An Identity and an Uprising: the Politicization of Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa by André Fecteau Thesis Submitted to the Facu
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An Identity and an Uprising: The Politicization of Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa by André Fecteau Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Political Science School of Political Studies Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ottawa © André Fecteau, Ottawa, Canada, 2015 ii Abstract Historically, political mobilization within the Egyptian Canadian community in Ottawa for homeland politics has been minimal. Yet, since 2011, its members have taken part in a wide range of activities with the hope that they could contribute to the Egyptian uprising and shape the new political environment that arose from it. What compelled them to do so, and why only since 2011? Rooted in both the literatures on diaspora and transnationalism, this thesis argues that there were two simultaneous processes behind their mobilization. First, their sense of belonging to Egypt led some individuals within the Ottawa community to give a new political aspect and meaning to their Egyptian identity, and second, a series of events linked to the Egyptian uprising acted as catalysts to turn these identity-related feelings into action, which subsequently created new rifts within the community. iii Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1 Methodology and Sample ..................................................................................................... 5 Terminology and Clarifications ............................................................................................ 7 Chapter 1: Literature Review and Conceptual Framework ..................................................... 10 Diaspora .............................................................................................................................. 10 Transnationalism ................................................................................................................. 20 Conceptual Framework ....................................................................................................... 23 Chapter 2: Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa Before and Since 2011 ......................................... 28 Chapter 3: The Politicization of Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa ............................................ 36 Identity and Mobilization for the Homeland ....................................................................... 37 Egyptian Canadians’ Political Performances ...................................................................... 41 The Symbolism of Interlocutors in Ottawa ......................................................................... 49 Feeling Egyptian: Giving a Sense to Politics ...................................................................... 62 Chapter 4: Egyptian Politics Come to Ottawa ........................................................................ 70 The 2011 Egyptian Civil Uprising as a Political Opportunity Structure ............................ 71 Dominant Political Discourses in Ottawa ........................................................................... 77 Egyptian Canadian: Neither Egyptian, nor Canadian ......................................................... 95 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 105 Appendix: Egyptian People and Events ................................................................................ 110 Bibliography .......................................................................................................................... 113 Introduction In the heat of the moment, it was easy to use superlatives and to rely on clichés when describing the 2011 Egyptian civil uprising. The “Egyptian Revolution,” as many called it, was an “unprecedented” and “historical moment” that was setting the tone for a “new kind of politics” in the Middle East and North Africa. The “voice of the people” would prevail, and the Arab world was entering its “spring” after decades—if not centuries—of “cultural and political decline.” Four years later, a handful of facts can be held for certain about this uprising: its magnitude and power took everyone by surprise, including many world leaders, but its long- term effects on Egyptian society are obscured by political violence at the hands of a new regime which, by human rights standards, echoes that of Hosni Mubarak’s worse days (Human Rights Watch, 2014a). To these I would like to propose something else, if only to be reminded that Egypt goes beyond those 1,000,000 square kilometres of land in the northeastern corner of Africa: the uprising had a substantial impact on Egyptian communities outside Egypt. It touched the lives of every Egyptian residing abroad, whether they were long-time emigrants or they had recently left the country. It shook communities and how they were organized, and it politicized people. So influential was the impact that, as the uprising has lost its vitality, Egyptians abroad continue denouncing violence and urging for democracy, human rights, and the withdrawal of the Egyptian military from politics. Using the Egyptian Canadian community in Ottawa since the Egyptian uprising as a case study, this thesis looks at the impact of homeland politics on expatriate communities. In contrast with pre-uprising attitudes, the Ottawa community has become strongly politicized since 2011. Many activities related to the Egyptian uprising took place and political groups emerged for the first time. What caused these changes and what were the processes behind 2 them? Considering that these events had limited consequences to their lives in Canada, why bother? More importantly, as the uprising in Egypt seems to have fizzled out, why would some Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa continue to be involved in a network of Egyptian expatriates whose objective is to remove Egypt’s current military regime from power? Due to their identity that is rooted in both Egypt and Canada, one could presume that Egyptian Canadians’ politicization since 2011 could be influenced either by events happening in Egypt or by Canada’s democratic environment. However, anecdotal evidence shows that the process that took place was not as straightforward. As an example, many Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa first met at the Egyptian embassy to protest, but some subsequent gatherings were organized on Parliament Hill. This research argues that, since 2011, the Egyptian Canadian community in Ottawa has been going through its own politicization process. Although changes within the community have been prompted by the Egyptian uprising, the process is not a duplicate of the situation in the homeland, as it is also shaped by the living environment, i.e. Canada. As such, the Egyptian Canadian politicization process is not an either-or situation: it is a combination of both the Egyptian and Canadian aspects of Egyptian Canadians’ circumstances. The 2011 Egyptian uprising triggered the process by changing the community’s political opportunity structures on several occasions. Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa responded to these changes by continuously reconfiguring the community in accordance with the political changes in their home country, but on their own terms. In fact, they managed their own politicization, and in due course, some community members emerged as leaders who were able to harness a newly-politicized Egyptian identity to promote political activities independent from those occurring in Egypt. 3 The changes to the political opportunity structures redefined the public space for political action and dissension, giving Egyptian Canadians in Ottawa a better access to Egyptian political institutions and allowing them to become involved in their homeland’s politics. Not only were they willing to participate to the uprising despite the distance, but they believed that it was their responsibility and duty to help with the country’s democratic transition. However, contrary to the situation in Egypt, where it has become increasingly treacherous to speak out against the military regime, political dissension abroad continues. This research is relevant on two points. At the empirical level, it sheds light on how Egyptians residing abroad lived and understood such an intense moment in Egypt’s recent political and social history. Their ties and their deep sense of Egyptian identity played a major role in how they decided to take part into demonstrations and form political groups. There have been many political activities since 2011, and it is important to understand what those were and how they paralleled simultaneous events in Egypt. At the theoretical level, this research examines the political mobilization of a group of immigrants from the community’s perspective, an area that has received little academic attention. The literature on diaspora—which considers the political involvement of immigrants for their homeland—assumes that such groups either simply exist—and are thus enshrined in some aura of timelessness—or are tools created by the home state. It hardly looks at the role of the communities and their members as agents of political mobilization. Two reasons motivate the study of the Egyptian Canadian community in Ottawa to understand these developments. Although much smaller than those of Montreal and Toronto, the Ottawa community enjoys a similar diversity: it comprises both Christian and Muslim Egyptians,