose of this thesis, Albrecht and Adelman's (1987:49) community concept of a supportive network, which includes the secondary ties of non-interpersonal links is preferred. Their support network includes organizations and therefore allows Centrelink, the Job .Network providers, and the community support organizations to be considered as components of a young unemployed person's support network.
As researchers have focused more on personal networks, they have been able to develop and test more elaborate theories of social support. Stokowski (1 994: 108) notes that not all social networks have the same forms and arrangements. The size of each network varies, as does network composition, density, the strength of ties (whether strong, weak, or absent) and other interactional and structural features. These affect whether people are happy, healthy, lonely, involved or isolated in their lives. Such differences are also more difficult to cope with and are less likely to be associated with effective social support. For example, although for older women being widowed is normative and produces little network disruption, younger women or men being widowed may produce a more difficult adjustment. Thus, intervention is more likely to be needed for non-normative events for which adequate coping and indigenous support are less readily available (Schulz and Rau 1985). Youth unemployment can still be considered a non-normative event notwithstanding its prevalence in our society. Personal Experience 35
Appendix A shows the likely communication network of a young unemployed person who is homeless in their quest for accommodation and work. The extent of network building necessary to find accommodation as well as a job of work is significant and Rice (1993) has ranked face-to-face communication as the most appropriate form of organizational communication. Harre (1987) and Backrnan (1983) also hold that conversation with significant others is the location of selfhood. In the context of the Canberra community, a homeless young person may directly approach a Youth Refuge for short-term accommodation or be referred through another organization. The extent of subsequent assistance is contingent upon the individual's ability and motivation in communicating with those ACT, and federal government and community organizations which provide low cost accommodation and food, job search and mutual obligation activities associated with receiving welfare, recreational facilities, counselling or health assistance. Some young people pass all of these hurdles and within a very short time will have found accommodation and a job. Others never get past the first hurdle (John, Youth Refuge 1 1/99).
Organizational Communication and Unemployment
Organizational Risk Communication
The previous section provided the theoretical framework to examine the role of secondary support networks in providing organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment. These organizations communicate internally with their staff, externally with their customers and interorganizationally with other support organizations. Appendix B illustrates the communication links between the federal government Department of Employment, Workforce Relations and Small Business (DEWSRB), and the Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA). It also shows how the Chief Minister's Department in the ACT government fills the gaps in federal policy in delivering employment training in the ACT. DESWRB formulates employment policies and administers separate contracts to Centrelink and the Job Network providers. DETYA formulates policy for youth affairs and administers national vocational and educational training programs, generally through community organizations. The ACT government, through the Chief Minister's -.
Personal Experience 36
Department, administers contracts for job training and job creation programs in the ACT.
Centrelink and the Job Network are examples of the diminishing large government departments that provided the public with standard, universal services, delivered by a career workforce (Foster and Plowden 1996, Considine and Painter, 1997). As such organizations downsize, diversified forms of service delivery are seen to allow 'networking between task-specialist units' (Amin 1994:20), and promote an environment in which 'firms, labour interests, officials and politicians can interact and co-operate' (Hirst and Zeitlin 1991:44). In effect, the bureaucratic workforce is disappearing in favour of smaller local organizations that are linked by markets and networks. Clients are treated as individuals through a case management program and the case manager has authority to organise the services deemed most useful for the individual client (Hammond 1997:34). These reforms also make greater demands upon clients and their families to 'contribute extra effort, reduce their use of social assistance, adopt compliant behaviours and meet raised expectations concerning life style change' (Rose 1996). Work for the dole is an instance of such demands. The initiative is part of the government's mutual obligation program which also includes other activities, such as part time and voluntary work, education or training, relocation to an area where there are jobs, literacy and numeracy training, job search training, intensive assistance (individualised job preparation), a place on the Job Placement, Employment and Training Program, and Green Corps training (DEWRSB, 1999). As Hasenfeld and Weaver (1996:236) have pointed out, this combination of intensive support and increased obligation creates 'unique organisational pressures' on clients and staff and organizational factors determine whether they succeed or fail.
Neher (1997:346) observes that people are growing hostile to the organizations that affect their life. Their feeling of distrust of government and political leaders seems to be growing and they feel that organizations (particularly bureaucracies) have too much control over their personal lives. Their everyday experiences and feelings of insecurity lead them to distrust the positive messages of political leaders and government about the economy. Giddens (1 994) considers that the process of democratisation, which is the leading edge of contemporary social change, means that institutions of government - including the welfare state and connected agencies - must be transformed so that individual people can feel confident about trusting organizations that appear self Personal Experience 37 interested and disconnected from people's daily concerns. This means that governments must work with and not against social reflexivity in modem society in order to arrive at a political consensus on how life should be lived. Public perception of risk usually includes issues such as 'fairness, voluntary versus involuntary exposure to risk and knowing versus unknowing exposure as well as the potential for catastrophic loss' and must be understood by the communicator in explaining risks to the general public (Neher 1997:3 10).
The social environment of the 'options generation' is one where the likelihood of not having a job and depending on the welfare state is very real. The manner in which Centrelink communicates with young unemployed people in Canberra is an example of government working with social reflexivity. In communication about youth unemployment Centrelink, a statutory authority government organization, has external audiences comprising customers (which include the unemployed), government departments, non-profit and profit organizations, upper management, and the general public. In its external public communication Centrelink must analyse and adapt to the audience in establishing dialogue with the public as well as organizational members. Different audiences often exhibit competing interests as they sit in judgement on the messages delivered by the organization. Therefore organizational members need to be aware in their communication about the risks of youth unemployment that they will often have different perceptions of risk than do lay members of the general public (Neher 1997:309). Hadden (1989) and Fisher (1991) maintain that one way, expert public communication should be replaced with more interactive processes designed to empower various publics.
Furedi (1997:29) considers that these perceptions of being at risk result from society's 'prevailing absence of trust in humanity'. One example is the lack of trust that the work for the dole scheme could be introduced in several Canberra childcare organizations that had offered places for work for the dole participants to help look after young children. The childcare workers' union criticised these organizations for taking on a larger workload and obtaining government subsidies rather than finding the best person for the job. The main concern has been that care of children needs to be camed out by professionals rather than by someone with six hours of training (MacDonald, CT 8 February 1999:1). This is an example of different perceptions of risk to children by childcare professionals and unions. These issues also arose in the Personal Experience 3 8 subsequent proposal to introduce work for the dole in ACT schools that also had to be abandoned (MacDonald, CT 17 March 2000:2).
The dialogue of risk society is substantiated in the government's public communication about work for the dole scheme and its increasing demands on young unemployed people to carry out an activity in return for welfare payments. The consequent lack of trust can be attributed in part to media and community perceptions. The government's portrayal of work for the dole scheme is that its success will lead to increased participation. However, in the instance of working with children the Canberra community's concern was divided between job security and the children's welfare. Additionally, some unemployed youth and media commentators perceive there is a stigma of the Depression attached to the word 'dole' and that the scheme lacks a satisfactory job-training component and will not return long-term job benefits (Jane, 1 1/99; Urban, CT 6 April 2000:9). A University of New South Wales survey (cited in The Cunberra Times 6 June 2000:3), found that between April and June 1999 the majority of Australians believed that solving unemployment was the government's responsibility. They also believed that the obligation imposed by the government needs to be mutual, not just a one-sided burden of compliance shouldered by unemployed people. Although work for the dole scheme has gained increased support from young unemployed people and those offering work experience, it is an instance of the ambiguity of expert knowledge systems. The government's advice to the public has been that the scheme is sound and is working. However in the 12 months to July 1999, out of 106,000 candidates for work for the dole, only 54,000 had actually started a program (Lawson, CT 3 March 2000: l). There is genuine concern that the initiative is a token gesture and is not providing appropriate training to find continuous employment. This is an instance where the continuing need for the lay person to trust in expert solutions leads to confusion when experience at the personal level is contrary to this advice (Tulloch and Lupton 19975).
Interorganizational, Internal and External Communication
Stohl (1995:27) refers to organizations as elaborated personal networks with four interdependent levels of analysis: personal, group, organizational and interorganizational. The personal networks comprise all the linkages an individual has across social spheres. Networks at the group, organizational and interorganizational Personal Experience 39 levels are the interwoven composites of personal networks. At the group level individuals are clustered together, at a given point in time, when they are more intensely connected to one another than to others in the organization. The organizational network transcends individual relationships and directs primary attention to the implications of emergent structures. At the interorganizational level personal linkages are depersonalised insofar as they link one organization to another but are personalised in that they still retain their interpersonal qualities. Consequently internal, interorganizational, and external communication all have a significant role in the current employment service industry environment (Goldhaber l986:3 19, Evan 1976).
Goodrnan and Associates (1982) believe that good internal communication means that managers and staff must be skilled in human communication and flexible in meeting the challenge of new technologies, new government policies and new demands to improve productivity. In relation to interorganizational communication, Van de Ven, Emmett and Koenig (1980) suggest that such linkages usually reflect the resource needs and surplus of a system while Granovetter (1985) considers the personal nature of the ties generate trust and discourage betrayal of one another. The interpersonal ties among boundary spanners (those individuals who link organizations with one another) play such a major role in the maintenance of interorganizational relationships that many corporations find it necessary to resort to contractual practices and legal sanctions to protect the interests of the organization rather than the individuals (Macaulay 1963). This practice is of particular relevance in the new market driven environment of the Job Network.
Grunig (1975:99-136) maintains that an organization's public communication efforts must not only be concerned with transmitting information so as to influence various publics. It must also be concerned with acquiring information from these publics and understanding how publics seek and use information. When Canberra's unemployed youth register with Centrelink they are requested to nominate one or more Job Network providers for onward referral. Their ability to make an informed choice as to the providers they wish to consult is conditional on the external communication skills of Centrelink and the Job Network providers. Oliver (1997:18) also maintains that it is necessary to consider the appropriate communication media preferences of different individuals. She cites a technological preference of people born in the last 20 years and their familiarity with technology. This issue is important to Centrelink and the Job . -.
Personal Experience 40
Network providers in transmitting information to influence various publics - externally to the young unemployed client, or internally to staff
Another significant external communication focus of Centrelink and the Job Network is social marketing that usually aims at the hard-to-reach segments of the community. Solomon (1989) and Webster (1975), (cited in Windahl, Sigrutzer and Olson 1992:96) note that the differences between commercial and social marketing are that:
1. there is less competition;
2. clients do not always have to pay in money for products and services;
3. powerful interest groups are often challenged (e.g., the tobacco industry);
4. the product or behaviour being advanced often is not desired by the receiver (e.g., adhering to a low fat diet); and
5. increased demand may be dysfunctional due to lack of resources (e.g., more readers in a local public library where books and personnel are in short supply).
Examples of (d) and (e) are evident in the federal government's public communication campaign in March 1998, entitled 'Job Network: Connecting The Right Person To The Right Job'. This campaign heralded the introduction of the government's Job Network, accessible through the newly formed Centrelink, which commenced on 1 May 1998. The communication campaign advised that this program replaced the Commonwealth Employment Service (CES) 'with a new and better way of helping unemployed people get jobs' (The Sydney Morning Herald, 14 March 1998:27). The Job Network was originally set up as a national network of about 300 private, community and government organizations competing to find work for unemployed people. It also helps employers find employees for their vacancies. The logo for Job Network is two pieces of a jigsaw puzzle fitting together which represents connecting the right person with the right job (Centrelink Brochure, 1998:l). After about eight months' operation, it became obvious that the Job Network was not a success because many unemployed people had not registered with Centrelink, the gateway to the Job Network for job matching. There was the added problem that many of the private Job Network provider organizations were not able to function economically in the new environment. The Personal Experience 4 1 former CES services were free and consequently prospective employers were reluctant to pay the Job Network for placing people in jobs under the new scheme. The lack of jobs also contributed to the initial start-up problems. The government subsequently formulated new policies requiring the unemployed to register with Centrelink. It also provided government grants to the Job Network organizations to provide job-matching services (CT26 August 19985; 13 October 1998:8; 1 December 19983).
A sigruficant government public communication campaign also heralded work for the dole scheme in 1997 and is an example of (b), (c) and (d) above. The scheme initially provided 70 projects to be accessed voluntarily by young unemployed people aged between 18 and 24 years who were unemployed for more than six months. In the 1998 May Budget the government announced that work for the dole places would be extended to 100,000 over four years with 20,000 of these places being allotted to older unemployed people on a voluntary basis. When the government extended the scheme in July 1998 by a further 20,000 places, the Australian Council of Social Service said it was premature to extend work for the dole because it was unclear whether the scheme worked. About 40 percent of the participants had been forced to take part in projects because the number of volunteers fell short of government expectations. The Opposition parties also voiced their scepticism of the scheme to the effect that the expansion of the scheme was a small effort for a major problem and it was a token gesture that did not provide a long-term solution to unemployment (Peake, CT 1998: 1- 2). Notwithstanding an uncertain beginning, work for the dole scheme continues to expand under the government's mutual obligation program with increased demands on young people that are examined in Chapter 6.
Chapter Summary
This chapter has addressed the research questions:
What role does interpersonal communication play in the construction of a sense of selfkoncept among young unemployed people? and
How important is a sense of self-concept for young people in communicating with community support organizations?
Different discourses were used to consider the complex attitudes toward youth and unemployment. Sociological accounts of the rites of passage for young people in the Personal Experience 42 old and new world have shown that society's concept of youth has changed from earlier times when they did not have a separate role. Social change heralded their participation in education, work and consumerism.
This research has drawn on Australian and United States social commentators about youth in contemporary society. In describing what he calls the 'options generation', Mackay (1997%) concludes that this is Australia's most highly educated and media stimulated generation and the world is very exciting for those who can cope. For those who have been overwhelmed by it or who have dropped out, the world is a bleak and daunting place. Wark (1999) considers that a generation does not share the same experience. Instead, the existence of the shared point of reference of radio and television results in a generation sharing different experiences received via the same images. Holtz describes this generation as 'the free generation' in the sense of a liberated generation that has grown up in an America that offers more choices than ever before. In spite of the perceived lack of values being passed down From their baby boomer parents, the 'options generation' appears to retain the work ethic the reasons for which are further examined in Chapters 2 and 6.
Tacey (1999) believes that the consumerisms and addictions of the 'options generation' become the symptoms of unlived spiritual lives, which Damon (1995) attributes to the elevation of self by parents of this generation. Like Gergen (1991) he thinks that the modernist view of the self does not aspire to the characteristics of personal depth. AI1 these factors have a bearing on how young people face their greatest obstacle - the lack of jobs. Like the breakdown of the institution of marriage and the family, unemployment is a 'manufactured risk' where individuals have no prior examples that they can follow - they are starting out afresh, like pioneers, and consequently tend to think more in terms of risk (Giddens 1999).
The risk of unemployment is heightened when an individual's sense of self and identity is not properly developed and they are unable to develop a sense of belonging and solidarity with society (Thunberg et al. 1982:48). Identity is shaped by validation of relationships with significant others through conversation, which is the central activity in school, and enables young people to establish the image of an identity (Wexler 1992). Education also provides young people with the skills to seek secondary social support required to cope with unemployment. This can involve negotiating the Personal Experience 43 government's increasing welfare reforms which demand that they participate in mutual obligation programs, reduce their reliance on welfare, comply with government decisions and pattern their life styles on dominant values (Rose 1996).
Social support is located within primary and secondary networks. Primary networks consist of kin and close fnends and lead an individual to develop a sense of acceptance which enhances the development of social skills, the feeling of self efficacy and comfort in social relationships (Albrecht and Adelman 1987:41-42). In turn, a sense of acceptance contributes to a perception that social support is available and enhances coping effectiveness (Lehman et al. 1987). The social support provided by organizations like Centrelink, the Job Network and community organizations comprise the secondary support networks of young unemployed people in Canberra. In relation to employment service, Centrelink is an excellent example of an organization that communicates internally with its staff about welfare reform, externally with unemployed youth about their employment needs, and interorganizationally with the Job Network providers about their clients. This chapter has highlighted areas of concern in the government's social marketing of Centrelink and the Job Network, and work for the dole scheme. Chapter 6 extends the analysis of social marketing of employment service delivery in Canberra and the role of organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment.
This chapter has focused on the vulnerability of young people to social change and how they cope at the individual level in modem society that is a threat to their confidence in the continuity of their personal identity. While individualism and risk suggest a high level of choice, some people have greater access to choice and have greater authority over the ways that risks are identified and managed than do others as in the instance of unemployed youth (Tulloch and Lupton 19976). In an environment where the individual is freed fiom the collective conscience and their dependence on the standardisation of markets, money and the law is increased Giddens' (1990:121) concept of trust relations - 'the opening out of the individual to the other' - reduces the modem condition of risk and danger. This concept is particularly relevant to the extent which young unemployed people differently experience their primary and secondary social support networks, analysed in Chapter 7. Policy Comparisons 44
CHAPTER 2
YOUTH AND WORK: HISTORICAL POLICY COMPARISONS
Introduction
Chapter 1 introduced the concept of the risk of unemployment and the importance of a sense of self-concept in communicating with primary and secondary support networks about unemployment. This chapter discusses the issue of youth unemployment as an intractable problem brought about by the changing role of work, and considers alternative policy scenarios for what should be done about it. Suggestions include reductions in the standard working week, increased annual leave, job sharing, community based employment creation, skill enhancement courses in workplaces, career breaks and job subsidies. The chapter addresses the research question:
How are policies about youth unemployment communicated to the community?
The chapter also provides historical policy comparisons about work and youth unemployment since 1974. It sets up a time frame for evaluation of community attitudes toward youth unemployment in Chapters 3 and 5, commencing at a time of recession in Australia in 1974, and compares policy debates of this time with those during the 1992 recession. The inclusion of the year 1999 considers contemporary community attitudes and indicates how the policy discourses on work and unemployment have changed.
Recent thinking about attitudes towards work reflects changing social attitudes. These perspectives range from the view that work is central to peoples' lives and futures, to the likelihood of increasing leisure time due to technological advances, shorter working weeks and high unemployment (Kabanoff 1980, Fox 1980). The continuing value of the work ethic is also under scrutiny in the changed work environment of part-time, casual and contract work. Australia is experiencing the unprecedented phenomenon of high employment and high unemployment simultaneously. This contradiction has occurred because males who are traditionally in work are out of it and females traditionally out of work are in it (Jones 1997). Mass prosperity is quickly disappearing 'from the United States to Australia, and from Britain to Japan' due to lack of work (Martin and Schurnann 1997:102). Policy Comparisons 45
This chapter introduces the perspectives of Cobb and Elder (1981) and Nimmo (1978) on policy communication about unemployment. Cobb and Elder (1981) examine the role of communication in the policy process from government to enabling organizations and to the community. They see the need for a close correspondence between public opinion and public policy, that is between what people think and what governments do, as two way communication joining citizens and officials in policy communication. Nimmo (1978) considers this is a process of representation, providing alternative modes of popular, mass, and group opinions which officeholders take into account in fashioning public policy. In the Australian context, the federal and ACT government policies on youth unemployment highlight the overarching role of the federal government in formulating and caving out employment services policies. The ACT government is primarily concerned with assessing where the gaps occur in federal policies in providing job skills training.
Youth and Unemployment in Australia - 1970s to 1990s
The concept of youth is often associated with future hopes, promises of a new life and the progress of modernity. Young people are the adults of the future. Some will wield power and be decision makers. On the negative side, youth is often associated with the dangers of the future, one of which is unemployment. Fear of the unknown is coupled with the risk of degeneration where morals and norms of youth become signs of the transgressions of modernity. Such reactions can be strong when the media makes youth the scapegoat. Solutions are often sought in past ideals and often defended with anti-democratic and authoritarian elitism (Fornas 1995:l-11). Chapters 3 and 5 contrast community attitudes towards youth in the 'globalised, cosmopolitan world of intersecting cultures and life styles' of the 1990s with the 1970s when youth unemployment emerged as a social phenomenon (Giddens and Pierson 1998:16)
The parents of today's unemployed young people are caught between modernity and past ideals. These so-called baby boomers were born in the boom years following World War Two, between 1946 and 196 1, which heralded a time when the Australian birth rate rose to record levels. They grew up in a time of sustained economic growth, with the result that their birthright was a prosperity symbolised by material comfort and a burgeoning middle class (Mackay 1997b: 4,60). They expected and found work after completing their education. Consequently, they were able to attain personal Policy Comparisons 46 satisfaction, become socially viable and own a house and its contents and a motor vehicle. These were the commodities that, due to the depression and the Second World War, their parents had to wait to acquire. When they were not working they enjoyed leisure time, as the time before and after work, the weekends and public holidays and annual holidays.
The next generation's experience has been very different. The major social changes leading to decreased employment opportunities have put the community at risk, and have affected children born in the 1970s and 1980s. They are faced with a tougher job market. They are staying at school longer, being supported by their parents for longer periods of time and going onto the dole sooner and in larger numbers than any previous generation (Mackay 1997a:4-5). For some of them, work is considered an option, which might or might not be exercised. For others with a job, it can mean a working day of sixteen hours' duration. A survey by the human resources company Morgan and Banks 1999, (cited in The Cunberra Times, 5 January 1999:8) found that all employees surveyed were working at least an hour more than they did two years ago, with 74 percent working between five and ten extra hours. A high 87 percent of those surveyed said they were not receiving extra pay for the extra time and were concerned about job insecurity. This situation has resulted in unequal personal allocations of free time. Many people have time on their hands and the opportunity of utilising leisure time, while free time has been reduced considerably for others.
In Australia, unemployment became cause for concern in the 1960s and in particular after the Whitlam Labor government that governed from 1972 to 1975. Table 1 shows the unemployment rate by national, teenage (15-19 years) and young adults (20-24 years) at significant times from 1974 to 1999. It also shows comparable ACT statistics where available. For example, in 1974 the national unemployment rate was 2.3 percent (ABS, LF 1974:16). By 1976 it had risen to 4.4 percent and youth unemployment became an issue when the unemployment rate for those aged between 15 and 19 was 13.1 percent, and 6.2 percent for those aged between 20 and 24 (ABS, LF 1976:12,57). Australia, Italy and Britain shared the characteristic of having the highest levels of youth unemployment in the Western, industrialised countries at this time. In 1978 more than one in five Australian teenagers were jobless (Windschuttle 1979:44). Policy Comparisons 47
The 1940s baby boom and the high fertility rates maintained through the prosperity of the 1950s and 1960s were attributed to the demographic influences behind the long- term trend in youth unemployment since the mid-1960s. Other explanations were that demographic changes occurred at an inopportune time, coinciding with the recession of 1974, thus forcing up the rate of joblessness (Windschuttle 1979:44). Rodan (1 985), and Wilson and Wyn (1987) also observe that since the 1960s, youth unemployment had emerged as a global concern due to the introduction of technologies causing changed employment practices. Women also entered the workforce at this time, competing for the same jobs as young people, particularly in service industries. The highest point of unemployment in the 1980s was in 1983 when the national rate was 10.0 percent. At the time of the 1992 recession the national unemployment rate was a high 10.8 percent with youth unemployment at 24.6 (15-19 years), and 16.1 (20-24 years). By 1999 it had fallen to 7.2 percent, while maintaining a high youth unemployment rate of 18.5 percent (15-19 years) and 10.6 percent (20-24 years) (ABSC 2000). Table 1 also shows that Canberra's total unemployment rate has generally been lower for these years, with the teenage rate comparable to the high Australian rate and the young adult rate lower than the national rate.
Table 1 - Unemployment Rate for Australia and the Australian Capital Territory
Australia Australian Capital Territory
Year 15-19 20-24 Total 15-19 20-24 Total
1974 6.9 3.2 2.3 - - - 1976 13.1 6.2 4.4 - - 4.8 1983 23.6 14.5 10.0 22.2 9.1 7.3 1992 24.6 16.1 10.8 23.7 10.5 7.7 1999 18.5 10.6 7.2 20.1 7.9 5.8
(Source: ABS, Labour Force Australia 1974, 1976; ABS Unemployment Rates Consultancy 2000)
It is not within the scope of the study to compare the experiences of young unemployed people in the ACT with other Australian states, except to note the annual average unemployment rates for the adjoining states of New South Wales and Victoria. Table 2 (below) presents these statistics for the years 1992 and 1999 and indicates the dramatic effect of the 1992 recession on these states as well as the ACT. While the unemployment rate for the teenage range is higher in Canberra for 1999, the young adult rate is higher in the other states. The overall unemployment rate of 6.5 percent Policy Comparisons 48 and 5.8 percent for New South Wales and the ACT respectively for 1999 may be a reflection of the boom of the lead up to the Olympics and private sector growth in Canberra through government outsourcing.
Table 2 - Unemployment Rate for New South Wales and Victoria
New South Wales Victofia
Year 15-19 20-24 To/ul 15-19 20-24 Total
(Source: ABS Unemployment Rates Consultancy, 2000).
Society has held a variety of views about unemployed young people. They have included the views that employers are biased against employing young people (Rodan 1985); young people are more likely to try out different forms of work - they don't stay in a job for long; they are 'bludgers' and abuse the dole system; and they are a curse, and an encumbrance, indolent and parasitic (Pyvis 199 1 : 195). In 1974 during a period of recession which caused unemployment to rise sharply, government and Opposition members of the day considered that young people were escaping from work and abusing the dole system, although the proportion of teenage unemployment to total unemployment hardly changed during this time (Pyvis 199 1 :296; Windschuttle 1979; Wilson and Wyn 1987).
Contemporary discourses about unemployed youth are varied. The opportunity to work is not seen as an automatic given any more. Whilst finding their own identity they have the added uncertainty of whether and how they will be able to gain their independence fiom school and family through paid work. In past times, when young people left school at the age of 12 or 13 without vocational preparation, they were able to obtain work. Present government policy encourages greater participation in secondary and tertiary schooling to increase the chances of obtaining a job in the present work environment. In 1997 the Governor General of Australia, Sir William Deane, said:
Youth unemployment in contemporary Australia should not be seen as merely an economic problem to be evaluated as a factor in some economic hypothesis and addressed only within the limits Policy Comparisons 49
allowed by reconceptions of business efficiency. To the contrary, youth unemployment must be seen and addressed as an over- whelming social problem which is already having permanent destructive consequences with respect to the self-confidence, self- respect and self-esteem of a significant proportion of a whole generation of young Australians. It is a problem that should be in the forefront of the minds of all caring Australians all the time, until it is resolved.
\ In that regard, it is of great importance that our young people who are unable to obtain employment are not seen by others or by themselves as having somehow failed. The plain fact is that it is our society, which has failed them (Deane, The Sydney Morning Herull, l 1 July 1997:8).
The Changing Concept of Work
Cutrona and Russell (1990:340) see unemployment as the loss of a social role and the integration into a peer group that is important to role related morale. As noted by Schulz and Rau (1985), being unemployed falls into the category of non-normative events in one's life. Some people seek out alternative lifestyles which might involve producing their own food and shelter, and do not seek other means of employment. Symbolic interaction theorists note that our conception and evaluation of self is linked to our roles (Stryker 1980). Critical aspects of our self-esteem are therefore based on role satisfaction. On a social ecological level the extent of such satisfaction reflects whether we have been able to find a niche in the world that is personally satisfying and socially viable (Hirsch 1981). Based on these assessments it may be difficult, if not impossible, for unemployed youth to find that niche. Some may never find work, thereby minimising the likelihood of attaining role satisfaction.
Veit (1997:25-35) details the long history of work by looking back at the Greek and Roman, the Judaeo-Christian, the Renaissance and modem concepts of work. For the Greeks, there was a link between activity and property, and inactivity and poverty - the economic reality of work in contrast to worklessness. Roman myth emphasised the opposition of work and worklessness by considering that the absence of work is part of the definition of the essence of existence; work is the result of falling out of the given order, or overstepping the border, of denying that which is human. The concept of work in the Judaeo-Christian world is moulded by the biblical story of the expulsion from Paradise where work is suffering as punishment for sin. In Christian development, work determines the essence of human existence where human beings Policy Comparisons 50
receive their worth from work. In Renaissance times work is done differently when compared with earlier times. By means of work, which is done according to a master plan, the member of this society earns their place in society and, through their work place, the right to exist. This concept is coming closer to the idea that not working is a crime against society, and the guarantee, under a constitution, that each member has the right to work.
The concept of work in the modern age is grounded in these philosophical and theological assumptions. Both humanness and work are brought together in modem thinking about work. Activeness establishes reality and reality is obtained in the human act of working. Work also creates values. The logical conclusion is that there is no place for leisure. Veit (1997:37) considers that the philosophy of work has a base in Leibniz's concept that the essence of the human being is the capacity or enerby to work and his or her worth is determined according to its performance.
Recent thinking about work reflects changing social attitudes. In the 1970s and 1980s Emery (1977) and Anderson (1980) suggested that the majority of people in Australia continued to see work as central to their lives and futures. In 1983 Barry Jones, a Member of the Australian Parliament, wrote that Australia, like Britain, the United States, Japan and Sweden was passing through a post-industrial revolution (1983:9-16). He reflected that manufacturing had declined as an employer, and since the 1970s personal services had become the greatest area of employment. He wrote about a major change to an information-based economy in ,the 1980s to the extent that computers were threatening human capacity.
There were also increasing predictions that leisure time for many was likely to increase due to technological advances, shorter working weeks and high unemployment (Kabanoff 1980, Fox 1980). Writing about unemployment, the work ethic and leisure, Pigram (1983:l) points out that the time opposite to work is actually unemployment and lack of work is not necessarily leisure, as those who are unemployed have in effect been denied the choice between work and leisure. Pigram (1983:l) makes the point that in light of the enforced idleness of unemployment, redundancy, or early retirement, leisure time is increasing in many countries. He suggests that the work ethic that has been typical of society for generations may no longer be relevant. Writing in the same vein, Bannon (1976) suggests that developing a leisure ethic would only succeed if the -
Policy Comparisons 5 1
newfound leisure is attained without feeling guilt, discomfort and anxiousness about survival.
The Changing Work Ethic
The work ethic is about self-esteem and the opinion that others have as measured by 'what we do rather than what we are' (Jones 1983:199). Consequently a young person unable to obtain work after leaving school is regarded as having lower status and value. Clarke and Critcher (1985208) also think that new values are required to adjust to post-industrial society. They predict that the work ethic will become anachronistic with the reduction of job availability and the increase in free time. Bany Jones (1983:198,199) also observes that those who possess the work ethic feel that unemployment is a form of social death. The principle of compulsory work torments them, forcing them in search of jobs that no longer exist. This stance reinforces the conviction that the unemployed are worthless and must be penalised and that a retaliative approach to unemployment is in the long-term interests of the unemployed themselves. Jones also observes that the majority of the unemployed are unskilled and uneducated in a time when unskilled, routine and repetitive jobs are declining at a rapid pace. He considers that to force them to work in short term, meaningless jobs may not bring economic rewards but may be justified from a social and personal welfare point of view (Jones 1983: 198,199).
Bertrand Russell (cited in Jones 1983:199) attacked the cult of work when he wrote that World War Two showed that it was possible to keep populations in fair comfort on a reduced working capacity. He insisted that had this reduced capacity been maintained 'and the hours of work cut down to four after the War' all would have been well. Instead he bemoaned the fact that those who worked put in long hours and the rest were left to starve. At the start of the computer revolution fifty years ago Herbert Marcuse (1979, cited in Rifkin 1995:221) also observed that:
Automation threatens to render possible the reversal of the relation between free time and working time: the possibility of working time becoming marginal and free time becoming full time. The result would be a radical transvaluation of values, and a mode of existence incompatible with the traditional culture. Advanced industrial society is in permanent mobilization against this possibility. . .. - .. -
Policy Comparisons 52
He went on to say that:
Since the length of the working day itself is one of the principle repressive factors imposed upon the pleasure principle by the reality principle, the reduction of the working day ... is the first prerequisite for freedom (cited in Rifiin l995:22 l).
The view that science and technology affords freedom from formal work is widely held by advocates of the information revolution who envision free time replacing material accumulation (Rifkin 1995:221). This view, however, is not one that is held by all. Reductions in the standard working week, increased annual leave, job sharing, and sabbaticals or career breaks have been initiated in some European countries to counter employment insecurity (Ethnic Communities Council of New South Wales 1997:4-5).
The Prospects of Finding work - European and United States' Perspectives
A German Professor of Economics who writes predominantly about the future of work, Meinhard Miegel (1997: l26,1 27), explains the process of displacing human labour. He cites the countries of Western Europe where industrialisation happened at a relatively early historical stage and which have been up until now advantaged by generating a store of technological knowledge and developing a large capital fund. These are the fruits of previous labour and underpin a high degree of work productivity with a refined organization of labour, good infrastructure, and dependable legal and administrative systems. This in turn makes a high material standard of living possible. This standard of living is further boosted by a marketing and transfer system with the later or non- industrialised countries. Consequently, the people who work within the state labour market expect that jobs will allow enjoyment of occupational and private interests, contribute to further self realisation and female emancipation, give meaning, variety and interest, and will be pleasant, socially esteemed, and unstressful. People who work in paid employment also expect that the income from their employment will be higher than welfare payments, and in their old age or if they are unemployed they will be provided with a reasonable standard of living (Miegel 1997:126,127).
Miegel(1997: 127) considers that in the early industrialised countries these expectations are minimally hlfilled for a majority of the population. A minority - 10 to 20 percent Policy Comparisons
o not have access to the benefits of this long-term development. Unemployment has been growing for a considerable time and the gap between social expectations and the capacity of the labour market is widening. The causes are:
an increase in the share of resident population able to earn a livelihood;
a drop in the birthrate after the baby boom in the 1950s and 1960s resulting in a birthrate which does not uphold its population level;
a socio cultural trend to employ women: more people want gainhl employment; and
the increase in jobs has not kept pace with the many people wanting employment (Miegel 1997:127).
Traditional forms of jobs are changing in favour of jobs without regular working conditions - jobs that involve part time work, limited employment contracts or job creating measures. These changes can be interpreted either as a siba of changing requirements of the employed population, or as an expression of the decreasing significance of human labour. The limited increase in the remuneration for labour over the past decade supports the latter explanation (Miegel 1997:128).
Similarly, Martin and Schumann (1997) herald an economic and social earthquake. Whether in 'automobile or computer construction, chemistry or electronics, telecommunications or postal services, retail trade or finance', the high output, hi-tech economy is eroding the labour of the affluent society making its workers redundant. Wherever goods or services are freely traded across borders, employees are sinking into 'a morass of devalorization and rationalization' (1 997: 102). From 199 1 to 1994, more than a million jobs were lost in West German industry. In the OECD countries more than 40 million people are looking for work. In the foremost countries of the world economy, 'from the United States to Australia, and from Britain to Japan', mass prosperity is quickly disappearing (Martin and Schumann 1997:102). Another factor contributing to the loss of jobs is the competition in the global economy by low wage countries where a global labour market is being created that reduces job security in other countries. At the same time, governments are pursuing programs of reducing public expenditure, cutting real wages and eliminating social services. Martin and Schumann (1997:103) have correctly predicted large redundancies in sectors such as banking, insurance, telecommunications, airlines and the civil service that used to Policy Comparisons 54
promise lifetime employment regardless of the vagaries of the world economy. They consider that fifteen million white and blue-collar workers in the European Union are in jeopardy of losing their full time jobs. This number is equal to the registered jobless in the summer of 1996.
There is growing evidence that unskilled workers have to work longer hours for less pay. On a worldwide scale, between 1979 and 1995'43 million people lost their jobs. The great majority found another job but in two-thirds of cases with far lower earnings and with worse terms and conditions. Large firms shrank in size and the work was divided up among many distinct units operating in a number of different places throughout the world. Consequently these changes have also meant that the basis for union organization has been eroded (Martin and Schumann 1997:120).
In the United States of America (USA), Rifiin (1995:235) predicts that millions of Americans will face the prospect of working less and less hours in coming years with increasing numbers of unskilled Americans unable to secure any work in the automated high-tech global economy. He observes that women workers are more receptive to shorter working weeks than men because of the increased stress they experience in working extended hours. They are often in the position of managing the home and working a forty-hour week as well (Rifkin 1995:234). He suggests that the current world view on work will need to be rethought as the transition takes place from a society based on mass employment in the private sector to one based on non-market criteria. He considers that the main issue of the coming age will be to redefine the role of the individual in a society without mass formal work. He has expanded Gorz's (1 985) arguments of the 1980s, which proposed a sphere of autonomous activity based upon self organization and production for need as the best remedy for the dissatisfaction with Fordist forms of paid work. Rifkin (1995) observes that Gorz's new sphere is already here and it is in the third sector of voluntary and community work that the United States, Italy and Australia has for decades provided an extensive range of social services.
Rifkin (1995:239-243) argues that the third sector offers a path back to social stability thus avoiding the limitation of market and state. He believes that the private sector jobless recoveries and public sphere budget cuts are a permanent feature of Western economic life. He envisages young people's fbture where in the coming century the Policy Comparisons 55 market and public sectors are going to play an ever-reduced role in the day-to-day lives of people. The power vacuum will be taken up by an outlaw subculture or by greater participation in the third sector. The other two sectors will not disappear. However, their relationship to the masses of people will change. The hours of employment of people working in the technological environment of the formal market economy will be shorter. For the increasing number who will not have jobs in the market sector, governments will need to both finance additional police protection and build more jails for the growing criminal class, or finance alternative forms of work in the third sector. Community based organizations will act as arbiters with the larger forces of the market place and government serving as the primary advocates and agents for social and political reform. Third sector organizations would take up the role of providing more basic services in the wake of cutbacks in government aid and assistance to persons and neighbourhoods in need. This could best be done, Rifkin suggests, by redistributing a shortened paid working week more equitably, and by establishing a guaranteed minimum income so that the increase in free time could be used to renew community and to rejuvenate democracy (Rifkin 1995:249).
In Italy, more than one in seven adults are involved with the voluntary sector. Europe's first expo was presented by Italy's third sector organizations (Wright 1997). However in debating Italy's third sector, Revelli (1996, cited in Wright 1997:18-19) criticises Rifkin for failing to explore the ambiguities and conflicting interests inherent in his concept of the third sector. His preference is to develop a social economy from within the existing third sector of Italy's thousands of co-operatives and mutual societies. Lipietz (1992), the spokesperson of the Economic Committee of the Greens Party and Councillor for the region Ile-de-France, insists that a third sector would, together with the redistribution of paid work, help to break down the two-tier society which, in France and Australia, condemns some employees to increasingly long working weeks while reducing others (women, young people and ethnic minorities) to barely making a living from casual or part-time and seasonal work. Unlike Rifkin, Lipietz does not want to create new co-operative enterprises. Unlike Revelli, his third sector would be limited to about 10 per cent of the work force so as not to undermine the continued predominance of wage labour within society as a whole.
Ransome (1995:207-214) has considered the impact of significant increases in unemployment in the United Kingdom (UK) - an increase from 6 percent in 1989 to 10 Policy Comparisons 56 percent in 1993 - and social stability. He found that the effects of recession in the 1990s are being experienced by a growing majority of the population and distinctions between being employed and the potential of being unemployed are less distinct than in the past because of the fear of unemployment. The persistently high levels of job insecurity and unemployment highlight whether the current labour process is adequate in providing mechanisms for income distribution through employment. If people can only satis@ their basic needs and expectations through employment, the central issue is how to preserve these opportunities when formal paid employment is diminishing for a significant proportion of the population (Ransome 1995:207-214). For purposes of comparison, Table 3 shows the unemployment rate for Australia and other selected countries for 1997. While the unemployment rate for Australia is higher than the USA, Japan and the UK, the table emphasises the extent of unemployment in France and Italy.
Table 3 - Overall Unemployment Rate % - Comparing Australia with Other Countries
I Year Country Rate 1997 Australia 8.5% 1997 United States of America 4.9% 1997 Japan 3.4% 1997 France 12.4% 1997 Italy 12.3% 1997 United Kingdom 7.1%
I (Source: ABS Australian Social Trends l999:203)
The Prospects of Finding work - Australian Perspectives
The consensus from these European and USA perspectives is that globalisation has contributed to unemployment. It is responsible for increased part time employment, casual and contract work, and limited job creation. It portrays a dim view of the future of work where governments are reducing public expenditure, cutting real wages and eliminating social services. In relation to how young people are affected in Australia, in the last two decades, there has been a decline in participation, particularly fulltime participation by young people. This has resulted from the increase in participation in education and a collapse in the full time jobs market for young people (Kenyon and Wooden 1996:23). The substantial growth of part time and casual employment has Policy Comparisons 5 7 been caused by an increase in demand that has been accommodated by students and mamed females. Apart from the growth of part time and casual employment, there has been increasing use of sub-contracting, fianchising, multiple job holding and non- standard hours of work (Noms and Wooden 1996:108). Jones ( 1997:267) identifies the prospect of diminishing employment opportunities in terms of the liberty versus security debate (more disposable time versus maintaining existing working patterns).
In 1997, Evans, the former Chief Executive Officer of the Metal Trades Industry Association of Australia, wrote that the future of work in Australia is linked to success in the global economy. He believes that the best way to preserve local control is to become more globally competitive and cites the success of a region of South Carolina in the USA, which took a deliberate decision to embrace global values. Evans (1997) nominates some of the effects in Australia of global competition and emerging technology as more competition for jobs, new patterns of employment, and declining unionization of the work-force (1997:27 1).
Evans' answer to these problems is national consistency in training options and delivery:
to meet current and emerging national skills-formation requirements;
to facilitate workplace reform and meet enterprise training requirements;
to meet the needs and desires of individuals for skill enhancement and career developments;
to provide the basis for life-long learning; and
to have a built-in capability for ongoing improvement and refinement (Evans l997:273).
The Keating govemment put huge effort into training reform during its term from 199 1 to 1996 and experienced a fall in the unemployment rate from 10.9 percent to 8.5 percent over three years from 1993 to 1995 (ABSC, 2000). Writing in an optimistic vein about this period in 1997, Simon Crean, former Minister for Employment, Education and Training, remembers the discussion of the future of work at the beginning of the 1990s. This was dominated by the question of whether the developed countries were ever again going to experience low levels of unemployment. Australia, Policy Comparisons 58 the USA, the UK, New Zealand and Canada were experiencing employment growth during this time. Projections for the Australian work force to the year 2005 were that while employment would grow across almost all industries, the greatest growth would be in the service sector industries, including recreation and tourism, communication, finance and retail. New jobs would be created in environmental tourism and environmental repair, recycling and waste management. Employment would have limited growth in the manufacturing sector due to the pressures of international competition. Growth by occupation would be in the professional area, while lower skilled occupations would grow slowly (Crean 1997 291-300).
Like Evans (1997), Crean (1997) considers the workforce of the future lies in its training. It should be more skilled, adaptable and flexible to the idea of telecommuting or working from home, understanding languages and cultures of the region in participating in off-shore activities by Australian companies, and self-reliant in learning new skills and in creating their own jobs. Crean considers the concept of lifelong learning, a solid educational foundation, and trainee-ships in the fast growing service sector are essential for young people. He proposes a national education network which complements this philosophy in linking all schools, Technical and Further Education Colleges, universities and other education and training providers across Australia and internationally.
In 1964 in Australia, the male-female ratio in the labour force was 71:29. By 1995 it was 58:42. Improved contraception after 1970 was a factor in the entry of women into the workforce, and it coincided with concerns about increasing unemployment. Resultant debates were unable to validate the view that increased female employment caused job displacement for men. Women's entry into the workforce has also contributed to part-time work arrangements caused by choice and necessity (Jones l997:262). Consequently, by 1997 Australia was experiencing the unprecedented phenomenon of high employment and high unemployment simultaneously. This contradiction occurred because males who were traditionally in work were out of it and females traditionally out of work were in it. This phenomenon was a reflection of the development of the dual labour market and characteristic of most OECD countries (Jones l997:264). Policy Comparisons 59
Jones (1997) notes that unskilled and semi-skilled workers were particularly disadvantaged in the mid 1970s. In defining what people were actually doing he observes that the information sector was employing 40 per cent of the workforce; 34 per cent were employed in tangible economic services such as transport, retailing and tourism; 21 per cent were employed in manufacturing and construction (14 and 7 per cent respectively); and only 5 per cent were employed in agriculture and mining (Jones 1997:264). Next to the information sector, the largest growth area was low-grade service jobs (Crean 1997). This observation substantiates what an American writer, Yates (1994:42), considers will be the trend in the USA. He thinks the government's policy of job training is 'putting the cart before the horse' because in the next decade there will be considerable growth in certain low skill jobs. He cites a Report for the Economic Policy Institute which states that:
It is the service occupations, dominated by low-skill occupations such as cooks, waiters, household workers, janitors, security guards and the like that will make the largest contribution to total employment growth between 1984 and 2000 (Mishel and Teixeira 1991 : 1 1).
Pollin (1993, cited in Yates 1994:42) continues the debate on the USA experience and considers that good jobs will not be created because workers are more skilled. They will only be created if the jobs that require them are created as they were when 'the Pentagon offered research and development subsidies, guaranteed markets, the protection from foreign competition for the post-war development of the aerospace, communications and electronics industries'. He suggests that now that military spending is being decreased, a replacement may be environmental reconversion in employing the newly trained workers.
The policies of the current Howard government (since 1996) have downsized public funded jobs for community benefit. By contrast, there have been a rising number of jobs in the private sector some as a result of outsourcing public sector jobs in information technology and the employment industry. Education and health are progressively being moved to the private sector with the result that the community sector of the Public Service is steadily being downgraded (Jones 1997). The Minister for Employment Services, Mr Abbott provides a view of the federal government's philosophy in his statement that: 'The best guarantee of service delivery is not public Policy Comparisons 60 ownership ... but state of the art technology and strong, enforceable service charters backed by the threat of competition' (Grattan, CT 6 May 2000: 13).
As in the USA and the UK, the federal government has taken up some of Rifiin (1 995), Lipietz (1992) and Revelli's (1996, cited in Wright 1997:18-19) proposals about the third sector. The mutual obligation for young people to work for the dole is an instance. However, Mark Latham (1998) goes one step further by arguing for the removal of the stigma of working for the dole. Writing from the Opposition viewpoint of employment trends running against the interests of the unskilled and the poorly educated, Latham considers that the creation of a civil sector employment, similar to Riflcin's proposals for a community allowance resourced by the government, is an alternative to welfare benefits. Work would be created in the third sector by non-profit organizations and civic associations sponsoring work activities, such as transport services for the frail aged, meals on wheels, assisting local sports clubs, improving municipal infrastructure and maintenance, environmental programs, assisting local schools and adding to the work of service clubs, parishes and charities. This redefinition of the way society views employment would strengthen these organizations' role in society (Latham 1998:12 1). The following section explores solutions for work for young Australians.
New Solutions for Work in Australia
Crooks et al. (199654-57) maintain that youth unemployment in Australia has reached the point where new solutions are required. They cite a range of serious proposals that include:
An increase in the supply of jobs through stronger economic and jobs growth through expansionary fiscal policy with additional emphasis on infrastructure, assistance to exporters and public sector employment (Brotherhood of St Laurence 1993, Lanjpnore and Quiggin 1994). A jobs levy where employees of every workplace give up 5 per cent of their pay to employing extra staff (Blandy 1993). Decrease overtime and create new jobs (Hughes 1995). Examine potential for small and community based co- operative enterprises (Brotherhood of St Laurence 1993). Develop a high skill services sector through good manufacturing base (Green 1995). Funded programs of social usefulness in the local and community sectors. Consultancy firms employed in government work and small business required to employ long term unemployed (Senate Standing Committee 1992; Chapman 1993). Reduced youth wages to reduce unemployment among young people. Increased use of shift work with the abolition of penalty rates, work sharing, permanent part time work, flexible working hours and voluntary early retirement (Argy 1994). Redistribution of work by reducing standard Policy Comparisons 6 1 hours. Employees opting to take additional annual leave without pay, and a four-day week (Jamieson House Employment Group 1996). A better balance between unpaid, caring and paid work and reduction in working hours prior to retirement (Brotherhood of St Laurence 1993).
Social protection in wage fixation and regulating employment relationships; social transfers for those excluded from labour force participation and those engaged in caring work; public and private sector investment in employment growth; education and training; housing and regional development; and tax policy (Cass 1995:7).
Improving access to employment by increasing expenditure on labour market programs such as: case management, early intervention, community based employment creation, and flexible programs oriented to individual needs; ongoing support individually through post employment placement; less reliance on short term training courses; more opportunities for paid work experience and an employment guarantee for all long term unemployed (Brotherhood of St Laurence 1993; Australian Council of Social Security 1993).
Education and training re-entry points for those who leave school early and are unemployed (Senate Standing Committee 1992). The provision of workplace literacy and language programs, study leave, child care in trainindeducational institutions, skill enhancement courses in workplaces, extended income support and study leave for workers to undertake full time education (Green 1995).
These responses provide a variety of alternatives some of which have already been utilised. Since the 1970s, labour market programs have been linked to education retention, young people linked to work and formal training, more focus given to work skills and industry relevance, and closer integration encouraged between income support policies and labour market programs (cited in Crooks et al. 199654-57). Policies on youth unemployment since 1996 have increased emphasis on reduced income support with the added rider of mutual obligation, semi-privatisation of the employment sector and an emphasis on literacy and numeracy. Both Labor and Liberal governments in the last twenty years have developed policies in keeping with their own philosophies, however high youth unemployment has continued. The following section examines how such policies are formulated, implemented and evaluated.
Communicating Public Policy on Youth Unemployment in Australia
Government policies are a part of a set of interrelated decisions taken by a group of actors who select goals and the means of achieving them within a specified situation. These decisions should, in principle, be within the power of these actors to achieve (Jenkins 1978:15). The three processes of making public policy are policy formation or policy making, policy implementation or policy production, and policy evaluation and Policy Comparisons 62 feedback (Kelman 1987). The groups affecting policy implementation include (1) policy makers (executive, legislative, and judicial); (2) formal implementers; (3) lobbyists or lobby agencies; and (4) the press. The power of each of these varies depending on the type of policy (Burger 1993:12). Through respondent interviews Chapter 6 provides an analysis of how .polices on youth unemployment are communicated by the federal and ACT governments.
The process of legitimising the political order depends on articulating and satisfying social needs and transmitting political values that allow development of a sense of community among the people (Denton and Woodward 1990:43). Some of the basic forms that adolescent youth policy in Australia have taken are as follows:
In some jurisdictions curfews apply, which means that young people may not lawfully be seen in public after specified times, especially at night.
An entire system of juvenile justice with its own courts and legislation operates to sanction the activities of adolescents.
Public transport systems have laid down codes of appropriate behaviour for young people using buses, trains and trams.
The entertainment industries operate voluntary codes of censorship to ensure that young people are not exposed to inappropriate material.
Until certain specified ages a child may not legally drive a car, work for money, have sex, smoke tobacco, drink alcohol or watch certain films.
Historically through the twentieth century the young male was subjected to military training, service in an army reserve or compelled to provide his body for active military service.
At certain ages the young person is able to work for pay although the young worker is subjected to special wages and special award conditions.
In many cases older teenagers are compelled to carry identity cards so as to lawfully gain admission to places of entertainment or relaxation (Bessant et al. 1998:74-75).
While acknowledging the work of the French philosopher Michel Foucault in terms of 'government being a broader concept involving more than the .state', Bessant et al. (1998:72) suggest that the state is just one of many agencies involved in government, Policy Comparisons 63 which also includes civil society, that is the media, businesses, churches, schools, sports clubs, voluntary organizations, and the academy. Government regulates the management of the self, the life of the individual, relations between institutions and the exercise of state power. Government is not only what states do, but also what corporations, sporting clubs, media, childcare centres, schools, universities, and employment organizations do (Bessant et al. 1998:73).
There are three different conceptions of the role of communication in the policy process. In the most common, communication is more or less incidental to the larger process. Consequently communication is a direct concern only because it may account for irregularities or performance failures. The second conception sees the role of communication in the policy process as a specific set of actors, namely the media. The media participate in policy both as specialised interests with immediate stakes in the process and as active intermediaries in the flow of policy communication. Through these activities, they help to structure the policy process and serve a number of important linkage functions. The third conception is that communication is seen not as incidental to the process, nor as confined to the role of the media but as the essence of policy, as both a process and a product (Cobb and Elder 1981 :392-393).
The third view represents a point of convergence with origins in the study of political communication and public opinion (Nimmo 1978; Bennet 1980) and in the study of cybernetics and organisational decision making (Steinbrunner cited in Kodhi 1997:19). It also emerges independently from process-oriented approaches to policy analysis (Wilson 1980). This perspective rests on the premise that public policy is part of an ongoing process of communication and feedback and its dynamics are structured and constrained by communication capabilities (Chaffee 1975). From this perspective the Lasswellian questions of 'who communicated what to whom and how' become the keys to understandmg who gets what and why (Edelman 1964).
The Bessant et al. (1998:72) notion of government, the individual and institutions in the exercise of state power, is reflective of Nimmo's (1978) view that one of the most fundamental channels in communication is the human being, while one of the main human channels in political communication is the internal and external communication links found in organizations. In its external communication, officials and clients of an organization negotiate specific outcomes. In this process they take into consideration Policy Comparisons 64 the pressures, perceived facts, rules and biases. Social order is achieved by constructing meaning through these communication channels, and in this sense all communication channels are political by their very nature and are the means to negotiate the regulation of social conflict.
In using Lasswell's formula to understand government and politics through public opinion it is obvious that the process of communication is not linear but circular. Therefore who says what in what channel with (rather than to) whom and with what effects is more appropriate (Nimmo 1978). The conditions of a close correspondence between public opinion and public policy, that is between what people think and what governments do, depends on a two-way communication joining citizens and officials in policy communication. It is a process of representation, providing alternative modes of popular, mass, and group opinions which officeholders take into account in fashioning public policy (Nimmo 1978).
Lasswell's 'in which channel' relates to the media in communicating about politics. However there is a complex variety of media which people use, such as the channels of mass, interpersonal and organizational communication, and are more appropriately described as 'in which channels' (Nimmo 1978). Political communicators such as politicians, professionals, or activists use persuasive talk to influence both one another and members of less politically involved audiences. They use the channels of 'who says what to whom' in sending messages. Therefore, in a broad sense, communication channels consist of all such symbols, their combinations, and the techniques and media used to speak with audiences (Nimmo 1978). The emergence of the new media of information and communications technologies, such as the Internet are claimed to be altering almost every facet of lifestyles including political activity (Loader 1998:3). They raise important questions about their consequences, and whether they will lead to a greater equalisation of power structures. The new media also raise the issue of whether they are likely to produce a widening of the social gap between the information rich and the information poor in and between communities, and frustrate the many for whom participation is a civic duty but not a full time commitment (Loader 1 998:3).
It is not yet clear whether the synthesis of disparate technologies will change the way the majority of citizens understand and thus influence the variety of political, social or Policy Comparisons 65 cultural options available to them (Loader 1998:4-5). Puay Tang (1998) observes that the UK government's measures to prepare society for the information age may widen the cyberspace divide between those who have access to electronic information and those who do not. Unlike the UK government, the American, Canadian and Australian governments already provide services such as digital library catalogues, government publications, college, university, legislative information, remote tuition, and statistical data on the Internet. The USA Government Printing Office and the Northwestern University Library has opened the first gateway site in Illinois giving public access to important federal documents (Tang 1998). At the local level, Canberra government libraries are now providing Internet access to a Canberra job search service that reflects current youth unemployment policy and local community needs.
Policies on Youth Unemployment
Federal Government Policies
In the early 1970s the OECD reviewed national education policies among its member nation states. The downturn in the world economy increased the need to search for solutions to youth unemployment, and capitalist and Communist economies of Europe alike were addressing the question of school to work transition. The recession in Australia had witnessed the national unemployment rate increase from 2.3 percent in 1974 to 4.4 percent by 1976. The increase in youth unemployment, from 6.9 percent to 13.1 percent (15-19 years), and from 3.2 percent to 6.2 percent (20-24 years) during this period was of major concern (ABS, LF 1974:16, 1976:l2,57). Consequently, the OECD Report of 1977 (cited in Irving et al. 1995:242) proposed that Australian governments make provision for education and employment for all young people until age 18 through a system of community colleges as part of a general tertiary education sector. By the early 1980s the Education Program for Unemployed Youth was incorporated into the School to Work Transition Program in Australia (Irving et al. 1995). At the time of the election of the Whitlam Labor government in 1972, the problem of youth unemployment was considered to be one of adjustment for the young as they matured. Consequently, in their commitment to full employment, the Labor government designed the National Apprenticeship Scheme of 1973 to increase demand for apprentices by providing subsidies to employers. In 1974 the government established the National Employment and Training (NEAT) Scheme to provide special Policy Comparisons 66 ~ training for unskilled and semi-skilled adults and youth affected by the deteriorating labour market (Irving et al. 1995).
The Fraser Coalition government was elected in December 1975 and initially attempted to restrain government expenditure. This decision initially had consequences for unemployed youth as well as for employment and training schemes. In 1977 the government legislated against paying unemployment benefits to school leavers during the summer vacation. Those over 18 could be refused benefits if they would not move fiom an area of unemployment to where work might be available. Although acknowledging the continuing crisis in the youth labour market at this time, the . government did not index the unemployment benefit for under 18 year olds until the Budget of 1982-83. Once indexed for inflation the unemployment benefit for under 18 year olds was worth less than two thirds what it had been in 1973 (Irving et al. 1995).
This policy on unemployment benefits was part of the Liberal government's overall aim of reducing government expenditure and all allowances and benefits. The government concentrated on forms of subsidy and assistance to employers and local and community based programs to take on young people. The most significant was the Special Youth Employment Training Program (SYETP) and the Community Youth Support Scheme (CYSS) in which communities assisted local young unemployed people in developing their capacity for obtaining employment and to become more self- reliant during unemployment. This was in part an acknowledgement of the voluntary youth sector in government policy to be formalised in the later establishment of the Commonwealth Office of Youth Affairs.
By the 1980s youth unemployment became a growing problem across the Western world. In Britain the Labour government, in 1976, had created a Manpower Services Commission to provide training and jobs to unemployed youth. In the USA the federal government had established programs with a focus on youth entitlement schemes to provide work through the private sector from 1978 to 198 1. By 1980 Swedish youth policy provided a mixture of employment, education and training for all young people. In Australia, fiom the late 1970s to late 1982, the discussion on youth revolved about education and training with income support, which took into consideration youth homelessness and the growing reality of a breakdown in family support. In November Policy Comparisons 67
1982 the Fraser Coalition government was moving towards an integrated youth policy when it was defeated by the Hawke Labor government (Irving et al. 1995).
The years 1983 to 1986 were crucial in developing youth policy in Australia. Youth at this time emerged as a significant policy area and designated Priority One in 1986. These policies were also an acknowledgement of the International Year of Youth in 1985. The Hawke government recognised that immediate full employment for the young would be impossible to achieve and youth policy was framed around education and training rather than job creation. The concerns of social justice and providing social equity on the grounds of gender, ethnicity and race formed the basis of this policy. A resultant OECD Review of Youth Policies in Australia suggested there be a youth entitlement which would 'guarantee the opportunity for job search, career planning and life skills training and orientation to the world of work, and a certificate reflecting their work-readiness competencies, as well as eligibility for income support' (draft OECD Review 1984, cited in Irving et al. 1995:249). At the same time the Report of the government's Kirby Committee of Inquiry into Labour Market Programs was published. Many of the Report's recommendations overlapped with those of the OECD and became the basis of government policy for youth known as Priority One, with the policies of individual Australian states closely mirroring those of the federal Labor government (Kirby Report 1985, cited in Irving et al. 1995:249).
In the wake of Priority One, and after nearly a decade of Labor in government, the commitment to youth policy development declined and was included within an education and training agenda, which was itself subject to economic concerns. Business and trade union interests also replaced the influence of the voluntary youth sector on government policy. In 1987 the Office of Youth Affairs was downgraded into a bureau located in the Department of Employment, Education and Training. The remaining problem of disadvantaged and marginalised youth became the responsibility of Australian state governments and the Australian community. The 1989 Budget introduced a range of programs focusing on the homeless youth, the long term unemployed, those from low-income families andfor in remote areas, Aboriginal youth, and labour market assistance programs Jobtrain and Jobstart. By the late 1980s state governments' youth policies reflected concerns about the climate of teenage drinking, teenage drug abuse and sexually transmitted diseases in their concern about young people at risk and those who had broken the law. At the same time the federal Labor Policy Comparisons 68 government instigated a Youth Sport Program to widen sports opportunities for young Australians with special programs for at-risk youth (Irving et al. 1995).
The recession of the early 1990s added to youth unemployment. In July 1992 the new Prime Minister, Paul Keating convened a Youth Summit to set the agenda for new initiatives. It confirmed existing government policy and instigated a mix of vocational training and job placements for 100,000 young Australians by the end of 1993. Youth unemployed for six months would be able to undertake training in Technical and Further Education (TAFE) institutions or the private sector followed by a subsidised wage through the Jobstart Program. Shorter training courses would be provided through Skillshare and linked to work in the Jobtrain Program. Emphasis would be placed on training and linked employment for the homeless, and those living in rural and remote areas, including Aboriginal communities and those with a disability. A small number of school leavers would receive the Job Search Allowance earlier than the normal 13-week period after leaving school. A national vocational certification scheme would also be introduced (Irving et al. 1995).
The subsequent Working Nation policy was a set of six employment programs and ten job training programs developed in 1994 by the Keating government, which had been re-elected in 1993 when the overall unemployment rate was 10.9 percent (ABSC, 2000). Working Nation was not unlike the previous employment directions. However, more emphasis was placed on education and training with more personalised support provided through counselling and contractual arrangements between the Commonwealth Employment Service and unemployed people. These policies particularly focused on young people and the long-term unemployed. They had an element of reciprocal responsibility in that the recipients of unemployment income support had to accept a training position or subsidised job placement, or lose their benefits (Latham 1998:204). The aim of the Working Nation policy was to achieve an unemployment rate of 5 per cent by 2000. Economic growth would generate new jobs and education and training would provide a skilled and flexible workforce (Crooks et al. 1996). How to provide a transition from youth to full adult citizenship was still the prevailing problem when the Howard government came to power in 1996. The new Prime Minister faced an even harder task than an earlier Coalition government at the commencement of its term in 1975, when unemployment had escalated from 4.3 percent to 6.3 percent by 1978 (ABS, LF 1975:1 1 ; ABSC 2000). In 1996 the Policy Comparisons 69 unemployment rate was 8.5 percent (ABSC, 2000). The average duration of unemployment had doubled from 26 weeks in 1978, to 54 weeks in August 1995 (Crooks et al. 1996). Youth unemployment had remained very high for the previous ten years and in 1996, was 20.8 percent (1 5-19 years), and 12.3 percent (20-24 years) nationally, and 26.9 percent and 1 1.8 percent respectively for the ACT (ABSC, 2000).
In retrospect, in the early 1970s, youth policy was concerned with modes of adjustment to continuing high levels of youth unemployment and was a period of transition in youth policy. By the mid-1970s the concept of a youth guarantee was imported from overseas. In the early 1980s until the International Year of Youth, policy was on education and training and a focus on youth as Priority One. However, in contrast to the earlier all-embracing approach, youth policy related more clearly to disadvantaged or marginalised youth from the latter part of the 1980s and the early 1990s (Itving et al. 1995).
The current Liberal government maintains a conservative social policy approach to government and has radically overhauled youth policies since 1996. One such policy change has been in the Youth Allowance that stipulates that youth at age 16 and 17 are no longer eligible for dole payments. Exceptions are recipients of full time education or training, sickness benefits, are homeless or unable to obtain a place at school or in TAFE. Parental means tests have also been extended to 18-20 year olds regardless of whether they live at home and are studying. The Youth Allowance is not applicable if the family income is above $41,000 for those living at home and $58,000 for those not living at home (Peake, CT 29 January 1998:1). Speaking about the social ramifications of the government changes to the Youth Allowance payments, Mackay (ABC Radio, 18 March 1998) suggests that the withdrawal of youth payments while studying is an exercise in social engineering, and in contrast to contemporary social trends in Australia where independence for youth has gained social acceptance in recent years. Mackay concludes that such changes are an attempt to bring back early family values that do not necessarily accord with contemporary times. This initiative places government assistance as a last resort of help, and is reminiscent of past times when families resorted to government help only when unable to hlfil their commitment to their children. Other Liberal government youth policies since 1996 have included: Policy Comparisons 70
Introducing work-for-the-dole scheme whereby unemployed persons enter into work as part of their reciprocal obligations to the Australian community who pay their unemployment benefits;
All young people aged 18 to 24 unemployed for more than six months required to do six months part time or voluntary work or training or have dole payments reduced or suspended;
Reduction in job training programs for young unemployed people;
The Commonwealth Employment Service (CES) set up following World War Two renamed Centrelink, as a government owned Statutory Authority, run on market lines. This privatised system works in association with the Job Network comprised of private companies contracted by the government to deliver Australia's employment services. The agencies compete with each other and are funded almost entirely by their results in finding people jobs;
Jobs Pathway Programme which provides employment and mentoring support services to school leavers;
Compulsory maths and reading tests for 12,000 with low skills;
A forum of youth organizations to look at consultation between youth and government in 2000, in light of the defunding of the Australian Youth Policy and Action Coalition (AYPAC);
Leadership development through government programmes, and youth participation on government boards, committees and international conferences; and
Youth Cadet programmes linked to the community, such as the country Fire State Emergency and the Red Cross, and participation in political and community life (Peake, CT 21 September 1998:l-2; Interview Ian, Youth Bureau 12/99; Interview David, AYPAC; Kemp, 1998).
ACT Government Policies
The policies that affect Canberra's unemployed youth are those administered by the federal government through the Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA), and the Department of Employment, Workforce Relations and Small Business (DEWRSB). As a federal government Statutory Authority Centrelink has been contracted by DEWRSB to implement the'government's employment policies. It is the gateway to the Job Network and categorises unemployed people on a skills basis referring them to the Job Network providers contracted separately by DEWRSB to provide job training and job placement services (Interview Vic, Centrelink 1111999). DETYA contracts jobtraining services to community support organizations. Through Policy Comparisons 7 1 a process of community consultation the ACT government considers where the gaps are at the Canberra level and provides funding for personal skills programmes and education and training in target industries where there is a possibility of jobs being available (Interview Joy, ACT government 1011999). The ACT government works on a community needs basis for unemployed persons across the board and does not give special consideration to youth unemployment issues. Youth employment policy initiatives have in the past included:
The 1998 Youth 1000 Program. An employment program for youth (in conjunction with the federal government) offering employers a $1000 incentive payment for each job given to those under 2 1 years;
Self Start Program (training in self esteem and confidence building);
Job training for young offenders; and
A focus on skills development for young people in Information Technology (IT) in recognising job opportunities in this industry in Canberra (Joy, ACT government 1011 999).
The ACT government does not have any specific policies for youth in the near future. Since the Youth 1000 program an urgent need has arisen fiom mature age people made redundant from the Public Service since 1996. Consequently the ACT government is currently allocating funds towards job training and a Restart program for over 40s - similar to Youth 1000 - where employers are paid $2,500 per placement (Joy, ACT government 1011 999).
Chapter Summary
Social commentary, historical background and political communication have formed the theoretical framework of this chapter, which has asked the research question:
How are policies about youth unemployment communicated to the community?
This chapter has examined the differences between government policies on youth unemployment at the commencement of the 1974 recession and during the 1990s. It has found that current federal and ACT government policies are market driven and were also prominent from 1975 and into the 1980s. This philosophy restrains government expenditure on programs that downsize the Public Service and favours Policy Comparisons 72 business sector growth. In the 1970s such policies had consequences for unemployed youth in the reduction of job opportunities and the apprenticeship and training schemes initiated by the previous government. The government also tightened conditions for young people receiving unemployment benefits, and formed part of the Liberal government's overall policy of reducing government expenditure allowances and benefits.
The Labor government policies at the time of the 1992 recession, in contrast, were socially directed. They favoured life long learning, a solid educational foundation, traineeships in the service sector, all linked through a national education network (Evans 1997, Crean 1997). The current Liberal government policies are market dnven as in the 1970s. Similar to the policies of that time the government has tightened the conditions for young people receiving unemployment benefits. The Youth Allowance is means tested on parents' income and has resulted in young people returning to school and, in some instances, it has driven them into Youth Refuges (highlighted in Chapter 7). The policies of the ACT government are demand driven and currently address the needs of mature age people made redundant following the downsizing of the Public Service. A Restart Program along the lines of the Youth 1000 Program in 1998 has been adapted for this sector of the community.
In terms of how these polices are communicated to the community, this study has adopted Foucault's view that government is a broader process involving more than the state and is inclusive of media, business churches, schools, sports clubs, voluntary organizations and the academy (Bessant et al. 1998). This approach dovetails with Nimmo's (1978) belief that understanding the process of government and politics through public opinion means that it is a process of representation, providing alternative modes of popular, mass, and group opinions which oficeholders take into account in fashioning public policy. Understanding the process of government and politics through public opinion is related in part to communicating mass media opinions that ofliceholders also take into account in fashioning public policy.
This chapter has also made historical comparisons between youth unemployment in Australia in the 1970s and the 1990s. Since the 1960s, youth unemployment has emerged as a global concern due to the introduction of new technologies. Women entering the workforce and competing for the same jobs as young people was also an Policy Comparisons 73 important factor (Rodan 1985; Wilson and Wyn 1987). In the last two decades, there has been a decline in participation in work, particularly fulltime participation by young people. This has resulted from a collapse in the full time jobs market and the increase in participation in education. The consequent substantial growth of part time and casual employment has been caused by demand. There has also been an increasing use of sub-contracting, franchising, multiple job holding and non-standard hours of work. In this changed work environment for some, work is considered an option, which might or might not be exercised. For others in work it can mean a working day of sixteen hours duration and job insecurity. This situation has resulted in unequal personal allocations of free time. Many people have time on their hands and the opportunity of utilising leisure time, while free time has been reduced considerably for others.
This radical change in the work environment is not restricted to Australia. In Europe there has been an increase in jobs without regular working conditions, such as part time work and limited job creating measures, which reflect the decreasing significance of human labour. The effects of the recession in the UK in the 1990s are being experienced by a growing majority of the population. The persistently high levels of job insecurity and unemployment highlight whether the current labour process is adequate and reliable in providing mechanisms for income distribution through employment. Attitudes vary about how to cope with these social changes. Rifkin (1995) suggests that the third sector community based organizations will in future act as arbiters with the market place and government serving as the primary advocates and agents for social and political reform. Latham (1998) also espouses a third way for Australia in civil sector employment that is currently being taken up in the USA and the UK. Such radical changes to the work environment are reflected in the findings of the following chapter and Chapter 5, which show how media discourse about youth unemployment has differed in the 1970s compared with the 1990s. 1
Media Reporting in the 1970s 74
COMMUNITY ATTITUDES m MEDIA REPORTING AND PUBLIC OPINION POLLS IN THE 1970s
Introduction
In asking the research question:
What is the role of the media in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment? this chapter initially examines the idea of community as a theoretical framework to its forming attitudes about social issues. To better understand the environment of the young unemployed people in this study this chapter creates an overview of Canberra's development as a community since it was settled in the early 1920s and how its residents have adapted to social change. It suggests that Canberra's place as the nation's capital has always been subject to challenge by governments concerned about cutting the costs of developing the national capital. The chapter then proceeds to examine the role of the media in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment and how it attributes blame and responsibility for this problem.
In the 1970s when youth unemployment was a new social phenomenon young unemployed people were individually scapegoated and blamed and larger, more complex issues were often lost in the narrative. The complex modem environment of globalisation, technological advances and the changing concept of work has added to the problem of youth unemployment in contemporary times. This chapter considers the consequences of media framing in presenting the individual over societal factors, particularly the stories about risks, where individual scapegoats are often sought and blamed and larger, more complex issues are lost in the narrative (Willis and Okunade 1997).
This chapter also examines how media based information shares the information environment with interpersonal communication among individuals (Lenart 1994). Public opinion formation commences with the media reporting on public affairs, people talking to one another about the topic, and the consequent forming of public opinion. Media Reporting in the 1970s 75 ~ l The chapter examines the mechanics of the way public opinion is formed and expressed I in opinion polls and draws from secondary sources to gauge Australian community attitudes to youth unemployment in the 1970s and through to the beginning of the 1990s. Various North American views have been added to the Australian experience to examine the influence of opinion polls.
The Concept of Community
Giddens (1998:78) considers that traditionally a sense of self is sustained through the stability of the social position of individuals in the community. As the influence of tradition and custom diminish on a worldwide level the sense of self changes. He suggests a new relationship between the individual and the community is warranted, a redefinition of rights and obligations of government acting in partnership with agencies in civil society to foster community renewal and development. He observes that civic decline is real and visible in some local communities and urban neighbourhoods, in the weakening sense of solidarity, the high levels of crime and the break up of marriages and families.
Mary Parker Follett's (1965) concept of community was based on the individual struggle to create an authentic self through their contribution to the creation and actualisation of a common will. This resembles Giddens' contemporary thinking. Konig (1968) observes that community is 'a basic' form, and that it does not disappear or dissolve in the wake of industrial and urban revolutions as has often been argued. Similarly, Schnore (1967) sees the community as a basic unit of social structure and considers its main aspects are the demographic, the ecological, and the structural. Maclver and Page (1 96 1 :8-10) consider community is the term we apply to a pioneer settlement, a village, a city, a tribe or a nation. It is an area of social living marked by some degree of social coherence. The bases of community are locality and community sentiment, making it an area of common living with its awareness of sharing a way of life. Follett (1965) also saw community as the individual human being integrated in genuine relations with diverse others.
Massey (1993:239) sees community as a sense of place having a 'constellation of social relations, meeting and weaving together at the particular locus'. She suggests that in a global sense these networks of social relations and movement and communications are Media Reporting in the 1970s 76 meeting places. However, instead of thinking of places as areas with boundaries around, she imagines them as 'articulated movements in networks of social relations and understandings ... constructed on a far larger scale than what we happen to define for that moment as the place itself, whether that be a street, or a region or even a continent'. Consequently, her community is extroverted and includes a consciousness of its links with the wider world, and integrates in a positive way the global with the local.
Giddens (1998:79-80) considers that civic decline is visible in many sectors of contemporary societies and is seen in the weakening sense of solidarity in some local communities and urban neighbourhoods, high levels of crime and the break up of marriages and families. He thinks that community does not imply trying to recapture lost forms of local solidarity; it refers to practical means of furthering the refurbishment of neighbourhoods, towns and larger local areas. Diminished trust in politicians and other authority figures can be taken to indicate general social apathy. However an increasingly reflexive society is also one marked by high levels of self-organization. He cites the communal energy of small group movements in the USA and the UK, which are replacing civic engagement. Wuthnow (1994: 12) has studied small numbers of people who meet together regularly to develop their common interests. His research concludes that 40 percent of Americans belong to at least one small group that meets regularly. In such groups a feeling of community is generated not only in the old sense of being part of a local area but people with similar concerns get together to pursue a 'journey through life'.
Similar occurrences are happening in Canberra where many Residents' Associations have been incorporated in Canberra suburbs. These regularly meet to discuss the desired stability and retention of optimum living conditions within an ever-changing environment in their suburbs and bond together in mutual support. The Belconnen Committee comprising community and business people is another instance of community discussion of ways of improving employment opportunities for Canberra's young people (Larraine, parent interview 1111999). Giddens (1999) considers that where the old sense of community has disappeared, self-identity has to be recreated on a more active basis than before, hence the popularity of therapy, counselling and community self help groups. Damon (1995) maintains communities must recapture their moral voices. He considers that the present day disinclination to lay moral claims Media Repomng in the 1970s 77 has been at the heart of the failure to maintain communities that could provide guidance for today's youth. He believes it is possible for a diverse democratic society to arrive at fundamental areas of consensus on the community's youth charter no matter how pluralistic the community may be.
Canberra's Genesis as a Community 1
Canberra and its surrounding area was originally home to the Aboriginal people about 2 1,000 years ago. Canberra's genesis as a multiracial community occurred in 1820 when a party of explorers discovered the 'Limestone Plains' and settlement followed (Gillespie 1991). A century later the American couple, Walter and Marion Burley Griffin designed a radical concept for Canberra as the proposed seat of Australia's federal government, the location of the Public Service and the Diplomatic Corps. They envisioned Canberra, within the ACT, becoming the heart of Australia's intellectual and cultural life. It would be a university city, with a centre for scientific research, possessing a National Library, a National Museum and a National Academy of Arts (Edgeworth 1992:3). Because of these beginnings it was also known as the 'bush capital '.
The first buildings to appear on the Limestone Plains were the construction camps - rows of prefabricated huts to house 4,000 workers who built Parliament House and the nearby East and West Block secretariat buildings. Hotels, guesthouses, schools, shopping centres, brick cottages for families, and accommodation for single men and women were also built from 1921 to 1927. Denning (cited in National Archives of Australia, 1999:3) wrote in 1938:
And strangely, but truly, there are people living here, living quite ordinary lives ... and they are living and loving and laughing and quarrelling and dying and singing and cursing and betting and eating and sleeping ... just like people anywhere else. And this is Canberra.
Dempsey (1990:4) found in his study of Smalltown in rural Victoria in the 1970s and 1980s that a strong attachment to the community is increased in working, talking and playing together. In this regard building the Causeway Hall in 1925 was a benchmark for the making of the Canberra community. No allowance had been made for a Media Reporting in the 1970s 78 building for entertainment, and the government planning authority, the Federal Capital Commission, provided the materials for a community hall, to be built by voluntary labour, (over three weekends) near the largest construction camp at the Causeway. After being built, it was used as a dance hall, concert hall, picture theatre and became the social centre of Canberra (Edgeworth 1992:4).
A large component of the community were the men (and the very few women) of the Parliamentary staff who occupied positions in the Public Service. They were selected by entrance examination and on the basis of school and university qualifications. Consequently, in 1927 Canberra's population of about 6,000 had an unusually high percentage of well-educated citizens accustomed to the leisure pursuits offered by the older Australian capital cities. These new and sometimes unwilling citizens of Canberra found themselves in a very widely dispersed community with no substantial public transport. Outside working hours there was tennis in the summer, cycling and walking in the winter and silent films and regular dances at the Causeway Hall (Edgeworth 1992:6).
Newby (1980) considers that the effect of people being brought together in a community and the nature of the impact ecological factors have on social relationships, is crucial to what kind of community they develop. Canberra's isolation in the 1920s from the major capital cities engendered a strong sense of community. Dempsey showed in his study of Smalltown that this community's small and stable population and its geographical isolation were crucial in its social life. The great distance of Smalltown from a large urban settlement meant that daily material and social needs were found in the immediate neighbourhood. Members of different classes were brought together through their pursuit of common needs and interests. Most of the residents of Smalltown were permanent settlers, and bonds of friendship and kinship that frequently cut across class, length of residence, gender and age were established through a variety of organizations or leisure activities (Dempsey 1990:3). The sense of cohesion and belonging in the Canberra community in its formative and developmental stage as the nation's capital can be compared with Smalltown's experience. Canberra's small and isolated population during its development, the social interaction at the main meeting place, the Causeway Hall, and the creation of an Arts and Literature Society were instances of a community's need to establish the 'social fabric' or 'glue' to build 'networks, norms and social trust that facilitate co-ordination and co-operation for Media Reporting in the 1970s 79 mutual benefits7 (Cox 1995:15.) By the end of the war, in 1945, the city's population had grown to over 1 3,000.
Towards a National Capital
By 1954 the population was in excess of 30,000, and 3 1 per cent of the population were employed as public servants (Sparke 1988:25). In this small society people at all levels met informally and private parties were a special feature in Canberra. Club life was also popular and included the elite Commonwealth Club and the Canberra Club frequented by the mid range public servant and executives, and the Canberra Workers' Club for the workmen. Sparke (1988:28) records that 'people threw themselves into community organizations'. These activities included all kinds of sport as well as cultural associations and activities. During the same year the Australian National University's professor of geography, Oskar Spate, wrote that reconciling the needs of a national capital and a city of residence had led to adopting a middling standard and significant transport inconvenience (Gibbney 1988:272).
Spate predicted that the principal problems for the future were the needs of the city's youth. He considered there had to be career opportunities other than the Public Service and better recreation facilities to keep young people in Canberra. He was concerned about the psychological effect of the predictability of the future working life of the children of public servants, who had advantages in seeking Public Service employment, simply from being on the spot and absorbing the Public Service atmosphere. He thought that the situation could lead to inbreeding and a deterioration of energy and initiative (Gibbney 1988:272). It is debatable whether this 'inbreeding' occurred to the degree predicted because of a subsequent government initiative to recruit officers into the Public Service from all the state capitals (Sparke 1988:103). Significant downsizing of the Public Service in the 1990s has removed opportunities for unskilled young people to embark on a Public Service Cadetship.
Between mid-1958 and 1965, Canberra changed from a 'semi-rustic town to an integrated, if still small and incomplete, national capital' (Sparke 1988:103). In those years the population more than doubled to 86,700 with an annual growth rate of 11.8 per cent. More than half of Canberra's population then had been born in other parts of Australia and almost a quarter in foreign countries. This growth was accompanied by Media Reporting in the 1970s 80 the development of new suburbs that were later, in 1970, incorporated into the Y-Plan, which proposed more selfcontained towns along three corridors from inner Canberra, thus preserving hilltops in their natural state. Lake Burley Grifin was incorporated into Canberra's subsequent growth plan and was paralleled by the building of national institutions and private developments (Sparke 1988:103). Unfortunately, subsequent planning to develop major town centres has meant that people can be isolated in their centres and restricted to activities of the local shopping mall without an adequate public transport system.
The era when everyone knew everyone else was over. Those who pioneered the 1920s and 1930s, the post-war young academics and Public Service cadets, those transferred from other states - in many instances with extreme reluctance - merged with the newcomers to Canberra who were drawn by its job prospects in the Public Service. Although youth culture emerged during the late 1950s in Australia, it did not have an impact in Canberra until the 1960s, when teenagers increasingly were defined by their own fashions, hairstyles, music and entertainment. In concert with other areas of Australia, Canberra's youth experienced a freeing-up of values, increased income, rebellion against constraint and increasing information about sex education (Canberra Museum and Gallery, Brochure 1999). Some of today's young unemployed people of Canberra are the progeny of the baby boomer parents who were part of Canberra's society, which reflected the social mores of the nation in the 1960s. Sparke (1 988: 15 1 ) describes it as 'the age of telly, bikinis, the Pill, mini-skirts, jet-setting, the Beatles, flower-people and hippies'.
The presence in Canberra of so many scientists, researchers, academics, toplevel administrators politicians travelling overseas for diplomatic, trade, defence, customs and other government business, and the resident diplomatic population from thirty-five embassies increased Canberra's cosmopolitan environment. Canberra Week celebrations attracted crowds and Friday night shopping in the mid 1960s was a very important social occasion. Private parties were no longer relied upon as much as in the 1950s, as many social alternatives became available, for example, in the growth in hotels. The greatest change was the growth in popularity of the licensed clubs where social gatherings compensated for the absence of extended families. Senior public servants met at the Commonwealth Club, middle ranking bureaucrats met at the Canberra Club and unionists at the Workmen's Club. Other clubs relied on sporting Media Reporting in the 1970s 8 1 activities and ethnic fellowship for their membership (Sparke 1988:146-147). For example, the Southern Cross Club had its beginnings among Catholics who attended Mass on Sundays in the mid 1960s. From a membership at this time of 1,643, in 1999 it was awarded ACT Club of the Year with a membership in excess of 65,000. The Club's focus has been to provide opportunities for social interaction for its members and their friends, and community welfare and services (Poroch 1996).
Canberra's rapid expansion as a planned city continued into the 1970s. The growth was due in part to the Whitlam government initiatives in social reform in education, urban and regional expansion and the arts that expanded the Public Service and accelerated Canberra's growth from 1972. The population grew by some 13,000 a year. The government changed in 1975 and during the Fraser government's term growth was restricted in the Public Service and Canberra's expansion slowed markedly. Annual population growth fell as low as 1.3 per cent in 1979. In some years, more people left Canberra than amved (Davies, Hoffman and Price 1990: 104- 109). Building workers moved out as land servicing and house construction almost halted, but returned during the construction of the new Parliament House in the 1980s.
By the mid-1980s the Public Service provided about 60 per cent of jobs. Unemployment fell to about 4 per cent during 1986, the lowest rate in Australia, but reached 5.4 in July 1987 (cited in Sparke 1988:338,340). There was a high ratio of young people without jobs at this time because Canberra's economic structure, with an emphasis on professional and technical occupations, required high levels of skill and experience and offered school-leavers little diversity in job opportunities. The share of part time work in Canberra went up steeply, representing 80 per cent of employment growth. However still characteristic of Canberra, as in the mid-1960s, were the exceptional school retention rates. Seventy-seven percent of ACT students stayed on until year 12 in 1985 compared with a national rate of 46 percent. Canberra also had higher than average education levels in the adult community, more women in the workforce and the Australian record for divorce (Sparke 1988:338,340).
Prior to self-government in 1989, the Federal Capital Commission controlled issues affecting the residents of Canberra, particularly the construction of the provisional Parliament House completed in 1929. In 1930 an Advisory Council replaced the Commission. The Council remained in existence until 1985 (Deane, CT 13 May Media Repomng in the 1970s 82
1999:9). The National Capital Planning and Development Committee was formed in 1938. In 1975 the National Capital Development Commission (NCDC) replaced the Committee. Amid the discussion on the NCDC Bill in Parliament one Member was critical that the Bill dealt only with a mechanical process for developing a city beautiful. It did not provide Canberra people with the opportunity to build a city with a soul (Sparke 1988:67). Public works was the engine of Canberra's development that made it vulnerable to federal government budget cuts. Until its demise in 1988 the NCDC was often involved in controversy in its planning edicts which directly affected the residents in relation to their domestic blocks, unpopular development plans for the main commercial centre of Civic, erecting Black Mountain Tower and developing the town centres at Belconnen and Tuggeranong (Sparke 1988).
In 1989 national networking of television occurred which provided national and regional coverage for Canberra. One price for this was that the local ARC news would be replaced by the national (Sydney) bulletin. Canberra also gained self-government and the ACT Legislative Assembly was elected in 1989. At the same time the planning, design and construction functions for Canberra were given to the National Capital Planning Authority, the successor to the NCDC, and later renamed National Capital Authority (NCA), which currently has authority for the national land and the diplomatic embassies. The ACT government's Planning and Land Management in the Department of Urban Services administers the ACT land. The ACT government has its own Public Service comprising approximately 14,000 full time staff, and has merged state and municipal functions into a single system of governance (ACT Government 2000). The Follett Labor Ministry was the first to govern the ACT after self- government, followed by the Kaine Liberal Ministry from December 1989 to June 1991. The Follett Ministry was again in power from June 1991 to March 1995 followed by the current Carnell Liberal Ministry.
The significant social changes that occurred after the 1960s were the ageing of the population and smaller household sizes. Canberra's age structure, atypically young, began to catch up with the national pattern as the proportion of elderly people, migrating from other states, increased. They were a group less well off than before and, because of the lack of family support in Canberra, more dependent on special health, housing and welfare services. Reflecting changing lifestyles, the average number of people in a dwelling declined from above four in the 1960s to about three. Media Reporting in the 1970s 83
Families having fewer babies, marriage break ups, children leaving home earlier, more people choosing to live alone, and single parent families, meant a rise in the number of households and in the variety of structures they occupied. In the inner city suburbs, falling populations resulted in the closure of schools in the mid 1980s (Sparke 1988:338-340).
Canberrans still earned a great deal more than people in other capitals and, even allowing for the higher cost of living in Canberra, established themselves as the country's big spenders. However the contrast between those sharing in the prosperity, when both husband and wife had good white-collar jobs, and those less fortunate became starker as the 1980s advanced. For the disadvantaged, the young, the unemployed, the unskilled, migrants, the disabled and the elderly poor, life was difficult. Those on lower incomes and welfare recipients found that living costs, as well as the cost of housing, services and transport, were geared to the amuent majority (Sparke 1988:340).
In Retrospect
In retrospect, Canberra was originally a compromise choice, as a capital city between Melbourne and Sydney and it has never attracted consistent support to be developed as a major city from any political party. Canberra's growth was always contingent on public fimding and public works. Although Canberra was chosen as the Seat of Government in 1908, Canberra's Architect, Walter Burley Griffin, was not appointed until 1913. The First World War between 1914-17 put a hold on building Canberra. The reluctant attitude to the government allocating funds to develop Canberra after the War, in 1919, is typified by an article in The Age (cited in Gibbney 1988:6O) which considered that the federal capital, to which Victorians set very little store, would involve great cost. Nevertheless, Canberra's population numbered about 6,000 when Parliament House opened in 1927 (Edgeworth 1992:6). Canberra's development was again stopped during the Second World War (1939-45) and its residents had to accept that for duration of the War the city's role as the capital of Australia would be diminished. The then Prime Minister, Sir Robert Menzies, reversed the long-standing policy to develop Canberra as the national capital and established and maintained major departments in Sydney and Melbourne (Gibbney 1988:206). Ironically it was Sir Robert Menzies (who had confessed he did not like Canberra very much and found it a Media Reporting in the 1970s 84 place of exile) who took personal interest in building Canberra in the early 1950s' and projected it to the rank of capital (Sparke 1988:32). The current Prime Minister, Mr Howard reflects Sir Robert's view of Canberra in retaining his residence and numerous Cabinet meetings in Sydney. A plan of Canberra (see Appendix to this chapter) shows Canberra's four major town centres and their surrounding suburbs.
The People
The people of Canberra maintained a 25-year struggle for participation in government. This finally occurred in 1952 with the inclusion of the Member for the Capital Territory in the ~ouseof Representatives (Gibbney 1988:263). Sir Robert Menzies had prevented reducing the powers vested in the NCDC, and consequently public works continued to dnve Canberra's growth. The Location of Australian Government Employment (LAGE) Committee directed the increase in ofice buildings and infrastructure by relocating public servants to Canberra as recently as the 1980s. Canberra was also affected by the Whitlam Labor government's decision to transfer Canberra public servants to the three regional growth centres of Albury-Wodonga, Bathurst-Orange and Geelong in 1975 (Sparke l988:2 12). Canberra is again under siege in the Howard government's announcement in March 2000 that elements of the Public Service will be moved out of Canberra into regional Australia to boost these areas. An editorial in The Canberra Times ('Best place for PS is Canberra') maintained that the relocation proposal suggested that Canberra-bashing continues in the 'specious argument that it would be better for public servants to be located in 'real' Australia, rather than in cocooned and isolated Canberra'. It suggested that the notion that any regional area is any more 'real' and any more typical of the Australian experience than Cabramatta or Canberra is absurd (16 March, 2000:8).
Prior to self-government in 1989 there was little opportunity for the community to have a voice in planning matters because of the NCDC's role in the strict adherence to Canberra's planning strategy. Now, in administering ACT land, the ACT government's Planning and Land Management Section engages community participation through Local Area Planning Advisory Committees (LAPAC). Ironically, the current market driven approach by the government to sell off green space to developers has resulted in the community's opposition to what they see as the potential loss of the residential, urban and social qualities of Canberra and the desire for the Media Reporting in the 1970s 85 stricter planning controls of the former NCDC. Previous community studies in the 1980s and the 1990s have sought young people's opinions about living in Canberra. They found that although Canberra has excellent sports facilities, it has traditionally lacked social and leisure facilities at affordable prices, and adequate bus transport facilities, vital to young unemployed people in their quest for work and social interaction (Lansley, Hayes and Storer 1985; Gavin 1993). Giddens' (1 998:78) view that civic decline is real in some communities in the break up of marriages and families is relevant to the Canberra community. However Canberra is unique in that as well as suffering the effects of family breakdown, young people have the added risk of being abandoned in early teenage years when their parents divorce or separate and return to their extended families in their state of birth.
The Place
The current day perception of Canberra is that it represents the federal government's political process, which is reinforced by the media's use of 'Canberra announced today' to preface the release of federal government initiatives. Public perception in general is that the Public Service has easy working conditions and high wages. However, the Public Service rates of pay pertain to the whole of Australia. Public perception is that all Canberrans work in the Public Service where they are not required to work to any significant degree, and they live in a city where there is an over abundance of services and amenities. The gap between this stereotype and the reality became apparent after self-government in 1989, when the physical and social infrastructure of Canberra with its many sporting facilities schools, hospitals and four universities proved to be far too expensive to be maintained by local funding. The changeover from federal to local government meant that incoming local governments were faced with significant financial difliculties and strong opposition to independence from Canberrans who felt services and conditions to which they were accustomed would be eroded. An example of this is the current government proposal to sell off several sports ovals. It has taken 11 years since self-government for the Commonwealth Grants Commission to recognise the special needs of the ACT government in inheriting a high quality road system, the open space plan, national institution buildings and a garden city which is a national asset, which require extra national funding (Hull, CT 1 1 May 2000: 1 1). Media Reporting in the 1970s 86
Subsequent costs of the new administration have resulted in significant reductions in the ACT Public Service inherited from the federal government. There are lingering disputes and public concern about the increased cost of the refurbishment of the Bruce Stadium in the way the ACT government funded this project, and its decision to agree to a V8 Supercar race in the Parliamentary Triangle which is national (and sacred) land to many residents. The hiving-off of some of the federal Public Service responsibilities to the ACT government has resulted in the community's uncertainty of where responsibility lies for social welfare and unemployment. The federal government is the major sponsor for these services with the ACT government filling the gaps in job training. This unequal delineation is further aggravated by the over-supply of social support services and the lack of coordination and public communication to potential clients.
Public Sector Versus Private Sector
The market driven policies of the Howard government since 1996 have meant that the federal and ACT Public Services have been reduced by 16,000 up to 1998 (ACT government, August 1999). Consequently growth has occurred in the private sector in Information Technology businesses due to almost all the traditional service aspects being outsourced (The Cunberru Times, 16 March 2000:8). It is surprising that there has not been any sustained attempt to establish the ACT as a silicon valley or a centre of e-commerce notwithstanding the high levels of education and disposable income, and its proximity to Sydney. The bid in the early 1990s for the Japanese Multifunction Polis, a high-tech city development, was won by Adelaide but has not proceeded. There has also been a trial by Telstra of installing some fibre optics in the Canberra suburb of Gungahlin, to be implemented by the ACT Electricity and Water (ACTEW) but any real outcome is yet to be seen. The Focus on Business Conference in Canberra in March 2000 is an example of the most recent initiative in changing to a private sector economy in encouraging long-term business opportunities for local firms, and increased national and international investment in the national capital (Cooke, CT 28 March 2000:7).
The Public Service is no longer a place where young people coming out of school or university can aspire to work. Young people under 21 comprised 12 percent of appointments at the beginning of the decade. The figure now is just over 1 percent, Media Reporting in the 1970s 87
nationally (cited in The Canberra Ernes, 29 December 1999:12). The modem Public Service is streamlined and multi-skilled and uses new technology. It does not need telegram boys, typists, or photocopiers. However these semi-skilled jobs gave young people a start in a career path where they could train on-the-job, take part-time university courses, and move up to positions of influence. In a Public Service of 1 13,268, only 75 are under the age of 20, and only 3,597 are under 25 years (national 1999 figures). At the beginning of the decade, the federal Public Service employed four and a half times as many people under 25 years (Public Service Merit Protection Commission, 2000). The average age of public servants is 42 years for males, and 38 years for females. These figures suggest possible changes in Public Service culture where younger people's views carry less weight in advice to government about youth wages, work for the dole, low status work, a harsher higher-education environment due to reduced government funding, and reduced childcare opportunities for young parents (The Cunberra Times, 29 December 1999:12).
This section has located young unemployed people within their social milieu in a city that is not dissimilar to other cities in Australia and yet has many unique features that sets it apart and has a bearing on young people's experiences of unemployment. Canberra's predominantly public servant base has meant that many of its residents have been exposed to and understand the process of government. This means that they have an appreciation of the degree and conditions of a close correspondence between public - opinion and public policy (what people think and what governments do) and the requirement for a two-way communication joining citizens and oficials in policy communication. Nimmo (1978) considers that this two-way communication is generally through popular, mass and group representation to the officeholders fashioning public policy. This has been the process used by community committees in Canberra concerned with issues such as land planning and youth unemployment. The following section examines the role of the media in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment through its role as 'secondary definers' of societal values. It also examines the influence of agenda setting, media framing and the consequent interpersonal communication about what the media has reported. Media Reporting in the 1970s 88
The Media Agenda Setting Hypothesis
Hall et al. (1978) distinguish between 'primary definers', those in positions of power and privilege who have easy access to channels of public opinion formation, and the 'secondary definers', the media, which reproduce and reinterpret the logic and values of those to whom they turn as 'accredited witnesses' (197857-59). The Australian Bankers' Association (ABA) is an example of a primary definer accessing public opinion formation and as a secondary definer, the media reproduced the banks' values. Australian banks, in recent times, have been strongly criticised by their customers. The ABA represented the major banks' bid to buy trust by paying a prominent talkback commercial radio host in excess of $1 million in July 1999, to provide positive editorial comment about the banks. The banks were trying to influence policy in an underhand way, being aware that politicians (especially those in government) are influenced by opinions expressed on talkback radio (Hull, CT 17 July 1999:C l).
Golding and Middleton's (1982) study of the media and public attitudes to poverty in Britain supports this view. They found that definitions of both poverty and social security are persistently derived from the authors of policy rather than its clients. The authors are entwined in a more complex web of interests that envelops the state and the economy. The media have a role in this process in two ways. First, they direct attention to a limited range of the available metaphors and explanations as social change accelerates. In this sense, they are not creating or imposing attitudes. They selectively reinforce the contradictory attitudes that people hold towards institutions and processes. The second role of the media is to reassert the basic values of national unity, the work ethic, self-help, traditional family life, anti-welfarism and moral rectitude.
Therefore, as sources of public opinion, the media has the ability to influence not only which public issues are salient in people's minds but also the public opinion consequences of such a process. Iyengar and Kinder (1987) argue that while people are preoccupied in earning a living, supporting a family, making and keeping friends - all the concerns of private life - they also develop opinions toward a variety of issues that are outside their own experience. They are able to do this by the information and analysis that is provided by mass media. Powell and Leiss (1997) observe that media reflect public perceptions of an issue (for example, journalists' reliance on sources and Media Reporting in the 1970s 89 interviews for newsworthy stories), and also shape public perceptions by telling society what to think about. The fixing of the public agenda or public opinion can best be described through agenda setting theory.
Agenda setting theory contends the media provide powerful opinion cues, which set and define the standards by which the public evaluates government and attributes responsibility for societal problems. In turn such evaluations and attributions may have important consequences for public support of elite policy goals (Iyengar 1991, lyengar and Kinder 1987). The theoretical base for agenda setting research was Lippmann's (1922) comment on the inherent dependence of mass publics on media presentations of the world outside, and on the multitude of constraints within the media that determine what is news. Cohen subsequently formulated the classic definition of agenda setting that 'the press may not be successful in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about' (1963:13). The agenda setting model of the 1970s contended that media do not directly influence what the public thinks but are successful in making issues salient or significant (Powell and Leiss 1997:229). The implication that the media govern the process by which political issues gain public salience was borne out by the work of McCombs and Shaw (1 972). Further research has detailed the patterns in the transfer of issue salience from the media to the public, the contingent conditions for agenda setting, and the influences on the media agenda. The underlying assumption is that what is covered in the media affects what the public thinks about (Ghanem 1997).
In 1992 Shaw and Martin suggested that in addition to setting the agenda, the press may unconsciously provide a limited and rotating set of public issues around which the political and social system can engage in dialogue: 'The press does not tell us what to believe, but does suggest what we collectively may agree to discuss and perhaps act on' (1992:902-920). Their 'magic seven' theory suggests that issues, such as food safety, will rise to social prominence only when accompanied by elements of drama, and must displace a current social problem from one or more public arenas because only seven (plus or minus two) issues attract public attention at any one time. However Hertog, Finnegan and Kahn (1994) contend that the public agenda can accommodate additional issues without displacing others. They conclude that with media targeting of niche markets and the growth of electronic communications, there seems to be more room for additional public discourse on the issues of the day. Media Reporting in the 1970s 90
Gibson and Zillmann (1994) and Brosius and Bathelt (1994) found that readers attribute more significance to stories that begin with personal examples. Worry in relation to an outbreak of cryptosporidiurn in Milwaukee's water supply motivated the members of the public to seek cryptosporidium information actively, both by enhancing their reliance on mass, interpersonal and specialised media, such as information brochures and government information (Griffin et al. 1994, cited in Powell and Leiss 1997:230). Nevertheless, Powell and Leiss (1997) conclude that the effect press messages will have depends on the social context in which they are received. This view was borne out in the November 1999 Australian Republic Referendum which showed a wide disparity between media reporting and public opinion in the discussion leading up to the Referendum (Aedy and Fisher 1999).
Second Level Media Agenda Setting
There has been a shift in emphasis of agenda setting towards detailing a second level of effects which examines how media coverage affects what the public thinks about and how the public thinks about it. This second level of agenda setting deals with the specific attributes of a topic and how this agenda of attributes also influences public opinion (McCombs and Evatt 1995, cited in Ghanem 1997:3). Every agenda consists of a set of objects, and each of these objects has numerous attributes. They are the characteristics and properties that fill in and animate the picture of each object. Objects as well as the attributes of each object vary in salience. Rogers, Hart and Dearing provide the following analogy from sports:
A baseball team (the object) has a roster of players (attributes), some of whom have emerged as stars both in the media's and the public's eyes. It is abundantly clear that the media help set levels of player status in the fan agenda. The team's status benefits from this focus on its stars. This is an example of agenda setting's second dimension effect (1997:239).
When Benton and Frazier (1976) examined the economy as one object on the issue agenda, they probed two sets of attributes: the specific problems and causes, and proposed solutions associated with this general issue; and the pro and con rationales for economic policies. Consequently agenda setting is not only about object (or issue) salience (Ghanem 1997). Therefore, these examples show that first level of agenda Media Reporting in the 1970s 9 1 setting deals with the transfer of object salience from the media to the public agenda. Second level agenda setting involves two major hypotheses about attribute salience:
1. The way an issue or other object is covered in the media (the attributes emphasized in the news) affects the way the public thinks about that object; and
2. The way an issue or other object is covered in the media (the attributes emphasized in the news) affects the salience of that object on the public agenda (Ghanem 1997:4).
Noelle-Neumann and Mathes (cited in Ghanem 19975) proposed that media content can be examined at three levels: agenda setting (dealing with the importance of issues and problems; focusing (dealing with the definition of issues), and problems and evaluation (dealing with the creation of a climate of opinion). Ghanem (1997) suggests that it is possible to replace their term agenda setting with the first level of agenda setting and their second and third levels by the second level of agenda setting. In the instance of youth unemployment, for example, the first level of agenda setting would be the risk that young people will not find work. The consequences are that adolescents are unable to assume adult status by becoming self sufficient and economically independent. The attributes, or second level agenda setting, relate to the hazards (or the definitions) of youth unemployment which, within the ambit of this study are: self identity and self esteem, level of maturity and coping ability, the work ethic, family support and education, the ability to enjoy spare time, poverty, drugs and alcohol and suicide. Such attributes would be included in the frames that journalists and the public employ to think about the issue of youth unemployment.
While agenda setting focuses on the issues selected for coverage by the news media, framing focuses on the particular ways public problems are presented to the media audience. Framing deals with story presentation and is the 'ability of media reports to alter the kinds of considerations people use in forming their opinions (Price and Tewksbq 19956). Depending on how an issue is framed in the media, the public will think about that issue in a particular way. Priming on the other hand is a psychological process whereby media emphasis on particular issues activates in people's memories previously acquired information (Iyengar and Kinder 1987). For example, priming is 'the tendency of audience members to evaluate their political leaders on the basis of Media Reporting in the 1970s 92 those particular events and issues given attention in recent news reports' (Price and Tewksbury 19955). A number of other perspectives of agenda setting include:
Schema - involving interplay between what is out there and what a person brings with him or her when examining an issue (Fiske and Taylor 199 1 );
Bias - highlighting parts and leaving out others (Lotz 1991);
Indexing - linking options available in the media to official sources (Althaus, Edy, Entman and Phalen 1995, cited in Ghanem 1997:9); and
Cultivation - adopting a particular point of view unrelated to reality (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan and Signorielli 1994).
Media Agenda Setting and Risk Communication
First and second level agenda setting and framing provide a theoretical perspective to gauge how media report the risk and hazards of youth unemployment within contemporary risk communication theory. Willis and Okunade (1997) observe that much of the literature on risk communication relates to scientific and environmental, health and public safety. They suggest that risk communication should also concern itself with man made environments such as workplace settings. This study takes the view that it is possible to treat youth unemployment as a social risk in the process of examining community perceptions about this issue evidenced by the frequent use in the media of the term 'youth at risk'.
The Personal Versus the Societal Frame
Stories about risks in the media are often told in a narrower focus because of the time and space restrictions. By reporting the words and ideas of official sources reporters are able to meet deadlines and fulfil other routine duties (Tuchman 1978). Individual scapegoats are often sought and blamed and larger, more complex issues are lost in the narrative. An example is the issue of health in the media, which is often minimised,'or the epidemiological factors of disease are ignored while focusing on the individual nature of disease (Willis and Okunade 1997). Rucinski (1992) notes that both personalised and societal treatments of an issue are likely to be present in a single unit of news content. She also notes that the societal category may mask distinctions Media Reporting in the 1970s 93 between accounts focusing on government or corporate actions that can be traced to decisions made by powefil persons (decisions to cut poverty programs or enter a war), and accounts that cannot be linked to individual decisions on unemployment or environmental factors.
Kasperson and Kasperson consider that the following indicators are important in shaping perceptions of risk:
the extent of media coverage; the volume of information provided; the ways in which the risk is framed; the interpretations of messages concerning the risk; and the symbols, metaphors, and discourse enlisted in depicting and characterising the risk (1996:97).
Consequently the depictions of these stories have either a direct or indirect effect on the public's behaviour concerning these perceived threats. Yankelovich (1993 cited in Willis and Okunade 1997:8) explains the process of the public arriving at an opinion as 'an orderly process of evolution occumng on some issues, or an incoherent, beastly roar which evolves gradually into a coherent public voice'. He calls the coherent public voice 'public judgement', which is different from raw opinion. In order to reach 'public judgement' people engage in a complex and difficult task of sifting through and dealing with conflicting emotions, values and interests of the particular issue. Yankelovich (1993, cited in Willis and Okunade 1997:8) defines seven steps in reaching public judgement from raw opinion:
1. Awareness. 2. A sense of urgency or a demand for action. 3. A search for solutions. 4. Reaction and resistance. 5. Wrestling with alternative choices. 6. Intellectual assent, or resolution at the cognitive level. 7. Full resolution - moral, emotional and intellectual.
A comparison of media reporting of risks associated with oral contraceptive pills in the UK in October 1995 and June 1996 highlights the media's role in shaping perceptions of risks. The October 1955 reports played up and elevated the use of the contraceptive pills into scare headlines with the result that 12 per cent of women stopped using the pill, and abortion rates soared. The June 1996 report played down the risks. The story Media Reporting in the 1970s 94 was treated in a neutral manner, and although reporting the risks, no panic ensured (Furedi 1997).
Assigning Blame for Risk - The Personal Versus Societal Frame
Arguments over which individuals or groups are most to blame for some hazard are framed by shared sociocultural assumptions. Arguments proceed within the confines of dominant paradigms, which impose limits on the extent of disagreement even as they facilitate debate on its finer points (Singer and Endreny 1993). Iyengar (l 99 1) looked at how poverty, racial inequality and unemployment are framed in television news and how such framing, in turn, influences viewers' perceptions of who is to blame for various events and problems and who is responsible for their resolution or prevention. Iyengar distinguished between episodic (personal) and thematic framing of issues (societal). After looking at a specially constructed videotape of an experimental news story, the results showed that attributions of responsibility for poverty and racial inequality, but not for unemployment, were subject to significant framing effects. Individuals tended to attribute responsibility to individuals when the story was episodic for the first two issues, and to societal institutions when the story was thematic. Iyengar also found that attribution of responsibility for unemployment was unaffected by the manner in which the networks framed the issue because the continued high salience of national economic problems may have primed individuals to think of the economy as a locus of responsibility. Alternatively, the term 'unemployment' may have caused them to think of the issues as a collective rather than an individual outcome.
In 1975 William Ryan wrote an important and still relevant book called Blaming the Victim wherein he talked about the trend to blame victims for social problems, which are not their fault. He considered the discovery of social problems involves the following sequence of events: A social problem like youth unemployment is discovered by governments, concerned experts or the media. A decision is made to carry out more research to examine what the lives of the people who are unemployed are like, how the problem affects them and to'suggest some remedies. The research finds there are differences between the unemployed and those who are employed. These differences might include: Media Reporting in the 1970s 95
1. Having lower education levels, and higher than average delinquency rates. 2. Having more children than average. 3. Inability to save money and defer gratification. 4. Behaviours and diets deemed to be unhealthy (Bell, Rimmer and Rimmer 1992:7- 18).
The differences are explained by the deficiencies 'they' have and 'we' do not have, to explain why the problem exists. All of these and other differences are also recognised as causes of the problem. For example, the logic might be that modern youth have low education levels and therefore they are responsible for the problem of youth unemployment. Professionals then offer solutions involving policies and programs that address the deficits of the unemployed. The solutions and programs are put into action and twenty years later youth unemployment is rediscovered and the whole cycle begins again (Ryan 1975). In answer to Ryan's (1975) description of society's treatment of others who seem to be out of the mainstream, Bessant et al. (1998: 181) consider those who blame need to re-think the ways marginalised people such as youth at risk are seen as different because of their alleged deficits. They also need to 'spell out precisely how it is possible to be excluded from society'. Those who blame also need to stop talking about a 'juvenile underclass as if they were a separate species of people'. In essence the problem of youth unemployment needs to be viewed within the 'larger patterns of power and inequality in the distribution of resources' (Bessant 1998:181).
This chapter has so far focused on community attitudes in media reporting and has presented several models of agenda setting within a risk communication framework. However individuals also obtain their information through interpersonal communication. The following section examines the influence on community attitudes of interpersonal communication following media reporting. It also examines the concept of the role opinion polls play in forming community attitudes. Youth unemployment in Australia in the 1970s through to the 1990s is then examined through all of these mechanisms to assess past and current community attitudes to this issue.
The Impact of Interpersonal Communication on Community Attitudes
Lenart (1994) provides an alternative way of considering how the community form opinions about youth unemployment. He believes that media based information shares the information environment with the interpersonal communication among individuals. Media Reporting in the 1970s 96
This total information flow as it relates to public opinion formation commences with the media reporting on public affairs, people talking to one another about the topic, and the consequent forming of public opinion. Most people do not experience the world of public affairs firsthand and so are dependent on the media for the 'pictures in our heads of the world outside' (Lippmann 1922:20). The media coverage of a topic stimulates informal discussions that might not have taken place. It is therefore possible for individuals to obtain their information about public affairs from two sources, the mass media, and through interpersonal discussion. The media play a key role because the content of most public issues, as well as of conversations about these issues, is dependent on information obtained from the media (Lenart 1994:4).
Early media studies findings indicated that whatever political impact the media might have on individuals, such effects are minute in strength and short term in duration. Instead, the interpersonal context was considered to have power over attitude change and persuasion (Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet 1948). The ties between individuals and to networks of chosen and predetermined referent and social grouping carry undeniable attitude and opinion cues for the individual citizen (Lenart 1994). This view is still relevant for Erbring, Goldenberg and Miller who argue that:
Informal communication has both a social and an individual dimension. As a social process, it generates a collective definition of the situation which may strengthen or block the impact of new media content, depending on the homogeneity of social environments. As a resource for the individual, it opens an alternative channel of information which may reinforce or dissipate the impact of new media content, depending on the similarity of messages (1 98OA 1). *
Interpersonal influence can span the influences of one individual upon another, group and interpersonal networks, and opinion climate influence which transcends individual and group communication. Political communication at the person-to-person level is influential because of the homophilic nature of the interaction. However Lenart (1994) argues that when integrated with media effects the person-to-person tradition presents major theoretical problems. Opinion leader literature argues that main interpersonal discussants shield individuals from direct media effects. In rejecting this view, Chaffee (1972:107) considers that 'the weight of evidence indicates that direct flow from the media is the rule for most people, more often than not'. Although main discussant Media Reporting in the 1970s 97 influence is expected to be substantial, the argument also exists that interpersonal influence at this level either counteracts or overrides media impact. In this regard Chaffee (1 972: 107) argues that although interpersonal influences may not counteract media sources, the two may persuade in the same direction at least half the time by chance.
Referent group influence may best be understood according to positive and negative reinforcement encountered in social interactions (Kenny 1989, McPhee, Smith and Ferguson 1963 cited in Lenart 1994:22). Following their research on group discussion on political elections, Beck and Richardson (1989:60, cited in Lenart 1994:22) suggest that 'discussion with non relatives is much more likely to introduce discordant political viewpoints to the individual ..... challenging his or her own political preferences' than discussions outside the family. Lenart's (1994) study into the extent to which interpersonal communication shapes political attitudes concludes that at the level of referent group influence, the attribute of homogeneity is an important factor that determines the influence direction of referent group discussion on candidate preferences. For very cohesive referent groups such as the family, the direction of the effect should be characterised by reinforcement of prior attitudes. This is evident in young unemployed people's accounts of their family attitudes to unemployment in Chapter 7. Less cohesive referent groups should present influences that to some extent compete with, or at the very least question and thus weaken prior attitudes.
In relation to opinion climate, Noelle-Neumann (1974) in her 'spiral of silence' theory argues that the content and the actual existence or lack of interpersonal discussion is dependent on the media. Noelle-Neumann (1984:1 15) contends that people are capable of gauging public opinion. They are able to give meaningful estimates of the climate of opinion as well as being able to convey their own views. She argues that individuals use the content of the mass media and interpersonal communication to determine which opinions are in the majority, and which are in the minority. Over time they are also able to determine which opinions are on the wane and which are picking up popularity. In essence, the media comes first in causal ordering of opinion climate construction. Through agenda setting, the media set the majority or minority opinion agenda, which then colours the interpersonal opinion sifting process. .
Media Reporting in the 1970s 98
Although various researchers have questioned aspects of Noelle-Neumann7stheory (see Katz 1982; Glynn and McLeod 1985; Merten 1985), in general the spiral of silence model makes important contributions to the understanding of public opinion making. Kennamer (1992) maintains that it is undeniable that individuals' perceptions of their environment do have some bearing on their communication and behaviour, and that the mass media play an important role in influencing these perceptions. However, the many ways in which the media portray a suitable ideology are subtle and veiled. The media also contribute to delimiting human potential by failing to seek and legitimise alternatives for meanin&l change by structuring problems in certain ways and by accepting the inevitability of existing political and social institutions.
Community Attitudes and Opinion Polls - North American and Australian Perspectives
Martin Goldfarb, one of Canada's most influential pollsters, contends that 'the pollster is a major player in all levels of government policy making' (Goldfarb 1988:xvii). Goldfarb also observes that polls generate new policy directions by sensing the public mood. However, Fletcher (1996) a Professor of Political Science at York University, Ontario, argues that alternative channels of input, such as Members of Parliament, civil servants, interest groups, social movements, or journalists, provide a much richer form of information. At best, polls can test the representativeness of concerns raised through other channels, providing those concerns are simple and located within the boundaries of conventional wisdom. Fletcher (1996) further suggests that the information found and disseminated by public opinion polls does not constitute authentic public opinion. He cites Young's (1985:263-266) view that polls are more likely to tap mass opinion or social opinion than public opinion. Mass opinion as Young defines it 'consists of private responses ..., unmediated by group discourse or by common interests', whereas social opinion reflects 'traditions and established beliefs7. Young considers that authentic public opinion expresses real social conflicts and calls for public debate and resolution, rather than manipulated consensus of appeal to tradition (1985:263-266).
Another Canadian, Thelma McCormack (1990:32), suggests that 'there is a major loss to our political intelligence when a ... technology displaces professional journalists who have a thorough knowledge of their subject and a network of informants and their own models of interpretation'. She calls for more participatory forms of public opinion measurement and more genuine social research to examine the dynamics of attitudes Media Reporting in the 1970s 99 and the prospects for progressive change. She considers that 'at best polling is a limited method, a probe and not a substitute for historical and more in-depth ... analysis' (1 990:26,38)
In Australia, Roy Morgan conducted the first regular opinion polling in 1941 for the Herald and Weekly Times newspaper group. The surveys were modelled on the Gallup organization's polling in the USA, which had commenced opinion polling in the mid 1930s. Since then, Australian opinion pollsters have camed out regular and frequent surveys of voting intention and other social issues, and some have close links with the media (McAllister et al. 1997). Goot (l996/97:9,lO) observes that what a poll imagines one day, the media treats as an established fact the next. He contends that polling organizations can mislead the public, make mistakes and create opinion in the process of measuring and is a cause of concern (1996/97:12,13). Polling organizations also affect the way public affairs are discussed in the media (and in interpersonal communication). They also influence judgments about policies and shape the sense of what is politically possible and what is not.
In terms of accuracy of reporting poll results, Warhurst (CT, 30 July 1999:9) considers that the media are improving their detailed reporting of Australian polls. Political parties are even more careful and double-check polling results by using focus groups. Warhurst uses political polling to highlight the weaknesses of polls in the ever present, unconvincing popularity contests between the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition. Respondents are asked whether, they are satisfied with the way the two leaders are doing their own jobs, despite great uncertainty about what the job of Opposition Leader actually is. They then ask about who would make the better Prime Minister, while one is doing the job and the other is not. Politicians in Australia correctly regard the only poll that counts as the actual vote on polling day. However the strengths and weaknesses of opinion polls mean that politicians disregard them at their peril, because they do communicate something but their message needs to be treated with caution (Warhurst, CT 30 July 1999:9). Goot (l996/1997: 10) also notes that the press, like the politicians, turn not to protests or phone-ins but to public opinion polls for the most authoritative evidence about the balance of voter preferences. The following section uses information gained from opinion polls and other secondary sources to examine Australian community attitudes about youth unemployment during the 1970s and into the 1990s. Media Reporting in the 1970s 100
Australian Community Attitudes - Youth Unemployment in the 1970s
Secondary sources including opinion polls, social commentary, academic and federal government studies have been used to examine Australian community attitudes about youth unemployment in the 1970s, and into the 1990s. Keith Windschuttle (1979) wrote a social history of Australia's economic crisis of the late 1970s. He made the observation that interpersonal influence over attitude change and persuasion about the media's 'dole bludger' agenda were reflected in opinion polls of the 1970s. This was a time when the ideology of work and unemployment revolved around the workplace. Consequently, the reader of media reporting in the 1970s felt strong moral indignation towards the unemployed who, according to media reports, were free to do as they liked while manipulating the system at the worker's expense. Until 1972 unemployment had been low for a decade and became a new social issue on reappearance. The opinion polls of the 1970s showed that the baby boomer generation, that grew up in the 1940s, 1950s and early 1960s, (the decades of full employment), were the most susceptible to the 'dole bludger' labelling of the mass media when unemployment escalated following the 1974 recession (Windschuttle 1979:70).
The federal governments in power in the 1970s were the Whitlam government (1972- 1975) and the Fraser government (1975-1983). The Fraser government (in 1975) sought to implement a policy of getting tough with the unemployed and the view that they were 'dole bludgers' was widely disseminated by the news media. From 1975 to 1978 the opinion polls continued to record that between 40 and 50 percent of Australians thought the main cause of unemployment was that those who were unemployed did not want to work (Windschuttle 1979). This view was reinforced by news media reporting about the unemployed, which labelled them as 'dole bludgers' of the community. The media framing hrther proposed that great numbers of the unemployed were illegally receiving unemployment benefits. This attitude resulted in the widely held belief that about 30 per cent of those on the dole were not entitled to welfare assistance (Windschuttle 1979:155).
The Morgan Gallup Poll (cited in Windschuttle 1979:173) in November 1975 posed a question about the cause of unemployment. In a seven-choice answer, and irrespective of party voting preferences, 47.9 percent of all respondents blamed 'don't want to work' ahead of government policies, the trade union movement and world economic Media Reporting in the 1970s 10 1 pressures. Public opinion remained much the same in March 1977 when unemployment had risen to 5.8 percent and 48 percent of Australians believed the jobless did not want to work. In view these findings Windschuttle (1979:174) concluded that the public was reasonably well informed when the media supplied accurate information on unemployment and was equally misinformed when misled by the media.
Through 1975 and 1976, in contrast to a view of youth choosing not to work, the media argued that they were victims who deserved the benefits they received. They were no longer held responsible for their failure to find work and were portrayed as responsible individuals who had proved themselves deserving of unemployment benefits. Bannister et al. (1980) observed that the problem was deemed a social one, with resultant media attacks on schools for failing to produce employable youth and suggesting changes in school practice as a solution to unemployment. This attitude shifted attention from the economic institutions of labour demand to the social institutions of labour supply. Then, in 1977 the newspapers renewed their attack on the 'dole bludger'. As guardians of community ideology, the explanation for the media's emphasis on critically reporting this type of deviant behaviour was that it stemmed from 'a contradiction between the ideology of our society and its reality7(Windschuttle 1979:168).
A Sociology Research Group from the University of Melbourne found that in setting the agenda, selected national, New South Wales and Victorian newspapers dismissed youth unemployed as an unimportant issue in 1974 and treated it as a major social concern in 1976. The Group's research covered the period from 1974 to 1977. The study was concerned with reporting on whether unemployment was a real problem, whether the unemployed were responsible for their plight, whether they were victims, and the extent that education was the cause and possible solution to unemployment. The Group found that 'as part of the normal process of news production' the media called upon regular and reliable sources (for example, employers' expectations) in discussing the issue, which excluded any reference to the technological and economic changes in Australian society of the time. Each newspaper then transformed the 'statement of primary definers into a language and presentation according to the assumptions it maintained about its own reading public' (cited in Bannister et al. 1980:161). Media Reporting in the 1970s 102
In the early years of the study the 'dole bludger' label was prevalent, with references to 'work shy youth' who were socially irresponsible and who found it socially acceptable and more profitable, financially, to go on the dole. In 1974 unemployment was generally considered to be a non-problem. Therefore the unemployed could be represented as going on the dole by choice. These reporting references relate to what Stuart Hall et al. (cited in Bannister et al. 1980:172) describe as the process of news production resulting in a set of primary definitions that are derived from the powerful and privileged. In effect the media are reaffirming the position of primary definers within a hierarchy of credibility, while maintaining a background assumption of the consensual nature of society. The 'dole bludger' image is one of youth prospering on the dole while undermining the work ethic. It places the blame on the individual for their failure to find work (Bannister et al. 1980).
In summary, during the 1970s the media used personal as well as societal framing to describe the unemployment issue. Descriptions ranged between 'dole bludgers' and 'work shy youth' who were illegally receiving benefits, to 'victims' and 'responsible individuals' who had been let down by schools which had failed in producing employable youth. Media response to those in positions of power and its reproduction of the logic and values of 'accredited witnesses' was obvious in the swings in framing unemployment. Interpersonal influence over attitude change and persuasion, and the media's 'dole bludger' agenda were also reflected in the opinion polls. From 1975 to 1978 the polls recorded that up to 50 percent of Australians thought the main cause of unemployment was that the unemployed did not want to work, ahead of government policies, the trade union movement and world economic pressures. Increasing concern about new technologies creating high skill employment and associated unemployment became evident from the 1980s.
Australian Community Attitudes - Youth Unemployment in the 1980s and 1990s
During the 1980s until 1988 reducing unemployment was the main issue for people polled. The unemployment issue lost prominence to lower taxes in 1989, and improving roads, education and conservation/environrnent in 1990 (Morgan Poll Finding No 2253, cited in McAllister et al. 1997:274-294). In 1984 and 1987 Australian National Opinion Polls (ANOP), commissioned by the federal government, showed that young people attributed the cause of unemployment to their own attitudes Media Reporting in the 1970s 103
because the dole was too easy to obtain and lack of skills. Those aged 25 and over placed more emphasis on the effect of increased technology and the state of the economy. One of the key findings was that support for staying at school until Year 12 had increased significantly in 1987. Community attitudes in Canberra in 1982 towards youth unemployment showed an absence of personal blame when parents of unemployed youth were surveyed in a federal government psychiatric health survey (Finlay-Jones and Eckhardt, 1982). On the whole, parents considered that not having a job was not their child's fault. However, half of the respondents thought their child should try harder to find a job. A high rate of depression and anxiety was recorded among these young people.
A fiuther government ANOP survey of young people in 1990 showed that they were less likely to aspire to travel and more likely to place emphasis on finding employment and completing or continuing their education. Young Australians' concerns about their own job prospects were increasing, however they had not been translated into an increase in community concerns about youth unemployment. More young people in 1990 than in previous ANOP surveys thought that economic issues were the causes of youth unemployment. There had been a substantial increase since the 1984 survey in Year 12 and higher education completion. Homelessness was an important issue of concern to young people as was ADS. Concerns about drugs and alcohol had declined slightly since the 1987 survey.
Crooks et al. (1996) comment on the apparent inertia or acceptance of high unemployment, whether young or older people, by government and the community by the mid 1990s. In earlier times, (in the 1960s), the Menzies' government almost lost oflice with 2 per cent unemployment. In 1993 the Keating government was re-elected although one million people were unemployed. The Senate Standing Committee (1992:l) referred to this lack of urgency in its observation that while 'youth unemployment is everybody's problem ... as a society we have been slow to acknowledge that this is so. Some still have to be convinced'. Bany Jones (1992) observed at this time that the inertia or acceptance of high employment seemed to be a reflection of global forces and the inability to come to terms with a dramatically transformed labour market that excluded unskilled workers. He noted that while new technologies were creating high skill employment opportunities, they also added to unemployment. ..-
Media Reporting in the 1970s 104
Chapter Summary
This chapter examined the idea of community as a theoretical framework to forming attitudes about social issues. It followed Canberra's development as a community from the early 1920s into the present time. The chapter highlighted Canberra's unique position in experiencing the loss of the major traditional work avenues for young people in the Public Service, the lack of social and transport facilities, and family breakdown that can leave young people abandoned. The stereotype of Canberra tends to engender hostility from residents of other Australian states who perceive that it is not the 'real' Australia. The reality is that Canberra is as real as any city in Australia. The problems germane to its function as the nation's capital however, include the restrictions of governments concerned about cutting the costs of developing the national capital, and the difficulty in maintaining the services provided prior to self- government. For example, the generous supply of support organizations has resulted in public confusion about their role in providing employment support services.
In analysing how community attitudes are formed this chapter has examined first and second level agenda setting, media framing and the impact of interpersonal communication on community attitudes. Media agenda setting provides the cues setting the standards by which the public evaluates government, and attributes responsibility for societal problems. A comparison between first and second level agenda setting found that the first level of agenda setting deals with the transfer of object salience from the media to the public agenda. In second level agenda setting the attributes emphasised in the news have a bearing on the way the public thinks about that object. The attributes emphasised in the news also affect the salience of that object on the public agenda (Ghanem 1997). In the instance of youth unemployment, for example, the first level of agenda setting would be the risk that young people will not find work. The consequences are that adolescents are unable to assume adult status by becoming self sufficient and economically independent. The attributes, or second level agenda setting relate to the hazards (or definitions) of youth unemployment detailed earlier.
In applying this theoretical framework to risk communication a strong theme emerges that individual scapegoats are often sought and blamed and larger, more complex issues are lost in the narrative. Willis and Okunade (1997) contend that the media often Media Reporting in the 1 970s 1 05 minimises issues, or the societal, political or economic factors are ignored while focusing on and re-inforcing the individual nature of the issue. Ryan (1975) describes how the process of ascribing blame to the victims of unemployment, which is not their fault, is arrived at by looking at the differences or the deficiencies, 'they' have that 'we' do not have in order to explain why the problem exists. For example, the logic might be that modem youth have low education levels and therefore they are responsible for the problem of youth unemployment. He further observes that professionals involved with policies and programs that address the deficits of the unemployed then offer solutions. The solutions and programs are put into action and twenty years later youth unemployment is rediscovered and the whole cycle begins again.
This thesis takes the view that media based information shares the information environment with interpersonal communication among individuals. Public opinion formation commences with the media reporting on public affairs, people talking to one another about the topic, and the consequent forming of public opinion. The public mood can also be assessed through opinion polls. North American and Australian perspectives vary in their opinions about the influence of opinion polls in tapping public opinion. However Goot (1996197:lO) notes that the press, like the politicians, turn not to protests or phone-ins but to public opinion polls for the most authoritative evidence about the balance of current voter attitudes.
The comparison made in this chapter of community attitudes towards youth unemployment in the 1970s and through to the early 1990s has shown that in the 1970s' media framing of young unemployed as 'dole bludgers' and 'work shy youth' resulted in 50 percent of Australians believing that the main cause of unemployment was that the unemployed did not want to work. During the 1980s responsibility for unemployment in the polls began to be attributed to increased technology and the state of the economy, although young people attributed the cause to their own attitudes because the dole was too easy to obtain and lack of skills. These attitudes reflect the increasing complexity of the issue and its relationship to changing social conditions. The unemployment issue lost prominence to lower taxes in 1989, and improving roads, education and conservation/environrnent in 1990 (Morgan Poll Finding No 2253, cited in McAllister et al. l997:274-294). The 1990 ANOP reflected increasing concerns among young Australians about their own job prospects and the growing link with education. They blamed economic issues as causes of youth unemployment. The Media Reporting in the 1970s 106 community did not mirror their concerns at this time until unemployment again became the main issue from 1991.
Media agenda setting, the flow-on of interpersonal communication, and the effect on the public mood of opinion polls form the basis of the theoretical framework in examining this chapter's research questions:
What is the role of the media in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment?
It was not the intention of this chapter to conduct a mass media analysis of newspapers printed in the 1970s through to the early 1990s but to draw from secondary literature sources. Therefore the methods of assessing the effect of media, interpersonal communication and opinion polls in forming community attitudes in each decade are not consistent. However this research does allow comparisons to be drawn between attitudes in the 1970s and during the 1990s in Chapter 5. In that chapter an analysis of newspapers most read by the Canberra community at the time of the government's Job Summit and the Opposition's Job Forum in July 1992 is carried out. A content analysis is also made of the same newspapers during 1999 to assess present day attitudes. Media Reporting in the 1970s 107
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER 3
APPENDIX C - ACT TOWN CENTRES .. I
Theory and Method 108
CHAPTER 4
THEORY AND METHOD
Introduction
This chapter will explain the derivation of the research questions used in the study. It then summarises the theoretical rationale used for the analysis of the questions and explains the case study method employed. This chapter also identifies methods appropriate to the theories and justifies and explains the choice of methods. It also explains the selection of respondents used in the study's interviews and the choice of print sources used in the content analysis. Some of the limitations of the research are also considered.
Deriving the Research Questions
This study is concerned with communicating about unemployment and examines a case study of the experience of unemployed youth in the Canberra community. The theories that provide the framework of this study are best introduced by providing a brief description of the risk environment of the young unemployed person in contemporary times. The nexus of this social issue is that a whole generation may be at risk through social and economic change through developing technology, increased international competition and pro-globalisation government economic policies. The result is a widening gap in living standards between those in steady employment and those who are unemployed (Evans and Poole 199 1 ).
Giddens (1999) refers to these changes in the pattern of society as 'manufactured risk' where individuals have no prior examples that they can follow. The breakdown of marriage and youth unemployment are examples of such risks. The result is that when there is a breakdown within the family, young people are reliant on the services provided by support organizations for accommodation, health, welfare and job search assistance. Similarly the opportunity to work and the way work is conducted in the technological age has changed. In such situations individuals are traversing fresh ground, and they start thinking increasingly about the risks involved. Young unemployed people have to face personal futures that are much more open than in the past, as well as the opportunities and hazards this brings. .
Theory and Method 109
The Research Questions
The synthesis of the communication theoretical perspectives in the preceding literature review was the basis of the study's five research questions. The research questions used to analyse the experience of unemployed youth in Canberra are:
1. Whut role does interpersonul communication pluy in the construction of a positive sense of self-concept among young unemployed people? und
l a. How important is a positive sense of self-concept for young unemployed people in communicating with community support organizutions?
2. How do young unemployed people d~flerentlyexperience their primury and secondury social support networks? and
2 a. How does young people 'S abili~to access secondury support networks aflect their experience of unemployment?
3. Whut is the role of community und orgunizutionul support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment?
4. Whut is the role of the media und public opinion polls in forming community perceptions ubout youth unemployment?
5. How ure policies a bout youth unemployment communicuted to the community?
The theoretical framework for the study's research questions is found in communication scholarship. However the study also draws from scholars who do not always write from a communication viewpoint but are frequently cited in communication sources. Their views address how youth at the individual level cope with social change. This chapter draws on communication theory and focuses on interpersonal, risk, organizational, political, and support network communication, as well as mass media studies, to examine the intractable issue of youth unemployment. The communication theorists highlighted in this chapter have been selected from the body of the research previously reviewed to best illustrate the study's perspectives. This study takes the approach that theory is not derived from data, except in the sense of having been refined through previous studies that may have confirmed or refuted earlier theories. Consequently such theories are prior to the empirical research and analysis, and are used to analyse the data a as on 1996:14 1). Theory and Method l 10
Analysing the Research Questions
The communication theories used to analyse the first and second research questions: l. What role does interpersonal communication play in /he construction of a positive self-concept among young unemployed people? and l a. How important is u positive sense of self-concept for young unemployed people in communicating with community support organisations?
2. How do young unemployed people drflerently experience their primary and secondary social support networks? and
2a. How does young people's ability to access secondary support networks aflect their experience of unemployment? include Thunberg and colleagues' (1982) view that when an individual's sense of self is not properly developed they are unable to experience values important to communicating with friends and the wider community, such as self esteem, self reliance, a sense of belonging, and solidarity with society. Harre (1987) and Backman (1983) also believe that interpersonal communication is the most frequent source of a sense of authentic selfhood. Therefore feeling unmotivated, bored, depressed and marginalised in the community are significant barriers to successful communication outcomes for young unemployed people in seeking social support.
Albrecht and Adelman (1987:49) observe that both primary and secondary groups provide support. Primary support groups are usually kin and close friends and represent the strongest structural ties and the closest interpersonal communication in an individual's life. Secondary support groups are often ties to persons outside the primary group and open up one's range of contact to supportive but distant non- interpersonal links such as the support organizations accessed by unemployed youth. Public perception of risk is one of voluntary versus involuntary exposure to risk. Youth unemployment is an involuntary risk and it is vital that the loss to youth of automatic work and their passage to adulthood are understood by the support organizations contracted by the government to implement its policy.
The theoretical perspectives of Cobb and Elder (1981) and Nimmo (1978) are then used to examine research question five: Theory and Method 1 1 1
5. How are policies about youth unemployment communicated to the community?
Cobb and Elder (1981) see the need for a close correspondence between what people think and what governments do as two-way communication joining citizens and oficials in a policy dialogue. Nimmo (1978) believes that understanding the process of government and politics through public opinion means that it is a process of representation, providing alternative modes of popular mass, and group opinions that oficeholders take into account in fashioning public policy. Therefore the more there is a close correspondence between what people think and what governments do, the more two-way communication joins citizens and officials in a policy dialogue (Cobb and Elder l98 1).
Secondary sources were used to examine public opinion about youth unemployment in the 1970s and through to the 1990s. A content analysis of newspapers most read by the Canberra community during the 1990s enables a contrast to be made with 1970s attitudes and to address the fourth research question:
4. What is the role of the media und public opinion polls in forming community perceptions about youth unemployment.?
Willis and Okunade (1997) have found that in stories about risks in the media, individual scapegoats are often sought and blamed and larger, more complex issues are lost in the narrative. Iyengar and Kinder (1987) and Iyengar (1991) contend that the media provide powerful opinion cues, which set and define the standards by which the public evaluates government and attributes responsibility for societal problems. These cues are found in media agenda setting. The attributes of the issue emphasised in the news also affects the salience of that object on the public agenda. Depending on how an issue is framed in the media, the public will think about that issue in a particular way (Ghanem 1997).
Lenart (1994) believes that public opinion formation commences with the media reporting on public affairs, people talking to one another about the topic, and the consequent forming of public opinion. A way of gauging public opinion is through opinion polls and this study contrasts opinion polls in the 1970s with the 1990s to compare changing community attitudes to youth unemployment. Goldfarb (1988) observes that opinion polls generate new policy directions by sensing the public mood. Theory and Method 1 12
Although Warhurst (CT 1999:9) warns that polls do communicate something but their message needs to be treated with caution, Goot (1996t97: 10) notes that the press, like the politicians turn to polls for the most authoritative evidence about the balance of public opinion.
Finally, the research question:
3. What is the role of community and organisutional support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment? is examined from a community theoretical framework perspective. Giddens' (1998) idea of a civil society is found to be not unlike Follett's earlier concept that community is based on the individual struggle to create a genuine self through contribution to the creation and actualisation of a common will. Like Giddens, Massey (1993:239) talks about globalisation as a factor of change within a community. Organizational risk communication introduces the idea that people are growing hostile to the organizations that affect their life (Neher 1997:346). They need to feel confident about placing their trust in organizations that have to date appeared self interested and disconnected from people's daily concerns (Giddens 1994). Goodman and Associates (1982) believe that good internal communication means that managers and staff must be skilled in human communication and flexible in meeting the challenge of new technologies, new government policies and new demands to improve productivity. This is particularly relevant in the employment service industry. Granovetter (1985) suggests that interorganizational communication can generate trust that is at risk in the market driven environment of the Job Network. Social marketing is particularly applicable in reaching young unemployed clients who are the hard to reach segments of the community because the product being advanced often is not desired (receiving welfare payments is conditional on performing mutual obligation activities) and the increased demand may be dysfunctional due to lack of resources (Centrelink's difficulty in managing work for the dole scheme), (Solomon 1989, and Webster 1975, cited in Windahl et al. 1992:96).
These theories form the basis of the empirical research and analysis and are applied to the data found in the literature review, newspaper content analysis, in-depth interviews, focus groups and participant observation. They enable the synthesis of this data into the case study of unemployed youth in Canberra. This study takes the view that youth unemployment is a risk of modernity and the hazards of youth unemployment include Theory and Method 1 13 the individual factors of self identity and self esteem, coping ability, the work ethic, family support and level of education, the ability to enjoy spare time, drugs and alcohol, poverty and suicide. Consequently these factors formed the basis in collecting data through newspaper content analysis, during participant observation, in-depth interviews and focus groups and were varied to accommodate the communication dimensions of the research questions where appropriate. The recurrent themes emanating from the theories and linked to these hazards were: family support and communication, attitudes to unemployment, media sources and attitudes, Canberra community and interaction, education and employment history, employment search strategies, organizational support, personal coping mechanisms and social interaction networks. Therefore the data selected for the analysis is based on theory driven themes rather than on themes that arise from the data as in grounded theory approach which is oriented toward exploration, discovery and inductive logic (Patton 1990).
Case Study Research
This qualitative case study seeks to describe the experiences of young unemployed people in the Canberra community in depth and detail, in context, and holistically (Patton 1990). It is naturalistic and discovery oriented which minimises manjpulation of the study setting by the researcher and places no prior constraints on what the outcomes of the research will be (Guba 1978). Robert Stake (l98 1 :32) views case studies as providing 'more valid portrayals, better bases for personal understanding of what is going on, and solid grounds for considering action'. Yin (1989:14) says that 'the case study allows an investigation to retain the holistic and meaningful characteristics of real-life events - such as individual life cycles, organizational and managerial processes, neighbourhood change, international relations, and the maturation of industries'. Patton (1 990) adds that case studies are particularly useful in understanding some special people, a particular problem, or a unique situation in great depth and where a great deal can be learned from a few examples of the phenomenon investigated. Community case studies may specifically focus on some particular aspect of the community, or even some phenomenon that occurs within that community. Stake (1 98 1:32) argues that good case studies can 'provide more valid portrayals, better bases for personal understanding of what is going on, and solid grounds for considering action'. Theory and Method 1 14
These opinions suggest the appropriateness of the case study approach in examining the experience of unemployed youth in the Canberra community. The study aims to demonstrate its rigor by employing a methodology that is conceptually clear and consistent, which reduces and eliminates bias and subjective inferences, and clarifies the way the data might be rationally interpreted (Smith 1980, cited in Henderson 199 1: 134). The study's trustworthiness depends on its credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Lincoln and Guba 1985). Credibility (or internal validity) refers to how applicable or generalisable the research findings are to another setting or group. Dependability (or reliability) refers to the extent that the findings are consistent and reproducible. Confirmability (or objectivity) refers to how neutral the findings are in whether they are reflective of the subjects and the inquiry and not a product of the researcher's biases and prejudices. The following discussion of the research approach and methods reflects these important points.
This study is basically qualitative although it includes newspaper content analysis. Notwithstanding Wimmer and Dominick's (1994:164) view that content analysis is quantitative, Berg (1998:225) maintains that content analysis is a 'passport to listening to the words of the text, and understanding better the perspective(s) of the producer of these words'. The strong point of qualitative research is that it cannot be categorised and reduced to a simple and rigid set of principles (Mason 1996). This mode of research is however grounded in a philosophical interpretivist position, which considers how the multi-layered social world is interpreted, understood, experienced or produced. It is based on methods of generating data that are flexible and sensitive to the social context. The methods of analysis and explanation take a holistic approach and involve understanding the complexity, detail and context of the data (Mason 1996:4).
Qualitative methods are oriented toward exploration, discovery and inductive logic. Ideally, an inductive evaluation approach is one where the researcher attempts to make sense of the situation without imposing pre-existing expectations on the phenomenon under study (Patton 199059). This approach contrasts with the hypothetical-deductive method, which requires a statement of specific research hypotheses before data collection commences as defined in the research questions of this study. However, Guba (1978) makes the point that actually conducting holistic-inductive analysis and carrying out naturalistic enquiry are always a matter of degree. He depicts the practice of naturalistic enquiry as a wave on which the researcher moves fiom varying degrees Theory and Method 1 15 of discovery to verification modes. At the beginning of the study the researcher is open to whatever emerges from the data (an inductive approach). Then as the enquiry discloses patterns and dimensions of interest the researcher will begin to verif) and elucidate what appears to be emerging (a more deductive approach). Mason (1996:142) also makes the point that most research strategies probably draw on a combination of inductive and deductive reasoning.
Kellehear's (1993:17) description of the hypothetico-deductive research design best describes the methodological preference of this study in that it reviews previous studies and theories in the literature review to locate the study, outlines the theoretical framework, which allows the research area to proceed further than it has hitherto by suggesting five research questions, and identifies methods appropriate to the theory. The researcher's commitment to a credible qualitative study has meant that a stance of empathic neutrality has been adopted. Filstead (1970:4) considers that 'it is crucial ... to try to picture the empirical social world as it actually exists to those under investigation, rather than as the researcher imagines it to be'. This stance means understanding the study setting as it is, being true to complexities and multiple perspectives as they emerge, and reporting the confirming and disconfirming evidence in a balanced manner. The methods of participant observation and in-depth interviewing have been selected to promote empathy, and to give the researcher an empirical basis for describing the perspectives of others while reporting their own feelings, perceptions, experiences, and insights as part of the data (Patton 1990:55,56). The researcher's lack of experience with young people was deemed an asset rather than a limitation because of the absence of the personal bias of a parent.
Limitations of the Study
This study primarily examines young people's experiences of unemployment in Canberra. The consequent limitations in the scope of the thesis include:
The study does not compare experiences of unemployment with those of young people in country or metropolitan areas, or in other states except to note the unemployment statistics in Victoria and New South Wales.
The study does not draw the distinction between the long or short-term unemployed. Instead, it categorises young people into 'haves' (those with family support and schooling to or past Year 12) and 'have nots' (those who have not experienced these two factors). Theory and Method 1 16
The study does not compare and contrast communication networks of young unemployed people in Canberra but simply analyses how their experience of unemployment is determined by the strength or otherwise of their primary and secondary networks.
The study has used secondary literature sources to draw conclusions about how the media attributed blame and responsibility for youth unemployment in the 1970s and into the early 1990s as opposed to carrying out a newspaper content analysis for this period.
The study does not encompass the Job Network contracts that commenced in February 2000 and the ensuing debate about the preponderance of church community groups in the new Job Network.
Methods of Data Collection
The methods of data collection chosen for this study, which include individual in-depth interviews, focus groups, participant observation and newspaper content analysis, are examined in the following sections.
The Interview Process
Patton (1990:169) considers that the logic and power of purposeful sampling lies in selecting information rich cases for study in depth. One can learn a great deal about issues of central importance to the purpose of the research from these cases. Maximum variation is explored in purposeful sampling and might include critical cases or politically important or sensitive cases. For some part of the sampling convenient cases may be chosen. Interviewees might be found using the snowball approach where the researcher asks interviewees to recommend others. The researcher may ask fiiends, go to an agency and ask for suggestions, or advertise for volunteers (Henderson 1991). The interviewees for this study were selected by the purposive sample method on the basis of having specific characteristics and qualities relevant to the study (Wimmer and Dominick 1994:67). The personal categories comprising the interviews and focus groups are detailed as follows: Theory and Method 11 7
Category No of Interviewees Gender Age
Young Unemployed People 12 6F/6M 15-25 CIT Students 6 3F/3M 18-25 University of Canberra Students 6 3 F13 M 18-22 Parents of Young People 2 2FlOM 50-55 College Careers Counsellor 1 I FIOM 50-55 Police Community Liaison 2 lF/IM 45-50 Community Youth Organizations 6 2FI4M 30-45 Job Network Providers 3 1 F/2M 35-50 Federal Youth Bureau 1 OF11 M 40-50 Centrelink 1 OF/ I M 40-50 ACT Government I l FIOM 50-55 Peak Youth Councils 2 IFIIM 26-30 ACT Chamber of Commerce 1 OF/lM 40-45 Totals 44 21F123M -
Each interview was tape recorded over a period of forty-five to sixty minutes, and was transcribed into either a semi-verbatim or a full verbatim transcript (depending on the quality of the interview), for detailed analysis. In analysing the interviews in Chapters 6 and 7, the most relevant sections of the long interviews have been underlined for ease of reading. The interviews were conducted according to the requirements of the University of Canberra Ethics Committee, in that all interviewees were advised of the tenor of the issues to be addressed in advance of or just prior to the interview. Their privacy rights were explained to each interviewee and were of paramount concern to the researcher.
Patton (1990:179) notes that the sample determines what the evaluator will have something to say about, hence it is important to sample carefully and thoughtfully. The researcher was concerned with collecting data that was representative of all the possible interviews that could have been conducted (Babbie 1986). The young unemployed respondents for this study were found within student groups, through recommendations and the snowball approach. Many community support organizations were able to advise where young unemployed people congregate, and advertisements were also placed in a Job Network provider's office and the Pathways shopfront where young people seek information. The experiences of these interviewees ranged from never having worked; a combination of casual work with dole supplements; a combination of volunteer work with study and welfare; short term unemployed; and long term unemployed. The student focus groups provided another perspective of coping with Canberra's reduced job opportunities, as did the parents of young people aged between Theory and Method 1 1 8
15 and 25 years. Interviewees from private, public and youth sectors gave personal accounts of their experiences of policy input and providing support for young unemployed people.
The researcher's careful selection of subjects in their gender, age, ethnic background, and demographic locations resulted in rich accounts. Because of the nature of the data, the samples were smaller, more purposive than random, and subject to change, and investigative in nature (Miles and Huberman 1984). At the outset of this study the exact number or type of interviewees was not specified in the realisation that numbers change over time as data are discovered and interpreted. The point in the data collection when it became repetitive and no additional new information was being found - the stage when Glaser and Strauss (1967) consider is the time to finish data collection - was experienced by the researcher and adopted as the point of completion in data collection.
In the early part of this study the researcher tested ideas, confirmed the importance and meaning of possible patterns, and verified the viability of emergent findings with new data and additional categories of interviews. For example, it became apparent that without the accounts of some of the parents of young people, the students who are preparing themselves for a career, the college Careers' Advisor who provides life choices about work or further study, and the Police in Canberra who interact with young people in the public sphere, that the data collecting process would be incomplete. Patton (1990:178) considers that this stage of the fieldwork requires rigor and integrity on the part of the researcher in looking for disconfirming as well as confirming cases. Confirmatory cases are additional examples that confirm and elaborate the findings, adding richness, depth and credibility. Disconfirming cases are no less important and are examples that do not fit. They are a source of rival interpretations and a way of placing boundaries around confirmed findings. The researcher adopted this approach wherever possible in all interviews. For instance, care was taken in obtaining representative accounts from young people who could be described as the 'haves', with family support and education, and the 'have nots' with no family support and minimum education. The importance of balancing gender views from the selected student focus groups was also taken into account. Theory and Method 1 19
Patton (1990:287) recognises the possibility of combining the interview guide with the standardised open-ended interview - the approach that has been used in this study. Therefore the basic questions of the study were predetermined and worded precisely. However the interviewer was able to probe and to determine when it was appropriate to explore certain subjects in greater depth. The use of illustrative questioning attributed to other parents' or fhends' experience about the use of drugs, alcohol and crime was particularly useful when asking parents and some young unemployed people about their personal life. This approach facilitated a response when the initial question had failed (Patton 199O:3 19).
The Interviewees
Twenty-four young Canberra people were interviewed comprising twelve unemployed young people from the Woden and Civic Youth Centres, the Canberra Youth Refuge, St Vincent de Paul's Men's Shelter, Pathways for Youth, and the Job Placement and Education Training Program. A mixed gender focus group comprising six University of Canberra students was conducted to elicit student perspectives about the prospect of finding work after study and experiences of Canberra community life. A male focus group and a female focus group, each consisting of three CIT students considered the same issues. The gender split of the twenty-four interviewees was 50150. Six of these interviewees were first generation immigrants representing Palestine, Fiji, Sudan, China and Uganda. Only one was married. Other interviewees were two separate parents of a total of three male, and two female offspring between the ages of 15 and 25 who had experienced both unemployment and work. These individuals provided parental perspectives about growing up in the Canberra community. The interviews were conducted from August to December 1998 and from October 1999 to May 2000. In hindsight, the timing of the two phases proved to be beneficial in contrasting attitudes towards changes in government youth policies in 1999 that tightened work for the dole requirements and introduced the means tested Youth Allowance that resulted in a forced return to the family and to school for some young people.
As the research progressed, it became apparent that in Canberra young unemployed people are well catered for in the avenues of social support available. However the coordination and marketing of their services poses a problem to young unemployed people and is further analysed in Chapter 6. Community social support is provided by l Theory and Method 120 l organizations and community groups which tender for government funding to provide assistance in personal skills development, job training courses and leisure activities. An employee was interviewed from each of the six community organizations selected as being representative of providing social support for young unemployed people in Canberra. The organizations were:
Job Placement, Employment and Training Program (counselling and job skilling for youth at risk). Gugan Gulwan, Younger Brother and Sister (counselling and job skilling for young Aboriginal people). Belconnen Youth Centre (leisure activities, job search skills). Migrant Resource Centre (job training and counselling for young migrants and refugees). Canberra Youth Rehge (counselling and acommodation for homeless young P~OP~. Young Christian Workers (job skills and counselling for young people).
A representative was interviewed (at the Chief Executive Officer or senior staff level), from each of the following private, public and youth sector organizations:
Chief Minister's Department, ACT government Youth Bureau, federal Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs Centrelink, federal government Statutory Authority Three Job Network Providers from the major Canberra business centres namely: Impact Training and Development, Belconnen; Caloola Skills Training and Job Placements, Tuggeranong; and Work Resources Centre, Civic. ACT Chamber of Commerce and Industry Australian Youth Policy and Action Coalition (now defunct) Youth Coalition of the ACT
A Careers Advisor at Phillip College in Canberra was interviewed to provide a perspective on the choices available to young students in the ACT college system when they complete Year 12 and are either proceeding with tertiary studies or job search activities. The college system (based on seventeen colleges) is unique to Canberra and allows flexibility in offering education for the Year 12 certificate as well as competency education on an individual ability basis. Two ACT Police Constables were interviewed because of their involvement with young people through the Police and Citizens' Youth Clubs and victims of crime diversionary conferencing process. Diversionary conferencing is in use in New Zealand, Wagga and Canberra and brings the offenders and the victims of crime together to repair the harm caused by the crime Theory and Method 1 2 1 and to prevent the offender from committing future crimes (Gail, ACT Police Interview 2000).
Focus Group Interviews
The interviewees for the three focus groups were selected through a purposive sample method from the researcher's University of Canberra tutorial classes, comprising one group, and CIT tutorial classes, comprising two groups. The advantages of the two CIT focus groups were that they provided checks and balances between the male and female group, highlighted extreme or false views, and emphasised the extent to which there were relatively consistent shared views among the participants (Patton 1990:336). The researcher was mindful in the focus group interviews, as well as the individual interviews, that the respondents should not feel interrogated, evaluated or inhibited in responding openly.
Wimmer and Dominick (1994) favour focus groups over individual interviews in their ability to obtain more complete and less inhibited responses. In addition, lines of thinking that might have not been brought in a one-to-one interview are often stimulated by the remarks of others in the group. Conversely, Green (19995) observes that when members know each other well they to tend to know what they each think about a topic with the result that they may leave sentences unfinished, or jump in to finish off the story which someone else is telling, or they obliquely refer to stories already well known to all group members. It is also possible that a dominant individual in the group will monopolise the conversation and impose their opinions on the other participants (Wimmer and Dominick 1994). These focus groups added to the variety of viewpoints contained in the data from a collective perspective. Each group had bonded through the experience of studying and supporting each other in their chosen areas of study. Consequently, opinions about experiences within the Canberra community were generally strongly supported by the group as a whole. However, interesting insights into Mackay's (199%) so-called 'options generation' were provided through the focus group data collection, and provided a greater understanding of the same respondents during the participant observation data collection in the tutorial setting (analysed in Chapter 6). Theory and Method 122
Interview Transaction and Limitations
The study's use of a combination of the standardised open ended and the interview guide interview as opposed to a conversational interview did not noticeably inhibit the way the interviewees related their experiences. Telling another person about a very sensitive time in one's life is a joint product of transaction and reaction. Bruner (1990:115) considers that the 'self can only be revealed in a 'transaction' that occurs between the teller and the audience. Cecchin (1987) suggests that a stance of curiosity in understanding the respondents assists in creating a trusting environment. For example, the researcher's reactions of disclosure in obtaining the trust of a young person (interviewee) led to an enthusiastic response of recognition of having had the same experience. Anderson and Goolishian (1988:382) state that an interviewer should 'be a respectful listener who does not understand too quickly (if ever) ...'. In adopting this stance the interviewer avoids traps such as feeding the answers, negotiating an agreement about what is the truth and arguing with the respondent to try to persuade them to adopt a more sensible position. Anderson and Jack's (1991) warning that to be too confident about what a respondent is saying is dangerous applied to some young unemployed people's accounts about fulfilling Centrelink requirements to approach a certain number of employers each week. In these instances the reaction was recorded as a first gut reaction to be returned to later for deeper reflection.
In a study of young people experiencing unemployment the interviewer's emotional responses are very easily evoked, particularly when the respondent exhibits bravery in the face of adversity. Ellis and Flaherty (1992:3) consider that researchers must resist becoming 'emotional exhibitionists'. Instead, this process must be one in which self- reflection allows for a deconstruction of the research process There can also be reactions of confusion when the account by the interviewee does not match the assumptions taken by the interviewer. It can also stem from a gap in knowledge (Ellis and Flaherty 1992). This type of confusion occurred to the researcher in an initial lack of understanding of the terms and slang used by young interviewees to describe drug culture.
The researcher must address and not hold aside their own subjectivity. Okely (1992:2) explains that the researcher must use 'self-awareness in order to contextualise the specificity of myself and to transcend it7. Tierney (1998) explains that joint dialogue Theory and Method 123 with others helps us understand not only our points of agreement, disagreement and difference but also the scaffolding on which this is based. This point was particularly obvious during the interviews with organizational representatives, where a wide spectrum of experiences, views, beliefs and loyalties were encountered. On the whole, the representatives of the support organizations were better subjects than the young people as they were all able to elucidate their story in a concise fashion, at times expressing exasperation but generally conveying a sense of pride of achievement in their particular area of social support.
There was some difficulty in conducting and locating interviewees within the support organizations as well as the young unemployed people, with the most difficulty experienced in the latter category for the following reasons:
1. The researcher was dependent on the good grace of managers in the Youth Centres and other organizations where young unemployed people congregate to approach those who were willing to be interviewed and to co-ordinate how the interview would be conducted. Only one refusal was made to the researcher during this process.
2. The young people were not reliable in carrying out undertakings to supply interviewees within their friendship network or to respond to notices posted in organizations where they visit for general information and job seeking advice.
3. Many interviews were carried out with competing background noise such as table tennis games, crying children, music and streetwalk cafe noise. The interviewer sort optimum privacy with the knowledge that many were reluctant to allocate forty-five minutes to speak to a stranger for no apparent gain.
4. A number of organizations contacted, such as members of the Job Network, the Red Cross Meal Service at the Civic Youth Centre and the Quamby Centre (Juvenile Justice), did not reply to letters and telephone messages. However Quamby Centre were very helpful in agreeing to the researcher's attendance at staff meetings in early 1999 prior to government investigations into the conduct of the Centre.
5. Support organizations and Job Network providers in general were unwilling to nominate unemployed youth as interviewees because of client contidentiality.
6. Some representatives of the Job Network were reluctant to be interviewed about their role in supporting young unemployed people because of the market driven environment and issues of contract renewal. Theory and Method 124
7. Canberra has a wide variety of support organizations for young unemployed people. The researcher experienced significant difficulty in being able to unravel the puzzle of their identities, locations and roles in the absence of co-ordination and marketing of these services.
In addition, the researcher commissioned a consultancy with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) to provide reliable unemployment statistics from 1974 to 1999, due to inconsistencies in the ABS library records.
On the positive side, for many of the young people interviewed it appeared to the researcher that they were at the same time reviewing all of their life so far in a manner that was not often available to them. One respondent commented that this experience had the effect of his being able to acknowledge his goals and visualise the way ahead. Most of the respondents told their story freely and gave very frank accounts of alcohol and drug taking, criminal activities, and family quirks and proclivities. The interviewer was not aware of any emotional or psychological repercussions on the interviewees. However the power of the speaking voice of the interviewee can demand that notice be taken of certain parts of the account (Opie 1WO), and a note of regret in the voice when recounting past actions, and a tightening of breath in expressing feelings of injustice and disappointment was characteristic of certain interviews.
Interview Analysis Techniques
Miles and Huberman (1 984:2 1-23) contend there are three concurrent flows of analytic activity. They are: data reduction, data display, and conclusion-drawindverification. Howe (1985:220) describes this process as selecting and transforming raw data that are typically transcribed into field notes. This step occurs in anticipation of the data collection as the researcher decides on preliminary questions, during the data collection as themes are teased out and after the data collection has ended as thematic categories are formed. The second major flow of data analysis following the reduction process is data display which is assembling information, in an organised way, that permits conclusions to be drawn and action taken. The third analytic flow, conclusion drawing and verification consists of noting regularities, irregularities (negative cases), patterns, and configurations as verbal or visual data are recorded and transcribed. These conclusions as they are grounded in the recorded experiences of everyday life are fluid Theory and Method 125 at first but become increasingly explicit as the researcher continues the analysis. These emergent meanings are then verified or tested for their plausibility, sturdiness, and confirmability by cross-checking the data. In this manner each flow is interwoven before, during, and after data collection in parallel form (Miles and Huberman l984:2 1-
The analytical method that was used to make sense of the interview data in this study was a thematic qualitative analysis in which the explanations that had been given by the interviewees during the interview were related to the themes detailed earlier in this chapter. This method was applied to the focus groups as well as the individual interviews. The researcher thoroughly examined the interview transcriptions and coded each part of the interview according to the predetermined themes. The themes were further broken down into sub-themes to accommodate associated issues (as in second level agenda setting). The theme and the sub-themes were entered in a card index system colour coded to the transcript (Insinger 199 1 :145). Comments in each interview about the same theme and sub-theme were copied to form a separate paper so as not to lose the context of each original transcript.
The researcher was mindful that some interviewees were more informative than others and continually evaluated the quality of the data (Miles and Huberman 1984). A continual monitoring of the entire process of data reduction, display and interpretation was carried out (Marshall and Rossman 1989). For example, it became obvious that the experience of young unemployed people with family support and education to Year 12 should be contrasted with those who had left home and school from age 15. The accounts of representatives of youth policy-making organizations were compared with those who support young unemployed people at the grass roots. Contrasting factors were also considered for the male and female CIT focus groups. This method of analysis demonstrates a hypothetico-deductive approach to the research questions (Hayes 1997:100).
The interview questions in each category of interview were devised around the themes emanating from the theories (discussed earlier). The interview format for the young unemployed people changed in quantity and quality following pilot interviews with one male in the 15 to 19 age group and one female in the 20 to 25 age group. These were chosen because of their gender and age being representative of the individuals to be Theory and Method 126 interviewed. The pilot interview (Appendix F) contained 56 questions and proved too long to hold the respondents' attention. The bold type in Appendix F shows where question changes have occurred and are reflected in Appendix G, which was used for subsequent interviews. Question No 8 was expanded within the Family Support and Communication Section to include more information about the respondents7 primary (family) support. Question 9 was considered unnecessary and Question 10 was included in the Employment Search Strategy Section for improved flow of information. Questions 11 and 12 about leisure time were better dealt with in the new Social Interaction Networks Section, as was Question 13. Question 14 had been covered in Question 5. Questions 19 and 21 were dealt with in the new Organizational Support Section. Questions 32 to 37 were placed in the Employment Search Strategies Section. Question 38 was covered in the new section, Attitudes to Unemployment. Questions 39 to 54 were contained in the new Social Interaction Networks Section, which dealt with friendship groups and the work ethic with reduced emphasis on leisure activities. Question 56 was considered unnecessary because of the disinterest detected in respondents after being exposed to such a lengthy interview. The questions used at interview, at Appendix G, are more concise in their direction. They are more compatible with the research questions about primary and secondary support, and media and community attitudes towards youth unemployment.
The interview for the student focus groups (Appendix H) was patterned on the interview for the young unemployed people. These interviews provided a good opportunity to include questions to gauge whether they were able to make the transition from adolescence to young adulthood from a student perspective and how knowledgeable they were in ways of seeking work. The tenor of the group discussion also took into consideration that most of the individuals in these groups had moved straight from college to University or the CIT. Their main focus was to finish their courses, and, unlike the young people who were unemployed, work was not yet their main area of concern.
In relation to the interviews with community organizations and Job Network providers, one pilot interview was initially conducted with a Job Network provider. Appendix I shows the questions (No 2,5,9, 12,22,25,26,28,38 and 43) in bold type, which were subsequently considered redundant because they duplicated the intentions of other questions. Questions 31 and 33 to 37 and 39 (also in bold type) were found not to Theory and Method 127 apply to the Job Network providers as much as to the community support organizations who were able to answer these questions fiom their perspective of interacting with young unemployed people in a broader context than the Job Network providers in their role of job search and job training. Following the pilot interview using Appendix I, Appendix J was used with the abovementioned deletions and with one insertion - Question 12 in bold type - which sought opinions about how work for the dole scheme was working in view of its increased acceptance in Canberra during 1999. The number of questions was also reduced from 44 to 28, which meant that the timeframe for each interview was more acceptable to the respondents. The interviews with representatives of the community support organizations at Appendix K used Appendix J as its base and included former Appendix I questions (31 and 33 to 37 and 39) that were found unsuitable in that pilot interview. This meant that a section more applicable to support organizations than to Job Network providers about young people's family, community and organizational support, and their work ethic was included in Appendix K.
The final interview format for interviewing the two parents of adolescents is at Appendix L. The second interview differed fiom the first in that the respondent was asked to talk about what it was like raising children in Canberra to the prospect that they may not obtain work, rather than being asked to answer a number of questions to cover the same issues. This open question approach proved to be a better way of obtaining overall thoughts about their children's likely future experiences.
The remaining interviews with the two peak youth sector representatives (Appendix M), the ACT Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Appendix N), the federal government Youth Bureau (Appendix 0), Centrelink (Appendix P), the ACT government (Appendix Q), the Phillip College Careers Counsellor (Appendix R), and the Police (Appendix S) were mostly one-off interviews. They were conducted after the other interviews when the researcher was so familiar with the type of questions required to obtain the relevant data, that pilot interviews were not considered necessary. There was also similarity in the questions asked of the ACT government and the ACT Chamber of Commerce interviewees in that they were policy development and service delivery oriented. The Centrelink interview was directed at the role of Centrelink and the Job Network, policy development input and interaction with other support organizations. The interview for the federal government Youth Bureau dealt mainly with policy implications at the federal and ACT level. The interviews for the two peak Theory and Method 12 8 youth sector organizations ranged across their policy input, policy impact on young unemployed people and organizational and community support. The interview for the Careers Counsellor sought information about how the family, the community and the college support the students in obtaining work and the students' attitude to moving from college to either tertiary studies or job searching. The interview for the ACT Police sought information about their interaction with young people and the incidence of drug and alcohol abuse and suicide in the Canberra community
Participant Observation and Analysis Techniques
According to Bruyn (1966) the assumptions of participant observation are that the researcher can share in the subject's world, directly participate in their symbolic world, and take a role in their interaction. This role requires both detachment and personal involvement. The scientific role of the researcher is interdependent with the social role and reflects the social process of being in society (Henderson 1991). From a phenomenological perspective, participant observation is deliberately unstructured to maximise the discovery and verification of theory (Denzin 1978). The researcher constantly moves between conceptualisation of reality and empirical observations. Douglas (1976) describes the strategies one employs for participant observation as immersion, maintaining an interaction, and understanding the situation. Immersion means understanding in the subject's terms, testing for understanding, subject review, checking and re-immersing.
The researcher adopted the role of learner in the participant observation of the students (Lofland and Lofland 1984). Due to the researcher's lack of experience in interacting with young people, three tutorial classes over two days each week were undertaken at the University of Canberra for fifteen weeks, the first semester of 1997 (subject was Introduction to Communication), and for fifteen weeks, the second semester of 1998 (subject was Organizational Communication). The duration of each tutorial was one and a half hours. The researcher also spent three consecutive hours each week with one tutorial class at the CIT for eighteen weeks, the second semester of 1999. Curiously, it was the interaction with the CIT students that proved most enlightening. From a core group of thirteen students, eleven were in the study age group of 15 to 25 years. This impression was probably due to the longer period of'(face-to-face) interaction when it was possible to throw some light on their reality and test it against theory. The students Theory and Method 129 were studying first year accounting, which also included communication subjects in client interaction, business and report writing, and presenting reports.
Hammersley and Atkinson (1983:146) argue that recording field data 'constitutes a central research activity, and it should be carried out with as much care and self- conscious organization as possible'. Denzin (1978) suggests that a reliable observation is one that is not biased by idiosyncrasies of the observer, the research instrument, the subject, or by the constraints of time and place. A valid observation is one that is theoretically directed and is grounded in the actual behaviour of interacting individuals. During the participant observation section of this study, the researcher made observational notes which included a once only short biographical background of the students, the setting, the period of observation, the dress of the participants, the particular speech or behaviour patterns, and non-verbal gestures. The observational units were built around the selected themes of the hazards of youth unemployment and assisted the researcher in the role of learner to test Mackay's (1997b) proposition about the 'options generation' described in Chapter 1.
The method of analysis for the participant observation data was the same as for the interview data, in that it was a thematic qualitative analysis in which the observations were related to the themes that were linked to the hazards of youth unemployment. Miles and Huberman's (l984:2 1-23) analysis technique of the three concurrent flows of analytic activity - data reduction, data display, and conclusiondrawing/verificationwas . used. Comparisons were made between students at the University of Canberra and the CIT according to gender and within selected themes and sub themes. Glaser and Strauss (1967) have been the proponents of the constant comparison technique. The goal of this technique is to maximise credibility through comparison of groups and data. It involves comparisons among data, data sets, literature, and different groups sampled. Different slices of data can also be compared, such as using observations of the CIT students and the focus group interview of the same students, to determine how the results obtained compare to one another. The constant comparison method causes the researcher to look continually for diversity. It ensures accurate evidence, establishes generality of a fact, specifies concepts, and verifies theory (Glaser and Strauss 1967). -
Theory and Method 130
Newspaper Content Analysis
In addressing the research question about the role of the media in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment and how it attributes blame and responsibility for this issue, a newspaper content analysis was camed out during the 1992 recession, in July, at the time of the government's Job Summit and the Opposition's Job Forum, and during 1999 for contemporary comparison. One of the debates among users of content analysis is whether analysis should be quantitative or qualitative (Berg 1998). For example, Berelson (1952) suggests that content analysis is objective, systematic and quantitative. Selltiz, Jahoda, Deutsch and Cook (1959:336) state that concerns over quantification in content analysis tend to emphasise 'the procedures of analysis', rather than the 'character of the data available'. Smith (1975:218) suggests that some blend of both quantitative and qualitative analysis should be used 'because qualitative analysis deals with the forms and antecedent-consequent patterns of form, while quantitative analysis deals with duration and frequency of form'. This study adopts Berg's (1998) suggestion that quantitatively researchers can create a series of tally sheets to determine specific frequencies of relevant categories. Qualitatively researchers can examine ideological mind-sets, themes, topics, symbols, and similar phenomena while grounding such examinations to the data. The themes emanating from the theories described earlier formed the basis in collecting the data through newspaper content analysis.
This study used stratified sampling of the newspapers most read by the Canberra community. They are the daily papers and include The Canberra Times, which sells the greatest number of copies with the New South Wales Daily Telegraph (incorporating The Daily Telegraph Mirror) next in popularity. The Sydney Morning Herald (incorporating Good Weekend),the Victorian Herald Sun and The Age follow in order or preference. The weekend paper sales in the order of popularity are The Cunberra Sunday Times, The Weekend Australian and the New South Wales Sunday Telegraph (Costin, Interview 811999). All weekend issues of the selected newspapers were included in the analysis. The Canberra Times is the only newspaper printed in Canberra and puts out the weekly Canberra Northside and Southside Chronicle that is distributed free of charge with two different inserts for North and South Canberra. Demers (1996) maintains that personal experience increases community newspaper Theory and Method 13 1 reading because this often stimulates additional needs for information. The Chronicle was included in the analysis for this reason.
During the July 1992 Job Forum (4-5 July) and the Job Summit (22 July) articles relating to youth unemployment were selected from the nominated newspapers during the intense period of media interest. For the Forum, the period extended from 5 to 9 July and for the Summit it extended from 21 to 29 July 1992. For contemporary attitudes in media framing a sample of two constructed weeks in 1999 were analysed for all newspapers except for the Canberra Chronicle where all weekly issues of The Canberra Northside and Southside Chronicle from January to December 1999 were analysed. Sampling of other newspapers was stratified by month of the year and day of the month. The constructed weeks were assembled by choosing a different day of the week for each month of the year. The sampling rule that no more than two days from one week should be selected was followed to ensure a balanced distribution across the year (Wimmer and Dominick 1994:169). Stempel (1952) drew separate samples of 6, 12, 18, 24 and 48 issues of a newspaper and compared the average content of each sample size in a single subject category against the total for the entire year. He found that each of the five sample sizes was adequate and that increasing the sample beyond 12 issues did not significantly improve upon accuracy. However Wirnmer and Dominick (1 994: 170) consider that as a general rule the larger the sample the better, as they usually run less risk of being atypical if chosen randomly. Opinion polls were analysed following the Job Summit and the Job Forum in 1992, and in the latter part of 1999 to gauge public opinion following media framing of youth unemployment during these periods.
Seven major elements in written messages can be considered in content analysis. They are words or terms, themes, characters, paragraphs, items, concepts and semantics (Merton 1968). For the purpose of this study, themes and concepts were chosen. Explicit rules for identifLing and recording these characteristics were employed for the categories into which content items were coded. As with all research methods, drawing out concepts and estimating their viability involves an interaction between theoretical concerns and empirical observations (Berg 1998:223). For example, in examining the newspapers' orientations towards youth unemployment as a potential barometer of public opinion, the researcher read relevant articles and editorials. Letters to the editor were also included to gauge public attitudes. As in the construction of the interview Theory and Method 1 3 2 questions, thematic categories, which emanated from theory, were linked to the hazards of youth unemployment. This produced several groupings, which were then sorted into subdivisions. The emphasis of the letters to the editor, the article or editorial was used to determine where responsibility was being placed for youth unemployment. Stories about unemployment were then examined to determine the possible use of second level agenda setting, and whether the media minimised the issue of youth unemployment or ignored its contextual factors while focusing on the personal nature of the issue (Willis and Okunade 1997). The researcher also examined the newspaper writing content versus undertone, the use of certain terms, and specific study findings or statements offered by particular characters, such as celebrities, members of the public or political figures (Berg 1998:233).
Chapter Summary
This chapter has outlined the derivation of the study's research questions which have taken into consideration the risk environment of youth unemployment and its associated hazards. It has also summarised the communication theories used to analyse the five research questions. These theories form the basis of the empirical research and analysis, and are applied to the data found in the literature review, newspaper content analysis, in-depth interviews, focus groups and participant observations. They enable the synthesis of this data into the case study of unemployed youth in Canberra.
This chapter has explained how the respondents were selected for this qualitative study's interviews, focus groups and participant observation and the hypothetico- deductive approach used in their analysis. The interview questions in each category of interview were devised around the themes emanating from the theories, and a detailed description of how the questions were tested in pilot interviews and used with their subsequent amendments have been fully discussed. The chapter highlighted some of the study's overall limitations as well as the unavoidable limitations in conducting interviews and locating interview respondents who could communicate their experiences of youth unemployment.
This chapter also emphasised the advantage of participant observation in a situation where the researcher has little experience of young people. It highlighted the worth of comparing the students' conduct at two different tertiary institutions, and the Theory and Method 133 unexpected insights in comparing behaviour in tutorials with the personal aspirations elucidated by the same students in a focus group.
In ascertaining the role of the media and opinion polls in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment six of the most read newspapers by Canberrans were selected for analysis. The study also took into consideration the personal experience in the community of youth unemployment which Demers (1996) considers stimulates additional needs for information in community newspapers, hence the inclusion of The Canberra Northside Chronicle and The Southside Clzronicle. Opinion polls were analysed following the Job Summit and the Job Forum in 1992, and in the latter part of 1999 to gauge public opinion following media framing of youth unemployment during these periods.
The following three chapters comprise the data analysis and discussion of the experiences of unemployed youth in the Canberra community. Chapter 5 examines public opinion through opinion polls of the 1990s. It also analyses the content analysis data of the newspapers most read by the Canberra community in 1992 and 1999, to determine whether blame and responsibility for youth unemployment was attributed differently in the 1970s. Chapter 6 analyses the role of community and organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment. Chapter 7 analyses how the ability to access primary and secondary support contributes to young people's experiences of unemployment. Media Reporting in the 1990s 134
CHAPTER 5
COMMUNITY ATTITUDES IN MEDIA REPORTING AND PUBLIC OPINION POLLS IN THE 1990s
Introduction
This chapter complements Chapter 3, which provided the theoretical framework and contrasted media reporting and public opinion polls about youth unemployment from the 1974 recession through to the early 1990s. This chapter does not make a formal test of the agenda setting hypothesis but assesses attitudes about youth unemployment through public opinion polls and media framing at the time of the 1992 recession and during 1999 and contrasts the findings with attitudes of the 1970s. It addresses the research question:
What is the role of the media and public opinion polls in forming community perceptions about youth unemployment?
As stated in Chapter 3 this thesis takes the view that media based information shares the information environment with interpersonal communication among individuals. Consequently, public opinion formation commences with the media reporting on public affairs, people talking to one another about the topic, and the consequent forming of public opinion. The public mood can also be assessed through opinion polls.
The issue common to all of these periods of analysis is that of youth wages. Since the early twentieth century, young people's pay has been determined either in respect to their employment as apprentices, or in relation to adult wage rates (Iwing et al. 1995). Due to industrial action in 1974 there was an increase in the ratio of junior to adult hourly earnings thought to contribute to the increase in youth unemployment (Windschuttle 197951 ).
The Opposition's Job Forum from 4 to 5 July 1992 proposed that the going rate for the youth wage of $8.50 an hour be reduced to $3 an hour. Conversely, during 1999 the youth wage debate was about increasing youth wages to adult wages as opposed to their being a proportion of the adult rate, which commences at 2 1 years. The status quo was subsequently maintained. Junior rates consist of a system of minimum wages, defined as a proportion of the adult minimum wage. This increases with age until the Media Reporting in the 1990s 135 junior worker is considered an adult at age 21. Typically, a 15 year old would have a minimum wage of 40 percent of the adult wage, with this increasing by 10 percent a year until the age of 2 1, when the employee would have a minimum wage equal to that of an adult. This system is perceived by some to be discriminatory, which has led to extensive debate about the replacement or retention of junior rates with an alternative system (Munro 1998).
To gauge current public opinion within the Canberra community about youth unemployment this chapter analyses the content of six of the most read newspapers by the Canberra community in July 1992, at a time of recession and unprecedented emergence of youth unemployment. As a consequence, the government and Opposition convened public forums to discuss this issue. The content of the six newspapers are also analysed during 1999 to assess contemporary opinion. Such analyses introduced globalisation as a new external factor and youth poverty, homelessness and suicide as new domestic concerns.
This chapter examines the salience of youth unemployment during 1992 and 1999. It also analyses how second level agenda setting determines the way the media defines youth unemployment and how it creates a climate of opinion in the attributes it emphasises (Ghanem 1997:4). During the 1970s, young unemployed people were individually scapegoated and blamed and larger, more complex issues were often lost in the narrative. The analysis of media framing of stories about youth unemployment in the 1990s considers whether blaming the individual over societal factors applies in the more complex modem environment of globalisation and changing concepts of work. The chapter examines where such news originated, for example, from editorials, poliiical, industry, expert, union, and human-interest sources. Media based information also shares the information environment with interpersonal communication among individuals following media reporting and consequent public opinion formation. Consequently, letters to the editor are also examined as a reflection of public opinion.
This study also focuses on communication about youth unemployment through opinion polls in the 1990s to assess prevailing public opinion about youth unemployment. Unemployment remained the major national issue in Morgan Opinion Polls from 1992 until findings in January 2000, from November 1999 surveys, ranked unemployment third after health and education. However, in the context of the agenda setting function Media Reporting in the 1990s 1 36 of this study unemployment is considered the dominant issue of the 1999s particularly in light of another Morgan Opinion Poll in November 1999 which revealed that 63 percent of Australians believed that the government was not doing enough to stop unemployment rising.
The Role of the Newspaper in Forming Public Opinion
The newspaper is an integral part of the community and reflects the concerns of the dominant power groupings. Tichenor, Donohue and Olien (1980) consider that a newspaper in a one-industry town is unlikely to report that industry in a critical way. Canberra is an instance of such a town where the Public Service was the major employer until the mid 1990s. In such an instance a newspaper may reflect community consensus about the dominant industry through reporting socially non-controversial aspects of the industry and not reporting on issues that would threaten it. This argument raises the point of how well a community is informed about a particular social issue, such as youth unemployment. As the flow of information increases, segments of the community with higher levels of education often acquire this at a faster rate than segments with low education thus creating a knowledge gap (Tichenor et al. 1980).
This highlights the value of education in providing personal control in understanding and coping with life problems, such as the risk of youth unemployment (Syme 1998). For example, a university graduate is more likely to interpret the report in a social context than someone who has not completed high school. The initial potential self- exposure rate is higher for the university graduate who may be more likely to subscribe to the newspaper. Comprehension of the issues may be higher for the better educated person leading to conversation about the topic in peer interpersonal communication which, in turn, may change the impact of the media content (Erbring, Goldenberg and Miller 1980). Newspapers seek high-status information sources, such as those in education, science, and cultural reporting. Consequently their reporting about politics, science, culture and the arts is more frequently read by persons with higher levels of education, whereas the less educated person who reads a newspaper is more likely to confine their reading to entertainment content (Westley and Severin 1963, cited in Tichenor et al. 1980. Media Reporting in the 1990s 1 37
The newspaper reading habits of the Canberra community indicate that families living in the outer suburbs read the local broadsheet newspaper, The Canberra Times, which sells the greatest number of copies. The Canberra Times (circulation 149,210) also puts out the weekly Northside and Soutltside Chronicle (circulation 126,504) which is delivered free of charge to Canberra's northern and southern suburbs and is also a source of community information. Some of these readers also purchase a Sydney tabloid newspaper The Daily Telegraph, incorporating The L)uily Telegruph Mirror, (national circulation 1,500,543 including the Sunday edition) that has the next highest daily sales. The other dailies that are popular are The Sydney Morning Heruld broadsheet, incorporating Good Weekend (circulation 632,500), the tabloid Herald Sun (circulation 1,576,100) and The Age broadsheet (circulation 733,35 1 ), which are both Victorian newspapers (Costin Interview 811999; Gee 2000). This Canberra daily readership profile indicates a mix of tabloid and broadsheet readership with a preference for broadsheet newspapers. It reflects the community's former ties with other Australian states, and the higher national trend in educational attainment.
When a topic is publicised, those who are already more knowledgeable tend to acquire the new information at a faster rate than those who are less knowledgeable. Consequently mass media and communication programs designed to raise the level of knowledge through a community tend to increase the knowledge gap between persons with lower and higher educational levels (Tichenor et al. 1980). There are also conditions that may lead to greater equalisation of knowledge. An example is social conflict about community issues. Youth unemployment would fit into this category. The more salient an issue becomes, such as emerging youth unemployment in the 1974 recession in Australia, and again in the 1992 recession, an increasing amount of newspaper coverage is generated and attention to that topic increases. This stimulates discussion among different persons and may result in a narrowing of knowledge gaps on the issue. Discussion about national issues may even reach such intense levels that knowledge about them tends to equalise across educational divisions (Tichenor et al. 1980). Consequently, when youth unemployment became a major national issue in 1992, the Morgan Poll found that 74 percent of electors ranked unemployment as the most important issue the federal government should be addressing (Finding 2253, 4 May 1992). This was twice the level of concern recorded in February 1991. Media Reporting in the 1990s 1 38
The following is an analysis of articles which refer to youth unemployment newspaper reporting in the six newspapers selected as most read by the Canberra community in 1992. Subsequent opinion polls are then analysed for media impact on public opinion. The articles were written from 5 to 9 July 1992, the time of the Opposition's Job Forum, and from 21 to 29 July, during the government's Job Summit. The timeframes selected represent the span of media interest in these events.
Newspaper Content Analysis
The definitions of youth unemployment are derived from the authors of policy rather than its clients. The media has a role in defining this issue by directing attention to a limited range of explanations as social change accelerates. In this sense, they are not creating or imposing attitudes. They selectively reinforce the contradictory attitudes that people hold towards institutions and processes (Golding and Middleton 1982). The media also reasserts the basic values of society, and in relation to this study, such values include the work ethic, traditional family life and anti-welfarism. Iyengar (1991) suggests that if these values encourage the public to blame the victims of unemployment, attributions of causal and treatment responsibility for this issue should be relatively impervious to short-term media framing.
While agenda setting focuses on the issues selected for coverage by the news media, framing focuses on the particular ways public problems are presented to the media audience. Examples of two different frames for the same story are The Duily Telegraph Mirror's (6 July 1992:lO) frame 'Jobs for boys and girls' and The Sydney
Morning Herald 'S (7 July 1992:12) frame 'Gloomy outlook on jobs'. Media fiaming helps structure everyday experiences and facilitates the process of meaning construction (Pan and Kosicki 1993). Frames allow the readers to understand issues in particular ways and guide audience responses to media content through their language in indicating to the reader why the story is important and the cause or agency. Using metaphors is another framing device. For example, President Bush declared a general 'war on drugs' during his presidency that relayed his tough stance against drugs through this metaphor (Kosicki 1993). In an American study into television framing of poverty, unemployment and racial inequality, Iyengar (1 99 1) found that attributions of responsibility for poverty and racial inequality, but not for unemployment, were subject to significant framing effects. He used both episodic (personal) and thematic (societal) Media Reporting in the 1990s 139 framing of the issues and suggests that the continued high salience of national economic problems caused individuals to think of the economy as a locus of responsibility in spite of the way the issue was framed. Alternatively, the term 'unemployment' may have caused them to think of the issues as a collective rather than an individual outcome.
The Opposition's Job Forum 4-5 July 1992
Sources and Category ofArtrrtrcles
In 1992, the main agenda for the Opposition's Job Forum was the proposal to reduce the hourly youth wage to $3.00. A total of 79 articles and five editorials on youth unemployment were analysed from the selected newspapers relating to the Job Forum on 4-5 July 1992. Appendix A provides a description of the sources. The Forum was politically driven with the result that 58 articles were derived from political sources and ten were sourced from industry and experts. The eight industry sourced articles reported on employers such as McDonald's, Showcase Jewellers (with stores in four states) and Bob Jane Tyres, all of which had already offered young unemployed people jobs at the reduced youth wage rate (from $8.50 to $3 an hour) proposed at the Job Forum. The two expert sourced articles were statistically based and provided various unemployment statistics. The wider societal factors resulting from the Opposition's proposed plan to introduce youth wages were prominent in all of these, with ten articles containing both societal and individual factors. Eleven additional articles emanated from personalhuman interest sources.
Such media framing verifies Rucinski's (1992) views that both personalised and societal treatments of an issue are likely to be present in a single unit of news content. She also notes that the societal category may mask distinctions between accounts focusing on government or corporate actions that can be traced to decisions made by powerful persons (decisions to cut poverty programs or enter a war), and accounts that cannot be linked to individual decisions about unemployment or environmental factors. The societal issues of these articles were reported from the Opposition's perspective, while the personal factors related to young individuals who were unable to find work. Media Reporting in the 1990s 140
For example, the personal dimension of youth unemployment was presented by an article in The Canberra Southside Chronicle ('Youth wage is uncaring and exploitative: forum' 27 July 1992:3), which reported the views of a community forum of young people and youth workers in Canberra, concluding that the proposed youth wage was uncaring and exploitative. An article in The Age ('The reality of hopelessness brought home') reported that Simon Schloss, of Melbourne, told the Forum: 'I've applied for more than 50 jobs in the last year. Out of that 50 I've had no jobs yet, which is pretty poor odds. It seems so hopeless applying for jobs that aren't there' (6 July 1992:6). Or Rebecca Gilmore's account in the Melbourne Herald Sun ('Teens tell of jobless heartache'), which told of her loss of self-esteem through 50 job rejections a year. Being jobless had also forced her to sell her horse (7 July 1992:lO). In other personalised stories about the Opposition's proposed new youth wage, Sharyn Hutchinson of Canberra was reported as stating that if she were offered a job that paid the youth wage (which was only marginally more than the dole) she would take it, despite her doubts. David Ong agreed with Sharyn that the youth wage would not be enough and too low just to survive. Kylie-Anne Hungerford, a Canberra college student, worked at the Pizza Hut for $6.92 an hour and could only just cope with the hours she worked. On a reduced hourly rate of $3.00 she would need to work double the time. She would have less time to study and less chance to get into University (Sibley, CT, 7 July 1992:1).
Framing Analysis
The first level agenda setting or the salience or importance of the Job Forum to the public agenda was clear. Both the Job Forum and Summit were deemed important in light of youth unemployment having peaked at 24.6 percent for the 15-19 age group, and 16.1 percent nationally (ABSC 2000). This was a time when the recession brought burgeoning unemployment. A trend in the workforce towards part time work was also emerging. There had also been a dramatic decline in employers' demand for young, unskilled, full-time labour. In commenting on these social changes in The Sydney Morning Herald, Gittins wrote that in 1966, there'were about 600,000 full-time jobs for young people; in 1992 there were about 240,000 (22 July, 1992:15). Deirdre Macken wrote that the biggest growth in jobs was happening in the newer service industries where part-time work was now the norm, while traditional full-time industries, such as manufacturing and the public sector, were gradually losing their share of the job market Media Reporting in the 1990s 14 1
(Good Weekend, 18 July 1992:22). She observed that as the number of part-time workers increased, so did the quality of part-timers. She added that, 'even though the union movement still tags part-timers as women, injured workers and youth (read 'losers'), there are signs that the last bastion of full-time, full commitment work is falling'.
Some economists made a less optimistic interpretation. At a Conference of Economists on 8 July 1992, Professor Gregory of the Australian National University and member of the Reserve Bank Board said that 'remarkable changes' had occurred in the labour market since the 1970s. Australian wages jumped by 30 per cent in the mid 1970s and he considered that this was the reason why relative employment growth had declined. The labour market had become increasingly unequal. The relative number of male, middle-income jobs had fallen by 25 percent since the mid-1970s, while jobs in the bottom fifth of wage earners had grown by 15 percent relative to the population, and the top 20 percent had remained steady. He considered that the Opposition's proposed $3 an hour minimum youth wage would widen the gap between rich and poor and would accelerate the development of an American-style underclass (Cleary, SMH 9 July 1992:2).
Agenda setting is not only about object (or issue) salience or the first level of agenda setting (Ghanem 1997). It is also concerned with second level agenda setting, which deals with the specific attributes (or subtopics) of a topic and how this agenda also influences public opinion (McCombs and Evatt 1995, cited in Ghanem 1997:3). Of the 79 articles on youth unemployment and the Opposition's proposed youth wage, 43 reported the words of various sources. These included the Opposition's initial statement on the proposed youth wage and positive and negative comments given by industry, academics, the unions, the government, welfare and youth sectors, unemployed youth, and church representatives.
The negative attributes of the articles about the proposed youth wage were emotive and included: poverty, exploitation because of the recession, punitive measures, no training component, no permanency of job, slave wage, wage cuts for older unemployed people, jobs not there, youth crime, and punitive measures. These comments were attributed to members of the church, welfare groups, unemployed youth, academics, the Democrat Party, and the government. The positive attributes of the proposed youth wage were: a Media Reporting in the 1990s 142 lost generation found, the creation of jobs, no pay if they refuse jobs, the youth wage would stop unemployment, and youth would become employable. These were the comments attributed to the business community, employers, the Opposition, the Employers' Federation, the Chamber of Commerce and the Confederation of Australian Industry. Such positive and negative comments about the youth wage were reported in a similar manner in all articles across the six newspapers. This result relates to Tuchman7s (1978) contention that reporting the words of official sources fulfils a number of functions. In relying on the words and ideas of others, reporters are able to meet deadlines and fulfil other routine duties.
Nevertheless, evaluative articles were also written during the period of the Forum. A total of 16 articles from The Sydney Morning Herald (4), The Age (4), The Canberra Times (2), The Canberra Chronicle (l), and The Duily Telegraph (5) evaluated the Opposition's proposed introduction of the youth wage as opposed to reporting the facts. Certain negative attitudes about youth unemployment crept into the reporting in articles describing the Opposition's youth wage in phrases such as 'weaning young unemployed away from their cheap videos and back into the work force', and 'weeding out the 'work-shy' by making them jump over more hurdles'. However, they also recognised that the Opposition, which had often seen unemployment as the fault of those out of work, were acknowledging that the days of arguing that the unemployed were 'dole bludgers' were past.
Headlines serve a basic framing function. They influence whether or not stories are read and, if they are read, how they are understood (Van Dijk 1991). For example, the tenor of these evaluative articles is evident in newsfiames such as 'Bludgers no more, reality sets in' (SMH, 6 July 1992:4) and 'Gloomy outlook on jobs' (SMH, 7 July 1992:12); 'Hewson out of step on youth wages' (CT, 7 July 1992:1 1); 'Youth wage is uncaring and exploitative: forum' (CSC 27 July 1992:3); 'Hewson's pay packets keep kids out of pocket and out of work' (DTM, 7 July 1992:lO); 'The reality of hopelessness brought home' (The Age, 6 July 1992:6) and 'Despair for the jobs that just aren't there' (The Age, 5 July 1992:6). Ten of the articles considered that Dr Hewson's youth wage was not appropriate, four had mixed feelings, while only two thought the proposition might result in young people obtaining work and was worth a try in view of the high youth unemployment rate. They were framed as ' 1 1.1% Jobless blow-out' (Connolly, DTM, 9 July 1992:1), and 'Act now to let the good times roll for jobless Media Reporting in the 1990s 143 young' (DTM, 7 July 1992:12). The articles expressing concern about the youth wage defined the proposal in terms of its offering only stopgap jobs to youth, who were being asked to work for a pittance and were not being trained. Geoffiey Barker's article in The Age (7 July 1992:13) summed up these feelings when he described the proposed youth wage as short on justice and dignity. He referred to the Opposition's radical economic policies as 'a theology that relies on the entrenchment of a large, poverty stricken and alienated under-class'.
Editorials and Letters to the Editor
The editorials about the youth wage were written during and after the Forum and these commentaries appeared in all the selected newspapers apart From The Canberra Times and The Cunberra Chronicle. The two tabloids favoured youth wages as a chance for young people to enter the workforce. For example, The Daily Telegraph Mirror editorial 'Youth wage deserves a fair hearing' thought young people should take this option 'rather than languish on the dole or remain at school beyond the stage where they might learn anything useful' (7 July 1992110). An editorial in The Sydney Morning Herald ('Dr Hewson's youth wage') expressed mixed feelings because the gains of the youth wage 'to teenagers would be partly at the expense of older workers who are currently protected by the artificially high cost of teenage labour' (7 July 1992:12). The Age editorial was framed as 'Meagre prospects for the jobless'. It observed that the Opposition's rhetoric had changed but not the ideology. 'No longer do the Liberals speak of dole-bludgers. They now recognise that there are many more job seekers than jobs available ... '. However, the editorial noted that the Liberals were still 'firmly wedded to private sector and market-oriented solutions and wanted to introduce a youth training wage of $3 to $3.50 an hour - barely more than the dole'. It added that these ideas reflected the notion that workers had priced themselves out of the market and more jobs would be created if they were less expensive to employers (7 July 1992:13).
Twelve letters were received (nine by The Sydney Morning Herald). The Canberra Chronicle and the Daily Telegraph did not publish letters on this topic within the time period analysed Five letters were in favour of the youth wage on the basis that it would mean jobs, and that reduced pay was better than idleness. Six letters were against the proposed youth wage on the basis that it was exploiting young people; that Media Reporting in the 1990s 144 it would not create more jobs but would put adult workers out of work; and it was regressive and would result in poverty for many young people. The remaining letter suggested that the job recovery could be found in working on the land to correct environmental imbalances.
The Government's Youth Job Summit - 22 July 1992
The government's Youth Job Summit focused discussion on its proposed policy on youth unemployment, which was released three days after. The government undertook to reduce youth unemployment by creating 100,000 new jobs in public works programs, on new farm and conservation projects, and by industry employing thousands of teenagers on the new youth training wage. Teenagers would be employed for three days a week with two days allocated for off-the-job training. They would be paid $125 per week (under 18 years) and $1 50 (over 18 years) for time spent working as well as time in training. An allocation of $720 million was included for extra TAFE training places. In contrast, the Opposition's Job Forum proposals had included a minimum youth wage of $3 an hour. This translated into weekly rates of $1 14 per week for under 18 years of age and $133 for over 18 years of age. Initially these proposals did not include a training component for young workers. However following the Job Summit, the Opposition announced that young people, rather than the training institution, would be hnded individually for off-the-job training.
Sources and Category of Articles
A total of 92 articles and nine editorials on youth unemployment were analysed from the selected newspapers during the time of the Job Summit (see Appendix D for details of sources). Fifty-nine of these were politically sourced, and thirteen were union and industrial sourced. The wider societal factors of the government's proposals were prominent in all of these, with eight articles containing both societal and personal factors. An additional 20 emanated from personalhuman-interest sources. The content of the 20 articles, which discussed the individual factors of youth unemployment, were similar to the individual accounts in the newspapers during the Opposition's Job Forum. However, they were framed in terms of young people sending a message to the government, as well as the business community, that they must find solutions to the lack of jobs for young people. Cynicism was another framing device used to Media Reporting in the 1990s 145 communicate young people's doubts that the politicians would do anything to improve the job situation, and consternation that they could be asked to survive on a $3 an hour wage proposed by the Opposition.
Framing A nalysis
Of the 92 articles about the government's proposals to put more young people into the workforce, 46 reported various sources. These included the government's endorsement of the Carmichael Report into Training and Wages proposing a training wage, and a national TAFE system to carry out the training. A range of interest groups also advanced their own alternatives. For example, the Metal Trades Industry Association wanted, amongst other things, $1 billion plus in public works projects; the Australian Local Government Association asked for expanded jobs in the Landcare program; the Australian Council of Social Service suggested increased TAFE funding, new public works projects and employment, education and training options for school leavers; the Archbishop of Brisbane, Peter Hollingworth, wanted Landcare programs, community service and argued for neighbourhood support schemes; the Brotherhood of St Laurence wanted expanded community involvement and TAFE places; and the Australian Council of Trade Unions suggested an increased number of apprenticeships.
The sources that criticised the government's proposals included the National Farmers' Federation, which favoured the Opposition's proposed youth pay rates, and the Chief Executive of Conzic Rio Tinto Australia who wanted taxes reduced, increased labour productivity, training and investment. However the Council of Small Business Organizations' reaction was indicative of the willingness of business to employ young people with the government subsidising their wages for time spent off-the-job training. Coles-Myer offered to employ 5,000 teenagers, and BHP, and at least three other large companies indicated a willingness to take part in the training scheme ('Youth pay key to jobs policy' HS 24 April 1992:3). Second level agenda setting of the Opposition's youth wage proposals had been mainly negative. In contrast, the media agenda about the government's proposals, while adopting a wait and see stance, created a positive environment of hope that these proposals might result in jobs and training for young people. Media Reporting in the 1990s 146
Seventeen articles comprising The Sydney Morning Heruld (4)' The Age (4)' The Canberra Times (3)' The Canberra Chronicle (2)' The Daily Telegraph Mirror (2)' and Heruld Sun (2) evaluated the government's proposals. Unlike the Job Forum earlier in the month, any oblique derogatory reference about youth unemployment or young unemployed people was absent. Three articles adopted a 'wait and see' attitude as to whether the proposals would work, two offered advice to the government, three did not agree, and nine agreed with the job creation and training proposals. These newsframes indicate the climate of opinion created by the media about the Job Summit. They reflected cautious hopefulness in newsframes such as 'The biggest job of all is youth training' (SMH, 22 July 1992:15); 'Keating gets over hurdle, faces more' (The Age, 23 July 1992:l); 'Down a yellow brick road in the wrong direction' (CT, 22 July 1992:13); 'A day of cosy consensus - not many hurt' (DTM, 23 July 1992:10); 'Concrete action will ease doubts' (HS, 23 July 1992:7); and 'Getting results for the jobless' (CSC, 3 August l992:2).
Editorials and Letters to the Editor
All newspapers wrote editorials on the Job Summit except for 7he Canberra Chronicle - some writing two and three. The two tabloids adopted a 'wait and see' approach. For example, the Herald Sun ('Enough words, now for action' 23 July 1992:12) hoped the young people of Australia were not going to be at the mercy of political expediency. The Daily Telegraph Mirror 'The ball's in your court, Mr Keating' (22 July 1992:10) reminded the Prime Minister that he had the power to improve conditions. An editorial in The Canberra Times ('Youth summit: no great expectations' 22 July 1992:12) was concerned that the Prime Minister could disappoint the jobless if he could not announce plans for job creation. The editorial the next day noted that the Job Summit had gone fairly well, and negotiations with state government, business and employer groups had put the framework into place, but the real work was still ahead ('Keating's job task still ahead of him', CT 23 July 1992:8). The Sydney Morning Heruld editorial ('Keating and youth jobless' 21 July 199212) on the eve of the Summit noted that the best answer to youth unemployment was economic recovery. Technological change had wiped out many of the full time jobs traditionally taken by school leavers. Mr Keating's training proposals would improve employment prospects for young people, as would more flexible wages for young workers, as proposed by Dr. Hewson. A later editorial (SM 'Jury out on the summit' 23 July 1992:lO) concluded that the main Media Reporting in the 1990s 147 answer was economic and that Keating's proposals on training would be an important improvement 'at the margin' only. A further editorial ('Hewson's job package' SMH. 25 July 1992:24) observed that Mr Hewson had belatedly included training and wanted more than dead end jobs. It questioned whether his faith in the market, as opposed to creating jobs, was justified. The Age editorial 'Training the key to youth employment' (2 1 July 1992:13) agreed with Keating's training package.
The opinions expressed in the seven letters received by the Heruld Sun, and The Canberra Times during this period were varied. They included: Hewson's youth wage would not solve unemployment ('Youth wage worry' HS, 23 July 1992:14); personal development training may, in the long run, give great job security and mobility ('Diversifjl for job security' CT, 24 July 1992:8); it is hoped that Mr Keating can do something about the greatest dead end job of all - the dole ('Dole worst dead end' HS, 25 July 1992:14); and Mr Keating is out of touch with reality if he thinks a 12 weeks TAFE course will solve the unemployment tragedy (HS, 25 July 1992:14). Four letters were concerned about unions only being interested in people who had jobs, and worried about the extra costs in sick leave, annual leave and other costs of employing someone in a small business (HS, 25 July 1992:14).
Comparison of Media Framing - Job Forum and Job Summit
Willis and Okunade's (1997) views that in stories about risks in the media, individual scapegoats are often sought and blamed and larger, more complex issues are lost in the narrative were tested in the preceding section. In summary, the headlines relating to the Job Forum and Summit particularly for the articles that evaluated the introduction of the Opposition's youth wage, served the basic framing function of attracting the notice of the reader by suggesting the articles' conclusions. In the nonevaluative articles the mere presence of the attribute of the youth wage had the effect of blaming youth for the situation by suggesting that they had priced themselves out of a job. The counter-themes to this were the mainly negative responses to the proposal in that it was exploitative and uncaring and short on justice and dignity. There was a passing attempt to revive the label of young unemployed people being 'work shy' and 'lazy7, while at the same time acknowledging that the days of arguing that the unemployed were 'dole bludgers' were over. A similar type of framing was apparent during the Job Summit in the references to young people's cynicism that the government would not do anything Media Reporting in the 1990s 148 to improve the job situation. However, unlike the articles about Hewson's youth wage, the articles about the Job Summit were framed in terms of union, industry, community, local and state government willingness to debate Keating's training and jobs proposals in a positive manner.
Some of the editorials written at the time of Mr Hewson's Job Forum favoured trying lower youth wages or expressed mixed feelings. The ones that were opposed to youth wages observed that the prospects for the jobless were meagre, in that the Opposition were still proposing private sector and market-oriented solutions. They implied young people were being blamed for not having jobs because they had priced themselves out of the market and more jobs would be created if they were less expensive to employers. The editorials during and after the Job Summit cautioned that the answer to youth unemployment was economic recovery and adopted a 'wait and see' approach to its job creation and training proposals. The letters to the editor about Mr Hewson's proposals had a slight bias against the youth wage. Mr Keating's proposals drew mixed feelings of not knowing what to expect.
Overall, unlike the 1970s when the victim was blamed, in 1992 youth unemployment and the need to stay in education because of the lack of jobs for young people, was framed as a societal problem. The moral values contained in the media framing were the harm to society as well as to the victims of unemployment. Business and government were seen as being able to assist in relieving youth unemployment, which emanated from changes in employment opportunities and the economy. While the media narrative in July 1992 did not label young unemployed people as 'dole bludgers', as it had in the 1 970s' it alluded to these former labels when framing Mr Hewson's youth wage proposal. His proposal was in effect, penalising young people and blaming them for pricing themselves out of the job market. However, unlike newspaper framing in the 1970s, there was a strong acknowledgement of the changed work environment and sympathy for the hopeless plight of young job seekers.
Opinion Poll Results Following the Forum and the Summit
Herbst (1998) considers that public opinion is always socially constructed, its meaning interpreted in various ways according to the standpoints and objectives of the actors involved in the political process. Goot (1996/97:9,10) believes that what a poll Media Reporting in the 1990s 149
imagines one day, the media treats as an established fact the next. Like politicians, the media turn to polls for the most authoritative evidence about the balance of public opinion. Goot provides an example of a polling organization's imagination at work. The Bulletin S front cover on 5 November 1996 declared that Pauline Hanson's party was a new force. This occurred soon after Pauline Hanson delivered her first parliamentary speech in the House of Representatives when the Morgan Poll told respondents that Hanson had said she would 'consider establishing her own political party to stand for the Senate at the next federal election' (when she had not done so). The poll added the Pauline Hanson Movement to the list of parties in its voting intention question for the Senate. It found that 18 percent of its sample said they would vote for her party if it ran. Had a Senate election been held in October Morgan concluded, Hanson would have won one or two seats in every state (cited in Goot, 1996/97:9). Goot (1996/97:14) considers that this is an example of opinions being ' mobilised by pollsten.
This study examines public opinion through polls following the Opposition's Job Forum and the Government's Youth Job Summit. According to Goot's (1996/97:14) observations, the media would have treated the results of the ensuing polls seriously in terms of future newsframes. The Morgan Poll showed that the salience of the issue of unemployment had increased from 74 percent in May 1992 to a 75 percent level of concern on 17 August 1992 (Finding 2298). On 3 1 August 1992 the Morgan Poll recorded that job security remained at an all-time low. Despite attempts by the government to address unemployment through its One Nation statement and the Youth Job Summit, a high 75 percent (down 3 percent since November 1991) said the government was not doing enough to stop the rise of unemployment (Finding 2303). When asked about the main cause of the unemployment figures, the most often mentioned main cause was the government (53 percent), and world economic pressures (53 percent). The proportion mentioning people not wanting to work increased two percent to 21 percent. The employers were nominated by 12 percent and the Trade Unions by 32 percent (Finding 2303,3 1 August 1992).
These opinions are in marked contrast to the Morgan Poll in 1975 when 33 percent blamed the government, 32 percent world economic pressures, eight percent employers, 36 percent Trade Unions, and 48 percent blamed people not wanting to work (cited in Windschuttle 1979:173). In 1975 the government and economic pressures attracted Media Reporting in the 1990s 150 similar levels of blame. However, there was a significant increase in the blame assigned to government and economic pressures in 1992. The blame attributed to people not wanting to work was reduced by more than half in acknowledgement of global social change.
Six months after the July 1992 Job Forum and Summit an Australian Democrats Youth Poll (cited in Easterbrook, The Age 19 January 1993:16) of 550 young people aged 15 to 25 years across Australia found that young people were strongly disillusioned about federal politics, with more than 70 percent believing the government did not understand their needs. The issues of overall importance were: the family 23 percent, employment 18 percent, and the environment 15 percent. The poll showed that 69 percent of young people thought that youth wages should definitely not be reduced, while two percent thought young people should definitely be paid less. The main source of income was, paid work 36 percent, parental support 29 percent, and government benefits, particularly the student allowance, Austudy, 28 percent. Thirty-five percent of young people believed that income support for young people should be an unconditional right. Mr Keating went to the polls in March 1993 and won the election, and subsequently lost the 1996 election to the Howard government. He launched Working Nation in 1994, which particularly focused on young people and the long term unemployed. The aim of Working Nation was to achieve an unemployment rate of 5 percent by 2000: economic growth would generate new jobs, and education and training would provide a skilled and flexible workforce (Crooks et al. 1996).
The Continuing Problem of Youth Unemployment
The debate about youth unemployment since the mid 1970s has revolved around world economic pressures, what the government should do about unemployment, changing work patterns, and lack of education and job training. In 1978 the Confederation of Australian Industry, National Employers' Industrial Council Report concluded that two factors, completely unrelated to the economic climate at that time, were contributing to youth being disadvantaged in finding employment. They were the high level of wages applicable to young people entering the job market for the first time, and the increasing rate of labour force participation by mamed females. However the report recognised that it would not be realistic to reduce the wage levels of juniors to give them an economic advantage in the job market. msstep would ignore the system of industrial Media Reporting in the 1990s 15 1 relations. It would be discriminatory against mamed females who were seeking work, and also unacceptable to society. The Report noted that the changing social values about education, social welfare and the work ethic meant that many young people were entering adult life, 'not as productive members of society but as economic wards of the state' (1978:ll). The Report predicted that the disproportionate burden of unemployment would continue to be shouldered by the young. It concluded that too few in the community were willing to recognise the nature and extent of the problem and its consequences. The solution did not rest solely in economic revival, but in government, industry leaders, trade union officials and educationalists understanding the impact of social changes and their impact on young people. The Report recommended programs to give young people a competitive advantage in the labour market.
It is clear that the community did not take up these recommendations, because in July 1992 the Opposition's Job Forum was debating reducing youth wages to make young people employable in disregard of the industrial relations system. The government's Job Summit later in that month was again debating programs and policies, such as creating jobs and skilling young people to enable them to obtain work. As the Report predicted in 1978, by 1992 the social impact on young people being unable to find work had manifested itself in problems such as drug and alcohol abuse, suicide, family breakdown, and increased crime. Again, urgent calls were made for government and business to create viable work options so that young people would have financial security and integration in the community (Bessant, The Age 12 February 1993:12).
The remedies for youth unemployment were similar in the 1970s and the early 1990s. However youth were blamed for unemployment in the 1970s. In the early 1990s, as the foregoing newspaper analysis has shown, youth unemployment was seen as a societal problem and not the fault of the individual. The moral message contained in these newsframes was that this condition was not only unfavourable to the victims but to society. Business and government were warned that they alone could alleviate the problems caused by changes in the work environment and the economy.
In 1995 Richard Sweet, in carrying out research for the Dusseldorp Skills Forum, noted the following labour market changes for young people during the 1990s: Media Reporting in the 1990s 152
The chances of a teenager who is not in full-time education not being in full- time work have risen from around one in four in 1985 to nearly one in two in 1995.
Casual part-time work, combinations of full-time and part-time work, spells of job seelung, and working for multiple employers are now the norm for a significant number of young people after they leave school. Full-time work for a full year with the one employer now seems to be the exception rather than the rule.
Young people are marginalised from the mainstream of employment, education and training in several ways:
Unemployment: Wanting a job and not being able to find one is the most common cause, though it now accounts for only around half of those who are marginalised. Formally measured unemployment is becoming an increasingly unreliable measure of the number of young people who are at risk after they leave school.
Huving nothing but u casual purr-time job: For those who are not full-time students such jobs normally provide only a few hours of poorly paid part-time work each week. These jobs are not normally complemented by any part-time study, and provide far less access to employer sponsored training than do full-time permanent jobs. The number of post- school youth who are in such jobs has risen sharply in the 1990s.
Completely dropping out: Roughly one in five of this marginalised group have completely dropped out of both the labour market and education. They are not working, not looking for work, and not studying. Some can be found in the social security system, but many are simply 'lost' - they cannot be accounted for through the education, labour market or social security systems (l995:i-ii).
The Dusseldorp Skills Forum research in 1995 (Sweet) and 1999 (Curtain) provides a framework in which to locate media framing of youth unemployment during 1999. In August 1999, Richard Curtain was commissioned by the Dusseldorp Skills Forum to examine how young people were faring and, as in 1978, 1993 and 1995, he found that the assistance available to young people from government, education institutions and employers needed to be substantially improved. As teenagers (15-19 years) and as young adults (20-24 years), young people are now significant losers because the nature of work in Australia has radically changed over the past two decades. The impact, of the restructuring of labour markets has fallen most heavily on young people. An estimated one-in-five (almost 300,000) young adults can now be considered as being continually disadvantaged in the labour market. Some 500,000 young people (about 19 percent of the total youth cohort), are in a precarious situation. This figure has risen in Media Reporting in the 1990s 153 the last decade, suggesting that rising employment does not apply to all Australians (Curtain 1 999a,b).
Curtain's research found that one in six young people aged 15 to 19 years, in May 1999, (14.5 percent) were 'at risk' of not making a successful move from education to work. The chances of being at risk increased for females or those living in the Northern Territory, Queensland, Tasmania, Western Australia and South Australia.
Young adults aged 20 to 24 years were at even higher risk of not making a successful transition from full-time education to full-time work. In May 1999 the proportion of young adults not in fill-time education who were unemployed, in part-time work, or not in the labour force, but looking for or wanting work was estimated to be 23.5 percent with 19.1 per cent for men and 28.3 per cent for women (Curtain 1999b:Addendum). These figures show that there were more young adult men in the labour force than young women, in contrast to teenagers, when there were more females than males in the labour force. While young adult women were more likely than young men to drop out of the labour force, (36 percent were reliant on benefits for long term parenting), they had higher educational participation - 20 percent of all young adult women compared to 17 percent of all young adult men. Three out of every five young adults in the bottom quintile of income earners is a female, but only one in three in the top quintile of young adult income earners is a woman (Curtain 1999b:7).
Lack of basic education qualifications was a source of longer-term vulnerability for many young people in the labour market. Over a fifth (23.1 percent) aged 20 to 24 years in May 1998 had not completed Year 12 or did not have a post school qualification. Australia performed well in the number of tertiary graduates it produced (ranking sixth out of 25 countries in 1996). However, it ranked 18th out of 26 OECD countries in 1996 in terms of the proportion of the population who had completed upper secondary education. The Report concluded that young people in the 15 to 19 year old category and especially those 'at risk' - not in full-time education and not in full-time employment - needed to be empowered to move from compulsory education to stable employment. Figures for 'at risk' young people show that for May 1999, 14.5 per cent of these young people were 'at risk' of not finding fidl-time work (Curtain 1999b:8). Over an eleven-year period (1988 to 1999), the data reflected a persistent trend since May 1991. The lowest proportion of young people at risk over this period was at the Media Reporting in the 1990s 154 height of the last economic boom (12.3 percent in May 1989). The highest proportion of young people at risk over the same period was during the 1992 recession in May (17.1 percent). The May 1999 figure of 14.5 percent was only a slight improvement over the seven year period since the recession (Curtain 1999b5). The following section analyses media framing of youth unemployment during 1999.
Newspaper Content Analysis 1999
Sources and Category of Articles
A total of 74 articles and five editorials about youth unemployment were analysed during 1999 from the selected newspapers (see Appendix E). A sample of two constructed weeks during 1999 was analysed by selecting a different day of the week for each month for the selected newspapers. One exception was The Canberru Chronicle, which is a weekly community newspaper, and each issue was analysed for 1999. The analysis indicates that youth unemployment was not a high interest topic in 1999, compared with its salience in July 1992 when 185 articles and editorials referred to youth unemployment during the high interest timeframe of the Job Summit and Job Forum. However, the social ramifications of youth unemployment were given prominence during 1999. Twenty-nine articles were politically sourced, and 22 articles were industry, expert and union sourced. The wider societal factors of youth unemployment were prominent in all of these, with three articles containing both societal and individual factors.
Twenty-three articles presented mainly personal stories of youth unemployment. Their second level agenda setting defined youth unemployment in terms of the attributes of the government's policies of work for the dole, the hope felt by youth which springs from coping with unemployment, drug use, suicide attempts, homelessness, and the hopelessness experienced by young people during 1999. They reinforced the contradictory attitudes that people held towards government and processes (Golding and Middleton 1982). The nature and extent of the burden of unemployment, which the National Employer's Industrial Council Report had predicted in 1978, was evident in the attributes of the government's reduction in welfare, work for the dole, and the youth wage. They also engendered sympathy for the plight of the young people who Media Reporting in the 1990s 155 were described as uneducated, unemployed, on drugs and homeless. This was evident particularly in the Melbourne newspapers.
Melbourne Newspapers - Framing Analysis
The dominant newsframes in the Melbourne newspapers (The Age and Herald sun)' were about youth unemployment and homelessness. For example, The Age ('Sleeping rough in the CBD7) wrote about Sean, a former heroin user, and his experience of living in a public garden in Melbourne. Sean stopped using drugs when his best fnend overdosed. Sean was homeless and estranged from his mother and considered he had little chance of obtaining accommodation without references or a job, although he had saved $200 towards the first month's rent. Sean7s girlhend, Sally, lived with her father but spent a few nights a week sleeping out with Sean. She tied to make his situation more comfortable by bringing chocolates, a foam mattress, and milk crates to sit on. The attributes of this story set the climate of opinion for government commitment to more quality low cost housing and drug rehabilitation services. There was no blame attributed to the victim. Sean's story continued with his disappearance from the public garden. He had gone to Mildura to live with his uncle and had a job putting up fences. By contrast, Sally's situation had worsened. She was one of six people under 25 years sleeping 'huddled together like sardines in a can' in a derelict building in Melbourne. She had been thrown out of home. She and Sean had split up because she was using heroin (7 September 1999:Features 13).
Similar individually based articles about street kids 'begging for attention' appeared in the tabloid, Herald Sun. They were sympathetically framed towards Emma and Kaos who 'scabbed up' to people (begged), to obtain drugs and food and slept out on the streets of Melbourne. And towards Dave, who slept in the portico of the Collins Street Baptist Church. Dave had strict rules that he adhered to. They were: 'Never go scabbing unless you really have to, use heroin and grass occasionally but don't become an addict, keep up with your family, get labouring work where you can and try to live on the dole' (Beveridge, 4 January 1999:14,15). The climate of opinion of these articles was concern about the society we had created. This was expressed in a Herald Sun article ('Thanks, Guv. G-G sees how other half lives') which reported about the Governor General sewing the children and drug addicts from the Open Family street kitchen. The article told of the young and the veterans of the streets 'who might be Media Reporting in the 1990s 156 dismissed as worthless' mingling together. It continued: 'But they display a rare brand of resilience. And there is an air of simple dignity in their congregation on the cathedral's doorstep as they swap stories of survival' (4 July 1999:4).
These feature articles in the Melbourne newspapers about youth unemployment contained the attributes of homelessness, poverty and drug taking. They were not concentrated in one time but were spread throughout the year in January, July and September 1999. For example, the attribute of suicide was introduced when The Age ('Heroin: the bogyrnan of the frightened '90s' 6 April 1999:l) observed that users of heroin, especially young women who had overtaken the number of boys using heroin, were starting to use as teenagers. It also connected Australia's high suicide rates with high levels of youth unemployment, and drew on expert opinions advocating jobs, meaningfid employment, training, and some stake in society for heroin users. Hugh Mackay (The Age, 'Shopping in an age of despair' 2 January 1999:6) said that a lot of young Australians were miserable to the point of despair. He observed there were 50,000 to 60,000 suicide attempts each year in the 16-24 years age group and suggested that society had failed to convince them that life was worth living.
Both The Age and Herald Sun included attributes of training, homelessness and family protection, and the government's proposed changes in welfare policies in their reporting of youth unemployment in 1999. For example, the editorial in The Age on 7 July 1999, page 24, ('Create jobs, not blame') considered that the government must strive for an economy that did not lead to social alienation. It accused the federal Minister for Employment Services of shifting the blame to the unemployed. There were 10 unemployed people for every advertised job and the responsibility lay with the whole community and with the government, and not the unemployed. The editorial suggested that job-training programs in new job growth areas would go some way to easing the mismatch of training workers for new type jobs. The Age (3 December 1999:7) newsframe 'Shame at homeless figures' observed that more than 100,000 people lived on the streets. The article drew on the Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Homelessness finding that 40 percent of people seeking accommodation under the supported assistance program were aged between 15 and 25. This meant that unprecedented numbers of families and children were disconnected from communities and schools and ill-equipped to find jobs or have successful relationships. Media Reporting in the 1990s 157
Bettina Arndt ('Why there is no real debate on social policy') considered that only a few select voices were invited to participate in public discussion of social issues. She concluded that the government faced a task in battling through the knee-jerk opposition from academics and media elite still captured by left-leaning ideology to welfare reform, but did so in the knowledge the broader community was likely to embrace such change. Her observation was based on research carried out by Queensland University journalism professor, John Henningham, who had surveyed journalists on a range of social issues and compared their attitudes to those of the public. Ten percent fewer journalists supported work for the dole, 13 percent more supported government welfare and 24 percent more favoured unemployment benefits than the general public (The Age, 6 October 1999:19). The Herald Sun ('Middle-class welfare' 1 1 November 1999:19) noted that the government's proposed radical welfare reforms would end reliance on social security for life.
Other newsframes about youth unemployment dealt with youth wages, the youth allowance and linking young people's unemployment payments to their literacy skills. For example, The Age, 'Write stuff, quoted an expert opinion that the government's approach to improving literacy was a form of punishing young people and not advancing a solution to the problem (17 March 1999:2). The youth wage debate in 1999 was about increasing youth wages to adult rates, as opposed to their reduction as suggested by the Opposition in July 1992. Junior rates currently consist of a system of minimum wages, defined as a proportion of the adult minimum wage. This proportion increases with age until the junior worker is considered an adult at age 21. Typically, a 15 year old would have a minimum wage of 40 percent of the adult wage, with this proportion increasing by 10 per cent a year until the age of 2 1, when the employee would have a minimum wage equal to that of an adult. This system is perceived by some to be discriminatory, which has led to extensive debate about the replacement of junior rates with an alternative system (Munro 1998). An article which appeared in The Age, 'How the unions threaten your job' (1 8 June 1999:13) written by the Victorian Minister for Industry, Science and Technology concluded that any such increase would lead to a reduction in jobs for all age groups. The Herald Sun ('The stingy federal youth' allowance sells our country short' 14 May 1999:18) viewed the government's new Youth Allowance as 'stingy' as it sold Australia short and treated education as a self-indulgent luxury. Finally, The Age ('Gen X, where are you?' 8 February 1999:13) Media Reporting in the 1990s 158 complained that unemployment, health care and education, along with symbolic issues such as the republic, did not seem to be of much interest to the young.
Public feedback from readers was mixed. One letter to the Herald Sun ('Learn-fordole nearly perfect' 2 February 1999:20) viewed the government's work for the dole policy as 'nearly perfect' and a remedy for having to see young people sitting back and accepting a taxpayer funded existence. However, another letter said the Prime Minister was a bully who kept blaming young people for being unemployed. There were not enough meaningful jobs in the work for dole scheme, and the Prime Minister was now blaming them for being unable to read and write at an employable level (HS, 'Jobless not to blame, PM' 2 February 1999:20). In a letter to The Age ('Please try to understand, not condemn'), 14 young people in custody and their program leader at the Melbourne Juvenile Justice Centre summarised the prevailing social conditions when they wrote:
Society must recognise that a wide range of social issues - such as increased poverty, the Government's subsequent 'defunding' of youth and welfare services, the increased difficulty in gaining employment and unemployment benefits, and the demoralisation caused by being forced to work for the dole - makes survival for young people extremely difficult. It is important to recognise that drug use, crime, psychological problems and a feeling of hopelessness are very often a result of, or a response, to, these matters (6 May 1999:14).
Sydney Newspapers - Framing Analysis
Unlike the Melbourne newspapers, the articles in the Sydney newspapers, The Daily Telegraph and The Sydney Morning Heruld, dealt mainly with the societal issues rather than the personal issues of youth unemployment. For example, while a feature article covered young people's state of health, agenda setting at the second level was less emotive and confined the attributes of youth unemployment to educational requirements, the effects of removing the youth wage, and the government's welfare proposals.
The following are representative examples of The Sydney Morning Herald reporting on youth unemployment during 1999: 'Aliens in our midst' (25 June 1999:ll) wrote about young people as reluctant consumers of health care and called for families to Media Reporting in the 1990s 159 connect with their young people. Areas of health concern were drug abuse, boredom fiom being unemployed, motor vehicle accidents, suicide, depression, behavioural and learning disorders, binge drinking, HIV and sexual abuse. Hugh Mackay's article about youth unemployment and youth suicide, published in the Melbourne newspaper, The Age, ('Shopping in an age of despair', 2 January l999:6) reappeared in The Sydney Morning Herald as 'Never too late to clean out the shed' (2 January 1999:18). 'Fresh approach needed to teen jobless' (27 October 1999:17), suggested a better approach would be to offer a wide range of general and vocationally oriented programs; closer connections between the school and its community, including employers; guidance, counselling and career advice; and school drop out prevention programs. This would be far more to the point in helping teen jobless than the government crowing over apparent improvements in dodgy statistics. '$14m scheme to help students find jobs' (Murphy, 15 March 1999:9) discussed the New South Wales government's plan to introduce personalised study, training, and work experience in the final four years at government high schools to combat youth unemployment. 'Forget Reith and care about kids' (15 March 1999:41) questioned Mr Reith's motives in fighting to save junior wage rates and considered removing or tampering with them would make young people's precarious position a bit more so. An editorial ('A workable welfare plan' 11 November 1999:18) considered that the government's welfare plan to reduce the number of welfare recipients was workable. However, it added, 'it should always be doing more, through better economic management, to facilitate job creation'.
A letter included the view that today's youth were not victimised and that they had better prospects than in the 1930s (SM, 16 February 1999:12). Another letter questioned whether Mr Reith (Liberal Party) and the Labor Party thought that youth wages should be paid to servicemen and women in East Timor and at home (SMH, 28 September 1999:14).
In contrast to The Sydney Morning Herald's newsframes about the state of young people's health, their education requirements, the youth wage and the government's welfare proposals, The Daily Telegraph newsframes described youth unemployment as improving, wrote about the associated job opportunities and criticised young people for their lack of interest in certain jobs. Some examples of these newsfiames are: 'Job forecast goes fiom gloom to boom' (4 January 1999:2) which predicted that young job seekers would be in heavy demand in the first part of 1999. Retailing and hospitality Media Reporting in the 1990s 160 jobs were nominated as the best jobs areas. Tourism, hospitality and retail were relying on a lift in business activity leading up to the Sydney Olympics in September 2000. 'Trades jobs go begging' highlighted the hundreds of skilled trade vacancies, which remained unfilled each week (1 1 July 1999:45). 'Selling jobs to young' criticised young people for not attending a recruitment seminar for 450 jobs in the Canterbury- Bankstown area of Sydney. Only 25 jobless youths attended. The Retail Traders' Association thought it was an attitudinal issue as young people traditionally showed a lack of interest in retail and hospitality jobs. However employment agencies commented that young people did not know about the seminar due to Job Network providers not being informed (7 May 1999:21 ). 'Thumbs up for Job Network' reported the Minister for Employment Services' satisfaction with the Job Network (27 October 1999:25). 'It's a two-way street' applauded the government's literacy program for young people (2 February 1999:ll). An editorial 'Learning to get jobs for young' highlighted the correlation between early school leavers and unemployment. It recommended lifting the school age from 15 years and more diversity in school courses to retain student interest and overcome the mid-school drop out syndrome (18 November 1999:lO). One letter ('Too selfish to train workers' 12 June 1999:12) suggested more training for young people entering the workforce should be provided by business.
Canberra Newspapers - Framing Analysis
The articles in The Cunberra Times and The Cunberra Northside Chronicle had similar frames to the Sydney newspapers and also dealt mainly with the societal issues rather than the personal issues of youth unemployment. However, some examples of personal issues were The Canberra Times article, 'Work-for-dole brings benefits: participants' where Jae Heuvel was interviewed about her views on work for the dole. Although Jae believed young people should not be forced into work for the dole scheme, she considered it provided concrete pathways to employment (18 December 1999:2). Another human-interest article was framed as 'Car pool for ACT jobless a great way to help the unemployed' (24 May 1999:19). Reflecting the mood and the views of young people, The Canberra Northside Chronicle wrote about the youth workers' concern that the Pathways Information Service for Young People was to close. Clients were afraid they would not receive any support ('Pathways service scrapped' 25 May 1999:3). In a merarticle 'Let us spray', Jonnie, a former prison inmate for 78 counts Media Reporting in the 1990s 1 6 1 of vandalism, had turned his tools of trade to legal graffiti to give Pathways an identity. The Pathways youth workers considered that Jonnie was a good advocate for young people to bridge the gap in understanding how to do legal projects (CNC 13 April 1999:1). Experiences of homelessness and crime were reported in terms of the support one young woman received from the Ainslie Village, (which offers accommodation for people at risk) while she was expecting a baby, and her husband was in gaol (CNC. 'Hand-up helped this young couple' 2 February 1999:23). Two young men spoke about their experience of drug dependency in relation to the debate about the proposed Canberra safe injecting place (CNC, 'Mixed reaction to 'shooting gallery" 10 August 19995).
The issue of work for the dole, literacy and numeracy skills, the labour market for young people, and education were the predominant attributes in The Canberra Times reporting of the wider societal factors of youth unemployment during 1999. For example, the article in January 1999 'Back to school or face dole cuts, says PM' advanced the government's initiative to improve young people's numeracy and literacy so they could fulfil their mutual obligation in working for the dole.in the absence of obtaining paid work. The Prime Minister was quoted as being committed to extending the principle of asking people to give back something to the community in return for assistance (29 January 1999:l). Associated follow-up articles ('Jobless to face 69 different dole tests: agencies to set their own') worried about the fairness of each agency setting different literacy and numeracy tests (3 February 1999:3). Later articles debated whether work for the dole participants were likely to be used in the clean up after a Sydney hailstorm ('Work-for-dole role in clean-up' 20 April 1999:2); and putting work for the dole participants into ACT schools notwithstanding community resistance ('ACT schools brace for action over dole scheme' 3 July 1999:l). By December 1999 the fiame 'Jobless must join work-for-the dole scheme sooner or risk losing their benefits. Crackdown on unemployed' reflected the government's pursuit of people who were not working for their dole payments (1 8 December 1999:l).
In relation to the labour market, the government's program of industrial deregulation raised union concern that women in part time or casual work, young people and those in areas of high unemployment would be affected ('Jobs: women, young 'big losers" 3 June 1999:3). In an article taken from The Guardian (UK), Gentlem argued that employers should look to the previous generation rather than young graduates if they Media Reporting in the 1990s 162 wanted to find loyal, reliable staff (16 August 1999:3). The articles dealing with education reported the Dusseldorp Foundation's finding that with a 50 percent reduction in fblltime positions for teenagers, a young person who leaves school before Year 12 is significantly affected throughout their life ('School dropouts costing $2.6b a year' 19 October 1999:2). 'Criminologist warns of underclass' expounded on the social change which is producing a growing, potentially criminal underclass of young angry males with no skills and no prospects of holding a job (19 November 1999:6).
Chapter 3 described the Public Service as the traditional major employer in Canberra and its significance in the livelihood of its residents. The Cunberru Times editorial on 29 December 1999 (page 12), 'PS [Public Service] has let down our young' criticised the baby boomers that had pushed older public servants out into retirement; created elite jobs for themselves in the Australian Public Service and denied younger people the same opportunities they had experienced. This tone of framing was the forerunner of editorials and articles that appeared in The Canberra Times in the first part of 2000 that blamed the government for blaming the young victims of unemployment. (See Chapter 6). This issue was also taken up in The Southside Chronicle when a member of the Tuggeranong Community Council noted that there was a lack of experienced employees left in government departments. In spite of the assertion by Mr Abbott, the federal Employment Minister, that unemployed people were 'too fussy too long about the sort of jobs they will do' the writer commented that in the reduced employment environment, many people do not collect the dole and others have given up ('Abbott's jobs tangle', 22 June 1999:10).
The community oriented The Canberru Chronicle provided practical information on a variety of issues about youth unemployment in Canberra. For example, The Canberra Northside Chronicle provided advice to young unemployed people about work opportunities in the federal government's Green Corps environment conservation project ('Project provides Corps competency' 12 January 1999:9); how to find work; job skills workshops provided by the Job Network provider, Employment National ('Finding jobs for the girls' 9 February 1999:1 1); the Employment Expo coordinated by local support organizations ('Expo to help job-seekers' 19 October 1999:16); and the Community Communication Seminars offered by the ACT govenunent ('Helping unemployed youth to access help' 20 April 1999:22). It also reported that twelve new work for the dole projects in Canberra had been announced by the federal government Media Reporting in the 1990s 163
('Jobs projects announced' 20 July 1999:10). They involved developing a sports oval, a working display of Australia's fibre industry, promotion of Canberra tourist destinations, constructing a bobsleigh push training track for the Olympic team, and dial-a-volunteer programs to assist local community organizations.
The Canberra Southside Chronicle also noted that parents had expressed anger about the federal government's work for the dole scheme, which placed 13 young unemployed people in four childcare centres without the specialised training that was required ('Jobs scheme angers parents' 23 February 1999:3). A letter to The Southside Chronicle also declared that working for the dole would not work and contracting a person's labour was the only known method of providing work ('Working for dole won't work' 20 July 1999:4). The Canberra Southside Chronicle advised that the community radio group Valley FM was keen to obtain strong youth interest in their on- air training program ('Valley FM seeking volunteers' 30 March 1999:10). Sports career training was also being offered in a Southside College ('No limit to students' sports careers' 22 June 1999:10). Concern about youth suicide was evident in two articles informing about Yellow Ribbon cards, which provide advice of where to seek help ('Help on cards for youths' 26 October 1999:22), and a suicide prevention program through the arts ('Projects to empower youths' 20 July 19995). In response to community criticism, the Centrelink office in Tuggeranong was obliged to defend claims that clients were being forced to wait two weeks for a face-to-face appointment ('Centrelink stink' 23 March 19995).
Comparison of Sydney, Melbourne, Canberra Newspapers
This analysis of the Sydney, Melbourne and Canberra newspapers in 1999 underlines the difference in agendas on youth unemployment in each city. Most noticeable was the optimism that youth unemployment would improve in the Sydney reports (see The Daily Telegraph), which may be attributed to the improved work opportunities provided by the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games and the conservative attitude of the Murdoch press that owns The Daily Telegraph (Tiffen 1989).
There was an absence of the emotive, and highly personalised stories that appeared in the Melbourne newspapers in the other city newspapers. At the second level, their definition of youth unemployment was confined to educational requirements, the Media Reporting in the 1990s 164 effects of removing the youth wage, and the government's welfare proposals. The emotive stories in the Melbourne press emphasised the dire situation of some young people in turning to drugs and suicide. The Melbourne newspaper, The Age, devoted some space to the issue of youth wages that apply to those between 15 and 2 1 years of age. These articles were sourced fiom government and industry and, as in the 1992 debate when Mr Hewson attempted to reduce the youth wage, these newsframes did not define youth unemployment and its attribute of youth wages from young people's perspectives. The youth sector perspectives on youth wages analysed in Chapter 7 are that being treated as minors in relation to wages is offensive to young people and is clearly discriminatory. This discriminatory approach implies that young people's work is of lesser value, particularly for those in the 18 to 2 1 age group who are young adults (David, Interview AYPAC 11/99).
The personalised articles in The Canberra Times and 7'he Canberra Chronicle were less emotive and did not dwell to the same extent on poverty, homelessness, drugs and suicide. Instead they provided a positive perspective on work for the dole, the assistance provided to young people who did not have work, were homeless or suicidal, and offered perspectives on safe drug injecting places. The Canberra Times agenda setting took a similar approach to the Sydney newspapers in reporting the societal factors of youth unemployment. At the second level this newspaper confined the attributes of youth unemployment to work for the dole, literacy and numeracy skills, the labour market for young people, and the value of education. The salient issues peculiar to the Canberra community were the government's stricter adherence to the concept of mutual obligation, the consequences of dropping out of school and the impact on young Canberrans of the significant reduction of the Public Service
As a local community weekly newspaper The Canberra Chronicle agenda suggests that it responds to community requirements regarding information about youth unemployment. This approach accords with Demers' (1996) conclusions that personal experience in River Falls, Wisconsin (USA) increased reading of the local community weekly and student newspapers but not for the metropolitan newspaper. At the societal level The Canberra Chronicle took a strong community approach in providing comprehensive information about reduction of youth services, youth unemployment issues and opportunities to alleviate their situation. Work for the dole was framed in terms of the type of job experience it offered young people, as well as community Media Reporting in the 1990s 165 criticism and anger that young people would be placed in childcare centres without appropriate training. The government component of the Job Network, Employment National also used this medium to inform readers about the various ways of finding work such as print and electronic media, fhendship networks, and the direct approach to employers ('Steps to find that job' CNC, 10 August 1999:18).
Opinion Poll Results at the End of 1999
Lenart (1994) believes that media based information shares the information environment with interpersonal communication. Morgan Opinion Polls released in January 2000 provide an indication of how public opinion was formed following media based information in 1999 being shared among individuals. Unfortunately, these opinion polls do not indicate where responsibility is being placed for youth unemployment due to its exclusion from the poll questionnaire. However they do provide some indication about opinions on job retention and how the public rate unemployment amongst other social concerns. According to the Morgan Poll released on 5 January 2000, nearly three quarters (74 percent, down 7 percent since November 1998) of Australians who work full or part time feel their present job is safe, while 25 percent (up 9 percent) believe there is a chance they may become unemployed and 1 percent (down 2 percent) don't know (Finding 3267).
Opinion polls about unemployment show that when surveyed in November 1999, 47 percent (up 10 percent since February 1999, and up 33 percent since June 1992) of all electors mentioned healthhospitals as one of the three most important things the federal government should be doing something about, with education~schools(40 percent, up 5 percent since February 1999) the second most mentioned issue. Unemployment, which has been the most mentioned issue in all Morgan Polls (since 1992), fell to third on the list with 33 percent (down 20 per cent) of Australians mentioning it in November 1999. Social welfare and support for the aged ranked fourth on the list - 23 percent, up 8 percent since February 1999 (Morgan Poll Finding 3269, 19 January 2000). However, another Morgan Poll conducted in November 1999 found that 63 percent of Australians believe that the government is not doing enough to stop unemployment rising (cited in Morgan Poll Finding 3269, 19 January 2000). Media Reporting in the 1990s 166
The inferences to be taken From these polls are that people in work feel secure despite the high incidence of redundancies in the public and private sectors. Notwithstanding the continued high rate of youth unemployment of 18.5 percent (1 5-1 9 years), and 10.6 percent (20-24 years), the national unemployment rate in December 1999 of 7.2 percent seems acceptable to the community (ABSC 2000). The prominence given to the government's proposals to reassess social welfare in 1999 and 2000 indicates the public's antiwelfarism stance substantiated by Henningham's research (Amdt, The Age 1999:19). The nomination of 1999 as The Year of the Aged may have some bearing on concern about support for the aged.
Chapter Summary
Following the theoretical perspectives examined in Chapter 3 on risk reporting and scapegoating, media agenda setting, Framing and opinion polls, this chapter contrasted media reporting with opinion polls about youth unemployment at the time of the 1992 recession and during 1999. It also contrasted these findings with those of the 1974 recession (analysed in Chapter 3). In examining the societal changes impacting on the media narrative about youth unemployment since the 1970s it found that the debate about this issue has revolved around world economic pressures, what the government should do about unemployment, the changing work patterns, and the necessity for education and job training to accommodate the continued shouldering of unemployment among young people. In effect, twice as many societal frames as personal frames were evident in this 1992 and 1999 content analysis.
The analysis of media agenda setting at the time of the government's Job Summit and Opposition's Job Forum in 1992 found that in relation to the Opposition's proposed reduced youth wage media framing attributed blame to youth by opining that they had priced themselves out of a job. The media also reported views about the exploitative nature of the' proposal, that it was uncaring and short on justice and dignity for young people while alluding to the 1970s when young unemployed people were labelled as 'work shy' and 'lazy'. However, these statements were qualified by the acknowledgement that the days of arguing that the unemployed were 'dole bludgers' were over. While media Framing was mostly negative towards Hewson's reduced youth wage, it adopted a more positive, 'wait and see' stance to Keating's proposals. It also highlighted young people's cynicism about the government's ability to improve Media Reporting in the 1990s 167 the situation. The editorials expressed mixed feelings about both proposals. However, unlike media Framing in the 1970s, there was a strong acknowledgement of the changed work environment and sympathy for the plight of young job seekers.
By 1999 the high salience of youth unemployment in 1992 was somewhat reduced although it remained the dominant issue. There were also significant differences in second level agenda setting between Melbourne, Sydney and Canberra newspapers, not obvious in 1992. In Sydney, optimistic framing that youth unemployment would improve and the absence of the emotive and highly personalised stories in the Melbourne newspapers highlighted these differences. The Sydney newspapers introduced the societal issues of educational requirements for young unemployed people, the effects of removing the youth wage, and the government's welfare proposals. Conversely, framing in the Melbourne newspapers featured personalised stories about youth unemployment, homelessness, drug taking, and suicide, and were sympathetically framed towards the victims. They were framed in terms of the people who helped them, including the Governor General who handed out food on one occasion.
The newsframes in The Canberra Times and The Canberra Chronicle were less emotive than in Melbourne and less optimistic than in Sydney. The Canberra Times newsframes were similar to the Sydney press in using attributes such as work for the dole, literacy and numeracy skills, the labour market, the value of education, and the youth wage. The debate about abolishing the youth wage across the newspapers cited official sources, such as government and industry, to the exclusion of young people's opinions. At the community level The Cunberra Chronicle provided its readers with information on government programs, community reactions to work for the dole, good news stories, the debate about drug abuse and reductions in government welfare. Overall, this suggested that The Cunberra Chronicle was responding to community needs for information about the personal experience of unemployment as Demers (1996) found in his USA study. The editorials in all the newspapers analysed in 1999 were mainly concerned with creating jobs for the unemployed.
In 1975, opinion polls showed that people not wanting to work as the cause of unemployment was cited by 48 percent of respondents (cited in Windschuttle 1979:173). In 1992, public opinion expressed in the letters to the editor tended to be Media Reporting in the 1990s 168 equally for and against the Opposition's new youth wage. They also favoured a 'wait and see' approach about Mr Keating's proposed training and employment package. Opinion polls showed the salience of unemployment had increased from 74 percent to 75 percent. A high 75 percent said the government was not doing enough to stop the rise of unemployment. The main cause was seen as the government, world economic pressures, and people not wanting to work. Six months' after the Summit and the Forum 70 percent of young people polled in an Australian Democrats Youth Poll believed the government did not understand their needs. The issues they considered important in order of preference were the family, employment and the environment.
By 1999 there were mixed opinions expressed in the letters to the editor about work for the dole, youth wages, and a concern that the Prime Minister was blaming the victims. For the first time since 1992, a Morgan Opinion Poll, released in January 2000, revealed that unemployment was a third concern after health and education, rather than being the primary concern. Nevertheless, 63 percent of Australians believed that the government was not doing enough to stop unemployment rising. The inferences taken from the polls at this time are that people in work feel secure despite the high incidence of redundancies. Notwithstanding the continued high rate of youth unemployment at this time of 18.5 percent (15-19 years), 10.6 percent (20-24 years) and 7.2 percent nationally, these rates appear acceptable to the community (ABSC 2000).
Media agenda setting and the flow-on effect of interpersonal communication expressed in the opinion polls have been used to answer the research question:
What is the role of the media and public opinion polls in forming community perceptions about youth unemployment?
The attributes of the newspaper stories about youth unemployment reflected the importance given in this study to the hazards of self identity and self esteem, coping ability, the work ethic, family support and level of education, the ability to enjoy spare time, poverty, drugs and alcohol, and suicide. Some were mentioned in passing and others to a significant extent. Willis and Okunade (1997) found that in stories about risks in the media, individual scapegoats are often sought and blamed and larger, more complex issues are lost in the narrative. This was certainly so in 1974 but not in the 1990s. A change in media framing was evident in 1992 when the media acknowledged that the days of arguing that the unemployed were 'dole bludgers' were past despite the Media Reporting in the 1990s 169 attributions of responsibility. The polls blamed government policies and world economic pressures. The 1990s introduced the external factor of globalisation and the domestic concerns of youth poverty, homelessness and suicide. By 1999 the climate of opinion was sympathetic to young people who were seen as victims of social change and reflected to a lesser extent in opinion polls. This supports Henningham's proposal that journalists tend to exhibit more sympathy to the victims of unemployment than the public (Arndt, The Age 6 October 1999:19). This is also evident in the media's reaction to the government's imposition of tighter conditions on young unemployed people analysed in Chapter 6. Organizational Perspectives 1 70
CHAPTER 6
THE HAZARDS OF YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AND CANBERRA SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS' PERSPECTIVES OF YOUNG UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE
Introduction
This chapter addresses the research question:
What is the role of community and organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment?
Chapter 3 examined Canberra as a community and showed that young people's experiences of unemployment are different from those in other capital cities due to the reduced opportunities for socialising and job opportunities. For example, the traditional work opportunities in the Public Service have disappeared, with only 75 young people under the age of 20, and 3,597 under 25 years employed nationally in the Public Service. The private sector, which has benefited from government outsourcing, is still developing and expanding (The Cunherru Times, 29 December 1999:12).
In terms of Canberra's social interaction, the isolation of the main town centres of Tuggeranong, Civic, Woden and Belconnen means that there is a problematic concentration of commercial and social activity around the town centre shopping mall. Although Canberra has excellent sports facilities it has traditionally lacked social and leisure facilities at affordable prices and adequate bus transport between the town centres. Like other cities in Australia, Canberra also suffers from the effects of family breakdown. However the likelihood of young people being abandoned in early teenage years when their parents divorce or separate and return to their extended families in their state of birth is greater in Canberra. Ironically, the generous provision of sporting facilities, schools, hospitals and universities suggests that young people are well catered for, but in practice the reverse has occurred. Self-government has meant that Canberra has proved to be far too expensive to be properly maintained by local funding. The oversupply of social support services has contributed to the problems experienced by young unemployed people in the lack of coordination between the support organizations.
Chapter 1 provided the theoretical background to the interaction between the support organizations and young unemployed people in assisting with basic needs such as Organizational Perspectives 1 7 1 accommodation, money to live, and a job. Chapter 2 introduced the theoretical perspectives on policy communication about unemployment. This chapter analyses the service delivery of these policies in Canberra and the linkages between Centrelink, the Job Network providers and the community support organizations. In the current market driven environment, the Job Network. providers have become wary of interorganizational communication. Against this background, this chapter analyses the role of community and organizational support for young unemployed people and the hazards of unemployment in coping with their difficulties in finding work. It also provides insights into the support organizations' views of their clients.
The Canberra Community
Mary Parker Follett's (1965) concept of community being based on the individual struggle to create a genuine self through contribution to the creation of a common will can be read into the story of Canberra's development. A feeling of community has surfaced in spite of the view expressed in Parliament in 1975 that it does not have a soul. This perception arose from Canberra's creation as a focus of national government and administration, rather than from convenience of location for trade as in older cities (Gillespie 1991). Canberra's sense of community rests with those who live in it. At 30 June 1999, the estimated resident population was 308,411, comprising 153,537 males, and 154,874 females (ABS, ACT 1999:37, 217). Canberra is divided up into eight statistical population subdivisions, the largest being Tuggeranong (89,398 persons), Belconnen (84,499)' North Canberra (38,541) and Woden Valley (32,492) (ABS, ACT 1999:39).
The ethnic composition of the population is varied. In 1997-98 almost 26.8 percent of permanent settlers in the ACT came from Europe and the former USSR, while a further 13.9 percent came from Southeast Asia, and 13.5 percent from Northeast Asia. New Zealand was the most common country of birth with the United Kingdom and Ireland next. Other settlers have come from the Former Yugoslav Republics, Southern Asia, the Americas, the Middle East and North Africa (ABS, ACT 199952). Canberra also maintains a large transient diplomatic community. In 1996 the estimated population of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders was 3,058 with a median age of 20 years (ABS, ACT 1999:40). The population of the ACT is continuing to age, following the national trend. As at 30 June 1998 the median age was 32.1 years. However, the ACT has a - I
Organizational Perspectives 1 72 l younger population than the Australian median age of 34.6 years. The reason is that in the early 1970s the Public Service grew rapidly and many young people moved to the national capital, settled and had children. The high turnover also helps to keep the population young, as more mobile younger people move to the ACT to live for a relatively short period, before returning to other states. The 1997-98 interstate arrivals and departures to and from the ACT represented 12.3 percent of the total population (ABS, ACT 1999:40,41).
In 1996-97 ACT household disposable income stood at 79.8 percent of total household income compared with the national figure of 81.5 percent. The average weekly household expenditure by residents was similar to the national average, with Canberrans spending more on petrol, meals in restaurants and hotels, TV and audio equipment, women's clothing, books, papers, snacks, and takeaway food (ABS, ACT 1999:26). A National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling (NATSEM) study commissioned by The Ausfralian covering income trends from 1982 to 1996-97 has found that within the Australian trend of a shrinking middle class, Canberra is the most egalitarian city with the range between the average top and lower salaries being narrower than for other states (cited in Megalogenis, June 2000:23). The use of computers in the ACT was higher in 1998 than the national use - 55.6 percent as opposed to 35.8 nationally (ABS, ACT 1999166). Canberrans had the highest participation rate of all states for 12 of 19 selected culture/leisure venues in 1995. People aged 15 to 24 years frequented popular music concerts, cinemas and animal and marine parks. Canberra remains Australia's most active city when it comes to organised sport participation. Participation rates were highest for the 18 to 24 age groups and decline steadily with age (ABS, ACT 1999:156, 158).
Teenagers have a high rate of attendance in education (92.5 percent) while the national average stands at 72.3 percent (McDonald, CT 2 1 January 2000: 1). There were 50,400 persons aged between 15 and 24 years of age in the ACT as at September 1997. Of these, 28,653 (56.9 percent) were attending an educational institution. This was the highest of any state or territory and above the national average of 53.0 percent (ABS, ACT 1999:62). At August 1998, almost 48 percent of wage and salary earners (67,800 people) were employed in the public sector, while 52 percent (72,800 people) were employed in the private sector (ABS, ACT 1999:102). Many Australians assume that living in the national capital is a privileged existence because of its planned growth for Organizational Perspectives 173 functions of government. However, the experiences of unemployment unique to Canberra contribute to the dificulties of finding employment. The following section analyses young people's perspectives about living in the Canberra community.
Unemployed Youth - Involvement in the Canberra Community
Giddens (1998:78) suggests a new relationship between the individual and the community has developed in the wake of the diminishing traditions and customs. He observes that civic decline is visible in some local communities and urban neighbourhoods in a weakening sense of solidarity, high levels of crime and the break up of marriages and families. The role of community and organizational support for the young unemployed people of Canberra is examined within the context of organizational risk communication that introduces the idea that people are growing hostile to the organizations that affect their life (Neher 1997:346). Canberra planning has traditionally not provided places for young people to socialise, which has led to public concern about young people congregating in public spaces. Consequently, the sustained criticism that there is 'nothing to do' in Canberra prevails today. On the issue of its dual role, in a 1985 survey young people wanted Canberra to be actively promoted as a community as opposed to the national capital, and a place where ordinary Australians live and work (Lansley et al. 1985). One teenager summarised the views of young people in this way:
Canberra is the ideal place to bring up young children. It's also good for people who have jobs. But when you get to be 12 or 14, or really old (about 55) it's the 'pits' (198550).
Fourteen years later, in the current study, the views of a male CIT student focus group aged between 18 and 19 years from mixed ethnic backgrounds appear to be similar:
'I get told many times that Canberra is like not a place for kids to be. When it was first established it was meant for the rich people of Australia and public servants and they never had any idea that they were going to have children. No one I know in Canberra thinks it is the place to be. Canberra is just boring. One of the reasons people stay in school as long as they can is because if you don't you are going to be bored out of your brain. You go out Saturday night to Civic, and that is supposed to be the top place, or Manuka, and you see about 50 people walking round and it is a cold night. There is no atmosphere in Canberra' (Male CIT Focus Group 11/99).
Young people in Canberra rely heavily on public transport for mobility and interaction with friends. They consider they need better bus connections at interchanges for Organizational Perspectives 1 74 keeping interview appointments on time and late night services for entertainment. The problem appears to relate to Griffin's experiment in urban planning, which although originally successful, was undercut by the unforeseen dominance of private car transport (National Capital Planning Authority/ACT Government, 1996). The town centre planning concept has tended to isolate people in concentric areas that all converge on the local shopping mall, while Canberra itself has two centres. They consist of the ceremonial centre in the Parliamentary Triangle which is the area visited by tourists, and the business/entertainment centre of Civic, which is socially unattractive, and a regular source of anti-social behaviour by young people. Consequently, using a bus to travel to work if located at the opposite end of the bus route, or across bus routes can be a deterrent to taking a job. The following section examines the hazards of youth unemployment, and the personal factors that influence young people's ability to be part of the community and to access support organizations.
Youth unemployment is associated with a loss of self-respect (Smith 1977), an increased sense of helplessness, a loss of competence (Casson 1979, Hartley 1980), and alienation (Hartley 1980, Rapport 1981). There is an awareness that a whole generation may be at risk (Evans and Poole 1991 :6). Curtain's (l999a) research shows that there are vastly different opportunities and constraints for young people, particularly in the 20-24 years age range. For this group there are more young adult men in the labour force than young women, which is in contrast to more females than males in the labour force during the teenage years. Curtain's study showed that 15 percent of young adult women had withdrawn from the labour force, compared to 3 percent of young men, and 80 percent of these women had dependants. A third of these women were single parents. While more men than women were receiving Centrelink payments, they were mainly for income support while searching or training for a job, while 36 percent of women were reliant on benefits for their long term parenting responsibilities (l999a:7).
Giddens (1999a) describes these changes as 'manufactured risk' where individuals have no prior examples that they can follow and consequently they tend to think more in terms of risk. Hohenemser et al. (1983) suggest that a risk is the probability of injury, illness, or death associated with a hazard. This study considers youth unemployment as a risk. The following section examines the dimensions of this risk, commencing with family support and education, then the work ethic, poverty, drugs and alcohol, suicide, Organizational Perspectives 175 and spare time. Lehman et al. (1987) consider that a sense of acceptance enhances the development of social skills, the feeling of self-efficacy in social relationships, and contributes to a high level of available social support that enhances coping. The following sections examine the effect of these hazards on young people's sense of acceptance in the community and on the development of relationships.
Family Support in Canberra
Earliest experiences in the family influence children's adult interpersonal actions. For example, the ways in which interpersonal relationships and emotional experiences are formed in early childhood are dependent on the emotional responsiveness of caregivers to developing a child's needs (Bessant et al. 1998). Chapter 3 described the difficulties experienced by young Canberrans when parents divorce or separate and abandon their children for other relationships or to return to extended family in their state of birth. Of the twelve young unemployed people interviewed in this thesis study ten had experienced separation, divorce or single parenthood. Kevin, a youth worker at the Canberra Youth Refuge, helps young people when they become homeless, having lost their parents to other relationships or to other places of residence:
'Canberra still has the highest divorce rate in Australia. If you look at the people who came to Canberra, most of them were all public servants. So they came from other demographic areas into Canberra, and their extended families were in Adelaide, Tasmania, and North Queensland - whatever. And so when these families split up there is really no one then to help. It is a time when young people are being introduced into families. So if you have got families who are splitting up and people are re- marrying or just having other partners, they are bringing siblings with them from those families and they want to get a cohesive unit going. And you've got young people who are saying 'I don't want to be here, and I don't like your new partner. I want to be with dad, or I want to be with mum'. What happens is the parents say 'Hey, I've failed in the last two relationships I have had with whomever. This one I want to make a go of, and if you are going to stuff it up for me, well you can go'. I think it is terribly sad. It is reality. And so I think the young people are missing out' (Kevin, Canberra Youth Refuge 11/99).
In terms of emotional support provided by the family the general consensus of the parents interviewed in this study was that youth unemployment was due to social change that included the loss of unskilled jobs and inadequate government policies (Larraine 11/99; Jennifer 11/99). This perception prevailed in the young unemployed people's comments that parents generally did not blame them for being out of work. However, consistent with a survey of young unemployed Canberra people in 1982, parents thought they should try harder to find work (Finlay-Jones and Eckhardt, 1982). Organizational Perspectives 176
Young people also observed that while some people in the community were helpful, others blamed youth for having dark skin and dressing in a certain style. Others viewed them as lazy and as school dropouts (Interviews Lilly 11/98; Jane 11/99; Emma 12/99; Tim 11/99).
Education in Canberra
Wexler's (1992:lO) Australian study found that one of the central activities in school is social interaction that enables young people to establish an identity. Similarly, Becker (1970:238) maintains that those without adequate education find it difficult to co- operate in achieving some common goal. This skill deficit makes it difficult for them to fight against people and agencies that threaten them. Syme (1998) maintains that when people in lower social class circumstances are given the training to work out problems, they are able to take control of their lives. He cites the 'Headstart' study of poor, black children in Ypsilante, Michigan in the 1960s in which children were taught about failure, success, and learning how to succeed. When followed up at age 19 they had double the high school graduation and college admission, half the welfare, and half the crime rate and teenage pregnancies for girls.
This study found that the combination of the incidence of poor family support and the lack of education is a recurrent theme, which the Canberra college system is increasingly required to address. For example, Phillip College in Canberra has needed to respond to students who make the greatest demands in their lack of family support and self esteem, rather than the declining numbers who progress to University and the CIT, who are well parented and have a history of parents in work (Lee, Phillip College 11/99). The Career's Adviser at Phillip College described the students who make the greatest demands this way:
'We get them late in the process. They are not as unhappy at college because so much is optional and there are so many ways they can duck and weave and be comfortable with their peers. We don't disturb that. In fact we encourage it because some students get their greatest developmental strengths from their peers. Some of them are at college just to meet with their friends. They are growing up in a safe way that is going to be critically important for them to make changes. We do things as well as we can with the idea of meeting the needs of the group who are at risk' (Lee, Phillip College 1 1/99). Organizational Perspectives 1 77
Lee's account indicates a college system that is adapting to social change in accommodating the students forced back into the college system by government policies such as the Youth Allowance, where they are able to maintain their feeling of self-efficacy in social relationships (Lehman et al. 1987).
The Work Ethic - Canberra Youth
All the young unemployed people interviewed in this study said they wanted to work. The main reasons were the accumulation of money to gain independence and to assuage the feelings of depression, boredom and lack of motivation. Some said they would take any job but would quit if they did not like it. Others were not prepared to work for youth wages. Those who were living away from home found they were unable to undertake apprenticeships due to the low wages. Kevin's (Canberra Youth Refuge 11/99) observations about the work ethic reflect Jahoda's (1982) thoughts about the connection between television and material benefits:
'I think the work ethic is still there and is still maintained. I think the biggest thing is the expectation that you have to have a lot to be someone. We can get them into bed-sits, but some of them will say 'I am not going into a bed-sit. I want a two bedroom place'. They complain that they don't have the stereo and don't have the good dining suite. The expectations are still there because they see it on the TV. They are bombarded with images of affluence all the time' (Kevin, Canberra Youth Refuge 11/99).
Ang considers that 'it is not the search for (objective, scientific) knowledge in which the researcher is engaged, but the construction of interpretations, of certain ways of understanding the world, always historically located, subjective, and relative' (1989: 105, original emphasis). In the participant observation phase of this study there were evidences that in opting for less discipline and restraint, the baby boomer parents of the 'options generation' have encouraged the assertiveness, materialism and lack of manners flagged by Mackay (199%: 140). Such mannerisms were displayed during the CIT tutorial sessions and were particularly disconcerting because this behaviour belied the same students' high ideals about study, obtaining good jobs and their condemnation of dole bludgers, expressed in the focus group interview. Kagan's (1999) belief about human beings' innate moral and ethical sense may relate to the students' sense of morality towards this issue. The following observations of Job Network providers and those providing community support provide other insights about the characteristics of the 'options generation' and their work ethic. Organizational Perspectives 178
'This generation is different regarding values. The kids nowadays are a lot harder to try and instil values. I feel they have no respect for anybody, and their social skills are abysmal. Because home values quite often have gone by the wayside' (Mick, Job Network provider 11/99).
David, a former youth worker provides an insightful view of young people's values:
'I think that values are very hard to quanttfy. I think it is about diversity. Interestingly what comes up time and time again for young people and what they see is good about these days is diversity and difference. I think people are still developing their own individual morals and values that might be different from others. They might be changed, but I think they still exist' (David, AYPAC 11/99).
For the young people who have Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander or non-English speaking backgrounds their predominant concept of values is influenced by their culture. Megan's (Migrant Resource Centre) account illustrates this point:
'For migrants and refugees, especially those who have migrated in the last 20 years, there is a whole set of different issues. The children of these parents have some clearer cultural expectations from their parents, but then they are thrown into a place where it is even more confusing than it is for Australian young people because they have their parents' culture. They also have a new culture and there are a lot of ambiguities in the new culture. There is freedom, yet at home they are not supposed to have that freedom. They get caught between two cultures which I think exacerbates the problems of adolescence' (Megan, Migrant Resource Centre 10199).
For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth very often their values are developed through adversity in their daily lives:
'I don't know how a lot of these young people cope because they might have a family breakdown and they have drug and alcohol issues, which is a big issue in our community, and they are overcrowded in housing. These are big disadvantages without having to cope with other teenage issues that normal kids go though. Even when they have done their Year 12 they still cannot get employment anywhere' (Kim, Gugan Gulwan 11199).
The opposite of gaining independence through earning a wage is survival on welfare benefits. Job searching is particularly difficult for those who have moved out of the family home. Because most of the fortnightly welfare payment is spent on accommodation, acquiring a set of presentable clothes to obtain a job can be a problem. The Twenty-Ten Association Report on lesbian and gay youth homelessness (1995) concluded that without adequate employment young people who do not live with their families often have little choice but to live in poverty. They are forced to drop out of education, and their chances of obtaining employment and their life choices are Organizational Perspectives 1 79 diminished. The following section demonstrates the link between poverty and homelessness.
Poverty in Canberra
In 1985 when Canberra youth were surveyed, most of the young people interviewed lived at home with their families (Lansley et al. 1985). A 1993 study of young people living in the Tuggeranong town centre found that it was increasingly common for young people to move out of the family home. A community perception at this time was that youth left home and school and abused the system by receiving a homeless allowance, Austudy or unemployment benefits, rent-relief and cheap housing (Gavin 1993).
In 2000, while 90 percent of respondents in the ACT Poverty Task Group's Report viewed Canberra as an affluent city, they indicated poverty was an issue. Eighty percent identified unemployment or casual employment as a direct cause of poverty in Canberra (Gentle, CT 20005). Homelessness among young people is another major cause of poverty. The 1989 Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Report (the Burdekin Report) examined the phenomenon of young people running away from home and found that this problem existed because of stresses within the family. In May 1999 the Youth Coalition of the ACT estimated in the 12 months to July 1998 there were about 1,500 homeless young people aged between 15 and 24 in the ACT (Dargaville, CT 21 May 1999:4). The Youth Coalition (1999) also found that the restrictions on the eligibility for the Youth Allowance had left many young people without any income and had contributed to youth poverty in Canberra.
The Youth Coalition of the ACT also had input into a Report of the Youth Housing Task Force (2000) which found that lack of affordable housing results in health problems and trouble finding work for a quarter of young Canberrans who are living away from home on an average of $167 a week. More than 400 young people were on waiting lists for accommodation, not including couples and single parents. Consequently, young people were being left in refuges and short-term crisis accommodation because there was nowhere else to place them. Dificulty in finding suitable accommodation was an important factor experienced by many of the young people in this study. Three were homeless when interviewed and had sought refuge with support organizations. Others had also experienced homelessness and times in Organizational Perspectives 180 I their lives when they had extreme difficulty in surviving prior to being eligible for welfare, or alternatively in Emma's experience, being ineligible for welfare.
'I tried to get the Youth Allowance, being a full time student, and I could not get it I because my mum owns this house. My boyfriend saved me because he was working then and he was on a traineeship but somehow we did it and got through it and everything was fine. We were living comfortably on $260 a week between us' (Emma 12/99).
Lilly also recollects what moving out of home was like:
'Moving out of home was one of the hardest things I ever did. I was surviving on $20 a fortnight. I did go to school but it took a dive. My mind was on other things. I was too interested in trying to do everything my parents said I could not do' (Lilly 11198).
Jane's account provides a glimpse of the frustrations of the lack of knowledge about where to access community support and the resultant poverty associated with living out of the family home:
'To go over to the Housing Department in Woden for me it is $2 to get there on two different buses. I don't have $4 to throw away and see someone who is going to tell me that they can't give me a house for 12 months' (Jane 11/99).
The Hanover Welfare Services in Victoria, in 1996 surveyed the homeless teenagers who came to them for support and found that 45 per cent were entitled to government money but were not receiving it. They concluded that many homeless young people either did not know income support existed or did not have the skills or assertiveness to obtain it (Gunn 1997:27). This lack of knowledge is widespread amongst young Canberrans and is examined in greater detail in Chapter 7. Associated research by the Hanover Welfare Services (1996) also showed that drug and alcohol dependencies among the homeless were becoming increasingly common. They concluded that strengthening of families through better community support, and strategies to overcome unemployment and a shortage of affordable housing would reduce the demand for illicit drugs.
Drugs and Alcohol in Canberra
In 1985 the Canberra Juvenile Aid Bureau recorded that a reasonable but not dramatic number of young people seen by the Bureau had drug problems. Only a few used narcotics and most used drugs such as travel sickness pills, cerepax or sniffed glue and Organizational Perspectives 18 1 thi~ers(Lansley et al. 1985). In 1993 the Police in Tuggeranong commented that because of the lack of suitable social facilities in Tuggeranong youth turned to alcohol. Some drank during the day, with more doing so at night and the lack of entertainment venues resulted in fighting and anti-social behaviour (Gavin 1993).
In 2000 Canberra's drug support agency, Assisting Drug Dependent Incorporated considers that more young people than ever before are turning to drugs and many in their early teens are poly drug users. An example of student drug use is the instance of parents contacting Assisting Drug Dependent Incorporated seeking help at the end of the December 1999 school holidays stating their children were detoxifying in the school classrooms after using party drugs over Christmas (Clack, CT 5 March 2000: 1-2). The ACT drug trends report also reveals that the number of heroin users in Canberra has doubled in three years, injecting drug users are getting younger and dealers are using pyramid selling techniques to involve an increasing number of sellers (cited in Clack, CT 5 March 2000:l-2). Dr Paul Williams, a senior research analyst for the Australian Institute of Criminology, considers that the drop in age of drug users and the increase in users is a cultural phenomenon. He predicts that more young people in Australia will continue to experiment with drugs but it will be temporary. He maintains that the experimental process takes one to two or three to four years and then it is over (Pearse, CT 25 November 1999:3).
National figures issued in February 2000 by the Alcohol and Other Drugs Council of Australia show that 70 percent of 15 to 17 year olds drink alcohol to get drunk (cited in Michaels, CT 28 February 2000:3). Lee (1 1/99), a College Careers Counsellor, attests to the serious problem of drugs and alcohol in the Canberra college system:
'Very occasionally there are students who are obviously intoxicated in the class. But more to the point, the problem of binge drinking and experimentation with a range of mind-attering substances is exceptionally high, and it crosses all strata of society. The students who do classes in psychology, who read and think and are aware, are heavily taking big risks, but they would not see binge drinking as being alcoholics. There are kids in the early part of the week who are out of it and it is a very, very big group, and it is in every college' (Lee, Phillip College 11/99).
Emma (1 8 years) reveals her knowledge of drugs through her fnends' experiences:
1 know a couple of my friends have used drugs intravenously but I don't know anything at all about that myself. At the moment a lot of people are getting into designer drugs like Ecstasy because they are cheap. You can get an 'E' now for about $15 - $20. They used to be around $90 to start with. Now the market is so huge and the rave Organizational Perspectives 182 thing is huge in Canberra as well, and you don't have to be 18. If you are 17 and your friends are 18 you can get drunk and go to a rave [party]. Most people end up getting drunk for the first couple of raves. Then they try drugs and end up on drugs every weekend basically. Kids are smoking dope in primary school. Kids are taking Ecstasy in high school. There were drug dealers at my school. I just did not know about them. Now kids in Year 7 would know straight away from primary school who the drug dealer was. There is one lady I know who deals. She has four kids in school and that is how she gets the contacts' (Emma 12/99).
Kevin has a wide experience of observing the effects of drug use as a youth worker at the Canberra Youth Refuge:
'The young people we get to see more often than not are not making it. I think the pressures on them are enormous. Youth suicides have increased enormously. Certainly they are all taking drugs. Marijuana was a big thing at one stage but not everyone was taking it. If you go to the schools now, ... you can get nearly every one taking it. I know some primary school kids who are smoking. I think society is putting a lot on them. HIV was never known when I was a young person. The heroin scene in Canberra is enormous. You only have to go into Civic and you can watch it happening [drug dealing]' (Kevin 1 1/99).
One Canberra response to the drug problem has been from the Tuggeranong Community Arts Centre that has initiated a program to provide young people with direction through the arts (Glendinning, CT 22 July 1999:6). Regular stories on television about teenage dnnking and drug taking, ongoing public debate about criminality versus health, and the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Family and Community Affairs investigation of the impact of drug abuse in June 2000, all attest to the community's concern for young people (The Cunberra Times, 15 April 2000:ll). While young people are in the experimental stage taking drugs can at best reduce their chances of obtaining work, or at worst disable them.
Youth Suicide in Canberra
The ACT death rate from suicide for people aged between 15 and 24 years was around 21 percent in 1997, the third highest nationally after the Northern Territory and Queensland (Productivity Commission, Report on Government Services 1999, cited in ACT Government, State of the Territory Report, 1999). Discussion about youth suicide in Australia has been linked to increasing rates of youth unemployment, social change resulting from economic restructuring, globalisation, and to the 'emergence of an underclass', the disadvantaged poor (Eckersley 1988; 1992; 1993; McDonald 1995; 1996). Organizational Perspectives 1 83
In 1998 the national rate for youth suicides was 446 representing a drop from 510 in 1997. The suicide rate for males in the 15-24 age range was 364 as opposed to 82 females in the same age range (ABS, Suicides Australia, 2000:ll-24). The prevention agency, Here for Life, attributes the reduced figure to the gradual removal of the stigma of talking about youth suicide. The agency maintains that the crisis time appears to be late teens to mid-20s when young people are experiencing many changes in school, relationships and employment. Young men especially have trouble seeking help for emotional problems that are made more intense for those in small country towns, due to isolation, lack of accessibility to services, reduced employment options, higher access to firearms, and more conservative attitudes, which can affect issues of sexual identity (Girlfhend 2000:33). Experience has shown that young Aboriginal males are at high risk of suicide when held in custody under the social justice system. Suicide rates are substantially higher in rural communities.
Notwithstanding various views about the accuracy of reporting youth suicide in Australia, Krupinski et al. (1992a,b) found that the rise of suicide rates in young males in Victoria could not be explained by the increase in youth unemployment alone. In effect, Krupinski et al. (1 998) suggest that no tenable explanation has been proposed for the dramatic increase in male youth suicide in the last 30 years in almost all western societies. They conclude, however, that social factors do not significantly affect suicidal behaviour in young people. Bessant et al. (1998: 1 17) also suggest that changes in family life, unemployment and poverty must be mediated by other individual predispositions, which cause only some to suicide.
Youth Unemployment and Spare Time
The following section introduces the argument that people who are motivated and are able to enjoy activities overcome life crises through a disposition called 'hardiness' (Iso-Ahola and Weissinger 1990, Caldwell and Smith 1988). It also suggests that there is a sense of wellbeing in belonging to a social network of friends and support organizations that provide recreational experience. Coleman (1993:253,254) identifies two main sources of health benefits associated with leisure. They are (1) social support - providing an important way for developing social interactions and relationships. When people do not feel isolated in their free time, they may perceive that the social support they could expect may be strengthened and therefore their capacity to cope may Organizational Perspectives 1 84 be enhanced. This support is likely to be maintained and could act as a buffer against life events; and (2) the feeling of freedom which leisure is able to evoke, the intrinsic motivation and the lack of boredom could help alleviate life's stressors. The lack of entertainment and money, coupled with boredom, depression and lack of motivation have constantly shown up as the barriers to yo'ung Canberrans enjoying their spare time (Lansley et al. 1985, Gavin 1993, Belconnen Youth Unemployment Steering Committee 1996).
The issue of losing contact with friends who are working or studying has also been raised in previous Canberra studies as well as this one. The University of Canberra student focus group (aged between 18 and 22 and predominantly Anglo/Australians) observed that fhends who had decided not to continue their studies and who were not working had become isolated. They were not motivated to participate in the recreational activities they enjoyed as part of student life (University of Canberra focus group, 1998). Lobo's study of young unemployed people between the ages of 18 and 30 years showed that lack of money restricted participation in 'fitness, social, and entertainment activities and membership in clubs and associations'. Lack of motivation meant more time was spent in the home and activities tended to be passive (1998b: 133). In this sense, Lobo's findings resemble the Canberra studies.
When this study specifically asked whether young unemployed people could have fun and look for a job, they generally commented they had plenty of time to do both. In determining whether they were able to enjoy their spare time, for some, playing sport, using the computer and enjoying activities with friends, helped with their everyday worries and helped them to cope with unemployment. For others, recreational activities were on an ad hoc basis. In general, lack of money was a deterrent to enjoying a wide variety of activities and led to feelings of isolation, marginalisation and being unrnotivated (Interviews 1998, 1999). Anne's account provides a vivid image of the experience of those who do not consciously include leisure activities as part of their coping strategy:
'If things are going good and I have money, and I am having fun with my friends I am happy in myself and feel fantastic. OtheNvise it is a long boring drag and I do not enjoy living and feel suicidal all the time without pills' (Anne 8/98). Organizational Perspectives 1 85
Through their relationship with unemployed youth the social support organizations are also able to provide observations on young unemployed people's concepts of enjoying free time and having fun. Kevin's perspectives have been gained as a youth worker at the Canberra Youth Refuge:
'I think it is all free time and fun, isn't it? I think the drugs get them. I think a lot of their time is spent rather than looking for work looking for drugs. I am not talking about hard drugs but certainly most of them coming through here smoke marijuana and they all smoke tobacco. They need money - $7 a day for a packet of smokes' (Kevin, Canberra Youth Refuge 11/99).
Other support organizations provided a variety of views: young people need money for fin; young people need fin to cany on; guys tend to enjoy the here and now, and girls tend to look to the future; everything is fim at that age but it gets boring and they start to get demotivated very quickly and do not know how to get out of the rut; young Aboriginal people have fim through sport; there could be some guilt associated with having fun for some migrant youth (Interviews, Canberra support organizations 1998, 1999).
Coleman (1993:353) considers that if people are bored during their free time they are unlikely to experience the positive qualities associated with perceived freedom and intrinsic motivation. Iso-Ahola and Weissinger (l 990) and Caldwell and Smith (1 988) argue that motivated people maintain good health because they treat life crises as challenges that they could overcome and are aided by a disposition called 'hardiness'. Rather than being helpless they have commitment to an activity, exercise control and take on challenges. These factors are the determinants of those who can cope as demonstrated in the analysis of the young people's experiences of unemployment in Chapter 7. The following section analyses the support organizations' perspectives of how young people cope overall with unemployment in Canberra.
Organizational Perspectives - Youth Unemployment
Most of the social support for the young unemployed commences at the individual level when they approach Centrelink for welfare benefits. Others find out about Centrelink's role from youth workers at Youth Refuges, Youth Centres and other community support organizations. AAer the Howard government took ofice in 1996 Centrelink replaced the Department of Social Security (DSS), and the Job Network became a privatised Organizational Perspectives 1 86 version of the Commonwealth Employment Service (CES) in 1997. The emphasis in safety net welfare also changed to one of activity-centred job outcomes. Prior to the introduction of Centrelink DSS administered welfare payments to unemployed people. The CES was responsible for job training and job placement. Community groups were given grants from the federal and the ACT governments to provide job training and skilling. Community groups are now required to tender for these contracts and Centrelink and the Job Network have taken over the roles of DSS and the CES. Centrelink as a Statutory Authority reports to the Minister for Family and Community Services (Vic, Centrelink 11/99).
Centrelink has been awarded a contract by the federal Department of Employment, Workforce Relations and Small Business (DEWRSB) to provide a centralised one-stop shop to deliver government services on behalf of nine major government departments, including social security and employment services to the community. In relation to employment, its aim is to return people to the workforce, or to provide training or some other activity that leads to employment. In the absence of these steps, Centrelink provides income support, as opposed to income support being the main focus prior to 1997. DEWRSB has also awarded contracts to the Job Network providers. Up until February 2000, the eight Job Network providers in Canberra included:
1. Caloola Skills Training and Job Placements Employment ACT 2. Employment National Limited 3. Heavy Engineering Management Association 4. Impact Training and Development Pty Ltd. 5. Job FuturesIWork Resources Centre 6. Quest Employment and Training Solutions 7. SERTEC (Traineeships in the Building Trade) 8. The Salvation Army Employment Plus
They comprise the non-profit community groups that formerly delivered training programs, private sector employment agencies, and the federal government's Employment National Limited (Vic, Centrelink 11/99). This study does not include the Job Network providers awarded new contracts in February 2000 (Lawson, CT 2000:20). Young unemployed people also receive support from community organizations such as the Migrant Resource Centre, Gugan Gulwan (Younger Brother and Sister) Aboriginal Youth Corporation, the Canberra Youth Centres, the Canberra Youth Refuge and the Job Placement, Employment and Training Program which helps young people at risk. The support organizations' perspectives about young unemployed people and their Organizational Perspectives 1 87 acceptance within the Canberra community include observations about discrimination, their disconnectedness from the community, and negative community attitudes to youth unemployment. However Mick, a Job Network provider, has observed how young people's fhendship networks can assist in their integration into the Canberra community:
'There is a sense of being isolated for young unemployed people in the Canberra community. But with unemployment being at the level it is there is always a group to turn to, to be with. Being as small as we are in Canberra there is a network they have with friends and family. In the shopping mall you will always see them. Not very often will you see one of them on their own - always in a group' (Mick, Job Network provider 11/99).
Garry, a youth worker in a Youth Centre comments on the way young people suffer discrimination:
'I think young people are definitely sidelined if they are not working. I think we could be doing more in making them feel part of the community. Things like work for the dole probably make you feel like part of the communrty but it is still not the same as actually having a job. The media's portrayal of youth culture is often really negative which rubs across not only young unemployed people but right across the board. It is discrimination because of age' (Garry, Belconnen Youth Centre 11/99).
David, a former youth worker, comments on the difliculty young unemployed people have in feeling connected with the community because of the high cost of entertainment which minimises social interaction. He comments on community concerns about young people congregating in public places:
'I think the Canberra community is a very isolating one if you are not working and don't have economic resources. The social isolation is the biggest factor. The fact that entertainment in Canberra and social interaction costs is a significant issue. One of the big issues for me was about public spaces. This has always been a significant issue for young people where they interface with the community. For youth public space is their only space - they don't have private space. They don't have homes, cars, and the ability to sit in restaurants' (David, AYPAC 11/99).
David also raises the issue of the effects on young people of negative community attitudes:
'There is a lack of opportunities in the way Canberra is set up, and the way the communtty operates for all unemployed people to feel connected with the communtty. The communtty is also fearful of young people. The reality of youth culture confronts them and they find that uncomfortable. Young people who are written off have very low expectations of themselves and they meet those low expectations. I think we have to provide opportunities, skills and support and expect more of young people, and conduct ourselves in a way that actually allows them to meet those expectations. The Organizational Perspectives 188 other side of that are the unemployed people I have come into contact with who do stay at home all day and take drugs and sit in front of TV and have no interaction, no exercise, have bad health and get very depressed and lonely' (David, AYPAC 11/99).
Kevin, who is a youth worker at the Canberra Youth Refuge, observes how a job can connect young people with the community:
'My son actually found a job and he was a different person. He actually felt he was achieving. He was actually going places. The fact that he was stacking at Woollies did not make much difference. He was meeting people and he was out there in the communrty. I think as much as we try not to put those pressures on people, or on young people, we still do. It's a case of 'if you haven't got a job, then what are you doing"? (Kevin, Canberra Youth Refuge 11/99).
These accounts provide an insight into how a job connects a young person with the dominant values of a community and the acceptance it brings. They also suggest that unemployment may either mean belonging to a strong friendship network, or being isolated and depressed at home. Communication plays a significant role in facilitating the ability to cope with the hazards encountered by young unemployed people. When an individual's sense of self and identity is not properly developed, they are unable to develop a sense of communion and belonging with those around them (Thunberg et al. 1982). Consequently, the risk of unemployment is heightened through their dificulties in accessing social support.
Gamy and David's experience as youth workers also shows how the community can discriminate against young people because they feel threatened by them in a group, notwithstanding their knowledge of young people as members of their extended families. The misconception attributed to youth as a collective may be explained by impressions gained in the participant observation exercise in this study of the male students in tutorials at the CIT in constructing a version of this phenomenon. The Generation X behaviour described by Sacks (1996) in America in terms of the students' having a strong sense of wanting to be entertained in tutorials, and being entitled to easy success and good marks even though they were often unwilling to work to achieve them was very much in evidence. However, when giving opinions about young unemployed people in a focus group, the same students revealed a moral code that belied their behaviour in tutorials. They provide a glimpse of 'options generation' values in the following way:
'I think youth should be blamed for not working. Those people are doing nothing all day long and then they say they can't find a job - it is a bit suss. I reckon if you want to Organizational Perspectives 1 89
you can do it. Employers just want you to be of good character. Everyone has got that. If they want to sell themselves they can. You are not going to sell yourself from your bedroom when you are doing absolutely nothing' (Male CIT Focus Group, 11/99).
The changes in the federal government's employment service delivery in introducing Centrelink, the Job Network and the new welfare and job search arrangements have meant that the government appears to have shed the risk of unemployment to the private sector and the blame for unemployment onto the victims. Media attitudes towards youth unemployment and attribution of blame have changed over past decades. Chapter 3 found that in the 1970s the media placed blame and responsibility on the young victims of unemployment. Chapter 5 found that in the 1990s the climate of opinion had changed to one of media sympathy for young people who were considered to be the victims of social change. The following sections analyse Canberra community perspectives through media and support organization views of where blame is located for youth unemployment in the present time. They also analyse the media attitude to government's current hardline stance on youth unemployment.
Community Perspectives - Attribution of Risk and Blame for Youth Unemployment
This study found that views vary with the particular support focus of each organization. For example, those representing the youth sector observe that in the current environment of few job opportunities the community still considers that young people are 'bludgers' and need to do more to get a job. They also consider the media either portray young people as legends (swimming stars) or losers (people who have been written off) and most young people do not fit either category (David, AYPAC 11/99). Peter works with young people at risk and provides a glimpse of the practical difficulties they experience:
'There are a lot of young people who don't have the experience or coping skills to get up at 5 am to catch four buses to get to the job. There are not a lot of entry-level positions in manufacturing and construction, which is what a lot of young people are looking for. A lot of jobs are gutting chickens or jobs they are not interested in doing' (Peter, Youth worker with youth at risk, 8/99).
Notwithstanding those personal barriers to finding employment, the Employment Services Minister, who has labelled people who decline low paying seasonal employment as 'job snobs', considers that unemployed people should not wait for the Organizational Perspectives 190 ideal job. They must take whatever job they can reasonably do, and then work their way up or else lose the dole payments (The Canberra Sunday Times 2 April 2000:4). Taking up this debate in The Canberra Times, Urban points out that under the existing welfare arrangements, seasonal employment can result in people being penalised. In addition, seasonal employment does not enable them to develop the skills necessary to find continuous employment and to lift themselves out of poverty. Rather than being 'job snobs', these people are, in most cases, trying to protect the already vulnerable welfare of their families (Urban, 6 April 2000:9).
Within the support organization respondents in tlus study there was also the perception that there are not enough positive messages about young people in the media. They considered that attributing blame to young people ignores the competitive nature of the job environment and the requirements for a high level of skills (Megan, Migrant Resource Centre, 10199). The Aboriginal community tends to blame the educational system but never the young people as they consider youth unemployment a community responsibility (Kim, Gugan Gulwan, 11199). Other attributions of blame were placed on the system, the parents, education, upbringing, instilling of values, outside pressures and the community not backing local business. From the government's perspective, Joy (ACT government 10199) and Vic (Centrelink 1 1/99) consider that the media blames the government and rarely gives the government sector good press. Vic also noted that although Centrelink does not design the products and services, as the face of government it is personally blamed. Government outsourcing has also shed some of the blame to the private sector and Michael (1 1.199) explains how being a Job Network provider has affected his organization's relationship with clients:
'There is a lot less opportunity for finding work now. There is a lot more red tape and a lot more expectations of what youth have to do, and if you fail to do this a consequence will happen to you. When people come into us it is as if they are going into a government department. They are angry and disenfranchised. Their benefds have been cut and they don't see the distinction [between us and the govemmenq. This Government policy is about moving risk and liability away from the government. It is small government and outsourced delivery' (Michael, Job Network provider 11/99).
Michael's comment reflects the public's growing distrust of government and political leaders, and the hostility to the organizations that affect their life. They feel that organizations (particularly bureaucracies) have too much control over their personal lives. In the United States' context Neher (1997:346) believes that people's everyday experiences and feelings of insecurity lead them to distrust the positive messages of Organizational Perspectives 19 1 political leaders and government about the economy. There is evidence of such distrust in the Canberra community's reaction to introducing work for the dole places in the childcare industry and schools where the community expressed concern for the children's welfare (discussed in Chapter 1). Furedi (1997:29) refers to this response as a lack of trust, which relates to the pervasive mood in society that people are at risk. The following section analyses the various community views about government attitudes to youth unemployment.
Community Perspectives - Government's Attribution of Risk and Blame for Youth Unemployment
'I think we are definitely at that stage at the moment where unemployment suffers the stance which is either that it is as good as it is going to get and there is not a lot we can do about it, or that it is too big a problem and there is nothing we can do about it and people give up' (David, AYPAC 11/99).
David's statement sums up government attitudes since youth unemployment became an issue in the 1970s. Mark Considine (1999) has written about new forms of labour market and network co-ordination arising from the Working Nation initiatives on unemployment, introduced by the Keating government in 1994 (Keating 1994). The employment service delivery outsourcing to the private sector at this time introduced the idea of making greater demands upon welfare clients and their families in return for income support (Rose 1996).
Since the government's introduction of Centrelink and the Job Network the trend to tighten the rules for the young unemployed to maintain their income support has increased. These changes require young unemployed people to attend up to ten job interviews a fortnight, depending on where they live, and also moving to areas offering work. After trialing work for the dole on young people aged 18 to 24 years, participation has been increased to include those up to 34 years. People registering for the dole need to nominate the mutual obligation activity they will undertake six months (for the younger group) or twelve months (for the older group) into the future (Lawson, CT 3 March 2000:l). When the Employment Services Minister announced these changes, an article in The Canberra Times drew attention to the non-performance of the Job Network. In the 12 months to July 1999, 106,000 under 25 year olds nationally had passed the six month deadline, but only 54,000 had signed up to an activity agreement Organizational Perspectives 192 by July l, and fewer than 30,000 had actually started a program. A program consists of nominating for part-time work, volunteer work, training, intensive assistance through the job Network, or work for the dole (Lawson, CT 3 March 2000: 1).
Laura Tingle (SMH 26 February 2000:4) wrote about the second Job Network provider contracts, which commenced on 28 February 2000 in which the Government's own job agency, Employment National, lost the tender. The article stated that since its introduction, the Job Network had found 135,000 jobs for the long term unemployed, compared with the 540,000 scheduled for intensive assistance nationally. Tingle commented on the limited information about the Job Network's performance since its introduction, although the government had repeatedly argued that it had performed at least 50 percent better than the old CES. The article noted that the closest it came to meeting the expected performance was in job search training where out of 88,000 nominated for training, 77,800 had commenced job search training (Tingle, 26 February 2000:4).
Federal government studies have also been critical of Centrelink's service delivery. For example, the Commonwealth Ombudsman's (1999) investigation into the role of agencies in providing adequate information to customers, recommended that Centrelink improve the quality of information they provide to their clients to minimise administrative errors in clients' entitlements. The federal government's Welfare Reform Reference Group (2000) concluded that Centrelink's service delivery arrangements and access to services were fragmented and not sufficiently focused on participation goals for all people of workforce age. The Australian National Audit Ofice also found that DEWRSB should tighten up its contract management of the Job Network and improve communication between the department, Centrelink and the Job Network providers (cited in Burgess, CT 2000:3). The experiences of the young unemployed people in Chapter 7 reflect such inadequacies within the employment service delivery.
The new obligations on the unemployed and the claims by the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry that many unemployed people are content to stay on welfare for as long as possible have raised significant public response. The Chamber has also suggested there should be time limits on dole payments. This latest tendency to blame the victim has been taken up by the ACT Council of Social Service who considers that Organizational Perspectives 193 the Chamber has unfairly blamed unemployed people (Warren, CT 6 March 2000:5). The Opposition's response has been: 'While the unemployed are getting job-ready, shouldn't the government be getting some jobs ready?' (Lawson, CT 3 March 2000: l). Media framing has also criticised the government by calling the latest spate of its announcements on unemployment the 'week of unemployable solutions' (The Canberra Sunday Times, 5 March 20003). This editorial considered that the Chamber of Commerce and Industry's proposal for time limits on dole payments would result in an increase in homelessness, crime and the growth of an underclass of working poor. Its message to the government was:
The existence of the dole is a disincentive for only a small proportion of people; and of far greater concern for most is the erosion of entitlements once casual or part time work is found, the notification nightmare as one's earning capacity bounces from week to week, the cost and shortage of child-care. Tackle these and motivation will return (The Canberra Sunday Times, 5 March 2000:8).
The current media attribution of blame on the government reflects public opinion in the Morgan Poll in November 1999, which found that 63 percent of Australians believed that the government was not doing enough to stop unemployment rising (Morgan Poll Finding 3269, 19 January 2000). In this instance, the media's framing is contrary to Fincher & Nieuwenhuysen7s (1998:4) view that welfare issues are undercut by unsympathetic media constructions (often aided by conservative governments), which elicit deepseated antagonisms towards the disadvantaged and divert attention fiom community responsibility by 'blaming the victim'. It is closer to Henningham7sview (cited in Chapter 5) that the media can exhibit more sympathy than the public to the issue of youth unemployment (Arndt, The Age 6 October 1999:19). In countering the government's current attribution of blame on the victim the media is emphasising the importance of according dignity to the recipients of social welfare in an environment of reduced work opportunities.
The following accounts analyse Canberra's employment service delivery from an organizational risk perspective in relation to the growing hostility towards organizations that affect people's lives (Neher 1997:346). Giddens (1994) maintains that people need to feel confident about placing their trust in organizations that have to date appeared self-interested and disconnected fiom people's daily concerns. Goodrnan and Associates (1982) believe that good internal communication means that managers and Organizational Perspectives 194 staff must be skilled in human communication and flexible in meeting the challenge of new technologies, new government policies and new demands to improve productivity. This is particularly relevant in the employment service industry. Granovetter (1985) suggests that interorganizational communication can generate trust that has proven to be at risk in the market dnven environment of the Job Network. Social marketing is particularly challenging for Centrelink and Job Network because of the nature of their clients. They are the hard-to-reach segments of the community because the product being advanced often is not desired, (for example their resistance to work for the dole), and increased demand may be dysfunctional due to lack of resources (experienced by Centrelink in caving out the program) (Solomon 1989, and Webster 1975, cited in Windahl et al. 1992:96). These issues are examined in the following sections.
Centrelink and Job Network Perspectives of Employment Service Delivery
Centrelink and the Job Network are examples of diminishing large government departments that provided the public with standard, universal services, delivered by a career workforce (Foster and Plowden 1996, Considine and Painter, 1997). The bureaucratic workforce is disappearing in favour of smaller local organizations that are linked by markets and networks. Clients are treated as individuals through a case management program and the case manager has authority to organise the services deemed most useful for the individual client (Hammond 1997:34). These reforms also make greater demands upon clients and their families to 'contribute extra effort, reduce their use of social assistance, adopt compliant behaviours and meet raised expectations concerning life style change' (Rose 1996).
The government's mutual obligation program is an instance of such demands. It includes work for the dole, comprising part time and voluntary work, education or training, relocation to an area where there are jobs, literacy and numeracy training, job search training, intensive assistance (individualised job preparation), a place on the Job Placement, Employment and Training Program, and Green Corps training (DEWRSB, 1999). As Hasenfeld and Weaver (1996:236) have pointed out, this combination of intensive support and increased obligation creates 'unique organisational pressures' on clients and staff and organizational factors determine whether they succeed or fail. Vic (Centrelink 11/99) provides a perspective of the employment environment following the government policies that introduced Centrelink and the Job Network: Organizational Perspectives 195
'Some Job Network providers have gone out of business in the first year or two because they either misjudged the market or could not deliver the number they thought they could. It ceased to be a commercial venture for them and they folded. But by and large the Network that was set up is still there and they are obviously turning a quid with it. They did not tender for the good of their social conscience. Flex 1 is job matching and Flex 2 is job search training. Centrelink decides which Flex category people belong before referring them to the Job Network providers. Job Network providers can take referrals from anywhere, not only Centrelink, but most of the referrals they get paid for come through the Centrelink gateway. So if they want to choose to take people off the street that is going to be without any profit margin, atthough the contract allows them to do that' (Vic, Centrelink 11/99).
Vic's comments about the non-performance of Job Network providers relate to DEWRSB's need to recalibrate the instrument of categorisation in the early stages of the Job Network to increase the number of unemployed people qualifLing for Flex 3 due to its providing a higher dollar return to the job providers for job outcomes. Centrelink does not nominate the Job Network providers but asks the client to choose from the eight providers those they think may be able to assist them in finding a job. The client's ability to understand the job servicing process assumes that Centrelink has established an interactive role with its clients (as opposed to expert to client relationships), which empowers the client in understanding the role of Centrelink and the providers in the Job Network (Hadden 1989, Fisher 199 1).
Centrelink is a good example of an organization that is required to communicate internally with its staff, externally with its clients and interorganizationally with other support organizations. In relation to external communication, after experiencing low participation at information sessions Centrelink has realised that young people are reluctant to visit their ofices and that they identifL with certain modes of communication and not others. Consequently Centrelink has produced a video to be shown in Canberra schools and by non-governmental youth service providers, advising about its role and processes without bureaucratic language (Vic Centrelink 11/99). Oliver (1997:18) describes this approach as considering appropriate communication media preferences of different individuals. Centrelink has interpersonal ties with the ACT government in its participation on committees about streamlining employment training programs for the mature aged, and people with a non-English speaking background (Vic, Centrelink 11/99). The following views expressed by Job Network clients, and other support organizations reveal the ,concerns about the information coordination in employment service delivery in Canberra. First, the Migrant Resource Organizational Perspectives 196
Centre perspectives about the current market driven environment of the Job Network illustrate the particular difficulties experienced by non-English speaking youth.
'It drastically changed when Job Network came into being in terms of how we help clients get jobs because the whole thing was in upheaval for quite a long time. There have been efforts to sensitise those employment agencies to the needs of our clients. Some have succeeded and some haven't. Our clients often get overlooked because they are more difficult to place, or people just don't think about their issues very hard sometimes when there is a lot of pressure on those organizations to get outcomes. So generally they place people in jobs that are easiest to place, even though there are supposed to be financial incentives for placing difficutt people in jobs' (Megan, Migrant Resource Centre 10199).
Megan's account suggests that the market driven environment of the Job Network to secure job outcomes does not always provide the extra attention needed by a young migrant without fluent English and a high level of skills, required in today's job market. Megan added that some young migrants often have additional barriers to finding work in being unable to work and learn quickly because they might be homeless or unable to focus on academic learning. In contrast to the Migrant Resource Centre's experiences, the Canberra Gugan Gulwan (Younger Brother and Sister) Aboriginal Youth Corporation has experienced positive support from Centrelink, which arranges for indigenous staff to visit the Centre to explain any changes.
Michael, a Job Network provider, gives an insight into how his organization has maintained its concern for the individual in the current market driven environment of the Job Network:
'We are one of the few Job Network providers who pay for people to go to other paid courses such as TAFE or other courses. We carry out Flex 1 and Flex 2 requirements. That has been one of the contentions about Flex 3, because for Flex 3 you get X amount of money up front and most of it has gone back into the provider's organization' (Michael, Job Network provider 11/99).
Mary represents a church based Job Network provider. She considers that adopting a corporate culture is a way of surviving in the competitive environment:
'Wrth our work as a commundy organization we do have to find ways to generate money to stay in business. So it's opened a lot of new doors for us in areas that maybe we would not have explored before that. We don't have problems referring our customers to other agencies. If they do things that we don't, we will refer them. And also we have to give this person a job because it means we get paid for it, so there is that competitive edge that has turned relationships, and that unfortunately has been instigated by the government. The quest for the dollar is at the end of it all unfortunately. A few years ago before the Job Network was created there was a lot more training available to young people. Now there are very few skills training Organizational Perspectives 1 97 programs for people across the board and that is one thing that the government has stopped completely' (Mary, Job Network provider 11/99).
Mary's reference to the reduction in skills training programs is also reflected in industry's concern that the reduction in apprenticeships has resulted in the necessity to obtain overseas skills (Martin, The Australian Financiul Review 2000:6). Mary describes the dilemma facing young unemployed people resulting from the lack of coordination of client information in employment service delivery in Canberra:
'Today young people don't know where to go. With this Job Network it is very hard for them. They have got eight different places to go to. They are not informed and they should be because it is very confusing. A lot of them aren't really sure where they need to go or what they need to do in order to get help' (Mary, Job Network provider 11199).
Mick (a Job Network provider) also communicates interorganizationally with other members of the Job Network and has noticed anomalies in areas of cooperation. Although he considers Job Network is working, he raises the problem of a non-client focused culture in Centrelink:
'All the organizations network because that is the only way to do it. I think we need to do something with the youth now otherwise we will have a full generation of unemployed. There have been a couple of things that have been questionable in interacting with other organizations since Job Network started. You query those straight away and you nip it in the bud. Job Network is working. There have been hiccups with Flex 3 but overall I think the system has been a boon because we are hungrier. I had a nine months contract with the CES prior to Job Network happening and the culture difference is huge and astronomical. In future Centrelink will be privatised which will not be necessarily a bad thing because you will get rid of the attitude of 'I've got a job, you haven't and who cares'. I will take anyone who comes in off the street' (Mick, Job Network provider 11/99).
In addition, Mick provides his perspectives of the market driven environment and the deficiencies in Centrelink's internal and external communication:
'They have dehumanised Centrelink. It is all stats driven. It is not really how many people they can help; it is how many people they can get off benefhs. That is how it appears to me. There is some misinformation about how the Job Network and Centrelink works and a lot of people don't explain it properly. That is one of the things we try to do as soon as they come in. Centrelink don't explain it properly because they are not trained. You take ten people from the Centrelink office upstairs and put each of them in a soundproof room and ask each of them a question. You would get ten different answers and every answer would be wrong. They would not know what we do. Not one permanent member of Centrelink staff has ever come into my premises to find out what we do' (Mick, Job Network provider 11/99). Organizational Perspectives 198
This account demonstrates the weak communication links between the Job Network providers and Centrelink and the lack of centralised coordination from the contracting department DEWRSB to the detriment of the client. The interorganizational links between the Job Network providers relate to their surpluses (Van de Ven et al. 1980). However, the mistrust amongst the support organizations introduced by a market driven environment does not accord with Granovetter's (1985) idea that the personal nature of interorganizational ties generates trust and discourages betrayal of one another. It relates more to Giddens' (1994) idea of the risk environment of modernity in his suggestion that the institutions of government - including the welfare state and connected agencies - must be transformed so that individual people can feel confident about placing their trust in organizations. There are evidences of community commitment by some Job Network providers who accept those people not eligible for Centrelink benefits and purchase training and education places out of their own profits for their clients.
Community Support Organizations' Perspectives of Employment Service Delivery
Under the former CES/DSS employment and welfare arrangements, the federal and the ACT governments allocated grants to community organizations for education and job training. However the ACT government's grant system has been reduced from 60 percent to 6 percent, as many of the larger community groups have become businesses within the Job Network. In addition, Centrelink now assesses young people individually on their particular job training needs when they are referred to the Job Network (Joy, ACT government 10199). Ian (Youth Bureau 12/99) describes the federal youth policy formulation process within the Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA):
'The youth affairs profile within government is higher than it used to be. The Youth Affairs Minister for the first time ever is in Cabinet. The Youth Bureau in DETYA makes youth policy across the whole of the federal government. They have input into all aspects of youth policy such as homelessness, suicide and unemployment. The actual interaction on policy formulation occurs through the formal process of Cabinet Submissions being circulated to relevant sections of federal departments. Policy input from the states is via the Ministerial Council for Employment, Education Training and Youth Affairs, which is a federaktate mechanism. The Ministerial Council, which is underpinned by about 20 Task Forces and Committees, is made up of representatives of each of the state and the federal organizations responsible for youth affairs. This is a formal mechanism for state and federal consultation about youth. Service delivery is at the state level with youth working parties and committees, which would have state representatives' (lan, Youth Bureau 12/99). Organizational Perspectives 1 99
Peter's organization is contracted by the federal government to provide job training and personal skilling to young people at risk. He also expresses concerns about the lack of coordination between support organizations in the current environment.
'In Canberra there is a split between private and govemment and community support agencies. Even on the board of the Youth Coalition of the ACT there are no private members. I think that this is a poor reflection of how things are in Canberra. There is no coordination in the private sector, because we are on outcome based funding and there is a lot of competition as well. We have links with Job Network providers and other different training providers, such as those which provide grooming and deportment. All the Youth Refuges know who we are. We refer to them and they refer to us' (Peter, Youth worker with youth at risk, 8/99).
Kevin (Canberra Youth Refuge) explains his experiences in helping young unemployed people since the introduction of Centrelink and the Job Network:
'One of the issues we find now is getting young people benefds. Once upon a time you would just go and sign up and you were basically automatically on benefds. Nowadays there are the requirements to contact parents and wait an amount of time, which puts pressure on us. If someone comes here with no money we are actually funding their fares around and it puts added pressure on our funds and us. This government change is another hurdle for them to jump. They even can't be bothered. They even resort to crime to get their money. There is that 'big brother' thing too with the government. There are some young people who have been so put down by the fact that they are looked on as 'dole bludgers'. I know people who come here who do not want to accept payments because of that fear. They say, 'I am not a bludger'. That is terribly sad' (Kevin, Canberra Youth Refuge 11/99).
This account highlights some of the consequences of the government's imposing increased obligations on the unemployed. Megan (Migrant Resource Centre 1 OI99) also considers that the Job Network does not meet all community requirements and notes the lower level of trust between organizations in the market driven environment.
'We are not part of the Job Network. We are not like one of the private employment agencies that tendered for govemment money. And I would not want to be, to be honest. I don't think it would fd very well with the target group we are working with in terms of the principles of cross-cultural sensitivity. But we do have a lot to do with those agencies. I think the current environment makes it really difficult because there is a competitive tendering set-up. I have noticed the change in organizations and it is quite sad. There is a lower level of trust because people are competing with each other. It is harder to be cooperative. People are trying not to change the philosophical underpinning of what they are doing, but it has changed the environment we work in with scrounging around for every cent. In spite of that, I think people are still trying very hard in different organizations' (Megan, Migrant Resource Centre 10199).
Another avenue of social support for young unemployed people is through the ACT govemment. Its programs fill the gaps in the federal government policy process Organizational Perspectives 200 through the Youth Bureau. Joy coordinates job training in a program delivery area of the ACT Chief Minister's Department. She explains how her area has a positive impact on community conditions and its ability to act quickly to fill the gaps in federal government funding to assist young unemployed people in Canberra in job skilling. She provides an insight into how the Job Network has impacted on the ACT government Open Access Centres, and her impressions of the repercussions of introducing the Youth Allowance and abolishing the youth wage. Joy also comments on interorganizational communication between the ACT government and the community, and on employment service delivery in Canberra:
'The ACT government fills in the qaps at the local level. We look at where the iobs are likelv to be and try to match UP the funds available for education and trainina to target that training into industries where there is going to be iobs. We have an Em~lovment Services lndustrv Forum [every four months1 comprised of communitv. industry, traininq providers, the federal and the ACT qovemment. It is purely voluntary but the response has been great, from the Housing Industry people, the training providers, community organizations, the ACT Council of Social Services and anyone who wants to come. The ACT government focus is on community because it is a small community. You can't do this in other states. You don't have the ear of government. It shortens the reaction time from program areas' (Joy, ACT government 10199).
Joy compares the policies of the former ACT Labor government with the current ACT Liberal government:
'The Follett Labor government had a social iustice approach with a much stronqer emphasis on policv for disadvantaqed aroups. The policv of the current Liberal govemment is verv much driven bv business development and growth and the appropriate emplovment that comes with that. There are more opportunities now in the private sector whereas there are very little entry-level opportunities in the public sector. I reallv think the private sector have afforded these iob opportunities. The turnaround between private and public sector iobs is closer to 54146. We launched the one-off Youth 1000 ~roiectin 1997 when statistics in the paper were saving that vouth unemplovment was at 47 percent. We found that the vast majority of young people who got a job were not long term unemployed but kids just out of school. We haven't done a survey but I don't know that it had a huge impact on unemployment. They were kids that were going to get jobs anyway. The Youth 1000 had a significant impact on employers' attitudes. They said: 'Oh well if you are going to give me $1000 1 will try a young person'. Over 80 percent of young people who got jobs were still in those jobs after six months. Huge numbers were trainees so there was a 12 months' commitment to keep them on board. There reallv hasn't been a focus on vouth since. The mature aae lobbv reallv took over because of the huqe number of redundancies [in the Public Sewicel. They demanded the attention of the government and that is where the focus has shifted. But mature age men who have been made redundant are an incredibly hard group to manage. At least our kids will take a job just to get a job. Mature age won't' (Joy, ACT government 10199).
Joy's last observation agrees with Probert's (1 989:177- 1 78) Australian research that 'contrary to popular prejudice, young people make greater efforts to get a job than Organizational Perspectives 20 1 unemployed adults'. However Joy's later observations show that young people do not attend job skilling, whether through lack of motivation or information. The following account describes how federal policies have impacted on the ACT government's initiatives to fill the gaps in the community for unemployed people:
'Centrelink have reallv created a problem for our Open Access Centres which the ACT government funds. They are shopfronts at Tuggeranong, Civic and Belconnen. They are run by three individual contracted service providers and provide initial interviews, which is a bit of career counselling such as 'where do you want to go'? They have facilities on site to take people through self-paced learning on computer packages and act as a referral agent for other programs funded by the ACT government. We put in an exclusivitv clause in that thev are not allowed to assist anvone in receipt of a Commonwealth benefit from Centrelink. Before that they had huge demand on their services from people under the Job Network system who had been categorised as Flex 1 and were not entitled to any assistance or training - nothing. The Job Network providers are shortcuttina and vew often won't aive them any help with resumes or interview skills. The Job Network doesn't work together - thev work in competition. That is what thev are desiqned to do. Conseauentlv that policv at the federal level has impacted on the Open Access Centres' (Joy, ACT government 10199).
Joy provides a perspective of young unemployed people's attitude to attending ACT government sponsored training courses and the lack of information and coordination within the Job Network:
'There is vew little demand from the vouna unemploved at the Open Access Centres. We ran specific traininn proarams for them - self-esteem, and confidence building. The YMCA was contracted for a two-week residential program down the coast and up to the snow. Fifteen expressed an interest in the proaram, seven turned up at the bus, and two ran awav from the bus before it ever left. We finished up with five out of a minimum of 10 and the YMCA did everything they could have done to get those kids on the program. The thing which has been most successful has been the employer incentive scheme but you have to balance that with whether those people would have got jobs anyway. For the mature age employers' program we had over 300 calls from job seekers who had no idea about the Job Network and what to do. We also had emplovers without a clue on how to emplov. There is still a lot of not knowina about the Job Network' (Joy, ACT government 10199).
Joy views the Youth Allowance and youth wages in the following terms:
'I don't know how the Youth Allowance has affected the unemployment statistics, but I suspect it has. A lot have gone back to school, although we have always had a 94195 per cent retention rate in Year 12. 1 personally think abolishing the youth wage would have had a huge impact on youth unemployment. Low youth wages give jobs that give youth skills such as communication, customer skills and financial management skills. It would have impacted on this town particularly because of the limited areas where kids can go for jobs' (Joy, ACT government 10199).
Garry, a youth worker at a Canberra Youth Centre, has direct experience of the impact on young people's lives as the result of changes to the Youth Allowance policy from his Organizational Perspectives 202 involvement in college programs that help youth integrate into the system after being forced back through loss of the Youth Allowance:
'There seems to be more pressure on us to do more with vouna people who have been throuah these changes with Centrelink and with Youth Allowance who have been forced back into colleae. There have been more who would normally be out lookina for work that have been forced back into college. There has been more pressure on us to try and work with those young people to deal with their day to day problems that they are having in adjusting to being back at school and not wanting to be there. I have a problem with changes in the Youth Allowance. I think vounn people are old enouah and mature enouah to be independent and we as a communitv should support them in that. It really has put a lot of pressure on families and on young people and on schools. I think if people were told 25 years ago that they would still have to be supporting their son or daughter when they were 25 years old and living at home they would think it absolutely ridiculous. If you have money and you can afford to put your son or daughter up in a one-bedroom unit down the road that is OK, but if you don't have the money to do that you have to support an adult without a job. You talk to peo~lefrom Centrelink about the chanaeover [from the CESl and the whole thina is a bit of a mess' (Garry, Belconnen Youth Centre 11199).
Like members of other of support organizations, Joy (ACT government 10199) is also concerned about the lack of communication coordination between Centrelink, the Job Network providers, their clients and employers:
'The claps in communication about the support available is iust terrible. The Job Network aqencies have been so focused on meeting outcomes thev forget thev are part of a collective of a whole community. At the end of October 1999 Centrelink, the ACT Department of Education, and the ACT Chamber of Commerce and Industry are running an Employment Expo. They are going to have the major employers in Canberra and for the first time they will have all Job Network agencies represented. It is targeted at school leavers to tell them where to go for assistance. But I think they are missing the mark with the employers. Employers such as Bunnings, Coles and Woolworths will be there as prospective employers for the kids if they have a resume on the day. So those employers are not interested in what the Job Network agencies are doing because they recruit themselves.
I think the Job Network agencies have to market as a Commonwealth service and stop beina so precious about it. It needs a maior, maior marketina campaian driven bv the federal aovemment, not bv the individual aaencies. You will get Quest Solutions doing ads on TV with Jim Murphy the wine merchant, but the ad does not tell they are part of the Job Network. All the eight agencies should show on up on the jigsaw motive for the ad on TV for the Job Network, and you pick up the piece you want and trundle off to them. If they do not satisfy your needs you go over here and there. But they, the public, do not know that' (Joy, ACT government 10199).
Chns (ACT Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 10199) agrees with Joy about the lack of cooperation between the Job Network providers:
'My personal view, having been involved with some of the Job Network providers is that we could do it better. But the nature of the competition that exists between those Organizational Perspectives 203 providers means they tend to operate more independently' (Chris, ACT Chamber of Commerce and lndustry lOI99).
Chsexplains how the Chamber has formed a link between prospective employers, the Job Network providers, and school leavers in trying to improve communication. His account supports Joy's (ACT government 10199) view that employers are ill informed about the Job Network:
'Most of the commercial Job Network providers are members of this Chamber. They use our own member network to mix with our members as a way of promoting their own organizations. We employ a person here who runs the school to industry liaison role. That role narrows the gap between what employers are looking for in employing young entry-level people, what school leavers expect, or whether they are misinformed. There is a fair amount of misunderstanding with employers. So the aim of that role is to get each group to better understand each other and we are working very closely with the Job Network providers as well' (Chris, ACT Chamber of Commerce and lndustry lOI99).
Melany, who represents the Youth Coalition of the ACT, provides a further insight into the lack of coordination and communication amongst support organizations. She notes that inflexible Job Network contracts in a cautious and less open market dnven environment have generated a lack of communication between the Job Network providers. This has prevented integrating common issues that affect young unemployed people through joint projects with providers in other regions within Canberra to the detriment of their clients (1 1/99). All of these communication problems are reflected in the Australian National Audit Office's concerns about anomalies in DEWRSB7sJob Network contract management and the need for communication between the department, Centrelink and the Job Network providers (cited in Burgess, CT 2000:3). All the support organizations have social marketing programs independent of each other. For example, the Job Network providers visit schools with minimum success due to difficulties in being allocated lunch hours to access the students with consequent low interest rates (Mary, Job Network provider 11/99). The government Job Network provider, Employment National, advertises in The Canberra Chronicle as found in Chapter 5. Centrelink's video is shown in schools and by non-government youth service providers. The community support organizations advertise independently in places where young people frequent. They also use youth forums, schools, government shopfrorits, the media, word of mouth, the yellow pages, the Internet and trade shows to reach young people (Interviews Canberra support organizations 1999). Additionally, the ACT Chamber of Commerce and Industry has established its own links between school leavers, employers and the Job Network providers. Organizational Perspectives 204
Chapter Summary
This chapter has addressed the research question:
What is the role of community and organizationa1 support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment?
It has argued that young people's experiences of unemployment in Canberra are different from other capital cities due to the reduced opportunities for socialising, the loss of traditional sources of job opportunities in the Public Service, and a fledgling private sector. The community is highly educated and computer literate and is much younger than for Australia as a whole. Although it holds the unique position of being the nation's only true middle-class city where the difference between the highest and the lowest income is smaller than in other parts of Australia, unemployment or casual employment is a direct cause of poverty in Canberra.
The lack of work opportunities for young people has meant that staying in education is a safety net against the isolation and associated problems of being on the dole. Thunberg et al. (1982) consider that when an individual's sense of self and identity is not properly developed, they are unable to develop a sense of communion and belonging with those around them. Consequently, the risk of unemployment is heightened through their inability to communicate because communication plays a significant role in accessing community and organizational support.
This chapter found that young people do not feel connected with the community when unemployed. This stems from discrimination because of age and race, and the lack of recreational opportunities that foster acceptance within the community. The hazards of youth unemployment all contribute to the difficulties of coping with unemployment and are experienced to a greater degree by young migrant and Aboriginal youth. While females appear to display more potential as teenagers than young males, their experiences as young adults can be affected by parenting responsibilities. In essence, feeling connected with the community without employment is very difficult for a young person for two reasons: the loss of identity, which is found through work, and the absence of dignity afforded young people by the community. Organizational Perspectives 205
It is difficult to categorise youth according to the values of earlier generations. However, within the absence of a strict moral upbringing, their adaptability to change, acceptance of technology, and openness to diversity, there is some evidence of their having their own values. One example is their reluctance to engage in meaningless lowly paid jobs from social pressures and the altruistic idea of giving one's labour. The work ethic is maintained, however, through their desire to earn money to obtain material benefits and the self esteem that being in the workforce produces.
On the issue of shedding the risk and placing the blame for youth unemployment, changes in the federal government's employment service delivery have meant that the government has shed the risk of unemployment to the private sector and the blame for unemployment on the victims. Although community attitudes are sympathetic towards the young victims of unemployment, the government appears to be attributing blame to the victim as it continues to tighten the requirements on young unemployed people for income support eligibility. These restrictions have not gone unnoticed by the media, which continues to attribute sympathy for the victims and blames the government for their discriminatory policies.
This chapter has found that the formulation of policy for youth and unemployment at the federal level is one of community, state and federal government input prior to submission to Cabinet for consideration. However, reforms in social welfare linked to markets and networks have made increasing demands upon unemployed youth and their families. In examining the role of organizational support for young unemployed people Goodman and Associates' (1982) findings that good internal organizational communication involves managers and staff being skilled in human communication and flexible in meeting the challenge of new technologies, new government policies and new demands to improve productivity were tested. This study found that the comments from Job Network providers and clients in this and the following chapter suggest that poor internal communication within Centrelink has lead to client confusion about the new employment services arrangements. Granovetter (1985) contends that interorganizational communication can generate trust. In this respect it was found that the market driven environment of the Job Network resulting in a cautious less open approach between support organizations has had detrimental effects on clients because of the resultant lack of integrated programs for unemployed youth across Canberra's regions. Neher (1997:346) has identified a growing mistrust of organizations Organizational Perspectives 206 communicated by some sections of the community that feel they have too much control over their personal lives. This study found that such mistrust, which was previously aimed at the government, is now directed at the Job Network providers - a result of the government's shedding the risk of unemployment service delivery to the Job Network.
Chapter 1 examined how the federal government advertised the Job Network in its early stages and found there was a lack of information about Job Network providers at this time. No follow up social marketing has been carried out which provides specific advice about Centrelink and Canberra's Job Network providers. Consequently, the social marketing of Centrelink as the gateway to the Job Network has proved inadequate for public comprehension. All the organizations involved in job service delivery publicize their services independently to the detriment of unemployed youth, who are unaware of the compatibility of these services. A major public communication campaign managed by DEWRSB and DETYA the contracting departments, is required to provide the missing information that their current public communication lacks. Young unemployed people are the hard-to-reach segments of the community because the product being advanced often is not desired, (for example their resistance to work for the dole), and increased demand may be dysfunctional due to lack of resources (experienced by Centrelink in carrying out the program) (Solomon 1989, and Webster 1975, cited in Windahl et al. 1992:96).
In risk communication terms this lack of public communication coordination is an example of the layperson being required to trust in expert solutions that lead to confusion when experience at the personal level is unclear (Tulloch and Lupton 19975). This has lead to public distrust of Centrelink and the Job Network, which is evident in the accounts of young people's perspectives of the Canberra support organizations in Chapter 7. Young People's Perspectives 207
CHAPTER 7
YOUNG PEOPLE'S PERSPECTIVES OF CANBERRA'S SOCIAL SUPPORT NETWORKS
Introduction
This chapter analyses the data and discusses the findings to the questions:
How do young people dr;fferently experience their primary and secondary social support networks? and
How does young peoples' ability to access secondary support networks affect their experiences of unemployment?
Chapter 1 explored the idea that when an individual's sense of self is not fully developed they are unable to experience values important to communicating with friends and the wider community such as self esteem, self reliance, a sense of belonging, and solidarity with society (Thunberg et al. 1982). A positive view of oneself is vital in interpersonal communication yet is not always a given depending on the hazards encountered by individuals. A positive identity also influences a young person's ability to trust within the risk culture of modernity.
The preference and tendencies in the way people cope and seek social support relate to their primary and secondary socialisation. Primary socialisation involves learning to speak a language, read, write and count and to make sense of appropriate moral standards, attitudes, aspirations and social roles. Earliest experiences in the family also influence their adult interpersonal interactions. Secondary socialisation involves learning how to be social which takes place in schools, university, at work, church, prison or through reading, radio TV and film, or interaction with friends (Bessant et al. 1998).
This chapter analyses young unemployed people's perspectives of their social support networks. These include their primary social support, of family, friends and acquaintances, as well as their secondary social support provided by Canberra's support organizations including Centrelink, the Job Network and community organizations. The respondents' accounts have been categorised as 'haves' - those with family support and schooling to or past Year 12, or 'have nots' - those who have not experienced these Young People's Perspectives 308 two factors. These are ideal types that establish a continuum, that is, there is not a clear line between them. A low level of primary support and education can impinge on a person's overall coping effectiveness and in seeking secondary support. Comparing each category provides a better understanding of how young unemployed people individually experience the intricacies of negotiating life in an environment of decreased employment opportunities. Although young people may be the postmodernist, flexible personalities as described by Mackay (199% 138), they need to be stable and secure enough to cope.
Young Peoples' Experiences of Unemployment in Canberra
The examination of youth in Chapter 1 has shown that individuation and the breakdown of community life have enhanced the risks and hazards associated with young unemployed people's ability to find self-esteem and self-identity. The generational change in moral values and attitudes such as those described by Mackay (1997a & b), Holtz (1995), and Sacks (1996), has also increased the risk of youth unemployment and has exposed this group's vulnerability to negative public perception in an environment of reduced work opportunities.
It is not the purpose of this study to compare and contrast communication networks of the young unemployed, but to assess their role in providing primary and secondary support. The type of secondary support groups accessed by young unemployed people in Canberra include: Centrelink and the J,ob Network organizations for welfare payments and mutual obligation activities, such as work for the dole, job training and job search; Social Justice Agencies for job training, counselling, detention; Housing Community Services for accommodation; Youth Centres for help in obtaining work and participating in leisure activities; and Youth Refuges, for short term accommodation and counselling. Social support becomes necessary, for example, when a young person is homeless from the age of 15 and requires assistance to complete their education or to find work. Self-image also plays an important role in young people's ability to believe they can find a job. The following accounts indicate how young unemployed people cope with the hazards of unemployment that increase the likelihood of their becoming marginalised in the community, living in poverty, lacking in self esteem, and feeling desperate. First, Emma explains how she changed her earlier views about 'dole bludgers' through her own experience in searching for work: Young People's Perspectives 209
'There seems to be more people going for jobs than there are actual jobs. If you ring up past twelve o'clock on a Sunday they will say we have already got enough applicants. I used to think when I was younger that there were young people out there who were 'dole bludgers'. I believed everything, and then when you get in the situation - you know' (Emma 12/99).
Tim explains how poverty has affected his selection for a job due to not being able to dress suitably for an interview:
'There are a lot of young people like me that are willing to work and just because they have a hard time showing it, they won't take them on. A lot of people don't have the money or the ways to get proper clothes or shoes to go to interviews. Whereas if they rock up the way they are that should be good enough. If the boss expects you to rock up in a fancy suit and your hair done up and clean shaved face, well you need money to do that sort of thing. That is why you are looking for the job' (Tim 11/99).
Anne depends on drugs to relieve her anxiety, which help her to cope with daily life on the dole as well as her own personal problems. She is trying marijuana and heroin and is further contemplating whether to go outside of other social norms in her quest for a job:
'I do not want to work at McDonalds. The pay is too low. I am thinking about being an escort because the pay is good. I look for jobs in the Centrelink computer but I do not go any further about enquiring about them. I do a lot of thinking and not doing. I feel so nervous, and I have no confidence to do anything about following through on a possible job. I look in The Canbena Times but I don't have suitable experience or qualifications to do anything about getting any of the jobs' (Anne 8/98).
Following Neher (1997) and Giddens (1994) this study has found that many young people do not trust Centrelink and the Job Network to be able to find them work. Consequently they rely on newspapers or advertisements in shop windows to secure employment. Their experiences of employment often place them at the mercy of unscrupulous employers who avoid increasing wages. For example, they are hired for a day over a weekend for a trial without pay and are not contacted on Monday about their success or otherwise in being selected for the job. Some are hired as trainee checkout persons in a supermarket for three months. After this period all the trainees are put off and a new batch engaged. Others have been asked to clean gutters on the roof of the supermarket building when hired to serve customers and stack shelves and are then put off without adequate references (Hany 11/98; Jane 11/99; Tim 1 1/99).
David provides a comment on the social environment of young people that offers an insight into their milieu. His views have been shaped through his. career as a youth Young People's Perspectives 2 10 worker and national convenor of the now defimded Australian Youth Policy and Action Coalition (AYPAC). He has been involved in long-term research on youth for policy development and input into the federal government policymaking process. A major role of AYPAC, as the national youth voice, was its representation to the office holders fashioning public policy (Nimmo 1978). David's account highlights the conflict that occurs when the youth lobby concerns are different from the government's wider agenda. His experiences are similar to the Golding and Middleton (1982) study's findings about public attitudes to poverty in Britain that showed definitions of both poverty and social security were derived from the authors of policy, rather than its clients.
His personal observations about improving community perceptions of youth are that youth have a short 'shelf life', with the result that young activists like himself (26 years) do not have long to learn about the relevant issues before they progress to adulthood. He highlights the implications of delayed independence, the government's attempts at social engineering through the Youth Allowance, 'warehousing' youth in education, the disadvantages of the government's reliance on economic growth to provide jobs, the lack of youth voice in government policy making, and the discrimination of the youth wage.
'You see big cycles in unemployment where people have given up, such as in the late 1970s. There was increased focus on the unemployed again, in the early years of the Hawke govemment, and in the early 1990s. There will be one over the next few years. Another factor is about the manipulation of statistics, which has been a fine art in the last 10 years. Long-term unemployment used to be 6 months, 5 years ago, now it is 18 months, so it is easy to push out definitions. Unfortunately the last couple of times we have had downturns the watermark as it comes back up is much higher in terms of levels of unemployment.
Unemployment is also incredibly unevenly distributed. Across Australia you have pockets of stagnant unemployment. If you presume a level of economic growth will help the level of employment growth then the people at the top of the queue will get serviced - the highly educated, trained and presentable people who have a long work history and continudy of employment - and the ones at the back of the queue don't even get attention. The public sector used to be a major employer of young people and people generally, and it also had an active role in providing programs. I don't think the govemment is encouraging the private sector to make jobs for the long term unemployed. The job subsidies used to be the best way of doing that and proved to be effective in Working Nation evaluations. There are not many programs that focus on that at all'.
David provides an insight on what he terms the federal government's social engineering: Young People's Perspectives 2 1 1
'If you were to take a look at the last 10 years you really see the main strategy to address youth unemployment which is the 'warehousing' strategy. This is akin to the wool stockpile where you can warehouse people in education in the hope that the market will some time in the future allow you to do a big sell off. Youth allowance is another engineering aspect of forcing young people back to school. My experience of unemployment history is that once they are not on the numbers they don't count any more statistically and there is lots of engineering.
You have to be in school othefwise there is no under 18 vears dole, so it is constructed in a wav where vou have no choice. On one level school retention is a good idea. It is important that people do get education and skills, but it becomes a tool to run a particular argument. It is now redefined that 15 to 19 year olds should not work - they virtually do not have a place in the workforce. They should be in school. That is the message clearly in every sense of social policy. Whilst many might think this is great, it is denying choice. It is denying the fact that school is not meeting the needs of all students that are in them. Because societv thinks aoina to school is a aood idea and the other options have been removed does not make it riaht. The other critical trend is the delaved independence. It is a critical issue of society. You have 40 percent of 20 year olds living at home now and that is not through choice, it is through lack of opportunrty. The state is putting back on families the responsibilities which in the past it was seen to have: to provide employment opportunities, to provide education free of charge, and to provide social secunty for those that needed it. Now the government is clearly saying that families have the responsibility to care for young people up to the age of almost 25.
Much social policv is about reconstructina familv breakdown but it is unrealistic. It is a dream and a mvth and it is verv damaaina to people who don't fit the bill because Youth Allowance savs that vour parents should be supportincl vou. They say that they are not going to or they can't, and it denies you the opportunity of having any other choice. And what it means is that young people either put up and are making do and not having an income, or staying home or taking the chances on the street. And if you look at the other end you look at care of elderly people with an ageing population being put onto my generation. Then you have two things - you've got delayed independence, and you have advanced caring responsibilities. The golden years where you are an independent, free and responsible adult are shrinking away'.
David compares previous and current government youth policies:
'In 1991 when the [federal] Labor government was in government, you had an awareness of a strong role for government in providing employment programs and training. The training has definitely been cut back with the Howard federal government. In their first budget they cut $2 billion from the labour market programs. They saved another $1 billion with the closure of the Commonwealth Employment Service, so you are talking about a massive withdrawal of public participation in training opportunities. Also the restricted social security benefits have placed more and more hurdles that you have to jump. At the local level the ACT Liberals have done some quite impressive stuff in employment programs. I was involved in a Youth Employment Symposium about three years ago through the Youth Coalition of the ACT. It was a major exercise to try and get youth employment back on the agenda here in Canberra. That was a very useful exercise. There was money definitely forthcoming from it and a bit of a new focus'. Young People's Perspectives 2 12
David comments on the current mechanisms of policy feedback about youth issues through the Youth Roundtable, the successor to AYPAC.
'I quess it is hard for me to speak in an unbiased wav about the Youth Roundtable but I will say. aaain. that it does have merit as a concept. But it has real limitations and it can be done on a spectrum of vew well or vew badlv. And I suspect it is much more toward the badlv end at the moment. We have a hand-selected group of people, and we have a government that controls the agenda. It is funny that when you say you want to hear what young people have to say but you tell them what to talk about. There is no continuity of membership. People go to two meetings only. They are not eligible to go to a third meeting which means you have that learning curve again. It appears to me to be designed not to increase the input from more people but to limit the ability of those young people to get informed, to get networked and to disturb the apple cart and that is very concerning. I have a view that thinqs aet tried out on voung people in the public policv sense that vou would not qet awav with testina on anvone else. Because thev are vouth thev can be tested on. I am interested in making that comment again in relation to work for the dole that it has been expanded now, but after it has gained some acceptance, because it was tested on a group that government could get away with trying it on. And I think that is the same with the Roundtable. The government could not just@ in any way having one mechanism which is a government appointed body as its only mechanism for women, Aboriginal people, particularly the business community, or any others and what the government might regard as its natural constituency. They would not even bother to stand up and defend that as a reasonable way of doing it. Because it is youth, it is acceptable, and they can get away with it'.
David's views about youth wages are well researched:
'There are two iustifications for vouth waaes - one is that the work of vouna people is inherentlv of a lesser value, which is a vew danqerous and discriminatorv assumption, and the second one which has a bit more validity but also needs to be challenqed. It is. that without vouth waqes there would be no vouth em~lovment.You look at youth wages, which are largely employment in the retail sector by three Canberra companies of Woolworths, Coles and McDonalds. They are very profitable companies and what they are effectively receiving is a massive business subsidy in the form of cheap labour. This business subsidy is not coming from government; it is coming out of the pocket of the workforce. You can justify all sorts of arguments to say why that may be a good thing, but the realrty is that young people who are doing exactly the same work are getting paid, in some cases, less than 40 percent than what adults get for doing exactly the same work, and that is very bad.
Minister Reith suggested lower wages for long-term unemployed. So the argument gets down to 'do you want a job or not'? That is clearly what it is about. Young people do want to work but they also clearly and justifiably want equal remuneration for that. So the issue of course is equal pay for equal work of equal value. One might make an argument that 15 to 18 year olds who are mainly at secondary school are studying and working part-time for pocket money and not for independent living or to support families. But when vou are talking about 18 to 21 vear olds vou are talking about adults. You are talkina about a waae svstem that qoes back to 1908 - iunior waqes with the aae maioritv of 21. Thev haven't been that for 25 vears and vou have adults that have clot everv other riaht in societv beinq treated as minors. That is clearly offensive and clearly discriminatow and not on. but acceptable because of the preiudices aaainst vouth. Preiudices are an important factor aaain because thev relate to the work ethic, work value and questions of motivation' (David, AYPAC 11/99). Young People's Perspectives 2 13
David7scritique suggests that political and economic ideologies precede pragmatism in present federal government youth unemployment policies. Melany, whose organization (Youth Coalition) represents the youth sector in the ACT, describes the problems she has encountered with the ACT government's approach to youth policy formulation and its lack of understanding of the youth sector. It highlights the importance of Cobb and Elder's (1981) idea of a two-way communication that joins citizens and officials in a policy dialogue. Her story provides more understanding of the consequent difficulties experienced by young Canberra people in accessing these programs.
'The ACT aovemment scheme called Pathwavs to Emplovment was throuah traininq and education to emplovment and that was all within the one department. But they split education and emplovment and put them into separate departments. We called it 'the meanderina qoat path to emplovment'. It is venr hard for aovemment to do cross portfolio approaches. There should be an all of novemment approach where vou don't look at vouth unemplovment in isolation from housinn and health which are linked with unemplovment. There are people in departments [i.e. Melany's colleagues], if you told them that health and unemployment are related they would laugh at you. It is important they realise it is all encompassing, and how youth unemployment is really degrading for the young people and for the community. So it is about the govemment and whole community approach and about awareness raising. The federal position is much the same. I had a meeting with someone from DETYA and he was savina to me 'I have to do a mappina exercise because there are reallv biq naps. and it is reallv hard to find thinas'. So how are vouncr people accessinn the pronrams? There needs to be an innovative approach to outreaching to young people. They do not like coming to govemment departments and they don't like sitting in stii buildings' (Melany, Youth Coalition of the ACT 11/99).
The 'Have Nots' Primary and Secondary Support
To supplement these criticisms of youth unemployment policies, the following section provides personalised views of young peoples' experiences in surviving the risk and hazards of unemployment in Canberra by analysing the experiences of the 'haves' and the 'have nots' in unemployment. This study analyses their primary and secondary social support, and their experiences in accessing Canberra's social support organizations. This division between the 'have nots' and the 'haves' is necessarily arbitrary to an extent and requires qualification. The former have generally not had sufficient family support and are struggling to stay in school and work in the holidays, or have dropped out of school prior to Year 12, and are looking for full time work. The latter have had the benefit of schooling to or past Year 12 and have experienced strong family support in their formative years. The 'have nots' have mainly Anglo-Australian backgrounds and include Jane (l6 years), Tim (l9 years), Sean (22 years), Emma (l8), Young People's Perspectives 2 14 and Lilly (22 years), whose case is an example of someone falling between the two categories.
Jane's Story
Jane, (16 years) has an Australian born mother and a Greek father. She is struggling to complete her schooling to Year 12, and has been put in the care of the Canberra Youth Refuge by Juvenile Justice. Jane's account initially describes the extent of her primary support and the dificulties she has experienced since leaving home:
'I want a job to fill up the holidays and then I am going back to finish school. I have just finished Year 10. 1 have been looking and there is not much in the way of work for students without Year 12. 1 am getting away from home allowance. It does not really allow you to get by. It does, but not really. When I was living at home I had it easy - as much as it was hard. I had to baby sit my mum's children 24 hours a day and I would be doing everything that my mum wasn't doing and that was too much for me to do. I was only 16. But it is just as hard living away from home but not really. I find it easier on myself but not really. A lot of people said 'don't do it', but now I have done it I don't want to go back because now I am my own person. I have something to work for. I will be able to turn around in two years and say I've done what everyone thought I could not do and I am higher than all of you. I get $247 a fortnight but once you pay for everything it leaves you with nothing for two weeks. You can't budget once you have spent money you need to spend. You can't go without just because you need to get by. I have done it for three months now. My boyfriend and I have been living off the $247 a fortnight together. We went weeks with nothing, but it is still not as hard as what a lot of people have it. So I am still grateful for what I have got. Without what I have got I have nothing really. But I would still like to have more. I would like to be able to do things. You struggle but you still get there. It is hard to go anywhere.
Without what I have done to survive I would not be who I am today. I am not somebody but I am not anybody. I have woken up a lot. But you get a lot of criticism from older people saying 'well when I left school it was easy' and you think, well you are not out there now doing it. Three months ago I would not have really cared - I have learnt a lot. Being independent you realise that the world is too big to sit back and relax. You are your own person and you have to look out for yoursetf because you can't worry about other people. You have to watch out for your own back. If you want anything, you do it yourself.
I don't know my father. My mother's expectations for me to find a job are high. She would care if I can't get a job because she thinks I should support myself and I would be told to try harder. You still have to realise it is not as easy to get a job as every one thinks. The amount that I am pushed is not really reasonable to the extent that work is not there. My mother does not try in a practical way to help me get a job. I just get the criticism. My mother used to be my friend, and she liked my boyfriend but when she got a boyfriend they fell out and she began to dislike him. She tells me constantly that my relationship will not work' (Jane 11/99).
Jane's experience of secondary support is varied. Young People's Perspectives 2 15
'I am not sure about how Centrelink can help in finding jobs. Centrelink are pretty supportive. They have computers where you press certain things you want to do and they come up with all the new jobs available. I think there are more casual full-time jobs. I was given a lot of information about the Job Network you can go to. [Interviewer informed Jane about the ACT government Access Centre, and a Job Nehvork provider who fills Woolworths' vacancies]. You don't hear about ACT Access [the ACT Government shopfront to assist people not receiving Centrelink payments to obtain work] or other information. You only hear about what Centrelink are involved with. You need someone out there who knows everything about everything that can tell you exactly what to do. At school we do work experience for a week but they [teachers] don't help because they are not out there experiencing it. They just tell you what they think is going on. The dropouts in Year 10 need to know. Students and people need to be sat down and told what their options are through life - such as going to Year 12, or to University.
My boyfriend actually went to apply to Centrelink to get Youth Allowance. He was told that unless you are living out of home for 12 months they will only give you $1 14 a fortnight. They go on your parents' wages so you get less that way. If you get a living away from home allowance, [as in Jane's case] they go and talk to counsellors and your parents and assess your full case. The Youth Refuge where I am now staying is short-term accommodation. I pay $70 a fortnight and that leaves me with $180 for two weeks' (Jane 11/99).
Jane's story highlights the emotional and practical difficulties of poverty and homelessness experienced by young people in the absence of the close family ties and consequently the loss of the closest interpersonal communication in her life (Albrecht and Adelman 1987:49). The circumstances of her leaving home are common to the experiences of family breakdown previously noted in Kevin's account (Canberra Youth Refuge, 1 1/99). Her story and succeeding stories indicate that when some young people fall out of the safety net of the family and are rescued by the support organizations they are unable to recapture the security of family life experiences and the benefits of family ties. In the absence of her family's support, her boyfriend's parents have rescued Jane:
'My boyfriend's parents have offered to take me in, so I have to ring up the Juvenile Services to see if they will agree to me doing that. I am here [in the Refuge] through a court order - I have to live here. I don't like it at the Refuge because for three months I have done it independently. It is not that I don't want to abide by rules but after three months I am independent. I am not here to be told I am grounded. But places like the Youth Refuge are so helpful. They tell you where to go and what you need to be doing in life. This is the only organization I have come across. I have just been by myself. Other than that I would just be out on my own struggling along' (Jane 11/99).
Jane's feelings about being forced into losing her independence are akin to the difficulties experienced by young people when whey are forced back into difficult situations in the family home through their being ineligible for the Youth Allowance. Jane's account about her stay at the Youth Refbge provides an insight into the assistance given to her there and the confusion experienced by minors in learning the Young People's Perspectives 2 16
'hard way' by being forced to fend for themselves. She talks about the support she has received at the Refuge in the following way:
'The people at the Youth Refuge are like a big support group. They know what you need to be doing. You need people like Rhonda [the counsellor in the Refuge] who knows what is going on to talk to people like myself. Everyone at school thinks life is rosy and happy. Counsellors at school can tell you what they think you should be doing but that got me nowhere. I had to learn it all myself' (Jane 11/99).
The following is a cameo of the circumstances of Jane's placement into the care of the Youth Refuge and provides an insight into how the actions of a spirited young person aggravated an already desperate situation:
'I was put into the Youth Refuge through a Court order. I went up with some people to actually stop a fight but nobody believes this story and it drives me crazy. I stood up in front of a sergeant and argued this case three times with tears out of my eyes because I did not want to go to Quamby [a Youth Justice Centre). I was sent to Quamby for the night because my own mother would not sign papers to release me, so I was told I had to be put somewhere with responsibilrty and with a responsible adult. Life is not easy. Employment is not there. The legal system does not help. The government within Medicare are supportive but not helpful. It is all weird and strange. Unless you have been living independently for 12 months you don't get anything. It all goes by what your parents earn. Mv bovfriend's Parents own a business and he is entitled to nothinq at all. You fall throuclh the claps and have to keep raisincl voursetf UP. I am onlv 16 and in realrtv I should still be at home kissing my mum's butt saving 'vou are qreat. vou are so wonderful'. And in a wav I wish I could turn back and do that. I have a lot of school friends but I have met a lot of people being out of home who have supported me a lot where I have been living. If you are 16 you can't get a flat any more. There is no community trust in people any more. You have to have employers. It is not easy for people with nothing to work themselves up. A lot of people haven't been through what I have been through - some have - but unless they know they don't understand. They could be talking French to you' (Jane 11/99).
Jane's experiences show that leaving the family home for a minor is a significant decision. The situation of being isolated from the family is intensified should they not possess sufficient coping ability to access social support. Jane's story demonstrates that by the time her journey of self-discovery has taken her to the Youth Refuge she has a complex primary and secondary support group. Jane's alienation from her mother has meant that her perceptions of her primary support consist of her boyfnend whose life experience is similar to Jane's, and his family who have promised to support her. Albrecht and Adelman's (1987:49) idea that primary support groups usually represent the strongest structural ties and the closest sources of interpersonal communication is reflected in Jane's regret and hurt at the loss of close ties with her mother. Jane's desire to show people what she is capable of indicates low self esteem, in that she does not feel valued and accepted by significant others (Thunberg et al. 1982). Young People's Perspectives 2 1 7
Jane's perception of her secondary support is conked due to the lack of accurate information she has about available support. The process of being assessed and gaining the living away from home allowance seems to have been satisfactory for her. However through her bornend's situation she has experienced the consequences of the Youth Allowance and its requirement for parents to accept responsibility for their children into their twenties. Due to such experiences she perceives that she is powerless to achieve better outcomes fiom other government services in securing accommodation, and a job and negotiating the Juvenile Justice system. The hazards she has experienced have led Jane to demonstrate what Furedi (1997:29) deems as a prevailing absence of trust. One positive result of being placed in the care of the Youth Refuge has been the valuable information she has received about the extent of secondary support available to her.
Tim's Story
Tim, who is 19 years, lost his close relationship with his mother when he went into foster care, then left home and started work when he was only 14. However, as he has matured he has regained these close ties and constant communication with his family and this turnaround reflects the extent to which he believes that he is loved, valued, and accepted by them. Tim's perception of his primary support is as follows:
'My father has not been with the family since I was seven years old. I was in foster care because mum had a nervous breakdown over the children and that is what brought the family closer. After foster care I left home at 14 and have been bv mvself. Travelling around you learn to respect what stuff you done to your parents - leaving school. You learn by your mistakes that is for sure. You grow up fast. I left school in Year 9 because I was out of home and I needed work. That is whv I went into fishing boats. It was the only opportunity I had, so I had to take it. I am a very quick learner. I did that for four years.
Mum was working at a motel cleaning rooms and she got me a job doing the same thing. I got transferred from there to maintenance and from there to the kitchen. It is good to have your parents beside you all the way for moral support. I certainly do enjoy the company of my mother now. [Said with wannth and passion]. I want to go back to see her next week. My sister lost twins before they were born through diabetes. I will be there for her next time. Mum has alwavs wanted me to stick to my cooking and my music also. I was a aood musician. She would be worried about my not havina work. However, she would not believe it would be mv fault because if I leave a iob I leave it in a aood wav. Wdh cooking, mum got me into it. She always used to ask me to help her and it is something I love and enjoy. It is not often you can sit down with your parent and do something like that. Kids say 'I don't want to see my parents because my friends are over here and it will embarrass me'. I am the sort of person I would walk down the street with mv mum. I cuddle mv mum and evewthina to Young People's Perspectives 2 1 8 show appreciation. I have a qirffriend now. A friend introduced me to a aid a few davs aao. I have never felt so special in all mv life.
Basicallv, I made friends throuah work in Canberra. Mv bosses are a top familv. They have helped me a lot, especiallv their son. Canberra is a place where you can speak to someone and they are willing to talk to you back, whereas back home [in Melbourne] you ask for the time and they tell you the time and want you to move on. I prefer to have single friendships. I don't like havina a lot of friends. It brinqs on more trouble, more problems, and more trouble about their worries. I took notice of friends when I was younger. I listen to my mum now for support. You always realise what your parents said was the truth and they were only trying to help you out. But you were just too stubborn to take the help. Like I am. Mum's help brought me close to her' (Tim 11/99).
Tim's secondary support experiences are with Centrelink and St Vincent de Paul's Men's Shelter:
'This is the first time I have had to ask for help like this rat the Men's Shelterl. Mv aim is to have mv own flat. St Vinnies are reallv good. I have had experience in Victoria of work for the dole on the fishina boats. Centrelink pay an employer a certain amount of money for the week and the employer pays you the rest of it. I would prefer to work for it than take it for free. Centrelink give you two-week criteria where you have to get hold of them otherwise they will cut you off, whereas if it were the other way around they would not like it. I want to do the same back to them. I can understand there are a lot of people on the dole but there are also a lot of people who work in those places. If we turn around and go into Centrelink and we need just say, rent assistance, and they will take at least three weeks to do it. We come to them - these high up - we really need the help and they just say 'we will put it there, and we will do all these other things for other people' which is OK because they were there first, but they just sit there and they don't do nothing.
Work makes vou feel aood about voursetf because vou know vou are out there doinq somethinq. You are not just sitting around doing nothing and feeling bad about yourself. It makes you feel good in every single way. I am still with Centrelink. I am claiming my earnings. I am doing a casual job in roof insulation. I have actually just been promoted as of yesterday. I got the job two or three days after I got here. I approached the company. It is the only way to go. I don't like noina throuah Centrelink. There are too many employees there. Thev like vounn people because thev can aet awav with ~avinathem an extensive amount of monev and because they think vounn people aren't willina enough to work. So that is whv I don't like going throuah anv of those sort of places because it aives vou a bad name' (Tim 11/99).
Tim's isolation from his family has taught him to be self-sufficient and to be able to improve his personal skills through self-learning:
'My last job was a sales rep in Sydney selling emergency house numbers on the kerb. That taught me to speak to people a little bit more - the way they come at you, you know how to come back at them not in a way that is bad but in a way they will appreciate the way you are coming on to them. I found I was better off selling my own numbers instead of having two people on one side [of the streefj. So I prefer to do things mysetf. I have always learnt the hard way. I am actually trying to work by correspondence at the moment to get my Year 10 [to join the Navy], and work at the same time' (Tim 11/99). Young People's Perspectives 2 19
At 19 years of age Tim has regained his primary support ties and communication with his mother and sister. He also has a girlfhend and good relations with his boss and family which have all contributed to his self-esteem. His perceptions of his primary support appear to be very positive notwithstanding his scepticism about close friendships. However the lack of interpersonal communication found within family support in his early teenage years seems to have negatively influenced his development of adult relationships. Tim's reference about learning how to interact with people when selling house numbers reflects his desire to be competent and gain a sense of self esteem and social effectiveness (Spitzberg and Cupach 1984). This desire stems from his negative view of his communication experiences with Centrelink staff that has resulted in feelings of disempowerment and loss of a sense of authentic selfiood in the communication exchanges (Harre 1987). Conversely, his experiences in the Men's Shelter have been positive and he has readily accepted this support.
Trust Relationships and Moral Values
Giddens' (1990:21) considers that the conditions of trust in modem society are quite different from pre-modern society. In modem society, trust rests on abstract systems. Jane and Tim's preceding stories reinforce this view in their lack of trust in people. Jane is an example of a young person who, in an individualist modem society, has not had sufficient primary support or education to provide a sense of empowerment to effectively access secondary support. Tim's experiences reflect his transition from disempowerment, following the separation from his family at the age of 14, to learning how to interact with clients in a work environment, and dealing with negative experiences with Centrelink. This section endeavours to consider the 'options generation' through their attitudes about trust and moral values. Sean's account introduces his experiences of trusting others and is examined against Giddens' (1992:130) perspectives of the importance in these modern times of being able to open out to others in deliberately cultivated face-to-face communication.
Sean's Story
Sean at 22 years of age has also experienced homelessness and is unable to give his trust easily. Sean is estranged fiom his mother and father who live separately. He had Young People's Perspectives 220 to leave college at Year 10 aged 15 because 'it did not work at home'. His parents want him to find work and think he should keep trying to do so. He has a partner who lives with her family and has a job, and is a good influence on him 'to do the right thing'. He has a few mates but is always moving on and does not really have a group of friends because he likes to 'do his own thing'. When talking about trusting the people in his primary support network, Sean considers that:
'You can't trust no one. Everyone looks after themselves and makes sure they are running well and doing everything. Some people might come across as helping but they are thinking of themselves. They will stab you in the back at any time. I know that for a fact. They are friends or people in general that you meet. .They use you and abuse you and get what they want off you because they don't have it, and 'see you later'. They do it to me not because I am young but because you put yourseff out and put your guard down and let them in. But if you don't let them do that then they won't. I only trust people only after they go through my standards and then OK. I learned this through life experience. The world is getting worse every day because of the people and because humans are the creation of earth and they are going to kill this earth to survive. Lie starts off natural then if you abuse it you get bad things in it' (Sean 11/99).
Notwithstanding Sean's views on primary support, his experiences with secondary support are more positive:
'I have qone throuah a couple of iob agencies in Belconnen and in the citv. Thev are good about iob training. I have been to Impact Trainina la Job Network pmvided. They did not really train me because I have skills behind me. I applied for a couple of jobs and I got them. They were in Rydges Hotel and another one as a kitchen hand but the chef was too picky and I did not end up getting that. The Rydges Hotel job has lasted a little while but at the moment they are not giving me many shifts. I have another job now putting insulation in roofs. I am still aettina pavments from Centrelink because I am not earning but once the insulation iob qets aoinq I will be off Centrelink. Next time I would no throuah the paper or back to Impact Trainina.
St Vincent de Paul's Men's Shelter has been areat. Thev have reallv helped me out. Thev have wanted me to qet up and do thinqs. I can't sit on my arse while I am here so you have to get up and make a positive go to make sure you get things in your life sorted out. It makes you think a lot about situations and things in your life. They talk to you in groups and then you have one-to-one conversations. Like I was going nowhere and now I am going somewhere. They are helping me get permanent accommodation and work out ways of paying off my debts. When you are down and out they do things to really help' (Sean 11/99).
Sean was very reticent about talking about himself. He became more expansive in his concern for the environment, and when he was able to empathise with the interviewer about the vagaries of life when he elaborated on what it was like to have reached an extremely low point in his life:
They can't keep me here forever at St Vincent's. They have done the best they can for me and I really appreciate it. My standards when I got here were like minus 100. Young People's Perspectives 22 1
Right now they are about minus 50. By the time I leave here they will be a positive 30. With people talking to you and helping you organise your life because sometimes you think being an individual is too hard. But when you get other people helping you, like saying 'come on', it is like when you are in a race and you are tired and, you know, the person runs back to you and says 'come on you can do it'. So it is other people in life who keep you going and help you. You have to make that fn in your head. I have thought a lot differently since I have been here. I was on this one track where I did not care, and being the Scorpio that I am I just abused that, and it is about time that I started doing the right thing and getting myself out of this shit. You know you are always welcome back here if you do the right thing. It is like having a family and some people need that' (Sean 11/99).
Although wary of involvement with others, Sean and Tim have both been receptive to the secondary support provided by the counsellors at St Vincent de Paul Men's Shelter. Consequently, their placement of trust in the counsellors at the Shelter has enabled them to open out to others. Giddens' (1990:21) maintains that modem times demand an opening out to others. He considers that interpersonal equality is 'a matter of emotional communication with others and with self based on deliberately cultivated face-to-face relationships (Giddens 1992:130). Consequently, Sean considers that with the Shelter's continued support he will be able to turn his life around. This support has brought Sean to the point where such effective social interactions over time may become his subjective measures of self worth because they have developed his sense of self- capability. Spitzberg and Cupach (1984) consider that once an individual is on the right track, successes accumulate and enhance the individual's attitudes, knowledge and skills, and make subsequent success more likely. Smith (1968) also cautions that continued failures can inhibit an individual from further attempts to develop themselves. Sean's experience with Centrelink has resulted in satisfactory interaction with the Job Network and an understanding of how the job search system works. His perception of his primary support is that his girlmend is the main source as he is a 'loner' and does not see his parents often. However he aspires to 'doing the right thing' in commenting:
'If you want unemployment and the drug use in Canberra to get better, what they have to do is give that actual human being an incentive thing to do good in his life. Make him want to think better, and do things better because that is what they really want inside is to do that, but they abuse it because they are a bit far under' (Sean 11/99).
This sentiment of wanting 'to do good' is worthy of note in light of the 'options generation' lack of a learned moral framework (Mackay 199%: 140). Tim expressed a similar sentiment when he stated: 'If I leave a job I leave it in a good way'. In subsequent stories Emma comments: 'All of my friends are all good people' and Lilly states: 'I always try to do the right thing because I realise I am judged on my Young People's Perspectwes 222 appearance and my actions'. These sentiments reflect Kagan's (1999) belief that human beings have an innate moral sense, and that ethics are biologically programmed into human beings. Damon (1995) observes that youth unemployment leads to a failure of spirit and he lists the consequences of their demoralization as including a distrust of others as well as of themself Tacey (1999) thinks that consumerism and addictions become the symptoms of unlived spiritual life. The connection between failure of the spirit and an innate moral sense help to understand how the 'options generation' is affected by unemployment. Canberra Job Network providers have observed other examples of young people's lack of trust. Michael considers that:
'This generation is very much betrayed and belittled. They are distrustful. They are coming back to the point of challenging the system. We need to teach these kids how to be more self-sufficient and how to survive things like the Depression. They are starting to have solidarity within their networks in terms of: 'I have money today so I will buy you a coffee and next week you will have money and you can buy me a coffee'. I think we should link youth back into the system as part of citizenship, back into the health systems and society and start listening to them. In earlier times youth jumped and asked 'How high sit?' whereas youth today turn around and say 'get stuffed" (Michael, Job Network provider 11/99).
Mick, another Job Network provider, also offers his insights into young people's lack of trust:
'I think everyone of them under the surface they put up has certain values but they don't trust us. They have never really been in situations where they can trust older people. Not even their parents because parents tell them not to do certain things and go and do exactly what they have told them not to do. The amount of kids I have coming in and sitting down in front of me and just having a chat is unbelievable' (Mick, Job Network provider 11/99).
The Empowerment of Friendship Groups
Another factor, which has been prominent in the accounts of young people and those who work in the social support organizations, is the solidarity amongst young people in their primary friendship groups. Albrecht and Adelman (1987:49) consider that close friends as well as kin represent the strongest structural ties and the closest interpersonal communication in an individual's life. In the following account Emma explains how she has received empowerment from her friendship group rather than from her family.
Emma 'S Story
Emma, who is 18, completed Year 12 in December 1998. She leans towards the 'have not' category because of the unpredictable nature of her family support. When she has Young People's Perspectives 223 been looking for work her parents 'have not really been around'. However her trust in a supportive group of fiends made at primary school has been an empowering and liberating force in her life. Adams (1995) would consider Emma an 'individualist' because the process of modernisation for her has been an empowering experience notwithstanding the hazards of unsustained parental support, poverty and homelessness. Modernisation is a process that affects different people differently, however, and some whom Adams labels 'fatalists' find that the process of modernisation means being cast adrift in a changing and indifferent world, as reflected in the feelings experienced by Jane, Tim and Sean. Emma's story is the reverse:
'I am just lucky that I went to high school and college [in Canbem] with all my friends that I have known for ages. I will definitely keep that friendship group. You could live in any city and have a great time if you had your friends you have known for ages. I don't how it happened but we all seemed to have all ended up together like from Vietnam, Samoa, New Zealand. I can honestly say that all of my friends are all good people. My friends are honest and well behaved. Some are at Universtty, some are employed and unemployed.
I definitely take notice of what my friends say before my family. This was at school more than now because you are with them every day and now I see them on weekends. There was never peer pressure in my group. It was really like you would not get pressured into doing bad things - more the pressures were to be doing good things because if you did something bad you felt lousy. All my friends are nice people' (Emma 12/99).
Emma's hendship group replaces her family support. This goup provides her with a strong sense of identity and belonging with those around her (Thunberg et al. 1982). The strength of this particular primary group of friends was borne out when Jennifer (1 1/99) - a parent of Emma's hend in the group - talked about how she had made a conscious decision that this particular group of friends was more important to the well- being of her own daughter than she was herself. AAer bringing up two other children alone, and when she was in a poor psycholo~calstate with imminent redundancy from her workplace and the break-up of a relationship, she arranged for her daughter, at age 17, to live with the girl's father. The reason was that her daughter would be living closer to the group and would have the group's emotional support at a time of family upheaval. Peter, who supports youth at risk, has also observed the solidarity that builds up amongst young people:
'Young people are very much motivated by their friends. Like they are very loyal. They have that core group of people they trust. I think that is a very noble thing. I have seen them share accommodation and all that kind of thing. They are very tolerant of each other' (Peter, Youth worker for youth at risk, 8/99). Young People's Perspectives 224
In relation to obtaining work, Emma said that her parents do not pressure her any more about getting a job. She has to pressure herself. Her parents' view is that the jobs are out there and she had better get one eventually. On the subject of the availability of work, she added:
'Last year it was impossible when we finished Year 12 to get a job. It was easy to get a traineeship but that was working 40 hours getting $200 a week - not enough to support yoursetf especially if you are living away from home. I think a traineeship would be brilliant if you were still living with your parents' (Emma 12/99).
Emma's experience illustrates the difficulties of the Youth Allowance restrictions. She has had considerable contact with a variety of secondary support organizations including Centrelink, the Job Network, living in a Youth Refuge, Family Services, and ACT government accommodation:
'Living out of home you can't even get youth allowance while going to school. I had big problems because I was going to the CIT just after my mum left. The day my mum left I went to Centrelink to try because I was living away from home now. I tried to get living away from home allowance, being a full time student, and I could not get it because my mum owns this house. It was the beginning of this year and I only lasted three quarters of the first term. My boyfriend saved me because he was working then and he was on a traineeship. But somehow we did it and got through it and everything was fine. We were living comfortably on $260 a week between us.
Centrelink did not send me for jobs. They said you had to join a job agency. I went to all of them and did so many resumes and handed them out everywhere and faxed out about 50 billion. I used to have problems with Centrelink. I would keep on getting strange letters and they would say 'You should not have got that'. I was going in there twice a week at one point. I thought my payment was going to be cut off and I could not ignore them.
Employment ACT [Caloola Skills Training] was the only Job Network provider where I actually got several interviews for jobs. I joined all the other ones and they said 'Yes we will ring you if something comes up' but they don't. I don't know many people who have got jobs through any of the other ones. It is pretty hard to fill up your resume when you haven't had experience of other jobs' (Emma 12/99)
Emma's overall experience reflects the difficulty of living out of home, communicating with Centrelink, being ineligible for the Youth Allowance through family financial circumstances, and surviving on little money. It highlights that the absence of good internal, external and interorganizational communication leads to a lack of community trust in organizations delivering employment services (Goodman and Associates 1982, Granovetter 1985). The following account of her experiences with ACT Housing is another instance of a lack of skills in human communication in administering Young People's Perspectives 225 government policies. It verifies the Youth Coalition of the ACT (1999) concerns (see Chapter 6) about the inappropriate accommodation offered to young people:
'I used to live at a Youth Refuge at Warramanga and came in contact with Family Services, and ACT Housing. ACT Housing don't really help you much if you are a girl 17 years old and trying to get a flat. I put my name down and got a phone call about a flat in Bega Court in Civic [Canberra's crty centre] a couple of weeks later. I did not move in because the neighbours are the problem there. You have all the heroin users there. People are burgled in these places. The housing organization would have let me move in' (Emma 12/99).
The reason for Emma leaving the family home at age 13 was because of stress within the family:
'When things were really bad with my dad I had to move out because he was throwing his weight around a bit. He had been doing it for a while and had been doing it to my brother as well who had big wens from being hit by a hose by him. I was 13 then. I lived in the Refuge for four weeks on a short-term stay and then they told me 'you are going to have to find something else'. Then I lived with friends for about three weeks. Then they tried to find me a foster place and you [and your parents] have to have interviews with them. I was not there for my parents' interview but they sat there and my dad bullshitted the whole time and my mum did not say anything. He is a paranoid schizophrenic and that did not come out at all. And he has a drinking problem but that did not come out at all. And then you just get stuck and I had to move back home. But mum had convinced dad to transform hatf the garage into a room for me so I did not have to live upstairs in the house and I had my own little space. I had a lock on the door and I could lock up my room. It was better for a while and then he went overseas and everything was fine. And mum finally divorced him. I always found school pretty easy. I breezed through my Year 12' (Emma 12199).
Emma's story, with its glimpses of her needing to leave home at 13 years, and at risk of exposure to unsuitable accommodation at age 17, suggests she has lacked continuous family support. Emma's parents are living separately in Tasmania, and are examples of Canberra's uniqueness in parents returning to their home states leaving behind young teenagers to fend for themselves. Emma has shown a positive self-concept in coping with her family problems from her early teenage years, and in coping with unemployment and the desire to be better educated. However, not having parental support in Canberra resulted in her having to give up tertiary studies.
Emma's experiences with Centrelink and the Job Network have highlighted their deficiencies resulting in her preference for using the newspaper or word of mouth to find work. At the time of the interview, in December 1999, she had managed to work most of the previous nine months and had also found casual bar work at a Club through word of mouth. She had been admitted into University but was unable to take up the Young People's Perspectives 226 offer before accumulating some savings. The two factors of education and primary support from a strong friendship group, (and her boyfriend's support) have contributed to her empowerment and success in accessing secondary support.
Coping Ability
Kagan (1999) believes that a person's coping ability is dependent on their temperament that determines their resilience. Lilly's story, which follows shows how she developed a strong sense of self-capability through her motivation to gain an education and find rewarding work.
Lilly 'S Story
Lilly began as a 'have not' lacking in family support and education. However, at 22 years of age she has developed sufficient coping abilities through her persistence to gain a good level of education and a strong sense of self to overcome her adversities. She has achieved this through her ability to communicate to support organizations and in recent times, her family, her life goals and sense of authentic selfhood (Harre 1987, Backman 1983). Lilly is completing a Diploma of Welfare at the CIT and provides an account of her primary support:
'I left home when I was 15. 1 was going to school. Things weren't very happy at home. They kicked me out. I stayed with a friend's family. I boarded there for two years. Mum did not speak to me for a whole year. I finished the whole lot of my schooling. When I moved out of home my parents said' I had to go to St Peters School. I said 'I am not going' and that's when I went to Narrabundah College. I went there for three years and I broke my contracts with them about studying. I was too interested in trying to do everything my parents said I could not do. I left without anything. I spent a year on the dole then I went to the CIT and did Year 11 and 12 in one year. I was unemployed again and then I did the Youth Workers' Course and I really loved it. Then I thought I would do the Diploma and I got in. And that's how it has sort of gone. Working for mum and dad in their newspaper shops in New South Wales and Canberra has given me skills. I have been very lucky to have that training ground and I am not afraid to tackle anything. The first time I was on the dole I cried. I was so upset to think I was in that situation. Moving out of home was one of the hardest things I ever did. I was surviving on $20 a fortnight. Mum and dad are coming over on Sunday. They now accept that I am independent and I am coping very well and I am doing good things for mysetf.
I am in a relationship with a man [Andrew] who is 31. We get on really, really well and he is a computer programmer and also my support. My grandmother died when I was four and left me money in trust so I have just recently got a lot of that and I have bought a house. I have a good friend, Shelly who lives with her boyfriend and her baby. Her mother has helped me out too. Shelly knows mum and dad. My boyfriend Young People's Perspectives 227 knows them too. Everyone knows everybody but whether they get on with each other is another matter' (Lilly 11/98).
Lilly's life experiences have also given her cause to mistrust those in her primary support group.
'I know lots of people but that does not mean they are my friends. I am very, very careful now about whom I trust within my friends because I have been hurt too many times. I used to go to Pumpkins and play pool and I was better than the boys. I can't drink any more. If I have a small Tequila I get sick. I used to drink because I had nothing better to do. I would spend all day at the pubs with no money in my purse and come out drunk. I was tested for HIV. I took Pot but I stopped because I value my sanity. It would have broken my mum's heart if I had kept on drugs. Some never come out of it. I knew a girl who thought her arm was a carrot. She got a scraper and scraped all her skin off her arm. Some want to jump off buildings. These days I prefer a more civilised way of life. I like a couple of drinks, going to a club or to dinner - a quieter life' (Lilly 11/98).
Lilly explains how she has survived on the dole and how her resilience has brought her to the verge of achieving her goal:
'It has been hard for me because I have been on homeless allowance. Because I have been unemployed and a student for so long, I used to have to prove that I had applied for so many jobs a month. Now I am on Youth Allowance and am studying full time. I am doing a Diploma of Welfare study at the CIT. I did a Certificate in Youth Work when I was on the dole. I wanted to do something desperately. Because I was doing those things I developed contacts within the industry and now I am doing casual relief work. I am working at the Woden Youth Centre full time on a placement. Kim and Anna, the youth workers at the Woden Youth Centre are my great source of support. I have one year of study to go' (Lilly 11/98).
Lilly's experience with Centrelink has been very negative and frustrating. However her motivation and determination have enabled her to continue towards her goal.
'I think Centrelink is a shocking place. I have had trouble receiving my payments when my status as a homeless person changed to a student. I have confronted the people at Centrelink and said: 'Do you want me to better myself and get a job? If you do, help me'. I think it is a waste of time going to Centrelink now to get a job. I always try to do the right thing because I realise I am judged on my appearance and my actions. I am constantly looking for a job. I would work for anybody. I even went for a job at Woolworths but it turns out now I don't need it because of the inheritance' (Lilly 11/98).
Lilly has persisted in gaining an education under difficult family and financial circumstances. The experience of having to fend for herself without the support of her family is similar to that of Jane, Tim and Sean. They all have a common trait in their inability to give trust to people easily. Anna is the exception. Although lacking strong family support she belongs to a fhendship group that has provided sustained emotional Young People's Perspectives 228
support fiom her early childhood. Lilly's primary support network has strengthened in recent times. Lilly is an example of someone falling between the two categories. At 22 years of age, she is leading a settled life supported by her partner emotionally, and is closer to her family. She has experienced the hazards of poverty and homelessness, experimenting with drugs and alcohol and has shown her resilience in surviving as a homeless person to embark on tertiary education.
Lilly's resourcefidness in accessing secondary support has given her empowerment in her communication with Centrelink. Her ability to lobby prospective employers has resulted in on-the-job experience at the Youth Centre in her chosen career. She is close to attaining her goal of working in the welfare profession and going on to University. The effectiveness of her social interactions have become her measures of self worth and have enabled her to believe that she would be able to cope in spite of being homeless and discontinuing her education at 15 years of age (Spitzberg and Cupach 1984). As well as showing tenacity in pursuing job related studies Lilly also demonstrated what Kagan (1999) describes as a capacity for change by completing her secondary education and commencing tertiary studies after spending a year on the dole.
The 'Haves' - Primary and Secondary Support
The 'haves' and the 'have nots' all operate in the same environment of few job opportunities. However there are major differences in the way the 'haves' cope in relating to their primary and secondary support. Harry (age 24)' Murray (age 23)' Jason (age 23) and Mandy (age 25) are in the 'haves' category. They are fiom AngloIAustralian backgrounds apart from Harry who has a Thai mother and his father is Estonian. Their stories all exhibit the benefits of what Albrecht and Adelman (1987:49) consider are the closest interpersonal communication experiences in an individual's life contained in family support. They demonstrate the importance of such communication skills learned in the primary support group that are then utilised in communication with secondary support groups to their advantage. In addition, their stories all exhibit the benefits of a sufficient level of education. Young People's Perspectives 229
Harry's Story
Harry (24 years) has not had the support of his immediate family since about age 15. However he was fortunate in that his grandparents and his uncle took over the supporting role of his mother and father at this time. He did not see his mother from age lI to 21. His parents divorced when he was 14 when he was in the custody of his father and then he was left with his grandparents. He has dinner with his uncle and aunt every three weeks. He considers this is an important commitment. He used to sleep all day and watch TV all the time and did not visit his uncle and aunt. However he has realised that one has to be part of a community and he now makes sure he visits them regularly. He has two groups of fhends - his housemates who are overseas students and a friend who is studying at the University of Canberra. He has used volunteering, exercise and studying to provide meaning to his life:
'I used to do volunteer work at four organizations. I am now attached to two organizations, Pathways and the ACT Community Service. It is not OK to be unemployed. You need something - even volunteer work. You need to give back to the community and feel a part of the community. I used to be a homeless student. I need to have a routine and self-esteem. It helps depression. You look on the dole as either an entitlement or beneft or dependence.
In the last five days I have been to my CIT Social Welfare Course, to Pathways to do volunteer work on the reception desk, doing my own cleaning and laundry and meeting dole obligations. I have to apply to at least eight places to get work each month in order to obtain the dole. I generally ask at a potential place of employment whether there are any jobs. I record the name of the person asked about work. I consider I have to tell the truth about actual persons canvassed about work, because I may be checked upon. Some people invent names. This exercise is futile and a waste of energy because there is no work in Canberra. It could be better in Sydney and I have considered moving there. However I have now secured a management traineeship at Coles. I will work in Queanbeyan Coles, which is a flagship store and will have to restrict my studies because I have to work 40 hours a week and weekends also. I may have to move to Queanbeyan. I will have to attend training one afternoon in Canberra for Coles' managers' (Harry 11/98).
Harry describes his transition from depression to motivation through martial arts:
'I did suffer from depression at one time and attended a psychiatrist. Although I was a long term depressant it was short term because I did not want to go on anti depressants. I then went to a psychologist who was inclined towards a help yourself approach and in doing physical exercise. I adopted this approach and I walk everywhere, which helps me mentally. I have found values through martial arts. I have realised my obligation to my parents of debt and loyalty through this [Asian philosophy]. I understand that I need to do things for myself. I rejected my family when I was growing up. My work ethic has changed towards understanding the Asian way of enjoying work first and getting a balance in life. I have no interest in Youth Centres Young People's Perspectives 230 because people who go there smoke. I temporally experimented with alcohol, but did not like being out of it. I would rather read or go to movies or exhibitions' (Harry 11/98).
Harry has experienced many of the hazards of unemployment such as low self-esteem, which led to depression, lack of motivation, and alcohol abuse. Nevertheless, he has been able to establish a work ethic and a balance in his life through martial arts and exercise. Harry stated that he has realised that he has maintained a later adolescence and has had teenage attitudes and values into his twenties due to his alienation from his Asian culture. However, his volunteer work, while not providing paid work, has helped him to develop personal skills, and in turn, the ability to interact effectively over time has become his measure of self worth (Spitzberg and Cupach 1984). Consequently, his perception of the support organizations where he has volunteered his work and of Centrelink is positive. He considers he has a lot to offer and is self motivated having realised that he has to do it himself. Yoga and martial arts have given him calmness and an increased ability to cope with life.
Murray's Story
Murray (aged 23) is close to his sister and her husband and his uncle. He goes to the movies every week with some of them, has dinner every Sunday with his family and sees his parents regularly although they are separated.
'My family gives lots of support including emotional and financial support - my sister and mother especially. My mother and father are both unemployed. They have had jobs but are now out of work. We have family discussions about my situation, which are of help. I have a group of 10-15 friends. We do things together on Friday and Saturday nights. I go to the Woden Youth Centre on Friday nights for the food and the music and then follow the group around wherever they decide to go. The common interest in the group is the Woden Youth Centre. I am the oldest in the group.
I do things such as going to the shopping centre and meeting friends. I play games on the computer and I write science fiction. This pushes the thought of unemployment away. I probably worry about it on the weekends. My parents know that there is no work around now. I do not know any other place to find a job. I have lived in Canberra all my life. It gets me down not having a job. I don't do alcohol or drugs. I don't know anyone who takes drugs. I know people who take alcohol. I am a kind of policeman with my friends about drugs and alcohol. I used to drink. When I was younger I would get drunk. I have matured now. I know I can survive without alcohol now. I like to control the group and to look after the group' (Murray 11/98).
Murray's experiences of his primary support are akin to Walker and colleagues' (199455) idea that primary support consists of friends who provide emotional support andlor companionship, and immediate kin who provide both emotional and financial Young People's Perspectives 23 1 support. This situation seems to empower Murray to maintain a stable existence within his primary support group. Murray left school after Year 12 when he was 18. He waited for two and a half years before he started volunteer work and through this secured two days a week as a receptionist with the Smith Family. Murray7sexperiences of secondary social support are that the people at the Smith Family are extremely supportive. The two days7 work helps him to get a little money together. He sends resumes to places he selects. He finds Centrelink good to deal with but he rarely sees the opportunity of a job at Centrelink - about one in five times. Murray appears to have a secure self-identity and self-image and a sufficient level of education to access the support organizations relevant to his situation (Berger and Kellner 1964). The ability to communicate with his secondary support organizations has been reinforced through his primary support (Albrecht and Adelman 1987:49). Like Harry, he has tried alcohol and rejected it, and has found that leisure activities soften the worry of being unemployed.
Jason's Story
Jason (aged 22) who lives with his father has a similar experience of primary and secondary support to Murray. He has also experienced the benefits of enjoying recreational activities. His situation with primary support is that his parents are separated and his mother travels from Sydney to visit him and his sister most weekends. When reflecting on his primary support he commented that:
'Mum and dad ahvays ask, like, what I am doing, you know, and when I tell them they are just happy. They tell me that whatever I want to do I should do it and they will support me. Dad helps coach footy, and I play footy' (Jason 8/98).
Jason goes around in a mixed group of four or five people fiom football. These fnends are supportive and they all go out and have a good time together at the football club's talent nights, players' presentation nights, and new members' nights. He sees this group regularly three times a week. Two occasions are football training and the other occasion is playing the game on the weekend. The girls in the group come to training and the games. Football is the reason for meeting and enjoying each other's company. All his male friends in this group are studying or employed. One does landscaping, another one is a builder and the other two are at University. They are two years' older than Jason. Family and friends do not put pressures. on him. Jason feels happy fiom dav to dav with his life. Young People's Perspectives 23 2
Regarding his secondary support, he visits the Youth Centre at Belconnen to look for jobs. He is not into playing snooker or other activities at the Youth Centre. He knows the people who run the football club and explained how it had helped him to obtain work: 'I worked with one guy dad used to play footy with for a little while. It was with Monaro Windows'. Jason generally obtains information about jobs in the newspaper and visits Centrelink every week looking for jobs. He easily meets his job diary requirement for Centrelink from the information and contacts he receives from Centrelink. Nevertheless, there are only three or four jobs to apply for each month. He has registered with the Job Network and is waiting for them to contact him should a job he is qualified for come up. He has already completed two landscaping courses of six months duration through Centrelink last year and the year before that. Apart from the job at Monaro Windows he has not had any other job experience. However he has done volunteering weeding and tree planting with a government group and a contractor over a period of eighteen months. Since finishing Year 12 in 1994, it has been very difficult to obtain a job in his area of interest, which is landscaping. He does not want to just work for a lawn-mowing contractor (Jason 8/98).
Jason's experience of primary support is very positive and has provided him with a strong sense of identity and a sense of belonging with those around him (Thunberg et al. 1982). His finding work through his father's friend is an example of Granovetter's (1973) finding that the individual has to break outside of their immediate personal network to obtain new employment information. Jason's ability to access support groups means that, despite the continuing problem of not being able to obtain long term work, he has benefited from Centrelink's support in obtaining relevant job training and work experience through volunteering. Jason is another 'have' who has found that recreational activities and physical exercise have provided him with primary and secondary social support as well as acting as a buffer against the anxiety of unemployment (Coleman 1993:253,254).
Mandy 'S Story
Mandy's (age 25) story has another dimension in that she is a single mother. She was forced out of home at 17. Her mother and father are divorced. However she sees her father every week and talks to her sister on the phone, and they go out on special Young People's Perspectives 233 occasions. She and her mother don't get on. She thinks her mother is 'a bitter old bitch'. She cannot talk to anyone in the family about her problems. She listens to her sister's complaints and they laugh about them and this helps Mandy with her problems. Her sister and father are very judgmental and see no reason why she is unemployed. Some of her fnends have moved away and she has lost contact with other friends because in her view: 'They have betrayed me and I just haven't had anything to do with them'. She adds:
'The lnternet is my escape. You could be anyone and you talk to people you don't know. I have made friends on the net who have rung me and I have rung them. I regularly talk to 50 people and eight of these would be friends I really talk to. Most are in America and Canada. Most of them are working but most are single parents and have a similar history. It is interesting to compare notes such as 'this is how we do things here'. My family just don't understand and people just don't understand about my interest in the Intemet. What I need is to let the steam out of the bottle and I can do that on the net. Sometimes it does make you feel lonely because you turn off the computer and they are not there. I am no good at writing letters but email - containing a couple of lines - is just right for me' (Mandy 11/98).
Regarding her secondary support, Mandy considers that the Woden Youth Centre saved her when she was forced out of home at 17 years. They helped her find a place to live. She comments: 'If I had not had support and some place to go where I felt wanted and welcome then I do not know where I would be'. She also left school at this time and did some volunteer work with the Youth Centre. She was pregnant when she was 18 and was at home with her son for two years. Then she put him in day care whilst she did a computer course that secured a job at the University of Canberra for three years. She lost her job in 1998. She had received a knee injury at work and now has a mental barrier to work fearing she will further damage her knee.
Mandy has only been into Centrelink to look for work once and could not find any jobs to suit her skills. She has thought about joining a job agency but has read where they are now a big failure and she is not going to bother. She does not have to account for herself weekly to Centrelink about applying for a certain amount of jobs a month because she gets money through the single parent pension. When she did have to show she was looking for a job she used to make up names of employers. The voluntary work she is now performing at her son's school relieves the boredom of being at home. She realises she has a lot to contribute to other people, and plans to teach a fnend how to use a computer. Mandy elaborates on how she feels when she is not in work: Young People's Perspectives 234
'Being unemployed does wonders for your self-esteem [spoken with sarcasm]. You get pressure from everyone to go out and get a job. I can't even be a pizza delivery girl because I am a single mum. I have a car to do it but I can't because I haven't got a baby sitter at night and no support network. You can't deliver a pizza with a child in the back of the car with you, and that makes you feel real good, that does. Not only that, when I was working full time I could not afford day care. I am looking for part time work not full time work because I cannot afford day care. You know what the secret is? Marry rich. I haven't been married yet' (Mandy 11198).
The combination of being a single mother, with no primary family support and being affected by the government's reduction in day care funding, all contribute to Mandy's anxieties. She is faced with the dilemma of whether to work for her own self-esteem and the practical difficulties she will encounter in taking a job. She is representative of the national statistics of young adult women - 15 percent - compared to 3 percent of all young adult men, who are not in the labour force and are not studying, a third of whom are single parents (Curtain 1999a:7). Although Mandy's face-to-face relationships appear to be unsuccessful, her Internet relationships provide relief from her anxieties in that she is able to communicate successfully with these contacts.
Mandy's attitude towards secondary support is one of gratitude for the care and support she received at the Youth Centre, and ambivalence towards Centrelink, as she is not presently required to meet its mutual obligation conditions to maintain her single parent benefits. Curtain's (1999a:7) findings in his report to the Dusseldorp Skills Forum substantiates Mandy's situation of dependence on government benefits as a single mother. It is one that affords her a diminished standard of living that is difficult to redress in the absence of affordable childcare support.
Comparison Between the 'Have Nots' and the 'Haves'
This study has found that the important differences between 'the haves' and 'the have nots' are the inclusion or exclusion of family support and education. Their trust relationships also set these two categories apart. The high degree of enforced independence developed whilst fending for themselves at an early age inhibits the 'have nots' from freely opening out to others in deliberately cultivated face-to-face communication (Giddens 1992:130). There is no absolute dividing line between the two categories, which means that personal experiences can vary along the continuum, as evidenced by the effects of the hazards of homelessness, poverty and exposure to drugs and alcohol experienced in both groups. Nevertheless, it is possible to analyse and Young People's Perspectives 235 contrast young peoples' experiences of primary and secondary support by categories, and to examine how their ability to access secondary support networks affects their experiences of unemployment.
For example, the first three accounts in the 'have not' category (Jane, Tim and Sean) have similar primary support experiences in their lack of parental support. Although they have found partners they tend to be 'loners' and do not trust others easily. This follows Albrecht and Adelman's (1987:49) perspective that the communication skills learned in the primary support group are utilised in communication with secondary support groups to their advantage. Consequently their poor experience of primary support leads to feelings of disempowerrnent and conhsion when dealing with particular areas of secondary support like the job search process and community support in obtaining accommodation. Sean has accessed employment services support to his satisfaction. Nevertheless, the experiences of unemployment for these three young 'have nots' were compounded by their lack of a sense of authentic selfhood. Consequently they were unable to experience values important to communicating with fhends and the wider community such as self-esteem and feeling accepted by others resulting in poverty, homelessness, and an inability to cope (Thunberg et al. 1982). Sean's accumulation of debts and likely drug taking, and Jane's contact with Juvenile Justice also impinged on their situation. Ironically, due to their inability to cope overall within their risk environment and their 'prevailing absence of trust in humanity' (Furedi 1997:29), they have come into contact with caring support organizations, and have been exposed to counselling and given practical assistance in developing life skills to help them get their lives together.
The other young people in the 'have not' category, Emma and Lilly, have found Giddens' (1990:21) 'risk culture of modernity' liberating and empowering, and have exhibited resilience in coping with unemployment. This finding agrees with a Canadian study that resilient adolescents had higher scores on problem-solving.coping strategies than the well-adjusted and vulnerable groups in their study (Dumont and Provost 1998). Emma has lacked the primary support of family through parental dysfunction, and Lilly through her rebellion and subsequent homelessness, which has lead to her hesitancy in giving her trust. Each has had considerable experience with secondary support networks in job seeking and community support with contradictory and varying experiences. Their resilience and empowerment in the face of hardship has meant that Young People's Perspectives 236 they have persisted in education, which has given them skills for the workforce. The various experiences of the 'have nots' of employment assistance delivery in Canberra has lead to feelings of distrust of Centrelink and the Job Network. In an environment of low job opportunities, they have also experienced instances of being unmotivated, bored, depressed and feeling marginalised which are all significant barriers to seeking support (Graham et al. 1993).
Those in the 'have' category have also experienced being unmotivated, bored, depressed and marginalised while searching for work in the same job market as the 'have nots'. Although they may have acquired skills through job training, volunteer work or an adequate level of education, they also experience the anxieties of not being able to secure full time, fulfilling work. Nevertheless, the 'haves' seem satisfied with their secondary support interactions, whereas it is the reverse for the 'have nots'. In general, the family support provided to the 'haves' has enabled them to have frank and open interactions with their avenues of secondary support. Unlike the 'have nots', they have found their own strategies of coping with unemployment - Mandy with the Internet, Jason with his football, Murray with his fiiends, music, computing and writing, and Harry with his walking, yoga and martial arts. They maintain a balance in their lives through their support networks, participating in job search and job training, as well as leisure activities or voluntary work, which has resulted in a sense of identity and a sense of belonging with those around them.
Conversely, the limitations in their family support and education affects the 'have nots' chances of finding employment. They appear to favour emotion-focused coping strategies of hoping for a miracle, wishing the problem would disappear, and refusing to believe that the problem exists. The 'haves' demonstrate they are able to use problem- focused coping strategies such as making a plan of action, increasing their efforts, or overcoming obstacles step by step (Thoits 1995). Although the 'haves' are all older than the 'have nots', comments made by representatives of support organizations in interviews support the idea that coping or maturity does not always relate to age (Job Network providers Mick 1 1/99 and Mary 1 1/99; Youth workers Garry 1 1/99 and Kevin 1 1/99).
All the respondents in this study were asked where they wanted to be in three years' time. The aspirations to have a job, money, personal possessions, and to be married Young People's Perspectives 237 with a family were ranked important in that order across both categories. However all three females in the 'have not' category wanted to complete their education. For Jane, the main reason for wanting to complete Year 12 and to obtain an apprenticeship as a Jockey was to 'be someone', and have work and money. The reasons Emma and Lilly gave for wanting to attend University were personal achievement and work opportunities. Curtain's (1999a:7) research for the Dusseldorp Forum concluded that while young women are more likely than young men to drop out of the labour force, they appear to compensate in terms of high educational participation - 20 percent of all young adult women compared to 17 percent of all young adult men. The findings in this study substantiate Becker's (1970:238) contention that those without adequate education find it difficult to co-operate in the achievement of some common goal. This skill deficit makes it difficult for them to fight against the people and agencies that threaten them and may be one of the main inadequacies they have to deal with in life. This skill deficit in negotiating with support organizations is evident within the 'have not' group and a recurring factor in their experience of unemployment.
Chapter Summary
This chapter has addressed the research questions:
How do young people dvferently experience their primary and secondary social support networks? and
How does young peoples' ability to access secondary support,networks affect their experiences of unemployment?
Drawing on David's (AYPAC) comments on the social environment of young people offers an insight into their milieu. This critique suggests that political and economic ideologies precede pragmatism in present federal government youth unemployment policies. Following Foucault this chapter has found that the formulation of policy for youth and unemployment at the federal level is a broader process involving more than the state. It is one of community, state and federal government input prior to submission to Cabinet for consideration. Such correspondence between what people think and what governments do follows the perspective that a two-way communication joins citizens and officials in a policy dialogue (Cobb and Elder 1981). However, the depth interviews with organizational representatives have found that formulation of policy for youth and unemployment should be bottom up (community, state and federal) Young People's Perspectives 238 before Cabinet consideration. It also indicates that the current policy development and feedback process has muted the voice of the youth sector by the government's defunding of AYPAC.
The risk of unemployment and its associated hazards relates to Giddens' (1999) idea that the change in employment opportunities, and other social changes, such as the breakdown of marriage and the family, are examples of 'manufactured risk' because they are no longer fixed by tradition and custom. Youth unemployment is another example of 'manufactured risk' in modem society. The prevailing hazard of lack of family support and education directed the categorization of the young people in this study into the 'haves' and the 'have nots'. Their accounts emphasised the varying degrees of vulnerability of these young unemployed people and how the hazards of youth unemployment affect their ability to access secondary support networks and experience their primary and social support networks differently.
Various communication perspectives were employed in examining this research question. They included Albrecht and Adelman's (1987:49) idea that communication skills learned in the primary support group of kin and Fnends are utilised in communication with secondary support groups (for example, Centrelink and the Job Network); a lack of authentic selfhood means an inability to experience values such as self-esteem and feeling accepted by others which are important in communicating with family, friends and support organizations in the wider community (Thunberg et al. 1981); and the importance of being able to .freely open out to others in face-to-face communication to be able to negotiate the hazards of unemployment (Giddens 1992:10).
This chapter found that in general the experience of trying to secure employment either through the newspaper or through Centrelink and the Job Network exposed young unemployed people to Canberra's reduced job opportunities. The situation is particularly difficult when they are unable to afford to be adequately dressed for job interviews or have personal factors that preclude them from competing with other job seekers. Through lack of trust in Centrelink and the Job Network some young people prefer to rely on word of mouth or the newspaper to gain interviews. They are also vulnerable to unscrupulous employers. Young People's Perspectives 239
Along with all the hazards of unemployment their ability to access secondary support organizations is hampered by inadequacies in social marketing and coordination of an extremely complex interplay between employment service providers (substantiated by the findings in Chapter 6). This is further complicated by young people's lack of trust in bureaucracies and their reluctance to visit government departments in 'stiff buildings'. The aspiration to do the 'right thing' was a strong theme exhibited by these young people and is noteworthy in light of the 'options generation' lack of a learned moral framework (Mackay 199% 140). This finding tends to reflect Kagan's ( 1999) belief that human beings have an innate moral sense, and that ethics are biologically programmed into human beings.
There is no absolute dividing line between the two categories of 'haves' and 'have nots' and personal experiences varied along the continuum. Nevertheless, it is possible to analyse how young people experience primary and secondary social support networks differently. The 'loners' in the 'have not' category were loath to place their trust in others in their primary support networks. Consequently, their poor experience of primary support lead to feelings of disempowerment and confusion when dealing with secondary support. These experiences were compounded by the hazards of low self- esteem, poverty and homelessness and an inability to cope. They were however, able to open out to the support offered by counsellors at the Youth Centres, the Youth Refuge and the Men's Shelter. Some young people in this category found Giddens' (1990:21) risk culture of modernity empowering and exhibited the resilience flagged by Kagan (1999) in coping with unemployment, persisting with their educational goals and accessing secondary support. The replacement of family support by a friendship group also proved to be an empowering experience.
Both categories found that reduced employment opportunities resulted in their feeling unmotivated, bored, depressed and marginalised. Although they share the same difficulties of obtaining hlfilling work, the 'haves' had acquired skills through job training, volunteer work or through an adequate level of education. Family support had assisted their sense of acceptance enabling them to access secondary support and they exhibited more confidence and trust than the 'have nots'. One example of this was the tendency amongst the 'haves' to adhere to Centrelink requirements for job searching. The 'haves' also exhibited strong coping strategies by feeling valued in their primary and secondary support networks through participation in job search and job training, Young People's Perspectives 240 leisure activities, and voluntary work. These factors contributed to an enhanced sense of belonging in the community. Findings and Conclusions 24 1
CHAPTER 8
FINDLNGS AND CONCLUSIONS
Introduction
This study on communicating about unemployment has examined the experience of unemployed youth in the Canberra community and how they exist in an environment of reduced employment and increased welfare reform. Canberra is a small cohesive egalitarian city with a well-educated, multicultural population that is much younger than for Australia as a whole. However, young people are not well catered for in their social and transport requirements, while their problems are exacerbated through reduced work opportunities in the public and private sectors. Consequently, young people are 'parked' in education, denied access to full time employment and the privileges of adult status. This situation has catapulted this generation into uncertainty and not all are able to cope. In addition, unemployment means disconnection from mainstream society and exposure to discriminatory attitudes because of age, race, dress preference, and the notion that they are lazy and drop out of school.
While their primary support networks may not blame them for being unemployed, parents tend to pressure them into trying harder. They are perceived by those in their secondary support networks to be isolated, sidelined, having low expectations of themselves, which are reversed when they obtain a job. Secondary support organizations observe the difficulties imposed on young people in the increased hurdles in obtaining unemployment benefits, and that young people display a lack of trust in those organizations. The government has continued to impose new welfare conditions administered in the market driven environment of the Job Network. It has also muted the youth sector voice in policy development by defunding the national youth sector organization the Australian Youth Policy and Action Coalition. Government attitudes to youth unemployment appear to include the view that 'it is as good as it is going to get, or it is too big a problem and there is nothing we can do about it' (David, AYPAC 1 1/99). Findings and Conclusions 242
Young people's perspectives of the work environment in Canberra are they are vulnerable to unscrupulous employers and that poverty and lack of job skills are just two of the hazards that heighten their inability to obtain work. There is a tendency to use word of mouth or newspapers to find work due to their mistrust of Centrelink and the Job Network. They have an ethos of wanting to 'do the right thing' and they want to work. However, personal experience has caused some of them to distrust both their primary and their secondary support networks. They suffer significant difficulty in understanding the complex employment services system, which is intensified by their personal predispositions.
This study has underlined the uniqueness of the nation's capital and the resultant effects on young unemployed people relating to the:
loss of traditional work opportunities in the Public Service; minimum work opportunities for young unskilled workers in a fledgling private market; lack of adequate social and transport facilities; and family breakdown that can leave young Canberrans abandoned.
The study considers that youth unemployment is a risk, and the associated hazards of self identity and self esteem, coping ability, the work ethic, family support and level of education, the ability to enjoy spare time, poverty, drugs and alcohol and suicide are a threat to the young people of Canberra (Hohenemser et al. 1983). Gany, a youth worker in a Canberra Youth Centre provides some insight on the repercussions of being young and unemployed and provides a stimulus to consider the role of the media and opinion polls in forming community attitudes about youth unemployment:
I think young people are definitely sidelined if they are not working. I think we could be doing more in making them feel part of the community. Things like work for the dole probably make you feel like part of the community but it is still not the same as actually having a job. The media portrayal of youth culture is often really negative which rubs across not only unemployed young but right across the board. It is discrimination because of age (Garry, Belconnen Youth Centre 1 1/99).
Five research questions were examined in the case study the findings and conclusions of which are summarised as follows: Findings and Conclusions 243
Study Findings
Research Question l: What role does interpersonal communication play in the construction of a positive sense of self-concept among young unemployed people?
Findings: Young people are vulnerable to social change. At the individual level, the risk of unemployment and its associated hazards is heightened when an individual's sense of self and identity is not properly developed and they are unable to forge a sense of belonging with society. Reduced job opportunities, lack of trust despite the strong will do to the 'right thing' have prevailed amongst the young. For some access to choice is exciting. For others who are overwhelmed or have dropped out the world can be a bleak place. For an increasing number of young people the absence of family support and education impinges on their interpersonal communication skills in developing coping strategies in their day-to-day existence outside society's norms of acceptance.
Research Question la: How important is a positive sense of self-concept for young unemployed people in communicating with community support organizations?
Findings: A positive sense of self-concept is paramount for young people communicating with Centrelink and the Job Network organizations in an environment where they are required to contribute extra effort in finding work, reduce their use of social assistance, adopt compliant behaviours towards the government's welfare reforms and meet raised expectations in finding employment.
Research Question 2: How do young unemployed people differently experience their primary and secondary social support networks?
Findings: Family support as well as education increases the ability of young unemployed people to interact with their primary and secondary social support networks. Consequently, a poor experience of primary support leads to eventual confusion when dealing with the organizations delivering employment services. The replacement of family support by a fbendship group can nevertheless be empowering in these interactions.
Research Question 2a: How does young people's ability to access secondary support networks affect their experience of unemployment?
Findings: The lack of family support and education increases the chances of having low resilience, low trust in organizations and other people and an inability to cope. These are all significant bamers to communicating successfully with secondary support networks that provide assistance with employment opportunities. Staying in education is a safety net against youth unemployment. The feeling of connectedness with the community is difficult because of the loss of identity and the absence of identity Findings and Conclusions 244 recognition for young unemployed people through discrimination. The maintenance of the work ethic in the main stems from the desire to accrue material benefits.
Research Question 3: What is the role of community and organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment?
Findings: The findings of the study highlight the vulnerability of young unemployed people accessing organizational support with the hazards stated in the study being the intervening variables. It was found that reforms linking markets and networks make increasing demands on the unemployed and their families. Poor communication within Centrelink, interorganizationally with the Job Network providers and in public communication informing about such reforms has resulted in confusion amongst young unemployed people. The new market driven environment has had detrimental effects on clients because of the lack of integrated programs and has generated a lack of trust in organizational providers.
Research Question 4: What is the role of the media and public opinion polls informing community perceptions about youth unemployment?
Findings: Media agenda setting provides the cues setting the standards by which the public evaluates government and attributes responsibility for societal problems. Public opinion is formed when media reports on public affairs. People talk to one another about the topic and consequently public opinion is formed. In the 1970s the media framed unemployed youth as 'dole bludgers' and the polls reflected public attitudes that unemployment was due to people not wanting to work. Media framing in the 1990s contrasted with the 1970s view. Such indications included that it now considered that young people were priced out of a job whilst showing cynicism of governments to improve the situation. It did not use the 'dole bludger' tag. Although the salience of youth unemployment in the opinion polls had diminished, it was still a dominant consideration. Sympathy for young unemployed people who are seen as victims of social change by the media has maintained into the new millennium with media criticism aimed at the government's punitive approach to youth unemployment.
Research Question 5: How are policies about youth unemployment communicated to the community?
Findings: Following Foucault the study found that government is a broader process involving more than the state. From depth interviews with organizational representatives it was found that formulation of policy for youth and unemployment should be bottom up - community, state, federal - before Cabinet consideration. Political and economic ideologies now precede pragmatism and there is a diminished voice of those representing youth policy.
Study Conclusions
The Role of the Media and Opinion Polls
This study analysed how the issue of youth unemployment was framed in six of the most read newspapers. The hazards examined in this study were the most common attributes used in fiaming this issue. In analysing the role of the media and public Findings and Conclusions 245 opinion polls in forming community perceptions about youth unemployment - the fourth research question - this study found that in the 1970s individual scapegoats were sought and blamed and larger, more complex issues were lost in the narrative (Willis and Okunade 1997). The polls reflected public attitudes that unemployment was due to people not wanting to work. However, a change in media framing was evident in 1992 when the media acknowledged that the days of arguing that the unemployed were 'dole bludgers' were over. The polls at this time blamed government policies and world economic pressures. The 1990s also introduced the external factor of globalisation and the domestic concerns of youth poverty, homelessness and suicide. By 1999 the climate of opinion was sympathetic to young people who were seen as victims of social change. This was reflected to a lesser extent in opinion polls.
The newspaper content analysis in 1992, during the Job Forum and the Job Summit, reflects the current policy direction of the government, in that the mutual obligation policies discussed during the Opposition's Job Forum have generally been adopted. However, they exclude the proposal to reduce youth wages that in 1992 was not well received by the media and the public. In addition, the 1970s labelling of youth as 'work shy' and 'lazy' and implied blame of young people by the proposal to reduce their wages was not evident during the time of the government's Job Summit. While media fiaming was mostly negative towards Hewson's reduced youth wage, it adopted a more positive, 'wait and see' stance to Keating's job creation and training proposals, whilst highlighting young people's cynicism about the government's ability to improve the situation. Unlike media framing in the 1970s there was a strong acknowledgement of the changed work environment and sympathy for the plight of young job seekers. Media attitudes to the Summit and the Forum proposals were reflected in the opinions expressed in letters addressed to the editor. Public opinion polling indicated that the salience of the issue of unemployment had increased from 74 percent to 75 percent and a high 75 percent said the government was not doing enough to stop the rise of unemployment. The main cause of unemployment was seen as government policies, world economic pressures and people not wanting to work.
By 1999, the high salience of youth unemployment in 1992 was somewhat reduced although it remained the dominant issue. There were also significant differences in second level agenda setting between Melbourne, Sydney and Canberra newspapers, not obvious in 1992. Media framing indicated optimism for increased employment in Findings and Conclusions 246
Sydney, reflecting the Olympic driven unemployment rate of 6.5 percent; emotive and highly personalised stories about unemployment, poverty and youth homelessness in Melbourne; and the debate about work for the dole, literacy and numeracy skills, the labour market and the value of education in Canberra In line with Demers' (1 996) idea that personal experience often stimulates additional needs for information the community newspaper, The Cunberru Chronicle, provided practical information about how to look for work, work for the dole, as well as community reactions to the government's employment support services.
In 1999 there were mixed opinions expressed in the letters to the editor about work for the dole, youth wages, and a concern that the Prime Minister was blaming the victims. organ Opinion Polls released in January 2000 showed that for the first time since 1992, unemployment was a third concern after health and education rather than being the primary concern. However, 63 percent of Australians also indicated that they believed that the federal government was not doing enough to stop unemployment rising. The inferences taken from the polls at this time are that people in work felt secure notwithstanding the high incidence of redundancies in the public and private sectors. The continued national high rate of youth unemployment at the beginning of 2000 of 18.5 percent (1 5-19 years) and 10.6 percent (20-24 years), and the overall unemployment rate of 7.2 percent, indicates that increased opportunities to work are not available to all Australians (ABSC 2000).
The issues in the debate about youth unemployment have also changed over recent decades. Since the 1970s the media agenda has revolved around world economic pressures, what the government should do about unemployment, changing work patterns, and the necessity for education and job training. Specifically, at the time of the Summit and the Forum in 1992, the debate concerned reducing youth wages, creating jobs, job skilling, education, financial security in the poorly paid part time jobs, and integration of young people in the community. The current debate is about the likelihood that about 19 percent of the total youth cohort is in danger of not obtaining work (Curtain 1999b), the government's mutual obligation program, and the tightening of rules for receiving unemployment benefits. The concern about the increase in family breakdown, youth homelessness, poverty, drug and alcohol dependence, and suicide has accelerated markedly to the present time. Sympathy for young people who are seen as victims of social change by the media has been maintained into 2000. Significantly, the Findings and Conclusions 247 media is currently exhibiting condemnation of the government for imposing tighter conditions on young unemployed people, which reflects Henningham's idea that journalists tend to exhibit more sympathy to. the victims of unemployment than the public (Arndt, The Age 6 October 1999:19).
Youth Unemployment - Policy Communication
Social commentary, historical background and political communication approaches were adopted to answer the fifth research question about how youth unemployment policies are communicated to the community. The study found, following Foucault, that government is a broader process involving more than the state. The media, business, churches, schools, sports clubs, and voluntary organizations and the academy are all involved in government (Bessant et al. 1998). . This approach dovetails with Nimmo's (1978) belief that understanding the process of government and politics through public opinion means that it is a process of representation, providing alternative modes of popular, mass, and group opinions that officeholders take into account in fashioning public policy. Therefore the more there is a close correspondence between what people think and what governments do, the more two-way communication joins citizens and officials in a policy dialogue (Cobb and Elder 1981).
Current government policies at the federal and ACT levels are market driven rather than by the social justice policies of past governments, as evidenced by the reduction in the public sector, the expansion of the private sector, and the mutual obligation activities imposed on young unemployed people. This study found that the formulation of policy for youth and unemployment at the federal level is one of community, state and federal government input prior to submission to Cabinet for consideration. However, the voice of the youth sector has been muted in the formulation as well as the feedback process through the defunding of AYPAC. Gaps in the formulation process have also meant that inflexible Job Network contracts have been awarded to the providers that exclude the possibility of interorganizational communication between providers across Canberra's regions to the detriment of clients. Within the ACT government, youth policy development is impeded by an unenlightened cross portfolio approach that does not acknowledge the relationship between youth unemployment and related issues, such as health and homelessness. Findings and Conclusions 248
The study also contrasted government policies about youth unemployment during the times of the 1974 and the 1992 recessions, and compared them with contemporary policies. The 1974 recession caused the national unemployment rate to nearly double by 1976 to 4.4 percent for adults, 13.1 percent for 15-19 years, and 6.2 percent for 20- 24 years. At the time of the 1992 recession the national rate was 10.8 percent, with the youth rate at 24.6 percent (15-19 years), and 16.1 percent (20-24 years). Notwithstanding the drop in the overall unemployment rate by the commencement of the year 2000 to 7.2 percent nationally, youth unemployment remained at 18.5 percent (1 5-19 years) and 10.6 percent (20-24 years). Equivalent Canberra rates were 5.8 percent, 20.1 percent, and 7.9 percent respectively, and reflect the high overall rate of unemployment for teenagers and young adults (ABSC 2000).
Government policies on youth unemployment during the two recessions of 1974 and 1992 can be explained in terms of the differences in Labor and Coalition platforms. The Liberal government, which was in ofice for seven years from December 1975, initially attempted to restrain government expenditure on programs which downsized the Public Service and favoured the business sector. These policies had consequences for unemployed youth in reducing job opportunities and the apprenticeship and training schemes initiated by the previous government. The government also tightened conditions for young people receiving unemployment benefits, which formed part of the Coalition's policy aim of reducing federal allowances and benefits (Irving et al. 1995).
Labor government policies in the 1992 recession, in contrast, were socially directed. They favoured public sector job growth, life long learning, a solid educational foundation, traineeships in the service sector, all linked through a national education network (Evans 1997, Crean 1997). The current Liberal government policies since 1996 have been market driven as public employment for community benefit has again been downsized. The government has progressively outsourced its information technology procurement and the employment industry jobs to the private sector. Education and health have also been progressively moved to the private sector thereby downgrading the community sector of the Public Service (Jones 1997). Similar to the policies of the 1970s, the government has reduced apprenticeships and training schemes and tightened the conditions for young people receiving unemployment benefits. It introduced mutual obligation requirements, which include work for the dole, and a Youth Allowance where, in general, youth at age 16 and 17 are no longer eligible for Findings and Conclusions 249 dole payments. Parental means tests have also been extended to 18 - 20 year olds regardless of whether they live at home and are studying. The Youth Allowance is not applicable if the family income is above $41,000 for those living at home and $58,000 for those not living at home (Peake, CT 29 January 1998:1).
Policy formulation has needed to respond to social change in the work environment, starting in the 1960s when unemployment emerged as an international concern due to globalisation and the introduction of new technologies. Women entering the workforce and competing for the same jobs as young people was another important social change (Roden 1985, Wilson and Wyn 1987). In the last two decades there has been a decline in participation in work, resulting in the collapse in the full time jobs market and a growth of part time and casual employment. Sub-contracting, franchising, multiple job holding, and non-standard hours of work have also increased. The United States and European experiences of the future of work is similar to the Australian experience where for some work is now considered an option that might or might not be exercised. For others with a job, it can mean a working day of sixteen hours duration in an environment where people are working at least an hour more than they did two years ago, not receiving extra pay for the extra hours and experiencing job insecurity (Morgan and Banks Survey 1999, cited in The Canberra T~mes,5 January 1999:8). Various commentators have suggested different solutions. A third way in civil sector employment is currently receiving support from the United States and United Kingdom governments.
This study has found that young people are 'parked' in education and denied passage to adulthood due to the failure of governments to deal with social change in the work environment and in the youth sector. This is particularly in evidence in Canberra, which has the highest school retention rate in Australia, yet maintains a high youth unemployment rate. The government's response to unemployment has been to socially experiment with young people in forcing them back to school and the family via the Youth Allowance that commits parents to supporting their children for longer periods of time. This has also caused some young people to drop out of system. For example,'for every teenager counted as unemployed, there is at least one more not involved in full time work or full time study. The number of full time teenage jobs halved between the mid 1980s and the mid 1990s resulting in nine percent moving in a world of casual employment and unemployment. By the age of 24 years the incidence of Findings and Conclusions 250 unemployment is twice that of school completers for those who have not completed higher education or been employed for 25 percent of their time (Dusseldorp, 27 October 199957).
Community and Organizational Perspectives of Young Unemployed People
A community and organizational communication perspective was adopted to address the third research question about the role of community and organizational support for young people experiencing the hazards of unemployment. Canberra developed a strong sense of community in the 1920s because of its isolation from other cities. This has been maintained with its growth into a city. Unlike other cities in Australia, Canberra has another role as the nation's capital. Canberrans unconsciously recognise this twofold role, which is reinforced for many through their careers as public servants, or in the private sector, which is increasingly providing services for the public sector. In this way Canberra's sense of place can be likened to Massey's (1993:239) concept of community that is extroverted, and includes a consciousness of its links with the wider world.
The Canberra community is highly educated and computer literate and is much younger than for Australia as a whole. The lack of work for young people in Canberra has meant that staying in education is a safety net against the isolation and marginalisation of being on the dole. Young people's perspectives of living in Canberra remain constant in that they have traditionally expected the national capital to have the variety of social activities and public transport facilities contained in the large capital cities of Australia, when essentially it remains a 'bush7 capital in size of population. This study has found that feeling connected with the community without employment is very difficult for a young person for two reasons: the loss of identity, which is found through work, and the absence of dignity afforded young people. The hazards of poverty, alcohol, drugs, suicide, dropping out of school, and the consequent lack of skills all contribute to their difficulties in coping with reduced employment opportunities, all of which are experienced to a greater degree by migrant and Aboriginal youth.
The changes in federal employment service delivery have meant that the government has shed the risk of unemployment to the private sector and the blame for Findings and Conclusions 25 1 ~ unemployment on the victims. Although the community and those organizations that support them maintain sympathy for the young victims of unemployment, the government continues to tighten the requirements on young employed people for eligibility to receive income support. These measures include the Youth Allowance, increasing the number of job interviews a fortnight, and, depending on where they live, the requirement to move to areas offering work. People registering for the dole need to nominate the mutual obligation activity they will undertake six months into the future. In Canberra work for the dole programs in childcare centres and schools have had to be abandoned because of community concern for the children's welfare.
In terms of the effectiveness of the organizations supporting young unemployed people in Canberra, this study has found that interorganizational links between Centrelink and the ACT government job training section are strong. However the Job Network providers have become wary of interorganizational communication with those support organizations within and outside the Network to the detriment of their clients. A lack of I trust of organizations by a public that feels they have too much control over their personal lives has been experienced by the Job Network providers and Centrelink due to the government shedding the responsibility for delivering employment services (Neher 1997:346). There is significant concern within the community about the delivery of these services reinforced by the Commonwealth Ombudsman's Report (1999), the Welfare Reform Reference Group Report (2000), and the Australian National Audit Office Report (cited in Burgess, Cl' 2000:3). These reports have highlighted the inadequate information and service delivery Centrelink provides to customers, the poor contract management of the Job Network by DEWRSB, and lack of communication between DEWRSB, Centrelink and the Job Network. These inadequacies have also been highlighted in the experiences of the young people in this study. The coordination of public communication by the many players has been found wanting in the competitive market environment of the Job Network. Individual support organizations, including Centrelink and each Job Network provider, advertise their services separately.
This lack of coordination in public communication has resulted in prospective clients being unaware of the compatibility of these services. A major public communication campaign managed by DEWRSB and DETYA, the contracting departments, is required to provide the missing information that their current public communication lacks. It provides an image of pieces of a jigsaw puzzle but does not put a name to the occupier Findings and Conclusions 252 of the each piece. This study's examination of Centrelink and the Job Network's unsuccessful public communication when they were originally set up suggests that their initial lack of communication has continued through to the present. In risk communication terms, this is an example of the layperson being required to trust in expert solutions that lead to confusion when personal experience is inadequate and invites public distrust (Tulloch and Lupton 19975).
Young Unemployed People's Perspectives of Social Support Networks
Different discourses including sociology, psychology and social support network communication were used to consider the remaining first and second research questions. First, the study found that the risk of unemployment is heightened when an individual's sense of self and identity is not properly developed and they are unable to forge a sense of belonging with society (Thunberg et al. 1982:48). The welfare reforms which have established Centrelink and the Job Network make greater demands upon young unemployed people and their families to 'contribute extra effort, reduce their use of social assistance, adopt compliant behaviours and meet raised expectations concerning life style change' (Rose 1996). While attempting to understand the so-called 'options generation', the study found that it is Australia's most highly educated and media stimulated generation. The world is very exciting for those who can cope with modernity. However, for those who have been overwhelmed by the 'manufactured risks' of the breakdown of the family and youth unemployment and have dropped out, the world is a bleak and daunting place, hence the incidence of 'street kids', drug and alcohol abuse and suicide. Giddens (1999) considers that people experiencing these risks have no prior examples that they can follow. There is also some evidence of young people having their own newer values, such as an adaptability to change, acceptance of technology, and openness to diversity. One example is their reluctance to engage in meaningless lowly paid jobs from social pressures and the altruistic idea of giving one's labour. Their work ethic is maintained however, through their desire to earn money to obtain material benefits and the self esteem that being in work produces. As Kevin, a youth worker in the Canberra Youth Refuge observes:
I think the work ethic is still there and is still maintained. I think the biggest thing is the expectation that you have to have a lot to be someone. We can get them into bed-sits, but some of them will say 'I am not going into a bed-sit. Findings and Conclusions 253
I want a two bedroom place'. They complain that they don't have the stereo and don't have the good dining suite. The expectations are still there because they see it on the TV. They are bombarded with images of amuence all the time (Kevin, Canberra Youth Refuge 11/99).
Regarding the second research question, the study found that the way people cope with unemployment and seek social support relates to their primary socialization within the family, and secondary socialization of outside influences. The study found that one bamer to accessing secondary support networks is the lack of trust and an inability to cope, which emanates From the lack of family support and education. The young people in the study experiencing these losses were termed 'have nots' and are becoming more prevalent within the Canberra community. Migrant and Aboriginal youth are particularly disadvantaged in view of discrimination and cross-cultural adjustments in fitting into the community. Although more are educated, females are also disadvantaged in the workforce and economically in their parental responsibilities in young adulthood (Curtain 1999a:7). While individualism and risk suggest a high level of choice, the 'haves' have greater access to choice and have greater authority over the ways that risks are identified and managed than do the 'have nots'.
There is no absolute dividing line between the two categories and personal experiences varied along the continuum. Nevertheless, it is possible to analyse how young people experience primary and secondary social support networks differently. The nature of Canberra's population often results in teenagers being left alone when their parents divorce or separate and return to their home state. Consequently, their poor experience of primary support leads to feelings of disempowerment and confusion when dealing with secondary support. The 'loners' in the 'have not' category were particularly loath to place their trust in those in their primary support. They were however, able to open out to the support offered by counsellors. Other young 'have nots' exhibited the resilience flagged by Kagan (1999) in coping with unemployment, persisting with their educational goals and accessing secondary support. The replacement of family support I by a fnendship group also proved to be an empowering experience. The aspiration to do the 'right thing' was a strong theme in both categories, and is noteworthy in light of the 'options generation' lack of a learned moral framework (Mackay 1997b: 140).
Anne, whose story was told in Chapter 1, is an extreme example of a 'have not', where the demands of her situation exceed her coping abilities. Since her parents asked her to Findings and Conclusions 254
move out of home when she was 15, Anne has not been able to achieve her goal of completing her education to Year 12. At age 18 she has low self esteem. Her temperament is such that she needs medication, to which she is addicted, to function each day because it stabilises her mood swings. She smokes marijuana, and has tried heroin and is considering becoming a sex worker. Anne demonstrates low resilience and a temperament that is timid when not on medication. In Kagan's (1999) terms, this is the reason for her inability to cope. Whether his proposition that young people in at risk situations have a great capacity for change is true for Anne is yet to be determined. Those with minimum education experience the loss of empowerment and the ability to use problem-focused coping of making a plan of action, increasing their efforts, or overcoming obstacles step by step (Thoits 1995). The young people in this situation are unable to communicate with people to the extent that they can cooperate in achieving some common goal. This lack of knowledge and understanding makes it difficult for them to fight against the people and agencies that do, or may appear to harm them, and has repercussions on their feelings of being able to cope.
Both the 'haves' and the 'have nots' alike are hampered by inadequacies in the coordination of an extremely complex interplay between employment service providers. This is further complicated by young people's lack of trust in bureaucracies and their reluctance to visit government departments in 'stiff buildings'. Both categories found that the experience of reduced employment opportunities resulted in their feeling unrnotivated, bored, depressed and feeling marginalised. Although they share the same difficulties of obtaining fulfilling work, the 'haves' had acquired skills through job training, volunteer work or through an adequate level of education. Family support had assisted their sense of acceptance enabling them to access secondary support. They also exhibited more confidence and trust than the 'have nots'. One example of this was the tendency amongst the 'haves' to adhere to Centrelink requirements for job searching. The 'haves' also exhibited strong coping strategies by feeling valued in their primary support networks and their secondary networks through participating in job search and job training, leisure activities, and voluntary work. These factors contributed to' an enhanced sense of belonging in the community. Unfortunately, the increasing demands within the 'have not' category are extending an employment delivery service that is not as yet meeting current demands. Findings and Conclusions 255
Implications for Theory
To synthesise the research the study used different communication perspectives and drew fiom scholars who write fiom a sociological and a psychological viewpoint and are fiequently cited in communication sources. It examined the experience of unemployed youth in the Canberra community and how they exist in an environment of reduced employment and increased welfare reform. Their views addressed how youth at the individual level cope with social change. The unifying idea of the thesis is that valuable insights can be acquired in its use of the risk perspective, which informs on the related issues of interpersonal and network communication as well as media coverage and organizational communication.
Consequently the study makes a distinct and significant contribution to the knowledge and understanding of the subject through its theoretical application. This approach resulted in the most important findings that revealed poor communication within Centrelink and between Centrelink and the Job Network providers resulting in duplication and malcoordination of services. This is probably the most original and substantive finding of the study. Whether the specific argument about Canberra also can be carried over to other contexts has not been established and would require further research.
This study also found that media framing changed from blaming the victim in the 1970s to exhibiting sympathy for the victims of social change in the 1990s. The media's increased sympathy for young unemployed people is currently exhibited in placing blame on the government for its punitive employment policies in the new millennium. In contrast to findings in organizational communication the findings about the role of the media in forming public perceptions about youth unemployment may be used in a more general sense outside the Canberra setting as the study also included a content analysis of the Sydney and Melbourne press. However hrther research that included the press in other states would result in more definitive findings on this aspect of the study.
The use of the risk perspective in the context of unemployment as an issue was particularly appropriate as it also informed the related issues of interpersonal and network communication as well as media coverage and interorganizational agency Findings and Conclusions 256
communication. The risk perspective originally developed from ecological concerns but since has been extended by Beck and Giddens internationally and Tulloch, Lupton and others in Australia to other social problems. This is one of the first instances the risk perspective has been related to unemployment in an explicit sense. In regard to interpersonal communication it provided the insights into the vulnerability of young people to social change and the importance of a sense of belonging with society in an environment of reduced job opportunities and punitive government welfare policies which in turn generate a feeling of a general lack of trust.
The risk perspective focused around the premise that youth unemployment can be likened to a social risk that has arisen from the imperfect social arrangements of the times (Furedi 199758). As such, unemployment is a hazard and 'a threat to young people' and what they value (Hohenemser et al. 1983). The dimensions of the hazard of youth unemployment examined in the study were the individual factors of self identity and self esteem, coping ability, the work ethic, family support and level of education, the ability to enjoy spare time, drugs and alcohol use, poverty and suicide. These variables also formed the basis of testing the attributes of newspaper stories and affirmed their importance to this study. Arguably, these research findings are less strong than the findings about organizational communication aspects of the issue because of the limited sample interview size and the withdrawn nature of the subjects. Nevertheless, this eclectic theoretical approach has enabled a complex subject to be synthesised into substantial findings that have the following implications for practice.
Implications for Practice
The consequent implications for practice are found in the areas for further research such as the requirement for specialised employment education for young people before entering the workforce; the need for interorganizational coordination and social marketing by organizations that provide employment services; and the requirement to examine the link between work and leisure in relation to future directions for work in Australia as input into future employment policies. The detail of such research is outlined as follows: Findings and Conclusions 257
Specialised Employment Education
Further research is required into how a young unemployed person needs to respond to the changing work environment of part time, casual, and contract work in order to maintain a satisfactory weekly wage. As the opportunity to be employed fulltime over one's lifetime disappears, those loolung for employment need to be skilled in manipulating a variety of concurrent jobs while maintaining financial continuity. This radical change from keeping a job for one's working life suggests people need to develop entrepreneurial skills to manage their own working life. This means they need skills in winning an increased number of jobs; communicating with employers, clients, suppliers and other team members; managing their time efficiently; understanding contracts; and acquiring a knowledge of the taxation and superannuation systems to manage their own 'business'. Within the changing conditions of work those in the job market must be able to transfer their core skills and qualifications to new work settings. They must be flexible in working for periods of long hours and withstanding other periods of down time.
Interorganizational Coordination and Social Marketing
Research into how such specialised employment education is delivered is also necessary. Part of this research may include investigating whether this role is best located within the education system, or the Job Network organizations. Of paramount importance is research into developing a major social marketing campaign to coordinate employment service delivery interorganizationally. As this study has found, clients need to be informed about the services available, and how they are coordinated to be able to make informed decisions about the areas they can access.
Severing the Link Between Work and Leisure
Ongoing policy research is also necessary into the future directions for work in Australia. Rifiin (1995), an advocate of the information revolution, anticipates free time replacing material accumulation. Jones (1 983: 198,199) also observes that those who possess the work ethic feel that unemployment is a form of social death. The principle of compulsory work torments them, forcing them in search of jobs that no longer exit. Further research is required into when or even whether social change will Findings and Conclusions 258 overturn traditional values in considering how work, leisure and the work ethic fit into the changed work environment. Pigram (1983) has argued that the time opposite to work is actually unemployment and lack of work is not necessarily leisure, as those who are unemployed have in effect been denied the choice between work and leisure. Research is timely into the likelihood of social acceptance of severing the nexus between work and leisure in a continuing reduced work environment.
Social Policy Legacy
In view of the government's extended welfare and employment policy reforms to be announced in the latter part of 2000, further Canberra research is required on young unemployed people's participation in work for the dole scheme. The objective of this research would be to assess whether this scheme provides transportable skills for paid work. Associated with this research is the need to carry out a policy analysis of the Howard government's shift to compassionate conservatism. The media has predicted that the government will take a harsher approach to social policy rather than a more caring government approach. The government's social policies are imitations of recent American policies in both work for the dole schemes and drug policies. In the United States the new paternalism in social policy has however gone hand in hand with a high rate of i)enalising the victim, thereby blumng the distinction between penal and social policy. As with work for the dole scheme, there is little to distinguish these programs from community service orders. With zero tolerance programs social problems and policies are criminalized and minority groups such as migrants, Aboriginal people and youth are often the targets. The media's framing of the government's welfare reforms in the early part of 2000 indicates they could be harsh critics of any future reforms and herald a time of intense debate in the community. Bibliography 259
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Newspaper Articles About Chapter 5 (The majority of these sources are arranged by Newspaper and alphabetically according to the article).
The Canberra Times
'ACT schools brace for action over dole scheme'. (Macdonald, E., 1999, July 3). The Canberra Times, 1.
'Back to school or face dole cuts, says PM'. (Macdonald, E., 1999, January 29). The Cunberra Times, 1.
'Car pool for ACT jobless a great way to help the unemployed'. (Cassidy, F., 1999, May 24). The Canberra Times, 19.
'Criminologist warns of underclass'. (Blenkin, M,, 1999, November 19). The Canberra Times, 6.
'Diversify for job security'. (1992, July 24). The Canberra Times, Letter to Editor, 8.
'Down a yellow brick road in the wrong direction'. (Henderson, A., 1992, July 22). The Canberra Times, 13.
Gentlem, A. 'Age and experience go hand in hand to create the best workers'. (1999, August 16). The Canberra Times, 3. 1 Bibliography 280
'Hewson out of step on youth wages'. (Taylor, M., 1992, July 7). The Canberru Times, l l. I
'Jobless to face 69 different dole tests: agencies to set their own'. (Macdonald, E. & Burgess, V., 1999, February 3). The Canberra Times, 3.
'Jobless must join work-for-the-dole scheme sooner or risk losing their benefits. Crackdown on unemployed'. (Peake, R., 1999, December 18). The Cunberru Times, 1.
'Jobs: women, young 'big losers'.' (Dargaville, J., 1999, June 3). The Canberra Times, 3.
'Keating's job task still ahead of him'. (1992, July 23). The Canberra Times, 8.
'PS has let down our young'. (Editorial, 1999, December 29). The Canberra Times, 12.
'School dropouts costing $2.6b a year'. (Gentle, N., 1999, October 19). The Canberra Times, 2.
Sibley, D. 'It's better than the dole, says jobseeker Sharp'. (1992, July 7). The Canberra Times. 1.
'Work-for-dole brings benefits: participants'. (Heagney, K., 1999, December 18). The Canberra Times, 2.
'Work-for-dole role in clean-up'. (1999, April 20). The Canberra Times, 2.
'Youth summit: no great expectations'. (Editorial, 1992, July 22). The Canberra Times, 12.
The Canberra Southside Chronicle
'Abbott's jobs tangle'. (Lissimore, R., 1999, June 22). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, 10.
'Centrelink stink'. (1999, March 23). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, 5.
'Getting results for the jobless'. (Walsh, J., 1992, August 3). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, 2.
'Help on cards for youths'. (1999, October 26). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, 22.
'Jobs scheme angers parents'. (Curry, G., 1999, February 23). The Canberra Southside Chronicle. 3.
'No limit to students' sports careers'. (Dawson, A., 1999, June 22). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, 10.
'Projects to empower youths'. (1999, July 20). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, 5. Bibliography 28 1
'Valley FM seeking volunteers'. (1999, March 30). The Canberra South~ide Chronicle, 10.
'Working for dole won't work'. (1999, July 20). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, Letter to Editor, 4.
'Youth wage is uncaring and exploitative: forum'. (1992, July 27). The Canberra Southside Chronicle, 3.
The Canberra Northside Chronicle
'Expo to help job-seekers'. (1 999, October 19). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 16.
'Finding jobs for the girls'. (1999, February 9). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 11.
'Hand-up helped this young couple'. (1999, February 2). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 23.
'Helping unemployed youth to access help'. (1999, April 20). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 22.
'Jobs projects announced'. (1 999, July 20). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 10.
'Let us spray'. (1999, April 13). irhe Canberra Northside Chronicle, 1.
'Mixed reaction to 'shooting gallery". (1999, August 10). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 5.
'Pathways service scrapped'. (1999, May 25). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 3.
'Project provides Corps competency'. (1999, January 12). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 9.
'Steps to find that job'. (1999, August 10). The Canberra Northside Chronicle, 18.
The Sydney Morning Herald Incorporating Good Weekend
'A workable welfare plan'. (Editorial, 1999, November 11). The Sydney Morning Herald, 18.
'Aliens in our midst'. (Donaghy, B., 1999, June 25). The Sydney Morning Herald, 11.
'Bludgers no more, reality sets in'. (Steketee, M., 1992, July 6). The Sydney Morning Herald, 4.
Cleary, P. 'Bleak outlook for working poor study'. (1992, July 9). The Sydney Morning Herald, 2.
'Dr Hewson's youth wage'. (1992, July 7). The Sydney Morning Herald, 12. Bibliography 282
'Forget Reith and care about kids'. (Gittins, R., 1999, March 15). The Sydney Morning Herald, 4 1.
'Fresh approach needed to teen jobless'. (Gittins, R., 1999, October 27). The Sydney Morning Herald, 17.
Gittins, R. 'The biggest job of all is youth training'. (1992, July 22). The Sydney Morning Herald, 15.
'Gloomy outlook on jobs'. (Steketee, M., 1992, July 7). The Sydney Morning Herald, 12.
'Hewson's job package'. (Editorial, 1992, July 25). The Sydney Morning Herald, 24.
'Jury out on the summit'. (Editorial, 1992, July 23). The Sydney Morning Herald, 10.
'Keating and youth jobless'. (1 992, July 2 1). The Sydney Morning Herald, 12.
Letter to Editor. ( 1999, February 16). The Sydney Morning Herald, 12.
Letter to Editor. (1999, September 28). The Sydney Morning Herald, 14.
Macken, D. 'The way we work'. (1992, July 18). Good Weekend, 22.
Murphy, D. 314m scheme to help students find jobs7. (1999, March 15). The Sydney Morning Herald, 9.
'Never too late to clean out the shed'. (Mackay, H., 1999, January 2). The Sydney Morning Herald, 18.
'The biggest job of all is youth training'. (1992, July 22). Sydney Morning Herald, 15.
The Daily Telegraph Incorporating The Daily Telegraph Mirror
'Act now to let the good times roll for jobless young'. (Day, M., 1992, July 7). The Daily Telegraph Mirror, 2.
'A day of cosy consensus - not many hurt'. (Evans, D., 1992, July 23). The Daily Telegraph Mirror, 10.
Connolly, A. '1 1.1% Jobless Blowout'. (1992, July 9). The Daily Telegraph Mirror, 1.
'Hewson's pay packets keep kids out of pocket and out of work'. (Evans, D., 1992, July 7). The Daily Telegraph Mirror, 10.
'It's a two-way street'. (Akerman, P., 1999, February 2). The Daily Telegruph, 1 1.
'Job forecast goes from gloom to boom'. (1 999, January 4). The Daily Telegraph, 2.
'Jobs for boys and girls'. (Fan-, M., 1992, July 6). The Daily Telegraph Mirror, 10. Bibliography 283
'Learning to get jobs for young'. (Editorial, 1999, November 18). The Duily Telegraph, 10.
'Selling jobs to young'. (Gilmore, H., 1999, May 7). Tlte Daily 7'elegraplt,2 1.
'The ball's in your court, Mr Keating'. (1992, July 22). The Duily Telegraph Mirror, 10.
'Thumbs up for Job Network'. (1999, October 27). The Daily Telegruph, 25.
'Too selfish to train workers'. (1999, June 12). 7he Daily Telegruph, Letter to Editor, 12.
'Trades jobs go begging'. (McCabe, K., 1999, July 1 1 ). The Duily Telegraph, 45
'Youth wage deserves a fair hearing'. (1992, July 7). The Duily Telegruph Mirror, 10.
The Age
Amdt, B. 'Why there is no real debate on social policy'. (1999, October 6). The Age, 19.
Barker, G. 'Hewson's youth wage short on justice, dignity'. (1992, July 7). The Age, 13).
Bessant, J. 'Youth needs a new partnership of hope'. (1993, February 12). The Age, 12.
'Create Jobs, not blame'. (1999, July 7). The Age, 24.
'Despair for the jobs that just aren't there7. (Gordon, M., 1992, July 5). Me Age, 6.
Easterbrook, M. 'Young air their grievances about Government failings'. (1993, January 19). The Age, 16.
'Gen X, where are YOU'?(King, P., 1999, February 8). The Age, 13.
'Heroin: the bogyman of the frightened '90s'. (Alcorn, G. & Brady, N., 1999, April 6). The Age, l.
'How the unions threaten your job'. (Birrell, M., 1999, June 18). The Age, 13.
'Keating gets over hurdle, faces more'. (Grattan, M., 1992, July 23). The Age, l).
'Meagre prospects for the jobless'. (Editorial, 1992, July 7). The Age, 13.
'Please try to understand, not condemn'. (1999, May 6). The Age, Letter to Editor, 14.
'Shame at homeless figures7. (Saltau, C., 1999, December 3). The Age, 7.
'Shopping in an age of despair'. (Mackay, H., 1999, January 2). The Age, 6. Bibliography 284
'Sleeping rough in the CBD'. (Middendorp, C., 1999, September 7). The Age. Features 13.
'The reality of hopelessness brought home'. (Barker, G., 1992, July 6). The Age, 6.
'Training the key to youth employment'. (Editorial, 1992, July 21). The Age, 13.
'Write stuff. (Guy, R., 1999, March 17). The Age, 2.
Herald Sun
Beveridge, J. 'Street kids beg for attention'. (1999, January 4). Heraldsun, 14, 15.
'Concrete action will ease doubts'. (Molloy, P., 1992, July 23). Herald Sun, 7.
'Dole worst 'dead end". (1 992 July 25). Herald Sun, Letter to Editor, 14.
'Enough words, now for action'. (1992, July 23). Herald Sun, 12.
'Jobless not to blame, PM'. (1999, February 2). Herald Sun, Letter to Editor, 20.
'Learn-for-dole nearly perfect'. (1 999, February 2). Herald Sun, Letter to Editor 20.
Letters to the Editor (four). (1992, July 25). Herald Sun, 14.
'Middle-class welfare'. (Hannon, K., 1999, November 11). Herald Sun, 19.
'Mr Keating is out of touch with reality'. (1992, July 25). Herald Sun Letter to Editor, 14.
'Teens tell of jobless heartache'. (Canas, M., 1 992, July 7). Herald Sun, 10.
'Thanks, Guv. G-G sees how other half lives'. (Ballantine, D., 1999, July 4). Herald Sun, 4.
'The stingy federal youth allowance sells our country short'. (Singer, J., 1999, May 14). Herald Sun, 18.
'Youth pay key to jobs policy'. (Larkin, J., 1992, April 24). Herald Sun, 3.
'Youth wage worry'. (1992, July 23). Herald Sun Letter to Editor, 14.
Other Newspaper Articles
Arndt, B. 'The brave new world of welfare'. (1 999, February 13). The Age, 1.
Burgess, V. 'Tighten $3b Jobs Network: auditors'. (2000, May 17). The Canberra Times, 3.
Clack, P. 'Heroin the tip of illicit increase'. (2000, March 5). The Canberra Times, 2. Bibliography 285
Clack, P. 'Another overdose - another Friday night in Canberra'. (2000, March 5). The Cunberra Times, 1.
Contractor, A. 'PM Cuts Dole to Under-1 8s'. (1 997, June 18). The Canberra Times, 1.
Contractor, A. 'Work as Volunteers, Jobless Urged'. (1997, October 9). The Canberra Times, 2.
Cooke, G. 'Region has reinvented itself, says lobby group'. (2000, March 28). The Cunberru Times, 7.
Dargaville, J. 'Canberra's young homeless figure 'underestimated". (1999, May 21). The Canberra Times, 4.
Deane, Sir William. 'Governor General's speech at opening of 1997 National Convention of the Apex Clubs of Australia'. (1997, July 11). The Sydney Morning Heruld, 8
Deane, Sir William. 'Long, eventful journey to democracy'. (1999, May 13). The Canberra Times, 9.
Dejevsky, M. 'Kennedys' mystique beginning to wane'. (1999, July 21). The Canberra Times. 9.
Doherty, M. 'Young see mobiles as a necessity'. (2000, April 9). The Canberra Sunday Times, 7.
Gentle, N. 'Poverty's an issue in ACT: report'. (2000, May 2). The Cunberru Times, 5.
Glendinning, L. 'Tuggeranong teens work to help fellow youth'. (1999, July 22) The Canberra Times, 6.
Grattan, M. 'Help bush help itself, says Abbott'. (2000, May 6). The Cunberra Times, 13.
Hull, C. 'ACT gains under new grants formula'. (2000, May 11). The Canberra Times, l I.
Hull, C. 'Laws does us a favour with bank deal'. (1999, July 17). The Canberru Times, C l.
Kazar, A. 'Youth 1000'. (1998, March 14). The Canberra Times, D1.
Lawson, K. ' 'Agencies reshuffle for Job Network'. (2000, February 28). The Canberra Times, 20.
Lawson, K. 'New crackdown on unemployed'. (2000, March 3). The Canberra Times, 1. Bibliography 286
MacDonald, E. 'Child-care work for jobless in ACT'. (1999, February 8). The Canberra Times, 1.
MacDonald, E. 'Work-for-dole in schools plan under fire'. (2000, March 17). Tlze Canberra Times, 2.
Martin, C. 'Government blamed for skills deficit'. (2000, January 15-16). The Australian Financial Review, 6.
McDonald, E. 'Bucking trend bonus for ACT'. (2000, January 21). The Cunberra Times, I.
Megalogenis, G. 'Ups and downs of nation's wealth'. (2000, June 17-18). The Weekend Australian, 23.
Peake, R. 'PM to expand work for dole'. (1998, September 2 1) The Cunberra Times, 1-2.
Peake, R. 'Howard tightens work for dole deal'. (1998, January 29). Tlze Canberru Times, 1.
Pearse, E. 'ACT has purest heroin, most costly 'speed". (1999, November 25). The Canberra Times, 3.
Richards, N. 'Alcohol commercials hit the spot with teenagers'. (2000, February 28). The Canberra Times, 3.
The Canberra Sunday 7'imes. 'Week of unemployable 'solutions". (2000, March 5), 8.
The Canberra Sunday Times. ' Unemployed 'blamed by Government". (2000, April 21, 3.
The Cunberra Times. 'Double standard in Youth Allowance'. (1998, July 2), 10.
The Canberru Times. 'Kemp gives $55m extra to Job Network'. (1998, August 26), 5.
The Canberra Times. 'Jobless caught up in flawed system'. (1 998, October 13), 8.
The Cunberra Times. 'Job seekers may have to register with network7. (1998, December l), 3.
The Canberra Times. 'Working longer but not smarter'. (1999, January 5). Editorial, 8.
The Canberra Times. 'PS has let down our young'. (1999, December 29). Editorial, 12.
The Canberra Times. 'Best place for PS is Canberra'. (2000, March 16). Editorial, 8. Bibliography 287
The Canberra Times. 'Parliamentary Standing Committee on Family and Community Affairs Enquiry into Drug Abuse. How are we handling it?' (2000, April 15), 11.
The Canberrh Times. 'Focus should be on welfare: survey7. (2000, June 6), 3
The Sydney Morning Herald. 'We're putting together the new Job Network'. (1998, March 14), 27.
Tingle, L. 'Network failed with jobs target'. (2000, February 26). The Sydney Morning Herald, 4.
Urban P. 'Support will boost savings'. (2000, April 6). The Cunberra Times, 9.
Warhurst, J. 'Opinion polls tell us something, but what'? (1999, July 30). The Canberra Times, 9.
Warren, S. 'ACTCOSS comes to defence of jobless'. (2000, March 6). The Canberra Times, 5.
Opinion Polls
Australian National Opinion Poll. Young Australians Today: A Report of the Study of Attitudes of Young Australians by ANOP Market Research. Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra 1984.
Australian National Opinion Poll. A Survey ofCommunity Attitudes to Issues Aflecting Young People. ANOP 1986. Commissioned by the Off-ice of Youth Affairs, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra 1987.
Australian National Opinion Poll. Community Attitudes to Issues Afecting Young People and to Deet Policies & Progrums. ANOP 1990. Commissioned by the Department of Employment, Education and Training Youth Bureau, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra 1990.
Morgan Poll. Unemployment the Number One Issue. (Finding No 2253). Melbourne, 4 May 1992.
Morgan Poll. Small Gain for Keating - ALP Ajier Youth Summit. (Finding No 2298). Melbourne, 17 August 1992.
Morgan Poll. Australians Fear for their Jobs. (Finding No 2303). Melbourne, 3 1 August 1992.
Morgan Poll. Job Securir), High in Australia and New Zealand. Unemployment Forecasts for 2000 More Optimistic Than Last Year. (Finding No 3267). Melbourne, 5 January 2000.
Morgan Poll. Health Tops List Of Most Important Things Federal Government Should Address. (Finding No 3269). Melbourne, 19 January 2000. Bibliography 288
ConferencesISeminar Papers
Anderson, D. Transitionfrom School: A Review ofAustralian Research. Seminar on Research into Transition from School, Melbourne, October 1980.
Dusseldorp, J. Australia 'S Youth: From Risk to Opportunity. Practices and Potential of Community Partnerships. Paper delivered at the Victorian Industry Education Partnership Forum, Melbourne, 27 October 1999.
Green, L. Focusing upon interview methodologies. Paper delivered at the Annual Conference of The Australian and New Zealand Communication Association, University of Western Sydney Nepean Parramatta Campus, Sydney 1999.
Mackay, H. Three Generations: The changing values and politicul outlook of Austrulians Paper delivered at Parliament House, Canberra, 5 September 1997 {a).
Youth 98 Conference. Public Spaces Public Voices. Young People's firum. University of Melbourne, 16- 19 April 1998.
Theses
Kodhi, S. New Order Government Policies Concerning the Indonesian Chinese: Policy Communication and the Role of Bakom PKB. Unpublished Masters Thesis, University of Canberra 1997.
Poroch, N. Organisational Communication in a Large Canberru Club. A Case Study ofthe Canberra Southern Cross Club. Unpublished Masters Thesis, University of Canberra, Canberra 1996.
Pyvis, D. The Exploitation of Youth: An Alternative History of Youth Policy in Australia. Unpublished PhD Thesis, Murdoch University 1991.
Brochures
Canberra Museum and Gallery. Youth Quake Exhibition. [Brochure]. ACT Government, Canberra 1999.
Centrelink. Employment Update. Linking Austrulian Government Services. [Brochure] Canberra 1998:1.
National Archives of Australia. Home Sweet Home? A National Archives Exhibition Canberra 1999. Bibliography 289
Interviews (First name indicates pseudonym is used for confidentiality). l Interviews with Government and Business Organizations
Chns Peters Chief Executive Officer, ACT Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 6 October 1999.
l Gail Cantle ACT Police Constable, Victims of Crime, Diversionary l Conferencing, 25 May 2000.
l
Ian Mackay Branch Head, Youth Bureau, Department of Employment, Il Training and Youth Affairs, 15 December 1999.
Joy Garland Chief Minister's Office, ACT Government, 18 October 1999.
Tim Chambers ACT Police Constable, Lyneham Police and Citizens7 Youth Club, 2 May 2000.
Vic Grantham Manager, Belconnen Centrelink Office, 4 November 1999.
Warwick Costin Manager, News Limited, Canberra, 4 August 1999.
Interviews with Job Network Providers, Community Support Organizations and Parents
David Mathews Former Chief Executive Officer, Australian Youth Policy and Action Coalition, 22 November 1999.
Gany Newcombe Youth Worker, Belconnen Youth Centre, 19 November 1999.
Greg Daly Coordinator, Young Christian Workers' Catholic Association, 16 August 1999.
Jennifer Nelson Parent, 26 November 1999.
Kevin Ruddock Coordinator, Canberra Youth Refuge, 24 November 1999.
Kim Davidson Coordinator, Gugan Gulwan (Younger Brother and Sister) Aboriginal Corporation, 24 November 1999.
I Larraine Bird Parent, 12 November 1999. l
Lee DeCawsey- Brown Careers Advisor, Phillip College, 19 November 1999.
Trainer and Administrator, Caloola Skills Training and Job Placements, 5 November 1999.
Megan Thompson Coordinator, Chances Youth Project, Migrant Resource Centre, 19 October 1999. Bibliography 290
Melany Earle Project and Policy Oficer, Youth Coalition of the ACT, 30 November 1999.
Michael Quaas Chief Executive Officer, Work Resources Centre, 16 November 1999.
Mick Ward Chief Executive Officer, Impact Training and Development, 8 November 1999.
Peter Coordinator, Job Placement, Employment and Training Program, 6 August 1999.
Interviews with Students and Young Unemployed People (By Date)
University of Canberra Focus Group, 5 November 1998.
Canberra College of Technology Male Focus Group, 1 1 November 1999. Canberra College of Technology Female Focus Group, 18 November 1999.
Jason 19 August 1998 Anne 26 August 1998. Lilly 5 November 1998 Murray 1 1 November 1998 Mandy 13 November 1998. Ham 1 7 November 1998. Sandy 3 December 1998
Dom 3 September 1999 Jane 5 November 1999 Sean 16 November 1999. Tim 22 November 1999. Emma 8 December 1999.
Internet Sources
Aedy, R. (Presenter & Executive Producer) & Fisher, D. (Producer). (1999). The Media Report. The Media's Coverage ofthe Republic Referendum. [Online]. httr>://www.abc.net.au/dtalks/8.3O/mediarpt/stories/s64 164.htm [l 9 April 20001.
~Gtralian Capital Territory Government. (2000). Government. [Online]. h~://www.act.gov.au~government.cfm[7 July 20001.
Bacon, W. (1999). Archive: Jobs Crisis. Dumping on Centrelink. [Online]. httD://www.~t~.edu.au/fac/hss/De~artments/SCJ/archive/iobs/centrelink.html [25 September 19991.
Cleary, J. (1 999). The Religion Report. Pragmatism & Princrple: The challenge for charities hired by government, The future of Aust Catholicism, and Anti- Semit ism in Russia. [Online]. httD://www.abc.net.au~m/talks/8.30/relrt,~stories/s37983.htm[22 July 1999). Bibliography 29 1
Cleary, J. (2000). The Religion Report. Church and State in Austr~liu. [Online]. httD://www.abc.net.au/m/talks/8.30/relmVstories/s120969.htm [l0 May 2000.
Department of Employment, Workforce Relations and Small Business. (1999). Mutual Obligation. [Online]. httD://www.thesource.gov.au/switchon/Services/~~- 1 20. htm [ 1 1 May 20001.
Giddens, A. (BBC Reith Lectures 1999). Runuway World. Lecture 2 - Risk - Hong Kong. [Online). http://news.bbc.co. uklhilennl ish/static/eventslreith 99/week2/week2.htm [ 12 May 19991.
Kagan, J. (1 999). Life Mutters Interview with Norman Swan. [Online]. htt~://abc.net.au/m/talks/lm/stories/s2933l.h [7 January 20001.
Syme, L. (1998). The Heuith Report. Mastering the Control Fuctor, Part One. [Online]. htt~://www.abc.net.au/m/talks/8.30/helthrpVstories/s143 14. htm [9 November 19981.
Tacey, D. (1999). The Religion Report. Re-enchantment. [Online]. htt~://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/rel~m[l6 August 19991.
Radio Broadcasts
Mackay, H. 'Australia Talks Back'. (1 998, March 18). ABC Radio Nationul. Appendices 292
APPENDIX A
COMMUNICATION NETWORK - HOMELESS UNEMPLOYED YOUNG PERSON
YOUTH REFUGE
(Welfare Payments) (Permanent Housing)
Job search or the mutual obligation program including: part time work, voluntary work, education or training, relocation, literacy and numeracy training, job search training, intensive assistance, job placement, employment and training program, and Green Corps training.
HOMELESS UNEMPLOYED YOUNG PERSON Appendices 293
APPENDIX B I
COMMUNICATION BETWEEN GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT SERVICE ORGANIZATIONS
I CONTRACTS FOR EMPLOYMENT SERVICES I DEWRSB* DETYA* ACT GOVERNMENT* ! I I 1 Cent!elink Job Network Community Comrmunity date Groups Groups Sector
Entry point Job Iraining - JobI creation for welfare for specific programs for payments l2rOuPS specific and Flex 1- 3 referral to Job Net-
I work for: 1 Job se: irch, in-house job training or: or mutual job obligation training activities (See App. A)
Notes: *DEWRSB (Federal Government Department) - The Department of Employment, Workforce Relations and Small Business
*DETYA (Federal Government Department) - The Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs
*ACT Government Chief Minister's Department APPENDIX C ACT TOWN CENTRES
Source: ABS * REGIONAL STATISTICS, ACT * 1362.8 * 2000 Appendices 294
APPENDIX D
SOURCES OF ARTICLES - THE OPPOSITION'S JOB FORUM 4 - 5 JULY 1992
Newspaper Political Human Union Industry Expert Editorial Interest
The Sydney Morning 13 0 0 1 0 1 Herald (9)* The Daily Telegraph 10 3 0 1 0 1
The Age (l )* 10 3 0 2 0 1 Herald Sun (l)* l I 3 0 1 1 2
The Canberra Times (l)* 14 1 0 3 I 0 The Canberra Chronicle 0 1 0 0 0 0
TOTAL: 84 5 8 11 0 8 2 5
SOURCES OF ARTICLES - THE GOVERNMENT'S JOB SUMMIT 22 JULY 1992
The Sydney Morning 16 3 0 0 0 3 Herald The Daily Telegraph 7 4 1 1 0 2
The Age 12 5 1 0 0 1 Herald Sun (6)* 14 4 2 2 0 1
The Canberra Times (l)* 10 2 4 2 0 2 The Canberra Chronicle 0 2 0 0 0 0
TOTAL: 101 5 9 20 8 5 0 9
* Letters to the Editor Appendices 295
APPENDIX E
SOURCES OF ARTICLES FOR YEAR 1999
Newspaper Political Human Union Industry Expert Editorial Interest
The Sydney Morning 3 1 0 1 3 1 Herald (3)*
The Daily Telegraph (l)* 3 1 0 4 0 2
The Age (l)* 5 4 0 1 2 1
Herald Sun (3)* 5 5 0 0 2 0
The Canberra Times 5 2 1 0 2 1
The Canberra Chronicle(l)* 8 10 0 6 0 0
TOTAL: 79 29 23 1 12 9 5
* Letters to the Editor Appendices 296
APPENDIX F: PILOT INTERVIEW YOUNG UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE IN CANBERRA
Name: Contact addressphone no:
FAMILY BACKGROUND
1. Age in years: 2. Sex: 3. Size of family: 4. Were your parents born in Australia? If no, country of birth:
5. Do you live with your parents? If no, when did you move out? 6. Father's occupation: 7. Mother's occupation:
8. What type of support does your family give you? Do they offer advice or help in finding employment, or with food, money, place to stay, positive support on how to get on with your life?
9. What do your parents do with their time when they are not working?
SCHOOL BACKGROUND
10. When did you leave school?
11, Were you taught how to enjoy free time at school?
12. What sports or other activities did you do at school?
LIVING AND TRANSPORT ARRANGEMENTS
Do you have a girlfriendlboyfriend? If yes, do they have a job? If unemployed, length of time.
Who do you live with?
brothers and sisters one or two parents with guardian with grandparent other relatives group house spouselpartner alone friends
Have you always lived in Canberra? --
Appendices 297
16. Do you have access to a motorcar or any other means of personal transport other than public transport?
EMPLOYMENTIUNEMPLOYMENT HISTORY
When did you first register as an unemployed person?
Tell me about:
your previous employment experience length of time employed how you found work the times you were not employed, and the length of time not employed.
Rave you undertaken any training for employment? How long?
Have you or are you currently carrying out work under work for the dole scheme?
what type of work? how many hours a month? what do you think of this scheme? do you think it will enable you to find long term work?
Did you carry out volunteer work before work for the dole scheme was introduced?
Do you feel you need to work? If yes, why do you need to work? If no, why not?
EMPLOYMENT SEARCH STRATEGIES
Where do you get information about potential jobs?
How many job employment agencies are you registered with?
How much time do you spend looking for work?
How often do you look for work?
Are you able to meet the government's job diary requirements each month?
Where do you look for work (e.g., local newspaper)?
Are there any other government agencies that are helping you (for example, in job training, employment)? Appendices 298
PERSONAL COPING MECHANISMS
Do you take drugsldrink alcohol to get along?
Have you been in trouble with the police?
How do you usually feel when you are unemployed?
Are you in the habit of planning what you are going to do each week?
What are the practical difficulties of enjoying your day when you are unemployed?
What do you do for fun when you are not working?
How much time is free to do what you like when you are not working? How important is this time to you?
How would you cope if you were unable to find long term work in the future?
What do older people (parents, auntshncles, brothers1 sisters) expect of you in relation to your future life?
SOCIAL INTERACTION (REPLACED BY QUESTIONS 36 TO 44 IN APPENDIX G).
When was the last time you took a holiday? Did you go with anyone?
Do you think in terms of going on an overseas or around Australia working holiday? If yes, would you go alone or with someone else?
What do you do for entertainment when you are at home? Who do you enjoy this time with?
How often do you visit the movies go see a band? Who do you go with?
What do you read? Do you read by yourself? How much time do you spend reading?
What do you watch on TV? Who do you watch with? How much time do you spend with TV, videoslcomputer games?
Do you play team sports or enjoy other sporting activities? Who do you go with?
How much time have you spent by yourself and with others in the last five days?
How many different groups of friends do you have that you do things with? Appendices 299
48. How do all of these activities change when you are in work, at school, or unemployed?
COMMUNICATION OPPORTUNITIES (REPLACED BY QUESTIONS 36 TO 44 IN APPENDIX G).
49. Where do you get information about your social activities? Are they giving you any work skills?
50. Do you actively belong to a church or fellowship group?
51. Do you belong to any of the licensed clubs in Canberra? What do you do there?
52. Do you go to any of the Canberra Youth Centres? What do you do there?
53. Do you go to any other such places? What do you do there?
54. Why do you go to these places?
FUTURE ASPIRATIONS
55. Where do you want to be in 3 years' time?
56. Is there anything else you would like to tell me about what we have discussed? Appendices 300
APPENDIX G: INTERVIEW YOUNG UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE IN CANBERRA
Name: Age: Sex:
FAMILY SUPPORT AND COMMUNICATION
Parents7country of birth: Parents' occupation: Where parents are living: Size of family: Living with family or moved out of home? Always lived in Canberra? Are your parents your role models? If not, who are? What sort of things do you do with your parents and family? How often? Anyone in family experienced unemployment? Have they tried in a practical way to help you get a job?
ATTITUDES TO UNEMPLOYMENT
1 1. What are expectations of parents about your getting a job (any pressures)?
12. What is your father's, mother's, someone close to you attitude to your being out of work? Critical, sympathetic, doesn't care?
13. Do they think it is not your fault, all your fault, or you should try harder?
14. Where do you think the Canberra community (people) place responsibility for youth unemployment?
MEDIA
15. How helpful is the newspaper in finding jobs?
16. Who do the journalists hold responsible for unemployment?
17. Do you use a computer or Internet?
CANBERRA COMMUNITY AND INTERACTION
18. How supportive is the Canberra community when you are unemployed?
19. What's it like living in Canberra as opposed to other cities?
EDUCATION AND EMPLOYMENT HISTORY
20. When did you leave school and at what level?
2 1. What sort of jobs have you already worked in? I l
Appendices 30 1
22. How long have you been unemployed now?
23. What do you think about mutual obligation (work for the dole)?
EMPLOYMENT SEARCH STRATEGIES
Do you need to work (whyhot)?
Are you registered as unemployed? How did you find out about this process?
How do you find out about jobs and training?
How many job providers are you registered with?
How do you fill your job diary commitments? How often do you look for work in a week?
What kind of job do you want? Are you qualified for it?
Would you take any job?
Did you do casual work whilst still at school?
How would having a job change your life?
Are your attitudes to work different from your parents?
ORGANISATIONAL SUPPORT
34. What have been your experiences with:
Centrelink and the Job Network Training organizations Personal development programs Youth centres Accommodation support Other social support organizations
PERSONAL COPING MECHANISMS
35. Any of your friends have experience of drugs, alcohol, and trouble with the Police?
SOCIAL LNTERACTION NETWORKS
36. Do you have a partner?
37. Who gives you emotional support out of all your friends and relations?
38. Do you have single group friendships? Appendices 302
39. Are they the same age and ethnic background?
40. Are they unemployed?
4 1. Do you take notice of what fhends say before your family?
42. Are you into sports or a member of any clubs?
43. How do you move around Canberra?
44. Who do you and your friends think is responsible for unemployment?
FUTURE ASPIRATIONS
45. What are your hture aspirations in three years' time?
46. What do you have to do to achieve them? Appendices 303
APPENDIX H: INTERVIEW FULGTIME STUDENT FOCUS GROUPS AGED BETWEEN 15 AND 25 YEARS
Name: Age: Parents' country of birth: Prior places of residence: Current living arrangements:
FAMILY SUPPORT
1, What sort of things do you do with your parents and family? How often?
2. Anyone in family experienced unemployment?
l 3. What would be your parents' attitude to the possibility of your being unemployed: critical, sympathetic, don't care?
4. Would they think it is not your fault, all your fault, or you should try harder if you were unable to find work? 5. Are your parents your role models? If not, who are? I ORGANIZATIONAL SUPPORT
6. Anyone had experience of support organizations such as Centrelink?
UNEMPLOYMENT AND ATTITUDES TO UNEMPLOYMENT l
How do you view yourself (school kid or young adult)?
How do you think people look upon youth in general?
To what extent were subjects studied in college a factor in choosing your tertiary study?
What is your experience of part time work?
What does the current tight unemployment situation mean to you in 1 personal terms?
Would you consider going interstate for a job?
How do you propose to go about finding a job when you have your qualifications?
How would having a full-time job change your life?
What do you think about work for the dole?
What do you think about youth wages? Appendices 304
17. Do you have any ideas about where the media and the Canberra community place responsibility for youth unemployment? 1 18. Who do you think is responsible for unemployment?
SOCIAL INTERACTION NETWORKS
Do you have a partner?
What do you do for entertainment?
Do you have groups of fnends or individual fnends?
Are they same age and ethnic background?
Do you have leaders in your group?
Who gives you emotional support out of all your fhends and relations? l
Do friends have more influence than your parents?
Any of your friends have experience of drugs, alcohol, and trouble with the police?
Are you into sports or a member of any club?
How do you move around Canberra?
MEDIA
29. How do you get information about what is going on in Canberra?
30. What media do you enjoy the most - reading newspapers, looking at TV, listening to radio, computer or Internet?
CANBERRA COMMUNITY
3 1. What's it like growing up in Canberra. How supportive is the Canberra community?
32. What's it like living in Canberra as opposed to other cities?
33. Are you interested in the way the government runs Canberra?
34. How do you feel when a Canberra team wins a national competition?
FUTURE ASPIRATIONS
35. What would you like to be doing in three years' time?
36. What do you think you have to do to achieve this? Appendices 305
APPENDIX I: PILOT INTERVIEW JOB NETWORK PROVIDERS
Name: Organization: Position in organization: Is organization government funded? Length of time in organization: No of partlfull time employees: What is the gender mix?
QUESTIONS AFFECTING YOUNG PEOPLE
I. How do young people find out about your organization?
2. Are all clients the young unemployed?
3. What type of support does your organization provide?
4. How effective is this support? How do you evaluate your outcome?
5. Do your see young people as clients or as case studies?
6. Any conflict between what government requires of you and your organization's mission statement?
7. What are the positive or negative results of your organization being part of the organisational support system for unemployed youth?
OTHER ORGANIZATIONS
8. Who are the other organizations that help you carry out work with the young people?
9. What are the formal links with related organizations?
10. Are you able to comment on sense of community in Canberra - (involvement of caring organizations)?
POLICY CHANGE
11. Does your organization have any influence on the ACT or federal governments' policy making?
12. How have new government policies such as work for the dole, Youth Allowance, job training affected your organization?
13. How has the introduction of Centrelink affected the way you work with young unemployed people?
14. How have young unemployed people been affected by these changes? Appendices 306
INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION
How do young unemployed people cope overall with adolescence and unemployment?
What are the personal differences that they communicate to you that may put them apart from earlier generations?
Are they motivated by any higher authority or role models?
To what extent do they have goals and dreams about what they want to do with their life?
How mature are they at 15-19 and 20-25?
To what extent does coping ability and obtaining work relate to gender, education, and ethnicity?
Who are the ones who win and who are the ones who lose at having a reasonable life and fbture?
What qualities do they need to win?
Where do unemployed young people place responsibility for unemployment?
How receptive are young unemployed people to assistance offered by support organizations?
Bow do they get out of their unemployment situation?
What are their personal attitudes that are barriers to finding work?
INTERACTION IN THE CANBERRA COMMUNITY
27. How well do unemployed young people mix in with the Canberra community?
28. Do you have a role in helping them become part of the Canberra community?
29. How does Canberra compare with other cities in providing a sense of community for unemployed young people?
LEISURE, DRUGS & ALCOHOL
30. Do young unemployed people have any concept of enjoying free time and having fun?
31. Are they reliable and able to structure their time?
32. How much do drugs and alcohol feature in their lives as coping mechanisms? Appendices 307
FAMILY SUPPORT, WORK ETHIC, ORGANIZATIONAL SUPPORT, CANBERRA COMMUNITY
What is the extent of their networks of friends, family and social support? Do they assist in finding work?
To what extent is being unemployed a normal life for them?
To what extent does their own family experience of work and unemployment govern their attitude to work?
What motivates them to look for work?
Will they take any work just to get a start in a working life?
What role does your organization play in helping them in finding training or a job? Can you give them what they ask for?
How adequate is the community in taking the place of family in giving support for those at risk?
Where are the gaps in community support for young unemployed?
ATTITUDES TOWARDS YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
41. Where do you think the community and the media place responsibility for unemployment?
42. Who do you consider is responsible for youth unemployment?
GENDERIRACE MIX
43. Do you think males, females and ethnic Australians have different experiences in obtaining work?
44. Is there anything else I should ask in relation to your organization's work with unemployed youth? Appendices 308
APPENDIX J: INTERVIEW JOB NETWORK PROVIDERS
Name: Organization: Position in organization: Is organization government funded? Length of time in organization: Number of part/hll time employees: Gender mix:
QUESTIONS AFFECTING YOUNG PEOPLE
1. How do young people find out about your organization?
2. What type of support does your organization provide?
3. How effective is this support? How do you evaluate your outcome?
4. Any conflict between what government requires of you and your organization's mission statement?
5. What are the positive or negative results of your organization being part of the organizational support system for unemployed youth?
OTHER ORGANIZATIONS
6. Who are the other organizations that help you carry out work with the young people?
7. Are you able to comment on sense of community in Canberra - (involvement of caring organizations)?
8. Are there any gaps in community support for young unemployed people?
POLICY CHANGE
9. Does your organization have any influence on the ACT or federal governments7policy making?
10. How has the introduction of Centrelink affected the way you work with young unemployed people?
1 1. How have young unemployed people been affected by these changes?
12. What do you think about work for the dole scheme? Appendices 309
INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION
How do young unemployed people cope overall with adolescence and unemployment?
What are the personal differences that they communicate to you that may put them apart from earlier generations?
Are they motivated by any higher authority or role models?
To what extent do they have goals and dreams about what they want to do with their life?
How mature are they at 15- 19 and 20-25?
To what extent does coping ability and obtaining work relate to gender, education, and ethnicity?
Who are the ones who win and who are the ones who lose at having a reasonable life and future?
Where do unemployed young people place responsibility for unemployment?
How receptive are young unemployed people to assistance offered by support organizations?
INTERACTION IN THE CANBERRA COMMUNITY
22. How well do unemployed young people mix in with the Canberra community?
23. How does Canberra compare with other cities in providing a sense of community for unemployed young people?
LEISURE, DRUGS & ALCOHOL
24. Do young unemployed people have any concept of enjoying free time and having fun?
25. How much do drugs and alcohol feature in their lives as coping mechanisms?
ATTITUDES TOWARDS YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
26. Where do you think the community and the media place responsibility for unemployment?
27. Who do you consider is responsible for youth unemployment?
28. Is there anything else I should ask in relation to your organization's work with young unemployed? Appendices 3 10
APPENDIX K: INTERVIEW REPRESENTATIVES OF COMMUNITY SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS
Name: Organization: Position in organization: Is organization government funded? Length of time in organization: Number of padfull time employees: Gender mix?
QUESTIONS AFFECTING YOUNG PEOPLE
1. How do young people find out about your organization?
2. What type of support does your organization provide?
3. How effective is this support? How do you evaluate your outcome?
4. Any conflict between what government requires of you and your organization's mission statement?
5. What are the positive or negative results of your organization being part of the organizational support system for unemployed youth?
OTHER ORGANIZATIONS
6. Who are the other organizations that help you carry out work with the young people?
7. Are you able to comment on sense of community in Canberra - (involvement of caring organizations)?
POLICY CaANGE
8. Does your organization have any influence on the ACT or federal governments' policy making?
9. How has the introduction of Centrelink affected the way you work with young unemployed people?
10. .How have young unemployed people been affected by these changes? l l. What do you think about work for the dole scheme? Appendices 3 1 1
INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION
How do young unemployed people cope overall with adolescence and unemployment?
What are the personal differences that they communicate to you that may put them apart fiom earlier generations?
Are they motivated by any higher authority or role models?
To what extent do they have goals and dreams about what they want to do with their life?
How mature are they at 15-19 and 20-25?
To what extent does coping ability and obtaining work relate to gender, education, and ethnicity?
Who are the ones who win and who are the ones who lose at having a reasonable life and hture?
Where do unemployed young people place responsibility for unemployment?
How receptive are young unemployed people to assistance offered by support organizations?
INTERACTION IN THE CANBERRA COMMUNITY
2 1. How well do unemployed young people mix in with the Canberra community?
22. How does Canberra compare with other cities in providing a sense of community for unemployed young people?
LEISURE, DRUGS & ALCOHOL
23. Do young unemployed people have any concept of enjoying free time and having fun?
24. Are they reliable and able to structure their time?
25. How much do drugs and alcohol feature in their lives as coping mechanisms?
FAMILY, COMMUNITY AND ORGANIZATIONAL SUPPORT AND THE WORK ETHIC
26. What is the extent of their networks of friends, family and social support? Do they assist in finding work?
27. To what extent is being unemployed a normal life for them? Appendices 3 12
28. To what extent does their own family experience of work and unemployment govern their attitude to work?
29. What motivates them to look for work?
30. Will they take any work just to get a start in a working life?
3 1. How adequate is the community in taking the place of family in giving support for those at risk?
32. Where are the gaps in community support for young unemployed?
ATTITUDES TOWARDS YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
33. Where do you think the community and the media place responsibility for unemployment? l
34. Who do you consider is responsible for youth unemployment?
35. Is there anything else I should ask in relation to your organization's work with young unemployed? Appendices 3 13
APPENDIX L: INTERVIEW PARENTS OF YOUTH AGED 15 TO 25 YEARS
Name: Contact addressphone no: Age: between 40-50: 50-60: Sex:
UNEMPLOYMENT ENVIRONMENT
1. Tell me about what it is like raising kids in Canberra to the prospect of their not getting a job.
2. How do the kids cope in this environment?
3. Do they want to work? What types of work to they have in mind?
4. What you think about the government or private sectors creating job opportunities s for youth?
FAMILY SUPPORT
5. Are you able to help in practical ways in getting them jobs?
6. How do other parents of young people support their kids who may be unemployed?
7. What sort of things do you enjoy doing with your children?
8. Have you used soft or disciplining authority on them?
YOUNG PEOPLE'S COPING ABILITIES
9. How much do drugs and alcohol feature in their life?
10. How do your kids' values differ from yours?
1 1. Do you think school and college gives them enough skills to find a job?
12. Have you or your children had experience in dealing with support organizations that provide:
jobs training welfare work for the dole counselling accommodation --
Appendices 3 14
ATTITUDES TOWARDS YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
13. Are you, or would you be critical, sympathetic, don't care, consider it is not your child's fault, all their fault, or they should try harder if they could not find a job? I
14. Who do you think is responsible for youth unemployment?
15. Who do you think the Canberra community blames for youth unemployment?
16. Who do you think the media blames for unemployment?
CANBERRA COMMUNITY
17. Thinking of your relatives interstate, is there a difference in bringing up kids in Canberra?
18. How supportive do you think the Canberra community is to young unemployed?
19. Is it harder to get a job in Canberra for young kids?
20. Are young people made to feel valued in the Canberra community? Appendices 3 15
APPENDIX M: INTERVIEW YOUTH SECTOR REPRESENTATIVES
Name: Organization: Position in organization: Is your organization government funded? How many people work in the organization? How many padfull time? What is the gender mix?
YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT POLICY
What influence does your organization have in ACT or federal government policy development?
How does your organization decide on relevant issues for policy input?
Is there any change to your organization's involvement with policy input and development between a Liberal and Labor government?
To what extent do the different philosophies of the Labor and Liberal govemments change policy directions?
What has been the impact on your organization of the recent federal government policy changes (i.e. Centrelink and Job Network, work for the dole, Youth Allowance, Youth Roundtable)?
How have such changes in government policy affected your policy role?
How have such changes in government policy affected your work with young unemployed people?
What are the forthcoming policy directions on youth unemployment?
Can you comment on the effectiveness or otherwise of the policy development and delivery relationship between the ACT and federal governments?
What is your organization's future role?
ORGANIZATIONAL AND COMMUNITY SUPPORT
1 1. Who are the other organizations in your policy makinglinput network?
12. How do you decide which community organizations to draw into your policy consultative process?
13. What is your role in helping young unemployed people become part of the Canberra community? Appendices 3 16
14. How effective are the support organizations in helping young unemployed people become part of the Canberra community?
15. How well do the support organizations communicate their services to clients?
16. Are you able to comment on the co-ordination between the support organizations in Canberra?
ATTITUDES TO YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
17. Where is the responsibility for youth unemployment placed by
the media the community?
18. Who is responsible for youth unemployment in your view? Appendices 3 17
APPENDIX N: INTERVIEW THE ACT CHAMBER OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY
Name: Organization: Position in organization: Length of time in organization: No of part/hll time employees: Gender mix:
YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT POLICIES
1. What influence does your organization have in ACT or federal government policy development for youth unemployment?
2. How does your organization give special consideration to youth unemployment policy development?
3. To what extent do the different philosophies of the Labor and Liberal governments change policy directions at the ACT and federal government levels?
4. What has been the impact on your organization of the recent federal government policy changes (i.e., Centrelink and Job Network, work for the dole, Youth Allowance)?
5. How have such changes affected your work with young unemployed people?
6. How have young unemployed people been affected by these changes?
7. What are the forthcoming policy directions on youth unemployment?
8. Has work for the dole replaced job training in assisting young people find jobs?
9. Can you comment on the effectiveness or otherwise of the policy development and delivery relationship between the ACT and federal governments?
ORGANIZATIONAL SUPPORT AND COMMUNITY SUPPORT
10. Who are the other organizations in your policy makinghnput network on youth unemployment?
11. Are you able to comment on the co-ordination between the support organizations in Canberra?
12. How well do the support organizations communicate their services to clients? Appendices 3 18
13. What is your role in helping young unemployed people become part of the Canberra community?
14. How effective are the support organizations in helping young people become part of the Canberra community?
ATTITUDES TOWARDS YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
15. Where do you think the community and the media place responsibility for youth unemployment? I 16. Who is responsible for youth unemployment in your view? I Appendices 3 19
APPENDIX 0: INTERVIEW YOUTH BUREAU, DEPARTMENT OF EMPLOYMENT, TRAINING AND YOUTH AFFAIRS (DETYA)
Name: Organization: Position in organization Length of time in organization Number of part/fbll time employees in Section: Gender mix?
YOUTH AND UNEMPLOYMENT POLICY AT THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT LEVEL
What are the difficulties of combining youth policies and unemployment policies from two different departments?
How does your area interact with other areas of the government in the input into federal government policy making on youth and unemployment?
The current policy directions on youth unemployment are in your latest Report on youth. Can you comment on the fullness of the 1998 report compared with the narrow scope of the 1996 report?
When is the next policy report expected?
What are the main philosophical differences in policy making for youth and unemployment between a Liberal and Labor government?
Can you comment on the difference in philosophies in terms of success/unsuccessful aspects of such policies?
What are the future directions for youth unemployment policies?
POLICY DEVELOPMENT LNPUT
8. What is the feedback process from youth on these unemployment policies?
9. How successful is the current feedback process?
10. What input does the ACT government have on federal government youth unemployment policy development?
11. Which community groups, peak bodies and private sector organizations are included in the policy process for young unemployment?
12. By what mechanisms are they included in the consultative process?
ATTITUDES TO YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
13. Ln your opinion, whom do media and community blame for youth unemployment? Appendices 320 l
APPENDIX P: INTERVIEW CENTRELINK
Name: Organization: Length of time in organization: Number of padfull-time staff Gender mix:
QUESTIONS ABOUT CENTRELINK
1. How do young people who are unemployed find about Centrelink?
2. What type of support do you provide?
3. How effective is this support? How do you evaluate your outcomes?
4. How successful have the Flex 1-3 approaches been in obtaining work for young people?
5. How do they find out what to do once they have approached Centrelink?
6. How effective are your channels of communication with unemployed people about your role?
OTHER ORGANIZATIONS
Who are the other organizations that help you carry out your responsibilities to young unemployed people?
What are the networks of communication with these organizations?
How well do the support organizations co-ordinate and communicate their services to young people and with each other?
How have the Job Network providers performed?
How do the Job Network providers tender for their work?
What are your methods of communication with the Job Network providers?
Is there any special relationship between Centrelink and the federal government's Job Network provider, Employment National?
What relationship does Centrelink have with .the ACT government on youth unemployment?
Are there any gaps in community support for young unemployed people? Appendices 32 1
POLICY DEVELOPMENT
What is the Centrelink input into federal government policy development on youth unemployment?
What are the current policy directions on youth unemployment?
How do they differ from past directions?
How has the change from the Commonwealth Employment Service and the Department of Social Security to Centrelink and the Job Network impacted on the service delivery to young unemployed people?
Can you comment on the success or otherwise of work for the dole scheme?
How successful have the current policy initiatives been in helping a greater number of young people to find employment?
ATTITUDES TO YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
22. Who do young people, the community and the media blame for youth unemployment? Appendices 322
APPENDIX Q: INTERVIEW ACT GOVERNMENT, CHIEF MINISTER'S DEPARTMENT
Name: Organization: Position in organization: Length of time in organization: No of partlfull time staff in Branch: Gender mix:
YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT POLICY
What influence does your organization have in ACT or federal government policy development on youth unemployment?
How does your organization give special consideration to youth unemployment policy development?
To what extent do the different philosophies of the Labor and Liberal governments change policy directions at the ACT and federal levels?
What has been the impact on your organization of the recent federal government policy changes (i.e. Centrelink and Job Network, work for the dole, Youth Allowance)?
How have such changes affected your work with young unemployed people?
How have the young unemployed people been affected by these changes?
What are the ACT government's forthcoming policy directions on youth unemployment?
Has work for the dole scheme replaced job training in assisting young people find jobs?
Can you comment on the effectiveness or otherwise of the policy development and delivery relationship between the ACT and federal governments?
ORGANIZATIONAL AND COMMUNITY SUPPORT
10. Who are the other organizations in your policy makingtinput network on youth unemployment?
1 1. What other contact does your organization have with the support organizations?
12. How do you decide which organizations to draw into your consultative
' process?
13. How effective are the support organizations in Canberra in obtaining outcomes in job training and job search? Appendices 323
How are the support organizations co-ordinated? What is your impression of how well the support organizations co-ordinate and communicate their services to clients and other support organizations?
How can this be better co-ordinated?
What is your role in helping young unemployed people become part of the Canberra community?
How effective are the support organizations in helping young people become part of the Canberra community?
Where does your organization's future direction lie?
ATTITUDES TOWARDS YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT
20. Where do you consider the community and the media place responsibility for youth unemployment?
2 1. Who is responsible for youth unemployment in your view? Appendices 324
APPENDIX R: INTERVIEW CAREERS ADVISOR, PHLLLlP COLLEGE, CANBERRA
Name: Organization: Position: Length of time in position: Number of fulVpart time staff in Section: Gender mix:
QUESTIONS ABOUT DUTIES OF A CAREERS COUNSELLOR
1. How do students find out about your services?
2. Could you explain what your job entails?
3. What is the college attitude to training for work?
4. How effective is your assistance in careers counselling? How do you evaluate your outcomes?
ORGANIZATIONAL SUPPORT
5. Who are the organizations do you work with?
6. What role do organizations such Centrelink, the Job Network providers, Youth Centres and other support organizations have in your area of work?
7. Any changes in the way you work with youth since government policy changes e.g. work for the dole/mutual obligation activities?
8. How well informed are young people about these organizations?
9. How well informed are young people about work for the dole scheme?
10. What are your perceptions of how well young people are prepared for finding work in terms of correct information and level of education?
QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUNG PEOPLE
What are student attitudes to obtaining work?
How do students view the prospect of finding a job?
How different is this generation in attitudes to achieving adulthood ( i.e., their values, work ethic, being responsible)?
What are their barriers to finding work?
Do they have a strong work ethic?
What sort of dreams do they have? Are they realistic? Appendices 325
17. How hard to they work to fulfil their dreams?
18. How do drugs, alcohol and trouble with the Police affect their passage to adul thood?
19. To what extent does coping ability relate to gender, education, and ethnicity?
FAMILY, FRIENDS COLLEGE SUPPORT
20. What role does family play in helping young people?
21. In what way do their networks of friends, family help them through adolescence? Are the networks widespread?
22. What part does the college play in helping young people?
23. Do students willingly attend college?
ATTITUDES TO UNEMPLOYMENT
24. Who is to blame for unemployment?
from youth perspective from community perspective from media perspective Appendices 326
APPENDIX S: INTERVIEW ACT POLICE
Name: Organization: Position in organization: Length of time in organization: No of part/full time staff in Section: Gender mix:
YOUNG PEOPLE
1. Who are the young people encountered by your organization?
2. How effective is your support for young people?
3. Are there any other organizations that assist in your interaction with young people?
LEISURE, DRUGS, ALCOHOL, SUICLDE
4. What are young people's perspectives on Canberra's ability to provide things to do?
5. How do drugs and alcohol affect them?
5. Can you comment on the incidence of crime and suicide in the Canberra community?
6. Can you comment on the differences between gender and ethnicity relating to the above issues?
COMMUNITY SUPPORT, UNEMPLOYMENT
7. What are the gaps in community support for young people?
8. Have you observed any particular effects of unemployment on youth?
9. How does Canberra compare with other cities in providing a sense of community for young people?