An Alternative to ‘Celtic from the East’ and ‘Celtic from the West’ Patrick Sims-Williams This article discusses a problem in integrating archaeology and philology. For most of the twentieth century, archaeologists associated the spread of the Celtic languages with the supposed westward spread of the ‘eastern Hallstatt culture’ in the first millennium BC. More recently, some have discarded ‘Celtic from the East’ in favour of ‘Celtic from the West’, according to which Celtic was a much older lingua franca which evolved from a hypothetical Neolithic Proto-Indo-European language in the Atlantic zone and then spread eastwards in the third millennium BC. This article (1) criticizes the assumptions and misinterpretations of classical texts and onomastics that led to ‘Celtic from the East’ in the first place; (2) notes the unreliability of the linguistic evidence for ‘Celtic from the West’, namely (i) ‘glottochronology’ (which assumes that languages change at a steady rate), (ii) misunderstood place-name distribution maps and (iii) the undeciphered inscriptions in southwest Iberia; and (3) proposes that Celtic radiating from France during the first millennium BC would be a more economical explanation of the known facts. Introduction too often, philologists have leant on outdated arch- aeological models, which in turn depended on out- Philology and archaeology have had a difficult rela- dated philological speculations—and vice versa. tionship, as this article illustrates. Texts, including Such circularity is particularly evident in the study inscriptions, and names are the philologists’ primary of Celtic ethnogenesis, a topic which can hardly be evidence, and when these can be localized and dated approached without understanding the chequered they can profitably be studied alongside archaeo- development of ‘Celtic philology’, ‘Celtic archae- logical evidence for the same localities at the same ology’ and their respective terminologies. periods. Such interdisciplinarity is harder in prehis- The term ‘Celtic’ has been used in many con- toric periods from which no written records survive. flicting senses (Chapman 1992; Collis 2003; Renfrew While philologists can infer a great deal about lost 1987, 214). In this paper, ‘Celtic’ refers both to the proto-languages by working backwards from their peoples whom Greek and Latin writers called vari- descendants, their tools for localizing them in space ously Celts, Galatians, Gauls and Celtiberians and and time are inadequate. This explains the endless to their related languages, as known from inscrip- debates about the ‘homelands’ and dates of tions or inferred from place- and personal names. Balto-Slavic, Indo-Iranian, Indo-European and other Applying a single term both to a population and to postulated proto-languages (Mallory et al. 2019)— a language should never be done lightly, but in the debates further complicated when simplistic assump- case of the Celts they do seem, at least from the mid- tions are made about prehistoric populations’ arch- dle of the first millennium BC onwards, to constitute a aeological, linguistic, ethnic and biological valid ‘ethno-linguistic group’ (for this term, see homogeneity (cf. Sims-Williams 1998b; 2012b). All Mallory et al. 2019).1 No single material ‘culture’ Cambridge Archaeological Journal 30:3, 511–529 © 2020 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0959774320000098 Received 13 Aug 2019; Accepted 29 Feb 2020; Revised 2 Feb 2020 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.35.229, on 26 Sep 2021 at 16:25:53, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0959774320000098 Patrick Sims‐Williams can be associated with them, and there is no prima facade, whence it would have spread towards central facie reason why we should expect one to do so. Europe. The relevant material ‘cultures’ are so varied as to fi cast doubt on the coherence of ‘Celtic archaeology’ Here they allude to the twenty- rst-century hypoth- ‘ ’ and ‘Celtic art’. Old attempts at archaeological defin- esis that situates what are called Celtic origins ition such as ‘The term “Celt” designates with cer- (Cunliffe & Koch 2019) in the extreme west of tainty the La Tène cultural complex from 400 BC on’ Europe, a view now espoused by some who had pre- (Brun 1995, 13) now appear arbitrary; ‘Celtic’ is viously favoured Celtic ethnogenesis in central rightly regarded as a misleading label for the central Europe (e.g. Cunliffe 1992). According to this new ‘ ’ European Hallstatt and La Tène material ‘cultures’ of Celtic from the West hypothesis, the Celtic language the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age (Renfrew 1987, was already current by 3000 BC throughout an ‘ ’ 240; Sims-Williams 1998a). The peoples of the first Atlantic zone that embraced the British Isles, north- millennium BC who spoke the attested languages western France, western Spain and Portugal, and ‘ which meet the philological criteria for Celticity— then spread eastwards into middle Europe during ’ certain unique divergences from reconstructed the Beaker period by 2000 BC (Cunliffe 2018, 395). ‘ ’ ‘ Proto-Indo-European—corresponded encouragingly A variation on Celtic from the West is Celtic out ’ well in their distribution to the historically attested of Iberia (Koch & Cunliffe 2016, 3): by 5000 BC an Celts, Galatians, Celtiberians, and so on, while corre- Italo-Celtic dialect of Neolithic Proto-Indo-European sponding poorly to the ‘archaeological Celts’ reached southwestern Iberia, where Celtic split off deduced from Hallstatt and La Tène archaeology. from Italic and spread as far as Scotland by 3000 BC – This difficulty started to become apparent in the (Cunliffe 2013, 247 8). middle of the twentieth century, as archaeologists Thus there have been three main stages of schol- fi began to accept that the oldest Celtic-language arship: (1) the Celts are identi ed with the Hallstatt ‘ ’ fi inscriptions—of the sixth and second centuries BC and La Tène cultures of the rst millennium BC; respectively—were to be found in the context of the (2) then the discovery of contemporary Celtic- ‘Golasecca culture’ around the north Italian lakes language inscriptions (Lepontic and Celtiberian) in ‘ ’ ‘ (the site of the ‘Lepontic’ inscriptions) and in the wrong areas casts doubt on whether the ethno- ’ fi Celtiberia in northeastern Spain (Lejeune 1955; linguistic Celts can be identi ed archaeologically; 1971). These were not ‘Hallstatt’ or ‘La Tène’ areas. (3) most recently, however, they are associated with Celtiberia, for instance, ‘shared hardly any material the archaeological cultures of the Atlantic zone of features with the La Tène culture’ (Beltrán & Jordán c. 3000 BC or even earlier. In this paper, I argue ‘ ’ 2019, 244), even though its population spoke and that both the new Atlantic model and the older ‘ ’ wrote a Celtic language and identified themselves central European one, though alluringly exotic, are as Celts—the Latin poet Martial being an example unsupported by any solid evidence and are inher- (Collis 2003, 11, 23, 103, 195–6). ently implausible. I shall conclude by suggesting ‘ Language became prominent in definitions of a realistic, if less romantic, scenario: Celtic from ’ Celticity, following the discovery of Lepontic and the centre . Celtiberian, coupled with the revival of archaeo- logical interest in language and ethnogenesis inaugu- Celtic from the East rated by Renfrew (1987, 212). To quote Beltrán and Jordán (2019, 244), For most of the twentieth century, archaeologists associated the emergence of the Celts and the Celtic The undoubted status of the Celtiberians of Hispania as languages with the central European ‘Hallstatt cul- Celtic, demonstrated by inscriptions such as the ture’. The Late Bronze and Early Iron Age type-site Botorrita bronzes [near Zaragoza] as well as their clear in the Salzkammergut that gave this ‘culture’ its fi differences from the La Tène Gauls, has helped to de ne name lies within what in the Roman period consti- the conception of Celt by emphasizing its essentially tuted the Celtic kingdom of Noricum in central and linguistic character. eastern Austria and northern Slovenia. The suppos- ition that Hallstatt itself was a Celtic site, perhaps They continue (Beltrán & Jordán 2019, 244–5): connected with the Celtic Taurisci tribe, was already current in the mid nineteenth century, although ‘ ’ At the same time, new perspectives question even the some preferred to regard it as Illyrian in origin supposed central European origin of the Celtic language, (Müller-Scheeßel 2000, 71; Sims-Williams 2016, suggesting a possible genesis along Europe’s Atlantic 9 n. 14). 512 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.35.229, on 26 Sep 2021 at 16:25:53, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0959774320000098 An Alternative to ‘Celtic from the East’ and ‘Celtic from the West’ In the English-speaking world, Terence Powell’s attested Celtic place-names, already mentioned by The Celts (1958) was a classic presentation of the Aristotle; but Caesar is adamant that the Volcae ‘Hallstatt Celts’. Behind Powell lay Joseph Tectosages had migrated eastwards across the Rhine Déchelette’s Premier âge du fer ou époque de Hallstatt from Gaul (Falileyev 2010, 132, 214–15, 242; 2014, (1913), the textbook used by Powell’s Cambridge 46–7; Tomaschitz 2002, 180–84), and unfortunately teacher H.M. Chadwick, and behind Déchelette lay we do not know which Celtic-speakers first named the speculations of Bertrand and Reinach’s Les the great Hercynian forest—as the forest was so Celtes dans les vallées du Pô et du Danube (1894) and vast, those who named it may have lived a long Henri d’Arbois de Jubainville’s Principaux auteurs de way from it (Sims-Williams 2016, 9 n.