Robert Gagnon. Histoire de la commission des ecoles catholiques de . Montreal: Boreal, 1996. vii + 400 pp. $22.95, paper, ISBN 978-2-89052-751-5.

Reviewed by Mary Jane Losier

Published on H- (February, 1999)

Histoire de la commission des ecoles over such issues as teacher training, curriculum catholiques de Montreal (CECM) examines Roman development, and standardization. As a result, the Catholic public education in the city of Montreal CECM failed to prepare Catholic, especially Fran‐ from the inception of the French Catholic School cophone, students, to occupy places in the higher Board in 1846 until the end of 1995. The Catholic levels of corporate Montreal, and thus denied the Board, according to the author Robert Gagnon, be‐ majority of its citizens access to positions of pow‐ came the largest and one of the most important er and infuence. The author believes problems of school boards in the province. For instance, by Francophone assimilation, and 's current 1921, in a city of 619,000 persons, the CECM man‐ struggles to protect its language and culture can aged a budget of more than three million dollars, be understood in the context of the history of this and was responsible for 160 schools and nearly organization, and the impact of religion, lan‐ 75,000 students (p. 102). The author deftly handles guage, and heritage on the growth and develop‐ the many elements that dogged the Board, and ment of the CECM is a microcosm of the way they presents his work in a concise, organized, and shaped the province, and the nation. compelling writing style that belies the depth of Sociologist John Ralston Saul in his book Re‐ the research. Anyone reading the work would not fections of a Siamese Twin: Canada at the end of fail to take from it a broader understanding of the Twentieth Century noted that the triumph of Montreal's past, and the factors infuencing con‐ the Ultramontane movement in Quebec took temporary Quebec society. The author, probing French Canada from what might have been a nor‐ the complexity of politics, language, race and reli‐ mal political and social evolution to nearly a cen‐ gion that afected education, and forged the com‐ tury of social, economic and political stagnation. mission argues that, while the church took over [1] Whether or not Saul is exaggerating, the im‐ education in Quebec at a time when there was no pact of church domination over Quebec may be other responsible agency, it also hindered its assessed in part, by seeing its efect on the progress by its narrow and repressive control H-Net Reviews

Catholic school system, both English and French, Many left the war-damaged countryside, attracted in this one particular district. The seven chapters to the city by the promise of work in one of sever‐ in this work correspond to various periods in the al new industries. The city was controlled to a education, and the establish‐ large extent by a minority, wealthy and infuential ment and growth of La Commission des ecoles Protestant community that dominated the busi‐ catholiques de Montreal, the CECM, the Montreal ness sector. Anglophones made up 55.7% of the Catholic School Board. The work begins with the population by 1842 (p. 18). The majority of Fran‐ implementation of a public education system, cophones, 42.5% of the population, were clustered controlled by the Roman Catholic Church, in the in the tenements and boarding houses that circled years following the 1837 Rebellion. Industrializa‐ the industrial sector, at the wrong end of the eco‐ tion; the permanent repercussions of urbaniza‐ nomic scale. The demographics of Montreal un‐ tion; opening higher education to the poorer derwent a further shift during the mid eighteen classes; regulating the private Catholic and lay forties with the infux of poor, many ill, Irish schools; standardizing the curriculum for the ele‐ refugees feeing the potato famine in their own mentary and high schools; and the economic cri‐ country. This English speaking largely Catholic sis of the nineteen thirties are taken up in the group swelled the ranks of the burgeoning lower middle chapters. Chapters fve and six deal with class, and joined a sizable Anglophone population massive population growth, and the consequent already in place. The Francophone elites, who increase in school construction, improving teach‐ spawned most of the leaders in the confict, were er training, licensing standards and eforts by more or less ostracized from positions of infu‐ teachers to form professional organizations, all is‐ ence. The Catholic Church, already an omnipotent sues that faced the Board following World War II. force in Quebec society, moved to fll the void left Loss of clerical infuence and power in the turbu‐ by the intelligentsia, and cemented their power by lent sixties are covered in Chapter six, and the taking control of social programs, education and book ends with the reform of the Board and the health care. establishment of a fully elected slate of ofcers. The Ultramontane Bishop Bourget supported Gagnon does an excellent work of presenting the concept of public education, particularly for the historic context. There were over sixty-six Catholic children, but one tightly controlled by the schools in the city of Montreal in 1835, the results church. Bourget expanded religious communities of a series of school laws passed by the House of already in place, invited religious orders, particu‐ Assembly beginning in 1829, and in the custom of larly teaching orders from Europe, to establish the time, renewed each year. Forty of these were themselves in Quebec, and encouraged new Que‐ founded by lay teachers, some by religious bec based foundations to open. His vision was to groups, a few were funded and directed by Soci‐ have all Catholic children educated by clergy. The eties of Education made up of upper class philan‐ curriculum, according to the Bishop, should be thropists. The state controlled the others. Forty- limited to no more than was necessary for chil‐ fve of the schools were English, thirteen were dren to be able to practice the precepts of the bilingual. Only eight were French. The state had a Catholic faith, support the church, and remain small presence, teaching just 30 students in content with their position in life. The Bishop, and L'Institution royale (pp. 18-19). The school laws many ofcials of the day, believed educating peo‐ were not renewed after 1836. ple beyond their station would encourage sufered the worst consequences of hopes and expectations, and engender social un‐ the 1837 and 1838 rebellions and their aftermath. rest (p. 24).

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Education remained in private hands until language instruction, assured their graduates 1846 when a school law was passed in Lower would be able to go onto university and continue Canada calling for the election of school boards in occupying the higher positions in Montreal's work every municipality except in the cities of Montre‐ force. Most middle class or upper middle class al and Quebec, where trustees would be appoint‐ Catholic children were sent to any of a stream of ed. A system of public funding through taxation private Catholic schools run by priests or nuns. would assure some level of stability. The goal was Here they received an excellent education by the to furnish all citizens with enough of an education standards of the time, albeit heavily indoctrinated to manage in the new industrial world. La Com‐ with Catholic theology. That left the majority of mission des ecoles catholiques de Montreal, The families who sent their children to the schools un‐ Catholic School Board (CECM) was formed in der the jurisdiction of CECM, clustered in the 1846. Under the law, if the city did not appoint the ranks of the lower middle or poorer classes. If trustees, the superintendent would undertake the they could aford to send their children to school task. The frst superintendent of the new Board, at all, they were content if the child received Dr. Jean-Baptiste Meilleur, used the opportunity to enough of an education to get into the work force garner support from the powerful Bishop by al‐ as quickly as possible. Catholic clergy saw little lowing him to nominate 6 clergymen, 3 to sit on reason to educate girls and women beyond what the commission, and 3 to serve on the Board of was needed for them to be good Catholic wives Examiners. The other appointees were laymen. and mothers. Statistics for 1881 indicate a sys‐ One board member was from the Anglophone temic disparity between male and female services community. Canon Truteau was nominated presi‐ within the CECM; for example, the CECM paid an dent, and the custom of having clergymen preside average of $16.78 per boy in their own L'Academie over the CECM continued until 1919 (p. 28). Laws du Plateau, $12.39 per boy enrolled in one of the passed in 1865 and 1875 abolished the Depart‐ fve schools for boys owned and run by male lay ment of Public Education and created two sepa‐ teachers, only $2.19 per student in schools admin‐ rate school systems based uniquely on Catholic istered by lay women, and a mere $1.63 per stu‐ and Protestant religious lines. dent in those schools operated by nuns (p. 76). Gagnon does not delve in detail on the sepa‐ The unequal distribution of funds between rate Protestant School Board, but he provides the two Boards put the CECM at a continual disad‐ enough comparisons to garner an interesting per‐ vantage. Individual property owners could allo‐ spective on Catholic education, and the difer‐ cate where their taxes would be spent according ences in philosophy in the two publicly funded to whether they registered as Catholic or Protes‐ education streams. The protestant population de‐ tant, while taxes levied on corporations and prop‐ pended entirely on the Protestant Board to pro‐ erty owners designated neutral were distributed vide an education accessible to all levels of their proportionally between the two districts (p. 42). society. The Protestant Board, with a higher bud‐ Protestants owned most of the property, and their get from the outset, and a wealthier population holdings tended to have the higher assessments, base, were responsive to pressure from middle making their district wealthier than the CECM class and upper middle class parents to give their even with the combined tax revenues of the Eng‐ children the highest possible standard of educa‐ lish and French Catholic land owners. This made tion. Thus they developed an efective academic it impossible for the CECM to provide an educa‐ program, accessible to both boys and girls, while tion equal to the one received in the Protestant also providing well equipped trades and commer‐ school system. The Board was forced to subsidize cial classes. This, combined with strong second schools operated by poorly paid, often poorly edu‐

3 H-Net Reviews cated lay teachers. The fnancial gap between the tonomy of these parishes to fx the type of educa‐ Catholic and Protestant Boards continued to tion they wished to have. It also threatened indi‐ widen. The taxation rate in 1924 for Protestants vidual clerical authority over the local school. Al‐ was $1 per $100 property evaluation, while for most all issues which divided the Board went in Catholics it was $0.75. Thus protestants were in a favour of the church since the clergy always voted better position fnancially than the CECM to tackle as a block, while reformers often difered (p. 94). an exploding school population that marked the Nonetheless, attitudes were changing. The CECM early decades of the twentieth century. The CECM built fve elementary schools for girls. Domestic had an added responsibility when it took control Science was added to sewing as a laudable trade of 23 smaller school districts, on the fringes of the for women, since, it was reasoned, these subjects city, in 1917. Meeting the educational needs of this would only enhance their roles as mothers and divergent and widespread student body stretched homemakers (p. 118). While the CECM opened the limited fnancial resources to the maximum. trade schools and shops, and introduced commer‐ There were no schools in some districts operated cial courses, there was still no standardized aca‐ by the CECM; in others, make-shift classes were demic high school curriculum. found in grocery stores, factories or other busi‐ The author blames the clerical control over nesses. The provincial government increased the curriculum for the failure of the CECM to prepare taxes levied on neutral business and neutral pri‐ Francophone young people for university, but, vate property owners from $1.00 to $1.27 per $100 while regrettable, the Board's actions were some‐ assessment, but there were still 1797 Montreal what understandable in the context of the elitist Catholic school children with no access to schools ideas of the day, not just among clergymen, but in in 1925 (p. 134). the general population as well. Marta The turn of the century sparked a spirit of re‐ Danylewycz, in her book, Taking the Veil: The al‐ form and a rise of the intelligentsia in Quebec. ternative to Marriage, Motherhood, and Spinster‐ One of these reform movements was directed to‐ hood in Quebec 1840-1920, writes that Ultramon‐ wards education. La Ligue de l'enseignement, tane views fell on receptive ears in French Cana‐ known in English Canada as the New Education da following the Rebellions of 1837-1838, because, Movement, made-up of city and district aldermen, in the absence of Les patriotes, nationalists ac‐ professionals, and journalists, advocated for a cepted the church as the institution to provide the good and uniform standard of education, particu‐ framework for the survival of their language and larly at the elementary level, accessible to all chil‐ culture. "The creation of a denominational system dren, boys and girls, regardless of economic class. of education... the economic weakness of the Infuenced by new ideas coming from the states French Canadian bourgeoisie... and the willing‐ as well as Western Europe, the reformists agitated ness of French Canadian politicians to 'bargain' for well educated teachers, proper text books, and with education all encouraged ultramontane teaching aids. They deplored the conditions in views and policies (p. 2)." The CECM acted well Montreal's Catholic schools and classrooms, no‐ within the perimeters of its mandate by opposing tably those run by lay teachers, and called for structural changes and more liberal attitudes, and more public monies to fx the problems. Reform‐ its decisions refected the opinions of the majority ers and clergy were nearly equally represented of Francophones. on the CECM, but relations between them were It is unfair to attack the CECM for not provid‐ not harmonious. The clergy opposed the concept ing a better quality of education, since, under try‐ of mandatory education, and the consolidation of ing circumstances, and little money it targeted its small school districts saying it infringed on the au‐

4 H-Net Reviews resources to the most deprived segment of Que‐ of Anglophone students, ofered blended classes bec society. The children the church believed where a few subjects were taught in English and were best suited to run the afairs of government others in French. In 1894 this concept was or the church or take their places in the corporate dropped. Students were separated into French world, were enrolled in private schools where the and English classes in the thirty-nine schools with curriculum led directly to university. Thus the sizable English/French populations. Gagnon Board did not see an immediate necessity, nor writes that with the marginalization of Anglo‐ were they overly pressured to implement an aca‐ phone students, came the decline of second lan‐ demic program. Even without this bias, it is hard guage teaching to Francophone students. Parents to say what more the CECM could have done giv‐ were free to choose where to enroll their children en the funding arrangements. As late as 1964, the and, since English was the dominant language in Protestant School Board was receiving $464 per the economic and business sector, it was the lan‐ student while the CECM took in $348. The Quebec guage most parents wanted their children to government equalized the funding system only in learn. Nearly all immigrant families and many 1969 (p. 244). The stream of schools under the Francophone families chose to register their chil‐ control of the CECM were located in some of the dren in the English classes. Some English classes poorest neighborhoods of the city. The Board, had as many Francophone as Anglophone stu‐ with its limited budget, could hardly aford to im‐ dents (p. 51). Anglophone Catholics, making up plement an academic program before they were only 15% of the CECM school population in the able to open enough classrooms, upgrade teacher west end of Montreal in 1909, but less than 5% qualifcations, and furnish their school popula‐ elsewhere in the city, lobbied unsuccessfully for a tions with the means of obtaining even a basic ed‐ separate school district within the permitters of ucation. The Board is to be commended for its ef‐ the CECM as early as 1910. Although they failed to forts to develop a rudimentary health care pro‐ have a separate district, the parents did succeed gram in its schools, and for distributing school in having complete autonomy over instruction in supplies, as well as milk and clothing to the poor‐ English Catholic schools, and English classes with‐ est of their students, beginning in the depression in Francophone schools in 1928. This was particu‐ years of the nineteen thirties (p. 143). Most fami‐ larly benefcial for the English students, Gagnon lies within the CECM jurisdiction wanted the pointed out, since they were then in a position to schools to prepare their children for the work implement an Academic High school curriculum, force quickly so their earnings could contribute thus preparing their students for university. towards the family upkeep. A trade or commercial Gagnon said this only increased the tendency of course at the end of grade nine ofered that faster Francophone parents to send their children to the route. English system. The Francophone students had to Gagnon is on frmer ground when he asserts wait another 25 years before a solid academic that the CECM played a role in hastening the as‐ program was available in the French schools (p. similation of Francophone children. For the frst 178). ffty years of its existence, the author noted, the The CECM was responsible for failing to pro‐ board managed classes where English and French mote French language and culture, when it had speaking students learned the two languages the opportunity. Gagnon correctly asserts, it was without creating any great debates (p. 123). more concerned with saving souls for the church. French and English language instruction were Thus it set up programs that would attract given equal importance in these early decades of Catholic immigrants, from Eastern Europe partic‐ the CECM's history. Some schools with a number ularly, into the Catholic system, but without a poli‐

5 H-Net Reviews cy to integrate them into the French stream. The preserve the church and its structures from reac‐ CECM devised innovative programs to attract im‐ tionary ideas coming from Eastern Block coun‐ migrant children, introducing Italian, French and tries after WW II. Canadianizing immigrants, rein‐ English language classes in the evenings and on forcing Catholic theology, and introducing English weekends. The Board also initiated a similar Catholic culture were the objectives. In that re‐ trilingual program from grade one to grade seven, gard, the CECM was merely a tool, not an agent, but since the English schools refused to co-oper‐ and should not be faulted for acting within the ate, these blended classes, fewer than recom‐ perimeters set by the church itself. Slowly but mended, were located within six of the French surely the intellectual community in Francophone schools, beginning in 1949-1950. About 10,000 Ital‐ Quebec grew in strength, questioning and chal‐ ian children followed the studies (p. 229-230). lenging that power structure. The province took There was also a double-standard at work when it the education mandate away from the church in came to second language instruction. English was 1973. Only elected ofcials sit on the Board of the taught in all schools, even in the unilingual CECM since that time. Still mindful of its duty to French schools, since the public regarded it to be protect Catholic religious values, it nevertheless the language of afuence. Many English children, follows the provincial regulations put in place to however, particularly those living in an Anglo‐ protect the French language and culture. phone district, were growing up without second This book is marred only by the absence of a language skills as French was not taught in the bibliography, though the detailed endnotes, and English schools, or classes. The Anglophone par‐ index are helpful. Appendices include a chrono‐ ents were not a large enough group to mount a logical list of important dates and changes to the strong protest, and given the economic structure CECM structure, as well as a list of CECM Presi‐ of the province, speaking French was not an evi‐ dents since 1846. Pictures, maps and graphs fur‐ dent advantage. While it was becoming obvious ther enrich the text. that the CECM needed to do more to protect NOTES French language and culture, Board members did not agree on the method, with some wanting Eng‐ [1]. John Ralston Saul, Refections of a lish introduced as early as grade two. However Siamese Twin: Canada at the end of the Twentieth nationalists feared that would further erode the Century (: Penguin Books Canada, 1997), French, so second language instruction for Fran‐ 32. cophone students was delayed until the sixth [2]. Marta Danylewycz, Taking the Veil: The grade, hastening the exodus of Francophone chil‐ Alternative to Marriage Motherhood and Spin‐ dren to the English classes. Thus, Gagnon asserts, sterhood in Quebec, 1840-1920 (Toronto: McClel‐ the divide between the 'two solitudes' was solidi‐ land and Stewart, 1987), 31. fed, and the stage set for the series of language Copyright (c) 1999 by H-Net, all rights re‐ laws enacted by successive Quebec legislatures served. This work may be copied for non-proft since 1970. educational use if proper credit is given to the re‐ The failure of the CECM to protect the Franco‐ viewer and to H-CANADA. For other permission, phone identity illustrates the fallacy of moderate please contact [email protected] or h-cana‐ nationalist relying on Ultramontanism to protect [email protected]. their cultural ideals. That the majority of Catholic Quebec was French was more an accident than design, and immaterial to the nature of Ultramon‐ tanism. The priority of the ofcial Church was to

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Citation: Mary Jane Losier. Review of Gagnon, Robert. Histoire de la commission des ecoles catholiques de Montreal. H-Canada, H-Net Reviews. February, 1999.

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