Gabriel J. Chin, ed.. Investigation Commissions, 1894-1994. Bufalo, N.Y.: William S. Hein, 1997. 6 volumes $325.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-57588-211-6.

Reviewed by Thomas C. Mackey

Published on H-Law (November, 1997)

All professions develop their own jargon and up, used his radio to call for EMS, and took charge the police profession is no exception. No police of the situation. He pried a wad of gum out of the force in the United States has possessed a higher child's throat and administered a little C.P.R. to the profle and undergone more praise and condem‐ boy to re-start his breathing. Once the medical nation than the nation's oldest police force, the technicians arrived, they took over the boy's care New York City Police Department. In the argot of and transported the now revived child (and over- the New York Police Department, and recounted wrought parents) to the hospital; the ofcer re‐ by the 1972 Knapp Report, corrupt police prac‐ turned to his seat at the counter. Denny's warmed tices can be divided into two types: meat-eaters the ofcer's breakfast for him and I corrupted and grass-eaters. As defned by the Knapp Report, him--I picked up his tab and bought his breakfast those police ofcers who "aggressively misuse for him. their police powers for personal gain" are meat- I was glad to help the ofcer and buying his eaters, while "grass-eaters simply accept the pay‐ breakfast fulflled one my goals in life--to buy of ofs that the happenstances of police work throw a police ofcer. Okay, so I did not exactly "buy of" their way" (p. 4). For example, plainclothesmen the ofcer, but he and I both knew that letting who routinely shake down gamblers and drug civilians buy a policeman a meal is against de‐ dealers and demand protection money to look the partment policy and we both ignored the rule. other way in exchange for not arresting such per‐ That sort of grass-eating is indelibly part and par‐ sons are meat-eaters, while the precinct patrol‐ cel of police work, just as more aggressive, and man who accepted a free cofee and danish in the less common, meat-eating appears as a constant Greek diner on the corner is a grass-eater. theme in police history. The reprint series nicely I, myself, corrupted a Louisville, Kentucky, po‐ demonstrates the constant of corruption within liceman just the other day. One morning a couple the New York City Police Department (and really of weeks ago, I sat at the counter of my local Den‐ all police departments) and the constant of inves‐ ny's enjoying my cofee and fuming at the local tigation and "reform" of the Department. Meat- liberal newspaper. A policeman entered the eating and grass-eating will not cease; how to pre‐ restaurant and sat down a couple of seats away pare to better manage these constants of police from me and ordered his breakfast. Just as his work is the on-going theme running throughout food arrived, a couple rushed into the Denny's these six important reprinted police reports--The carrying a small child and literally screaming that Report (Volume I), the Curran their son had stopped breathing. The ofcer stood Committee Report (Volume II), the Seabury Inves‐ H-Net Reviews tigation Report (Volume III), the Helfand Investi‐ adopts new rules and regulations, institutes new gation Report (Volume IV), the training and sensitivity courses, tinkers with its Report (Volume V), and the recruiting standards, and re-organizes the depart‐ Report (Volume VI). ment's internal oversight and controls over its of‐ Spanning one hundred years of police investi‐ fcers. Then a "reformed" police department drops gations, these previously hard-to-fnd reports from the headlines, patrolmen and plainclothes‐ have been gathered together and ought to fnd a men adjust to the new rules and guidelines, and home in most every research library and law li‐ the grass-eaters and the occasional meat-eater re‐ brary. Assistant Professor of Law at Western New turn to grazing. This pattern emerges in each and England School of Law Gabriel J. Chin provides an every one of these reports and it suggests that this introduction to the entire series at the beginning pattern will continue into the future. of the frst volume, the Lexow Report, and he pro‐ Yet one key new issue appears in the last re‐ vides an historical introduction and preface be‐ port of this series, the Mollen Report of 1994: the fore each report in this series. Specialists in crimi‐ efect of illegal drugs and the drug trade on the nal justice and police history will fnd Chin's intro‐ meat-eaters. As previous reports made clear, in‐ ductions adequate to the topic but hardly thor‐ stead of taking money to look the other way from ough in their coverage of the primary and histori‐ criminal activities, by 1994 groups of policemen graphical literature (the important work of had become active participants in the drug trade, Wilbur Miller is glaringly absent, for example). buying and selling narcotics while on duty. They But Chin's purpose is not to recast the shape of the used their police intelligence to raid rival drug interpretations of police corruption; his only pur‐ dealers, stole drug dealers' money and drugs, pose is to provide scholars and students with pri‐ resold the drugs, and physically abused the deal‐ mary sources previously difcult to locate and ers. Because of the enormous amount of money consult. By gathering together these reports, Chin available through such activities, a few police of‐ has provided an important and useful service. cers had literally become just another dangerous Reading these varied reports, historians will drug gang in town. Not that anyone needed fur‐ be struck by the change and continuity visible ther reenforcement about the dangers of drugs, through time. These six reports, covering a centu‐ but this development demonstrates just how cor‐ ry of police evolution and each refecting its own rupting illicit drugs and the drug trade can be to particular context, reveal some similarities. Usual‐ police and on the general urban environment. ly, some particularly troubling event occurs or an Whether this latest evil for the police and the city outraged reformer (or newspaper) reveals a meat- will be (or can be) controlled is still unclear, but eating or grass-eating policeman or police prac‐ drugs truly challenge the city and its police force tice. Politicians then respond by appointing an in‐ to maintain a police department with a minimal vestigative committee. Funded by the city and by number of meat-eaters and a tolerable number of private persons and groups, these anti-corruption grass-eaters. Regardless, these reports are impor‐ committees hire investigators hold public hear‐ tant reading for urban, institutional, and criminal ings, receive headline-grabbing testimony, and, in justice historians, and Daniel J. Chin has per‐ time, issue a report. Only one of these commis‐ formed a worthwhile service in reprinting these sions, the Helfand Commission of 1954, possessed engaging and important police corruption investi‐ the power to prosecute those accused of violating gations. state law. In response to these investigative re‐ Copyright (c) 1998 by H-Net, all rights re‐ ports, the New York City Police Department served. This work may be copied for non-proft

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Citation: Thomas C. Mackey. Review of Chin, Gabriel J., ed. New York City Police Corruption Investigation Commissions, 1894-1994. H-Law, H-Net Reviews. November, 1997.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1503

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