Rethinking the Iconography of Itinerant Monk Paintings from Dunhuang

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Article An Icon in Motion: Rethinking the Iconography of Itinerant Monk Paintings from Dunhuang

Haewon Kim

Education Division, Gyeongju National Museum, Gyeongju 38171, Korea; [email protected]

Received: 21 August 2020; Accepted: 11 September 2020; Published: 21 September 2020

Abstract: This essay reconsiders the iconography of the group of paintings from Dunhuang commonly referred to as “itinerant monk paintings.” In an effort to acknowledge the paintings as a tradition unto themselves and highlight their visual language, this study focuses on the issues surrounding Baosheng Buddha and the unique feature of depicting the main icon in motion. The first matter is discussed in relation to the religious and artistic contexts of the inscriptions preserved in some paintings, and possible changes in the main figure’s identity from a monk worshiping Baosheng Buddha to the incarnation itself. The main icon’s mobile nature is examined in terms of its walking posture and cloud vehicle. Considering the tradition of xingdao seng or xing seng (walking monks) in monastery murals, this paper illuminates a growing interest in the Tang (618–907) period in portraying walking monks that underscores their position and role in the world of sentient beings. Furthermore, it demonstrates that the cloud vehicle played a critical role in underlining the main icon’s extensive and rapid travel to facilitate his encounter with and saving of sentient beings.

Keywords: itinerant monk; Baosheng Buddha; walking posture; cloud; xingdao seng; Vai´sravan. a; Dunhuang

1. Introduction An enigmatic painting housed in the National Museum of Korea depicts a figure with a prominent nose and long eyebrows carrying a bulky backpack loaded with a number of scrolls (Figure1). At first glance, he recalls a Buddhist missionary traveling great distances to promulgate the Dharma while overcoming perils and difficulties. However, a closer examination reveals unusual companions, a Buddha and a tiger, and that fact that he is mounted on clouds, all of which indicate that he must be far from an ordinary practitioner. A total of twelve paintings originating in Dunhuang and featuring similar iconography rendered on either silk or paper can be found in institutions around the world, which include the National Museum of Korea, the Tenri Library, the British Museum, the Musée Guimet, the Bibliothèque nationale de France, and the State Hermitage Museum.1 The two paintings in the Musée Guimet differ from the others in terms of medium and stylistic features: they are painted in refined brushwork on silks while the other ten show considerably simplified brushwork on paper. Most of the paintings have rectangular space(s) for a cartouche, and the appellation reading “Baosheng rulai” 寶勝如來 (The Buddha Precious Victory) are preserved on five paintings. Besides these paintings in portable formats, comparable iconography can be found in murals in Mogao Cave 45 from the Five Dynasties Period (907–960) and Mogao Caves 306, 308, and 363 from the Xixia period (1032–1227) in Dunhuang.2

1 (Kim 2013, pp. 148–51; Osaka¯ Shiritsu Bijutsukan et al. 1992, pl. 133; Whitﬁeld 1982, pl. 59, Figure 10; Giès et al. 1995, pp. 87–89, 96; Eluosi guoli aiertashi bowuguan 2000, p. 219). 2 For the itinerant monk ﬁgures in the mural paintings of the Mogao Caves, see (Liu 1990, p. 4; Liu 1996, pp. 243–44).

Religions 2020, 11, 479; doi:10.3390/rel11090479 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 29

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Figure 1. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 49.8 × 28.6 cm. National Museum of Korea.

For later examples of itinerant monk images, see (Ide 2008, pp. 22–28; Xie 2009, pp. 82–84; Hara 2011, pp. 216–19). 4 For the discussion on various ﬁgures named Dharmatrata¯ in the history of Buddhism, see (Demiéville 1978, pp. 43–49). Religions 2020, 11, 479 3 of 28

and representations of walking in various contexts of Buddhist art (Brown 1990; Wang 2016; Kim 2019a, 2019b) and the signiﬁcance of cloud motifs in Chinese Buddhist paintings (Hida 1999; Bloom 2013). In the following, I will ﬁrst reexamine the iconographical issues in previous scholarship by focusing on the name of Baosheng Buddha that appears in some of the paintings. Next, as a way to locate the itinerant monk paintings in a larger context of Buddhist practices and artistic traditions, related textual and visual sources will be considered including the tradition of the xingdao seng 行道僧 or xing seng 行僧 murals from the Tang (618–907) period. Lastly, the cloud motif employed in some of the paintings will be discussed in terms of its function in highlighting the mobile nature of the deity.

2. Identifying Baosheng Buddha One of the most puzzling aspects of these itinerant monk paintings has been the inscription of “Baosheng Buddha” found in five of the twelve extant examples.5 Written rather large and the only name appearing in the composition, it is natural to associate it with the figure that occupies the most prominent position. However, it is unconventional to refer to a monk-like figure as a Buddha, and scholars have mostly maintained that the name refers to the small Buddha seen hovering in either the upper-left or -right corner of the paintings rather than to the main figure (Demiéville 1978; Whitfield 1982; Mair 1986; Giès et al. 1995). The name Baosheng Buddha appears in Buddhist scriptures from the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period (420–589) in China. Earlier texts include the Jinguangming jing 金光明經 (Sutra¯ of Golden Light), the Dizang pusa benyuan jing 地藏菩薩本願經 (Original Vows of Ks.itigarbha Bodhisattva Sutra),¯ the Huayan jing 華嚴經 (Flower Garland Sutra),¯ and the Foming jing 佛名經 (Sutra¯ on the Names of the Buddha).6 While in most cases Baosheng Buddha is simply listed along with other names of the 7 Religions 2020Buddha,, 11, x FORhis PEER particular REVIEW role is detailed in the story of a layman named Liushui 流水 in the4Jinguangming of 29 jing. When Baosheng Buddha was a bodhisattva, he vowed that anyone who hears his name on his or Baoshengher Buddha’s deathbed name, will be a school reborn of in fish Trayastri¯ that Lius.m´sa.Afterhui saved hearing was indeed Baosheng reborn Buddha’s as heavenly name, beings. a school8 of fish Baoshengthat Buddha Liushui is savedalso mentioned was indeed in reborna group as of heavenly texts translated beings.8 byBaosheng Amoghavajra Buddha (Bukong is also jingang mentioned in a 不空金剛group, 705–774) of texts including translated the byYuqie Amoghavajra jiyao jiu Anan (Bukong tuoluoni jingang yankou不 guiyi空金 jing剛, 705–774)瑜伽集要救阿難陀羅 including the Yuqie 尼焰口軌儀經jiyao jiu (Conditions Anan tuoluoni and yankou Causes guiyi Which jing Ga瑜ve伽 Rise集要 to救阿難陀the Teaching罹尼焰 to口軌Ānanda儀經 (Conditions Concerning and the Causes Yoga EssentialsWhich Gave on Distribution Rise to the Teaching of Food to AnandaBurning¯ ConcerningMouths) and the the Yoga Yuqie Essentials jiyao yankou on Distribution shishi yi 瑜伽 of Food to 集要焰口施食儀Burning Mouths) (Ritual of and Yoga the EssentialsYuqie jiyao on yankou the Distribution shishi yi 瑜伽 of集 Food要焰口to 施Burning食儀 (Ritual Mouths). of Yoga9 In these Essentials on texts, Baoshengthe Distribution Buddha of saves Food sentient to Burning beings Mouths). from 9theIn theseHell of texts, Hungry Baosheng Ghosts Buddha or protects saves sentientpeople beings from harmfrom from the hungry Hell of Hungryghosts. Ghosts or protects people from harm from hungry ghosts. More storiesMore on stories the worship on the of worship Baosheng of BaoshengBuddha are Buddha found in are Buddhist found in historical Buddhist writings. historical The writings. MingsengThe zhuanMingseng 名僧傳 zhuan (Biographies名僧傳 (Biographies of Famous of Monks) Famous compiled Monks) compiledin the Liang in the period Liang (502–557) period (502–557) recountsrecounts that Sengbiao that Sengbiao 僧表 from僧表 fromLiangzhou Liangzhou 凉州凉 visited州 visited Yubin Yubin 于賓于賓 (most(most likely likely indicating indicating Yutian Yutian 于闐) in thethe earlyearly 5th5th century century and and attained attained a a copy copy of of the the Baosheng Baosheng image image enshrined enshrined in Zanmoin Zanmo Monastery Monastery(Zanmo (Zanmo qielan qielan讚摩讚摩伽藍伽藍). Considering). Considering that that “genuine “genuine relics relics were were placed placed on on the the top top of of the the statue’s statue’s head,”head,” it it is is likely likely that that the the image image represented represented a Buddha. a Buddha.10 Another10 Another anecdote anecdote concerns concerns the Korean the monk Korean monk Muru 無漏 (d. 758 or 762). According to the Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks Compiled in the Song Dynasty, 988), a former prince of the Silla Kingdom (57 BCE–9355 CE)The named paintings Muru bearing arrived this inscription in China are respectively but wished housed to travel in the Nationalon further Museum to India of Korea, and theTenri pay homage Library, the Musée to the eightGuimet, stupas. the11Biblioth Afterè quea miraculous nationale de France,encounter and the with State Avalokite Hermitage Museum.śvara Bodhisattva For the image in of thethe Tenri Pamir Library piece, which is not included in this paper, see (Osaka¯ Shiritsu Bijutsukan et al. 1992, p. 133; Dainobu 2002, pl. 34). Mountains,6 Relevant however, sutras¯ he are decided discussed to in return (Akiyama and 1965 on, pp. the 174–75; way Wang back [1995] ended 2016 up, pp. in 98–101; BaichaoguY o˘ 1998 ,白草谷 pp. 171–77). in Helan 賀蘭7 (T, in 293, what 10: 801c1; is now T 440, the 14: Ningxia a6–7; T 441, Hui 14: 237b13–16).Autonomous Although Region not asof detailed northwestern as the Jinguangming China. Emperor jing, the Dizang pusa Suzong 肅宗benyuan (r. 756–762), jing also mentions who was that whentaking one refuge hears the at name the oftime Baosheng in Lingwu Buddha, 寧武 he or she in the will notNingxia fall onto region an evil path and will be reborn in heaven (T 412, 13: 786a19–20). after the8 outbreak(T 663, 16: of 353a19–b2, the An Lushan 396a19–b3). Rebellion (755–763), had a dream of a monk with a golden body reciting 9the(T name 1318, 21:of 471a1;Baosheng T 1320, Buddha. 21: 478a26–b8).12 When he found that Muru was known for the incantation 10 Only some excerpts of the Mingseng zhuan survive in the Mingseng zhuan chao (Manuscript Copy of the Biographies of of the Buddha’sFamous Monks)name, intheShinsan emperor Dainippon invited zokuzoky¯ o¯him(新纂 to大日本 his續 traveling藏經) ed. Watanabe palace Kokusho and asked kankokai,¯ him (Watanabe to join 1975–1989 ), Amoghavajra,1523, who 77: 358b13–23. was already It is available present online there, through in pray Zhonghuaing for Dianzi the Fodianwell-being Xiehui (cbeta.org)of the imperial and I have family. used this It electronic is uncertainedition. whether The the story invoca of Sengbiaotion of is alsoBaosheng discussed Buddha in (Soper was 1959 ,based p. 44). on Regarding a particular “Yubin” scripture. as a mistake13 forTales “Yutian,” see (Kumagai 1958, pp. 97–98; Rhi 2005, p. 173, footnote 19). of Sengbiao and Muru, however, indicate that the worship of Baosheng Buddha might have been a regional development in Central Asia and the northwestern area of China and can be traced back to as early as the 6th century. Direct references to Baosheng Buddha worship in Dunhuang are preserved in the representations of the itinerant monks with inscriptions. One of the silk paintings in the Musée Guimet (EO.1141) bears a dedicatory inscription stating, “In remembrance of my late younger brother Zhiqiu, on the feast of the first seven, [I] have had an image of Baosheng Buddha made and offered

8 (T 663, 16: 353a19–b2, 396a19–b3). 9 (T 1318, 21: 471a1; T 1320, 21: 478a26–b8). 10 Only some excerpts of the Mingseng zhuan survive in the Mingseng zhuan chao (Manuscript Copy of the Biographies of Famous Monks) in Shinsan Dainippon zokuzōkyō (新纂大日本續藏經) ed. Watanabe Kōshō (1975–1989) (Kokusho kankōkai, 1975–1989), 1523, 77: 358b13–23. It is available online through Zhonghua Dianzi Fodian Xiehui (cbeta.org) and I have used this electronic edition. The story of Sengbiao is also discussed in (Soper 1959, p. 44). Regarding “Yubin” as a mistake for “Yutian,” see (Kumagai 1958, pp. 97–98; Rhi 2005, p. 173, footnote 19). 11 (T 2061, 50: 846a25–c12). Muru’s story is also found in several later sources, including the Fozu tongji (Chronicles of Buddhas and Patriarchs, comp. 1269) (T 2035, 49: 375c18–376a22; T 2036, 49: 598b1–13; T 2064, 50: 1000c17–1001a23). It has been suggested that Muru was either the son of King Sŏngdŏk or the fifth son of King Sinmun (Yŏ 1998, pp. 166–71; Sŏ 2016, pp. 361–92). 12 For the circumstances surrounding Emperor Suzong’s enthronement in Lingwu, see (Dalby 1979, pp. 561– 67). 13 Some scholars regarded Muru’s worship of Baosheng Buddha to be esoteric based on Muru’s association with Amoghavajra and the reputation of Baichaogu as an esoteric establishment as attested in the biographies of Zengren (813–871) and Daozhou (864–941) in the Song gaoseng zhuan. Although it is difficult to disregard the possibility, no direct evidence remains that substantiates the association (Wang [1995] 2016, pp. 102–5; Yŏ 1998, pp. 172–75; T 2061, 50: 877a24–b25, 859a20–b12).

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Muru 無漏 (d. 758 or 762). According to the Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks Compiled in the Song Dynasty, 988), a former prince of the Silla Kingdom (57 BCE–935 CE) named Muru arrived in China but wished to travel on further to India and pay homage to the eight stupas.11 After a miraculous encounter with Avalokite´svaraBodhisattva in the Pamir Mountains, however, he decided to return and on the way back ended up in Baichaogu 白草谷 in Helan 賀蘭, in what is now the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region of northwestern China. Emperor Suzong 肅宗 (r. 756–762), who was taking refuge at the time in Lingwu 寧武 in the Ningxia region after the outbreak of the An Lushan Rebellion (755–763), had a dream of a monk with a golden body reciting the name of Baosheng Buddha.12 When he found that Muru was known for the incantation of the Buddha’s name, the emperor invited him to his traveling palace and asked him to join Amoghavajra, who was already present there, in praying for the well-being of the imperial family. It is uncertain whether the invocation of Baosheng Buddha was based on a particular scripture.13 Tales of Sengbiao and Muru, however, indicate that the worship of Baosheng Buddha might have been a regional development in Central Asia and the northwestern area of China and can be traced back to as early as the 6th century. Direct references to Baosheng Buddha worship in Dunhuang are preserved in the representations of the itinerant monks with inscriptions. One of the silk paintings in the Musée Guimet (EO.1141) bears a dedicatory inscription stating, “In remembrance of my late younger brother Zhiqiu, on the feast of the first seven, [I] have had an image of Baosheng Buddha made and offered it to him with praise” (寶勝如來一軀意爲亡弟知球三七齋盡造慶贊供養) (Figure2). 14 Wang Huimin proposed that this inscription was based on the Jinguangming jing, based on his observation on the significance of the sutra¯ in the Dunhuang region.15 This painting is unusual not only in having the relatively long inscription but also in lacking the small Buddha. Even if we consider that the uppermost part of the painting could have been removed, it seems there would not have been enough space in the original composition to incorporate a small Buddha.16 Moreover, it is singular in that the monk is equipped with a halo, making it tempting to regard the monk as the Buddha mentioned in the cartouche.17 Another reference is the cartouche found in a wall painting in Mogao Cave 45. On the upper part of the west wall, which was repaired in the Five Dynasties Period, two images of itinerant monks are depicted on either side of Vai´sravan. a. On the southern side of the wall is written “Homage to Baosheng Buddha who subdued a tiger and traveled widely leading sentient beings to enlightenment” (南無寶勝如來伏虎遊歷求度衆生). The cartouche on the northern side of the wall is less well-preserved, and at present only “[Bao]sheng Buddha” [寶]勝如來 and “travel around the world” (遊歷世界) are legible.18 While the inscription in

11 (T 2061, 50: 846a25–c12). Muru’s story is also found in several later sources, including the Fozu tongji (Chronicles of Buddhas and Patriarchs, comp. 1269) (T 2035, 49: 375c18–376a22; T 2036, 49: 598b1–13; T 2064, 50: 1000c17–1001a23). It has been suggested that Muru was either the son of King Songd˘ ok˘ or the fifth son of King Sinmun (Yo˘ 1998, pp. 166–71;S o˘ 2016, pp. 361–92). 12 For the circumstances surrounding Emperor Suzong’s enthronement in Lingwu, see (Dalby 1979, pp. 561–67). 13 Some scholars regarded Muru’s worship of Baosheng Buddha to be esoteric based on Muru’s association with Amoghavajra and the reputation of Baichaogu as an esoteric establishment as attested in the biographies of Zengren (813–871) and Daozhou (864–941) in the Song gaoseng zhuan. Although it is difficult to disregard the possibility, no direct evidence remains that substantiates the association (Wang [1995] 2016, pp. 102–5;Y o˘ 1998, pp. 172–75; T 2061, 50: 877a24–b25, 859a20–b12). 14 This translation of the dedicatory inscription has been adapted with slight modification from (Mair 1986, p. 33). 15 Wang Huimin also pointed out that a similar context is found in a manuscript from Dunhuang (Tst 4532) that consists of four sutra¯ copies commissioned by Zhai Fengda for his deceased wife in the fifth year of the Xiande reign (958). The colophon in one of the sutras¯ mentions that they held the feast on the seventh day after Mrs. Ma’s death and Zhai Fengda reverently copied Wuchang jing 無常經 (Sutra¯ on Impermanence) on one scroll and reverently painted one picture of Buddha Baoji (寶如來佛). Wang regarded Baoji Buddha is a variation of Baosheng Buddha (Wang [1995] 2016, pp. 100–2). For more discussions on the manuscript commissioned by Zhai Fengda, see (Teiser 1994, pp. 102–21). 16 The lines in the upper part of the cartouche were created as part of repair. Akiyama also noted that the missing upper part could be only a few centimeters long considering the missing portion of the cartouche, and that it is unlikely that there was a small Buddha in this painting. On the other hand, Roderick Whitfield suggested the possibility of a small Buddha represented in the missing part of the painting (Akiyama 1965, pp. 165, 167; Whitfield 1982, p. 337; Giès et al. 1995, p. 317). 17 Another unusual feature is the backpack. It has a round shape and we cannot ascertain whether or not it holds scrolls (Giès et al. 1995, p. 317). 18 (Wang [1995] 2016, p. 97). Religions 2020, 11, 479 5 of 28 the Guimet piece is related to a particular belief delineated in scriptures, the two in Mogao Cave 45 seem to have been adjusted in order to match their images of itinerant monks. Moreover, it is evident that the traveling figures in the murals of Mogao Cave 45 were regarded as Baosheng Buddhas. Perhaps a more important question than whether or not the monk represents Baosheng Buddha is the relationship between the main figure and the small Buddha in these compositions. As early as the 1960s, Akiyama Terukazu proposed that the monk was an incarnation of Baosheng Buddha.19 More recently, in 2009 Xie Jisheng examined Baosheng Buddha’s association with the western direction, pointing out that a monk named Baosheng 寶勝—along with Yijing 義淨 (635–713), Subhakarasi´ m. ha (善無畏, 637–735), and Bodhiruci (菩提流支, ?–727)—was regarded as one of the four Tripit.aka masters who brought Sanskrit sutras¯ to China. He also pointed out that Baosheng Buddha represents the west in sutras¯ such as the Foshuo chengzan rulai gongde shenzhou jing 佛說稱讚如來功德神呪經 (Sutra¯ of Incantation of Praising Buddhas and Merits).20 For Xie, Baosheng Buddha’s association with the west resulted in the small Buddha’s inclusion in itinerant monk paintings as the deity venerated by the monk and from the late Tang to the Song (960–1277) period the monk became equated with Baosheng Buddha.21 Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 29

Figure 2. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 9th–10th century. Ink and colors on silk, 79.8 × 54.0 cm. Musée Figure 2. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 9th–10th century. Ink and colors on silk, 79.8 54.0 cm. Guimet (EO.1141). Photo © RMN-Grand Palais (MNAAG, Paris)/image musée Guimet. × Musée Guimet (EO.1141). Photo © RMN-Grand Palais (MNAAG, Paris)/image musée Guimet. I concur with Xie’s assertion that it was only in a later period that the monk became identified with Baosheng Buddha. Regarding the earlier iconography, the two cartouche spaces in a couple of 19 (Akiyamaexamples 1965 suggest, p. 180). that the names of both the monk and small Buddha were supposed to be provided 20 For the primary sources mentioned by Xie Jisheng, see T 2120, 52: 828a25–28, b15–18; T 1349, 21: 863a21. 21 Xiewithin further the suggested compositions. that the tiger A good accompanying example the is monkfound in in the one paintings of the was paintings the White in Tiger the thatMusée represents Guimet the west among(EO.1138) the Four in Directionalwhich two Animals, cartouche yet frames the tigers are in thepresent surviving in the paintings upper-right mostly and have -left brown corners fur (Xie (Figure 2009, pp. 3). 83–86). ForConsidering more on the meaningthe refined of the brushwork, tiger images balanced in this type composit of paintings,ion, and see ( Felthammeticulous 2012 ,details pp. 1–29). in the painting, it is difficult to imagine that the cartouche spaces were demarcated without a specific purpose. This seems to quell any doubt that the left and the right cartouches were assigned respectively for the small Buddha and the monk. Another example is the British Museum piece that features two rectangular frames set one above another in the left side of the composition (Figure 4).22 Compared with the Guimet piece (EO.1138), the brushstrokes are loose and flaccid, making the depictions appear somewhat flattened and abstract. This lack of artistic sophistication suggests the possibility that the painter simply copied the cartouche frames from an earlier example, yet there is no question that the upper and lower cartouches in the British Museum were designed for the small Buddha and the monk respectively.

22 Based on Victor Mair’s interpretation, some scholars have regarded this painting as depiction of a bianwen performer. See (Whitfield 2004, p. 128; Karashima 2016, pp. 274–75). This painting was included in the exhibition at Getty Center in 2016. See (Agnew et al. 2016, pp. 200–1).

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I concur with Xie’s assertion that it was only in a later period that the monk became identified with Baosheng Buddha. Regarding the earlier iconography, the two cartouche spaces in a couple of examples suggest that the names of both the monk and small Buddha were supposed to be provided within the compositions. A good example is found in one of the paintings in the Musée Guimet (EO.1138) in which two cartouche frames are present in the upper-right and -left corners (Figure3). Considering the refined brushwork, balanced composition, and meticulous details in the painting, it is difficult to imagine that the cartouche spaces were demarcated without a specific purpose. This seems to quell any doubt that the left and the right cartouches were assigned respectively for the small Buddha and the monk. Another example is the British Museum piece that features two rectangular frames set one above another in the left side of the composition (Figure4). 22 Compared with the Guimet piece (EO.1138), the brushstrokes are loose and flaccid, making the depictions appear somewhat flattened and abstract. This lack of artistic sophistication suggests the possibility that the painter simply copied the cartouche frames from an earlier example, yet there is no question that the upper and lower cartouches in the British Museum were designed for the small Buddha and the monk respectively. Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 29

Figure 3. ItinerantItinerant Monk Monk. Dunhuang, Dunhuang, 9th century. Ink andand colorscolors onon silk,silk, 79.079.0 × 53.0 cm. Musée Musée Guimet × (EO.1138). Photo © BnF,BnF, Dist, RMN-Grand Palais/image Palais/image BnF.

22 Based on Victor Mair’s interpretation, some scholars have regarded this painting as depiction of a bianwen performer. See (Whitﬁeld 2004, p. 128; Karashima 2016, pp. 274–75). This painting was included in the exhibition at Getty Center in 2016. See (Agnew et al. 2016, pp. 200–1).

Figure 4. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 41.0 × 29.8 cm. The British Museum (1919,0101,0.168). © The Trustees of the British Museum.

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ReligionsFigure 20203. Itinerant, 11, 479 Monk. Dunhuang, 9th century. Ink and colors on silk, 79.0 × 53.0 cm. Musée Guimet7 of 28 (EO.1138). Photo © BnF, Dist, RMN-Grand Palais/image BnF.

FigureFigure 4. Itinerant 4. Itinerant Monk Monk. Dunhuang,. Dunhuang, 10th 10th century. century. InkInk andand colors colors on on paper, paper, 41.0 41.029.8 × 29.8 cm. cm. The The British British × MuseumMuseum (1919,0101,0.168). (1919,0101,0.168). © ©TheThe Trus Trusteestees of of the the British Museum.Museum.

Another notable aspect of the Guimet painting (EO.1138) is the way in which the trail of the cloud vehicle of the small Buddha extends towards the face of the monk, who holds his mouth open (Figure3). 23 As noted in previous studies, all of the main ﬁgures in the twelve paintings appear to be chanting. The piece in the Bibliothèque nationale de France is particularly notable for the relationship between the monk’s recitation and the small Buddha (Figure5). The phrase “Homage to Baosheng Buddha,” signifying the monk’s invocation of the Buddha, is written along the left edge, and the monk is facing the characters with his mouth visibly open. With the Buddha’s name and the monk located within the same pictorial time and space without a demarcating line between them, it appears as if the scene is capturing the very moment that the sounds “Nanwu Baosheng rulai fo” leave the monk’s mouth. The small Buddha positioned immediately above these words reﬂects its close association with the words. This composition undoubtedly derived from the artist’s understanding of the close relationship between these components.

23 The same observation can be found in (Yu 2011, p. 106). Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 29

Another notable aspect of the Guimet painting (EO.1138) is the way in which the trail of the cloud vehicle of the small Buddha extends towards the face of the monk, who holds his mouth open (Figure 3).23 As noted in previous studies, all of the main figures in the twelve paintings appear to be chanting. The piece in the Bibliothèque nationale de France is particularly notable for the relationship between the monk’s recitation and the small Buddha (Figure 5). The phrase “Homage to Baosheng Buddha,” signifying the monk’s invocation of the Buddha, is written along the left edge, and the monk is facing the characters with his mouth visibly open. With the Buddha’s name and the monk located within the same pictorial time and space without a demarcating line between them, it appears as if the scene is capturing the very moment that the sounds “Nanwu Baosheng rulai fo” leave the monk’s mouth. The small Buddha positioned immediately above these words reflects its close Religionsassociation2020, 11with, 479 the words. This composition undoubtedly derived from the artist’s understanding8 of 28 of the close relationship between these components.

Figure 5. Itinerant Monk (detail). Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 55.0 × 32.0 cm. Figure 5. Itinerant Monk (detail). Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 55.0 32.0 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France (Pelliot chinois 4518(39)). × Bibliothèque nationale de France (Pelliot chinois 4518(39)).

A ﬁgurefigure similarlysimilarly depicted with his mouth open is foundfound inin thethe well-knownwell-known Kamakura period (1185–1333)(1185–1333) imageimage ofof XuanzangXuanzang portrayedportrayed asas anan itinerantitinerant monkmonk (Figure(Figure6 ).6).2424 In this painting,painting, thethe legendary pilgrim is believed believed to to be be reciting reciting the the BoreBore xinjing xinjing 般若心經般若心經 (Heart(Heart SSutra),¯ūtra), whichwhich protected him during his journey in the Western Regions.25 As no small Buddha is depicted in the Xuanzang’s portrait, a more comparable example would be the portrait of Shandao 善導 (613–681) from the same period.26 His signature act of chanting Amitabha’s¯ name is illustrated by a golden thread connecting his mouth to several small Buddhas hovering in the upper-right of the painting.27

23 The same observation can be found in (Yu 2011, p. 106). 24 The image of Xuanzang as an itinerant monk is found in a few Kamakura paintings. Besides a portrait in a 24 The image of Xuanzang as an itinerant monk is found in a few Kamakura paintings. Besides a portrait in a Japanese Japanese private collection similar to the Tokyo National Museum piece, it often appears in the type called private collection similar to the Tokyo National Museum piece, it often appears in the type called “Shaka Juroku¯ Zenshin (“ShakaS´akyamuni¯ Jūroku and SixteenZenshin Protectors)” (Śākyamuni (Matsumoto and Sixteen 1940a Protectors)”, 1940b; Nara (M Kokuritsuatsumoto Hakubutsukan 1940a, 1940b; 2011 Nara, pl. Kokuritsu 15, p. 224; HaraHakubutsukan 2011, pp. 216–19; 2011, Sanders pl. 15, 2014p. 224;, pp. Hara 226–38). 2011, For pp. the 216–19; discussion Sanders of Xuanzang 2014, worshippp. 226–38). in Japan, For also the see discussion (Wong 2002 of, pp. 43–81). For the esoteric elements in the portrait of Xuanzang in the Tokyo National Museum, see (Li 2012). 25 Xuanzang worship in Japan, also see (Wong 2002, pp. 43–81). For the esoteric elements in the portrait of According to the Da Tang Da Ciensi Sanzang Fashi zhuan (Biography of the Tripit.aka Master in Great Ciensi Monastery of the GreatXuanzang Tang), in Xuanzang the Tokyo obtained National the Bore Museum, xinjing fromsee (Li an old2012). man during his visit to the Shu region and that he recited the sutra¯ whenever he encountered danger. He also translated the Da bore xinjing in 600 fascicles (Matsumoto 1940a, pp. 12–19; T 2053, 50: 224b07–13). For the role of Xuanzang in popularizing the Bore xinjing, see (Nattier 1992, pp. 179–99). 26 (Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009, p. 293). 27 A textual reference for the illustration of small Buddhas coming out of a monk’s mouth is found in the biography of Xiaokang, a follower of Shandao (Kobayashi 1954, pp. 21–22; T 2061, 50: 867c11–13). Religions 2020, 11, 479 9 of 28

Figure 6. Portrait of Xuanzang as an ItinerantFigure Monk 6 . Kamakura period, 14th century. Ink and colors on silk, 135.3 90.0 cm. Tokyo National Museum. Image: TNM Image Archives. × Furthermore, the likening of a monk to a Buddha is not unusual when considering the monastic practices developed around the 10th century.28 And this provides a basis for understanding how a monk could have been regarded as Baosheng Buddha in the itinerant monk paintings from Dunhuang, most of which have been dated to the 9th and 10th centuries. To mention a couple of references, the

Song gaoseng zhuan recounts that Xiaokang 小康, an ardent follower of Shandao, who was active during the Zhenyuan era (785–805), wished to meet Shandao during a visit to Shandao’s shrine in Chang’an, and that Xiaokang witnessed “the true image [of Shandao] transformed into a Buddha’s body.”29 Another reference more relevant to the itinerant monk paintings, since the source is from Dunhuang, is in the Sengqie Heshang yu ru niepan shuo liudu jing 僧伽和尙浴入涅槃說六度經 (Sutra¯ on the Six Perfections as Spoken by the Monk Sengqie before Entering Nirva¯.na) discovered in the Mogao caves and dating to before the 11th century. From this text, it can be ascertained that Sengqie 僧伽 (617–710), who was already revered as an incarnation of Avalokite´svarain the 10th century,30 was further elevated to the status of a Buddha based on Sengqie’s remark that “I was called Sákyamuni¯ Buddha.”31 In that case, how do the changes in iconography fit into the chronology of the paintings? The dating of the itinerant paintings has been largely dependent upon stylistic analysis, and the silk paintings have been regarded as predating those on paper. The Musée Guimet catalogue, for example, dates the two silk paintings (EO.1138 and EO.1141) respectively to the 9th and late 9th century, while the paintings on paper are assigned to the 10th.32 Akiyama Terukazu proposed more specific dates for

28 For the relevant changes attested in the worship of monks’ relics in the 10th century, see (Lee 2010, pp. 202–53). 29 (T 2061, 50: 867b28–29). 30 The Taiping guangji and the Song gaoseng zhuan respectively mention Sengqie as Avalokite´svaraand Eleven-headed Avalokite´svara(Yü 2001, pp. 212–13; T. 2061, 50: 822a28–29; Li 1961, vol. 2, p. 638). For discussions on Sengqie, also see (Makita [1954] 1984, pp. 207–34; Leidy and Strahan 2010, pp. 126–29; Lee 2013, pp. 133–63). 31 (T 2920, 85: 1463b28–1464a08). For the translation of the Sengqie Heshang yu ru niepan shuo liu du jing, see (Yü 2001, pp. 218–20). 32 (Giès et al. 1995, pp. 316–18).

Religions 2020, 11, 479 10 of 28 several pieces. The Guimet painting (EO.1138) is the oldest example, dating to the early Guiyijun 歸義軍 (Return to Allegiance Army) period (after 848) or possibly the Tibetan occupation period (781–848) at the earliest (Figure3). For the other Mus ée Guimet painting (EO.1141), he suggested the late 9th or early 10th century based on writings discovered from the back of the painting and a comparison with the depictions of arhats in the Mogao Cave murals (Figure2). As for the paintings on paper, Akiyama mentioned that the piece in the National Museum of Korea could be dated to the 9th century, while others, including those in the Tenri Library, the British Museum, and the Musée Guimet (MG.17683), were likely from the first half of the 10th century (Figures1 and4) 33. The silk painting in the Musée Guimet (EO.1138) certainly appears to be the earliest example of this type of painting, and the existence of the two cartouche frames fits the earlier iconography in which the small Buddha and the monk were perceived as separate individual beings. In terms of style, it is unlikely that the painting on paper with two cartouche frames in the British Museum is contemporaneous with the earliest silk painting. It is possible that the two cartouche spaces were created while copying earlier models with these features or that there still existed confusion over the identities of the small Buddha and the monk. The inscriptions in the paintings in the State Hermitage Museum and the Tenri Library omit the word “nanwu” before the Buddha’s name, so possibly the original context of the monk’s recitation of the Buddha’s name has been largely forgotten (Figure7). 34 Additionally, they feature the most simplified and awkward depictions, and it is likely that their dates are later than others among the itinerant monk paintings.

Figure 7 Figure 7. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 51.8 29. 3 cm. Inv. No. × Dh-320. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photograph © The State Hermitage Museum,

Photo by Leonard Kheifets.

33 (Akiyama 1965, pp. 177–80). 34 For the painting in the Tenri Library, see (Osaka¯ Shiritsu Bijutsukan et al. 1992, pl. 133; Dainobu 2002, pl. 34). Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 29

Figure 7. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 51.8 × 29. 3 cm. Inv. No. ReligionsDh-320.2020, 11The, 479 State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photograph © The State Hermitage Museum,11 of 28 Photo by Leonard Kheifets.

3. Monks Monks in in Perambulation Perambulation WhereWhereasas most of the icons from the pre-Song period present the divine beings in static poses either seated or standing, the main figurefigure of itinerantitinerant monk paintingspaintings strikes a walkingwalking pose.pose. And this distinctive characteristic has has led led scholars scholars to to consider consider its its relation relation with with the the murals referred to as xingdao seng or xing seng in the Tang monasteriesmonasteries documenteddocumented in the Lidai minghua ji 歷歷代名畫記代名記 (Records ofof FamousFamous Paintings Paintings of of Successive Successive Dynasties, Dynasties, comp. comp. 846), 846), the theTangchao Tangchao minghua minghua lu 唐 lu朝名唐朝名錄畫錄(Records (Records of Famous of Famous Paintings Paintings of the Tangof the Dynasty, Tang Dynasty, 9th century), 9th century), and the andYizhou the minghua Yizhou minghua lu 益州名 lu 益錄州名畫錄(Record of (Record Famous of Paintings Famous ofPainting Yizhou,s of 11th Yizhou, century). 11th35 century).The earliest35 The example earliest dates example to the dates Zhenguan to the Zhenguanera (627–649), era (627–649), but most of but them most were of them created were in cr theeated High in Tangthe High (713–765) Tang (713–765) and Middle and Tang Middle (766–835) Tang (766–835)periods.36 periods.Ten monasteries36 Ten monasteries with murals, with recorded murals, inrecorded the sources in the mentioned sources mentioned above, were above, located were in locatedChang’an, in Chang’an, Luoyang 洛 Luoyang陽, Zhexi 洛陽浙西, Zhexi, and Chengdu 浙西, and成 Chengdu都. They included成都. They some included of the some most of prestigious the most prestigioussites of their sites time of and their were time associated and were with associated imperial with patronage imperial and patronage prominent and monks prominent such as monks Jianfu suchMonastery as Jianfu薦福 Monastery寺, Cien Monastery 薦福寺,慈恩 Cien寺 Monastery, and Jing’ai 慈恩寺 Monastery, and敬 Jing’ai愛寺.37 MonasteryThe murals 敬愛寺 mainly. consist37 The muralsof multiple mainly figures consist of monks of multiple painted figures along of corridors monks painted or a series along of walls.corridors Given or a this, series it is of fair walls. to say Given that this,it was it ais primaryfair to say subject that it matter was a primary for the monastery subject matter mural for paintings the monastery of the mural Tang period. paintings of the Tang period.Xie Jisheng held that paintings of “qujing gaoseng” 取經高僧 (eminent monk retrieving sutras)¯ grew popularXie withJisheng the held expanding that paintings reputation of of“qujing Xuanzang gaoseng after” 取經高僧 the Zhenguan (eminent era and monk that retrieving this iconography sūtras) grewevolved popular into a typewith of the painting expanding designated reputation as xing of seng Xuanzangor xingjiao after seng the. He Zhenguan also noted era that and the locationsthat this iconographyof itinerant monk evolved images into ina thetype passageways of painting designated of Mogao Caves as xing 45, seng 306, or 308, xingjiao and 363seng are. He analogous also noted to thatthose the of locations many xing ofseng itinerantmurals monk in monastery images in corridors,the passageways and furthermore of Mogao suggestedCaves 45, that306, the308,xing and seng363 images functioned as guardians.38 Yu Xiangdong acknowledged this common feature in the itinerant monk paintings and xing seng murals, but disavowed any close relationship between the two traditions 35 (Zhongguo shuhua yanjiu ziliao shi 1983, vol. 1, pp. 42, 43, 46, 50, 54–55, 57; vol. 3, pp. 1383, 1386–87, 1396, based on their discrepancy in production date and function. Furthermore, Yu explained that xingdao 1405). seng xing seng 36 Theand earliest examplemurals was executed represented by Wang patriarchs Ding 王定 and. The eminent other painters monks, mentioned and that are the Wu meaning Daozi 吳道子 of the, 行走 39 termZhouxing Fangor xingdao 周昉, Hanis equivalent Gan 韓幹, to Zhao “xingzhou Wutan” 趙武壇(walking)., Liu Xingchen 劉行臣, Lu Yao 陸曜, Lu Lengqie 廬楞伽In Buddhist, Zuo Quan dictionaries, 左全, Li Guonu the term 李果奴xingdao, Wangis explainedShaoying 王韶應 as “forming, Dong Chong a queue 董忠 and (Sirén walking 1956, the pp. way” 14– and23; its Nagahiro definition 1977, is furthervol. 1, p. detailed 221; Yu 2011, as (1) p. practicing103). the Buddhist law; (2) jingxing 經行 or cankrama˙ ; 40 37or (3) For circumambulatingmore on major monasteries or performing in the Tangpradak era, sees.i n(Ho. a¯ around 2004, pp. the 35–57; Buddha Wang in2010, order pp. 65–106). to pay respect. The meaning of circumambulation was remarked upon in previous discussions of the patriarchal figures in Leiguitai Central Cave 雷鼓臺中洞 and Kanjing si Cave 看經寺洞 in Longmen Grottoes dated to the late 7th or early 8th century, which some have regarded as the only surviving examples of

35 (Zhongguo shuhua yanjiu ziliao shi 1983, vol. 1, pp. 42, 43, 46, 50, 54–55, 57; vol. 3, pp. 1383, 1386–87, 1396, 1405). 36 The earliest example was executed by Wang Ding 王定. The other painters mentioned are Wu Daozi 吳道子, Zhou Fang 周昉, Han Gan 韓幹, Zhao Wutan 趙武壇, Liu Xingchen 劉行臣, Lu Yao 陸曜, Lu Lengqie 廬楞伽, Zuo Quan 左全, Li Guonu 李果奴, Wang Shaoying 王韶應, Dong Chong 董忠 (Sirén 1956, pp. 14–23; Nagahiro 1977, vol. 1, p. 221; Yu 2011, p. 103; Yu 2016, p. 90). 37 For more on major monasteries in the Tang era, see (Ho 2004, pp. 35–57; Wang 2010, pp. 65–106). 38 If the itinerant monk figures in these caves were guardians, it would be more fitting for them to face outwards so that they could protect the sacred space from any harmful forces outside. However, those in Mogao Cave 308 are facing inwards. See (Xie 2009, p. 83; Zhongguo bihua quanji bianzuan weiyuanhui 1996, Explanatory Text for Plate 2). 39 (Yu 2011, pp. 103–8). The textual sources on xingdao seng and xing seng murals demonstrate that a portion of them can be categorized as portrayals of eminent monks and patriarchs. Dashengci Monastery in Chengdu had murals of xingdao gaoseng 行道高僧 that included A´svaghos.a, Aryadeva,¯ and 28 patriarchs. The expression “xingdao gaoseng” also appears in the description of the murals in Baoli Monastery in Chengdu, and Dashengci Monastery is said to have housed murals of 60 xingdao luohan (arhat) figures. Jing’ai Monastery in Luoyang had a xing seng mural that featured Tang Sanzang 唐三藏 (Tripit.aka of the Tang), which indicates Xuanzang (Zhongguo shuhua yanjiu ziliao shi 1983, vol. 3, pp. 1383, 1386, 1396, 1405). As for the painting of Xuanzang in Jing’ai Monastery, it is unlikely that he was represented as an itinerant monk carrying a backpack since it is widely accepted that it was only in the later period that this figural type was adopted to represent Xuanzang. Rather, it would have been more similar to the walking image of Xuanzang found on the door panel of a Buddhist shrine housed in Shos¯ oin¯ (Wong 2002, pp. 43–81; Hara 2011, p. 217; Miyake 1998, pp. 59–93). 40 (Mochizuki 1974, vol. 1, pp. 611–12; Nakamura and Takeshi 2002, pp. 244–45; Taya et al. 1995, p. 85). For jingxing, see (Mochizuki 1974, vol. 1, pp. 572–73; Sasagawa 1987, pp. 107–12). The different usages of xingdao seng and xing seng are indistinguishable in the relevant texts, and it is likely that xing seng is an abbreviation of xingdao seng as has been suggested in previous studies. Religions 2020, 11, 479 12 of 28 xingdao seng images (Figure8). 41 The monk figures are aligned at regular intervals along the lower registers of the side and back walls of these caves. Most of them move forward in a clockwise direction, creating a grand scene in which a group of monks appear to be engaged in ritual circumambulation. The inscriptions flanking each of the 25 monks in Leigutai Central Cave largely accord to the patriarchal lineage narrated in the Fu fazang yinyuan zhuan 付法藏因緣傳 (Tradition of the Causes and Conditions of the Dharma-Treasury Transmission), and the 29 figures in Kanjing si Cave resembling those in Leigutai Central Cave are also considered to have portrayed patriarchs.42 One could argue that the monk images in Ganlu Monastery 甘露寺 in Zhexi documented in the Lidai minghua ji also showed a similar arrangement, as it is said that xingdao seng was depicted on the four walls of the ante-chamber and the main chamber of Mañju´sr¯ı Hall.43 Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 29

FigureFigure 8.8. Patriarchal ﬁguresfigures on the southsouth wall of Kanjing si Cave Cave.. LongmenLongmen Grottoes,Grottoes, latelate 7th7th toto early 8th8th century.century.

Nonetheless,Nonetheless, notnot all all of of the the murals murals depicting depicting the themes the themes of xing of seng xingor xingdaoseng or sengxingdaocan beseng explained can be byexplained circumambulation. by circumambulation. For example, theFor murals example, in Jing’ai, the Dashengci,murals in andJing’ai, Baoli Dashengci, Monasteries 寶and曆寺Baoliare saidMonasteries to have multiple寶曆寺 are figures said ofto monkshave multiple on one figures or two sidesof mo ofnks the on walls, one or and two for sides these of casesthe walls, the term and jingxingfor theseis cases more the fitting. term44 jingxingIntriguingly is more enough, fitting. Daoxuan’s44 Intriguingly道宣 enough,(596–667) Daoxuan’sJi Shenzhou 道宣 Sanbao (596–667) gantong Ji luShenzhou集神州三Sanbao寶感通 gantong錄 (Collected lu 集神州三寶感通錄 Records of Three (Collected Treasure MiraclesRecords of in Three China, Treasure 664) records Miracles a story in whereChina, an664) association records a between story where a monk an association image and jingxingbetweenis a remarked.monk image This and concerns jingxing an isauspicious remarked. monkThis concerns image from an auspicious a 5th century monk cave image temple from site constructeda 5th century by cave Juqu temple mengxun site沮 constructed渠蒙遜 (r. 401–433). by Juqu Themengxun text recounts 沮渠蒙遜 that (r. this 401–433). clay statue The looked text recounts like a human that this being clay and statue conducted lookedjingxing like a byhuman itself whenbeing noand one conducted is near. jingxing Peoplespread by itself dirt when on no the one ground is near. to People see whether spread it dirt actually on the moved ground and to see later whether found footprintsit actually thatmoved showed and later its walkingfound footprints back and that forth showed without its awalking halt.45 backWhile and it isforth clearly without untrue a halt. that45 While it is clearly untrue that the statue actually walked, the fact that jingxing was singled out as the wondrous act of the monk image hints that this particular practice was perceived as a notable activity 41of Buddhist(Kucera 2006 practitioners., pp. 72–74; Yu 2011 The). story refers to a 5th century image, yet in all likelihood this association 42remained(Mizuno current1980, vol. in 1, pp.the 115–23; Early vol.Tang 2, pp.when 335–42; the Wen text 1988 was, pp. compiled. 208–10, 215). A shorter version of this story is also 43 found(Zhongguo in Daoxuan’s shuhua yanjiu Shijia ziliao fangzhi shi 1983 釋迦方志, vol. 1, p. (Record 53). One curiousof the caseCountry is the muralof Śākya), in the Westernand it should Pagoda precinctbe noted of Qianfu Monastery in Chang’an. According to the Lidai minghua ji, 24 disciples who transmitted the Dharma are depicted on thatfour the boards term surroundingxingdao is used the pagoda. in the Although place of this jingxin descriptiong in this comes text. closest46 This to the interchangeability representation of monks of the in Leigutai terms canCentral be additionally and Kanjing siconfirmed in terms of themein Yijing’s and arrangement, discussion the on term jingxing “xingdao in seng the” Nanhai is not used jigui (Zhongguo neifa zhuan shuhua 南海寄 yanjiu ziliao shi 1983, vol. 1, p. 48). Mizuno Seiichi also mentioned this text in his discussion of the patriarch figures in Kanjing si 47 歸內法傳(Mizuno 1980 (A Record, vol. 1, p. of 120). Inner Dharma Sent Back from the Southern Seas, 691). 44 (ZhongguoConsidering shuhua the yanjiu usages ziliao shiof 1983 xingdao, vol. 1, in p. 55;the vol. foregoing 3, pp. 1383, discussion, 1386–87, 1396, it 1405). seems Yu Xiangdong was 45 correct(T 2106, in 52:asserting 417c27–a9). that For the Japanese terms and “xing English seng translations” or “xingdao of the text,seng see” should (Soper 1959 be, translated p. 92; Hida 2014as ,“walking pp. 14–24; Wang 2016, pp. 25–26). monk(s).” This makes sense when we consider how these terms effectively differentiated the new type of monk images from the earlier representations of monks as seated or standing.48 Furthermore,

44 (Zhongguo shuhua yanjiu ziliao shi 1983, vol. 1, p. 55; vol. 3, pp. 1383, 1386–87, 1396, 1405). 45 (T 2106, 52: 417c27–a9). For Japanese and English translations of the text, see (Soper 1959, p. 92; Hida 2014, pp. 14–24; Wang 2016, pp. 25–26). 46 (T 2088, 51: 973a15–17; Hida 2014, p. 20). 47 (T 2125, 54: 221b21–c9; Mochizuki 1974, vol. 1, p. 611; Hida 2014, pp. 21–22). For an English translation of the passage, see (Li 2000, pp. 107–8). 48 Of particular interest in this context are the images of 24 Indian patriarchs in Dazushengku Cave at Lingquan Monastery dated to 589, which is related to the patriarchal lineage in the Fu fazing yiyuan zhuan. The monks are depicted in seated poses (Henan Sheng Gudai Jianzhu Baohu Yanjiusuo 1992, pp. 17–18, 294; Young 2015, pp. 96–111). Textual sources on monastic portraits survive in various sources, and whenever mentioned they

Religions 2020, 11, 479 13 of 28 the statue actually walked, the fact that jingxing was singled out as the wondrous act of the monk image hints that this particular practice was perceived as a notable activity of Buddhist practitioners. The story refers to a 5th century image, yet in all likelihood this association remained current in the Early Tang when the text was compiled. A shorter version of this story is also found in Daoxuan’s Shijia fangzhi 釋迦方志 (Record of the Country of Sákya),¯ and it should be noted that the term xingdao is used in the place of jingxing in this text.46 This interchangeability of the terms can be additionally confirmed in Yijing’s discussion on jingxing in the Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan 南海寄歸內法傳 (A Record of Inner Dharma Sent Back from the Southern Seas, 691).47 Considering the usages of xingdao in the foregoing discussion, it seems Yu Xiangdong was correct in asserting that the terms “xing seng” or “xingdao seng” should be translated as “walking monk(s).” This makes sense when we consider how these terms effectively differentiated the new type of monk images from the earlier representations of monks as seated or standing.48 Furthermore, I would argue that the bodily movement exhibited in these images implied more than simple bipedal locomotion, and that its religious connotation was related to the definition of xingdao in a broader sense. The term “xingdao” frequently appears in the accounts of monks’ lives in the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks) and the Xu Gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳 (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks). In some instances the term indicates the ritual of circumambulation, but in others it refers to “practicing the Buddhist Law.”49 In this sense, a depiction of this walking posture can be useful for underlining the monk’s presence in this world and the various religious practices and activities undertaken for the sake of his own and others’ enlightenment. In terms of visual language, whereas a static pose suggests timelessness and transforms the icon’s surroundings into a sacred realm apart from the mundane world, walking locomotion entails the lapse of time and a larger space.50 It facilitates interaction between the icon and the viewer within a similar temporal and spatial milieu. It is uncertain whether the xingdao seng murals included the image of the itinerant monk that we see in the Dunhuang paintings. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that both traditions were part of a broader interest in portraying walking monks that underscores their position and role in the world of sentient beings. While it is difficult to pinpoint a single textual or visual source for the itinerant monk paintings, related motifs found in surviving texts and images allow conjecture about the religious and artistic traditions and practices from which this type of painting was derived. For example, monks’ traveling to different places carrying bookcases on their backs is described in biographical texts as part of their regular life.51 In addition, these sources abound with tales of charismatic monks, some like Qiyu 耆域 and Gunavarman 求那跋摩 of foreign origin, subduing and preaching to tigers and saving people from the harm and troubles caused by these ferocious animals.52 Certain historical figures share important features with the itinerant monks in such paintings. One of them is Li Tongxuan (635–730),

46 (T 2088, 51: 973a15–17; Hida 2014, p. 20). 47 (T 2125, 54: 221b21–c9; Mochizuki 1974, vol. 1, p. 611; Hida 2014, pp. 21–22). For an English translation of the passage, see (Li 2000, pp. 107–8). 48 Of particular interest in this context are the images of 24 Indian patriarchs in Dazushengku Cave at Lingquan Monastery dated to 589, which is related to the patriarchal lineage in the Fu fazing yiyuan zhuan. The monks are depicted in seated poses (Henan Sheng Gudai Jianzhu Baohu Yanjiusuo 1992, pp. 17–18, 294; Young 2015, pp. 96–111). Textual sources on monastic portraits survive in various sources, and whenever mentioned they are mainly found in seated poses. As for the standing poses, we can see numerous examples when monks appear as attendants of a Buddha or bodhisattva. 49 For example, see (T 2060, 50: 546b10–11, 20–21, 575c17–18, 583a10). Monks traveling outside the capital area and participating in various activities in the Northern Dynasties are examined in the following (Liu 1995, pp. 19–47). 50 Wei-cheng Lin explores this issue regarding the Dunhuang murals of the Tang period. Although in different context, Lothar von Falkenhausen’s discussion on the three modes of figure representation is also useful in considering the meanings of figures in action (Lin 2013, pp. 172–78; Falkenhausen 2008, pp. 51–91). 51 For example, the biographies of Fakai in the Liang, Facheng, Jingye; and Sengshi in the Sui; and Daoji in the Tang periods recorded in the Xu gaoseng zhuan all mention of monks traveling with zhi (帙) on their backs. This term refers to a book cover for either a single book or a set (T 2060, 50: 474a8–9, 499c6–8, 517b22–23, 532b16–17). 52 Matsumoto Eiichi mentioned several stories involving monks and a tiger, and particularly noted the story of Qiyu, a monk from the Western Regions (Matsumoto 1937, pp. 519–20; T 2059, 50: 388a17–24). Nakamura Koji¯ explained the tales of monks’ subjugating tigers in the context of Sinicization of Buddhism (Nakamura 1984, pp. 20–22). Religions 2020, 11, 479 14 of 28 whom Wang Huimin proposed as a model for the itinerant monk paintings and Dharmatrata images.53 A descendent of the Tang royal family, Li was praised for his insightful interpretation of the Huayan jing in the context of the Chinese traditional thought found in the Laozi and the Yijing (Book of Changes).54 Textual sources describe Li as wearing hemp clothing and a hat made of cherry bark while carrying a bag of scriptures on his back.55 He was believed to have subjugated tigers, and paintings portraying him or illustrating stories about him were reported to have been created in the Five Dynasties and Song periods. Another notable figure is Senghui 僧會. According to his biography in the Song gaoseng zhuan, Senghui was originally from Sogdia and enlightened the emperor of the Wu Kingdom (222–280) in the Chiwu era (238–251). After passing away in the fourth year of the Tianji era (280), he mysteriously reappeared in the Yonghui era (650–656) and the people of the time called him “youfang seng” 遊方僧 (itinerant monk). He was described as having the stereotypical appearance of a person from the Indic regions with thick eyebrows, a sharp chin, blue eyes, and emaciated body. When he was about to die, he said that he could leave behind his true body, which would bring good fortune to the monastery in which he resided, and passed away in the pose of taking a step forward. When people tried to bury his body, it could not be inclined or moved, so they preserved it as it was. After applying glue and lacquer, they moved it to a scenic spot and built a worship hall where it could be enshrined.56 This story evidently falls within the tradition of the whole-body relics of eminent monks documented in medieval Chinese sources, in which the monks are mainly described as having passed away in a seated pose connected to their devoted practice of meditation. This posture was maintained as their incorruptible bodies were admired as whole-body relics and portraits.57 In Senghui’s case, the walking posture he held in his whole-body relic must have been effective for elucidating and celebrating his career as an itinerant monk. As for relevant visual sources, some images of Buddhapalita¯ included among numerous episodes found in the panoramic view of Mount Wutai on the west wall of Mogao Cave 61 are worth noting. In one of the scenes, this foreign monk who traveled all the way from India to the sacred mountain in China to pay homage to Mañju´sr¯ı encounters the bodhisattva who manifested before him in the transformed body of an old man (Figure9). Buddhap alita¯ is wearing a long tunic and a pair of gaiters while a wide-brimmed hat is hanging on his back.58 The figures of Buddhapalita¯ and the old man with in identical attire and poses can be found in the upper-left part of P. 4049 along with drawings of various images (Figure 10).59 The close relationship between the Buddhapalita¯ images and the itinerant monk paintings can further be found in the sketch of an itinerant monk on the reverse of P. 3075 (Figure 11). The gaiters, hat, and staff of the figure and the lack of a large backpack in P. 3075 are markedly akin to those of Buddhapalita¯ in P. 4049.60

53 (Wang [1995] 2016, pp. 105–15). Although a large portion of textual descriptions of Li Tongxuan’s career and images overlap with the iconographic features of the itinerant monk paintings, some of their important features cannot be explained in relation to Li Tongxuan, such as the foreign look of the primary figure. 54 (Lim 2000, pp. 455–80). 55 It is difficult to determine the materials used for crafting the hats worn by the main figures in the itinerant monk paintings. Soymié explained that the hat is made of bamboo leaves (Soymié 2000, p. 41). 56 (T 2061. 50: 826c10–827a12). The text is also discussed in (Ito¯ 1978, p. 12). 57 (Kobayashi 1954, pp. 14–33; Foulk and Sharf 1993, pp. 163–69; Inamoto 2019, pp. 494–97; Lee 2010, pp. 252–57). 58 Another image of Buddhapalita¯ with similar attire is found in a scene in the mural that illustrates his second encounter with Mañju´sr¯ı (Sun 1999, pp. 202, 234–36). 59 (Soymié 2000, pp. 50–51; Shimono 2017, pp. 88–90). 60 Soymié found the reason for the lack of a backpack to be rooted in the incompleteness of the painting (Soymié 2000, p. 50). However, the rectangular frame for the cartouche located behind the figure leaves no room for a backpack to be inserted. Religions 2020, 11, 479 15 of 28

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Figure 9. Buddhapālita meeting an incarnation of Mañjuśrī, detail of the Panoramic View of Mount Figure 9.9. BuddhapBuddhapalita¯ālitameeting meeting an an incarnation incarnation of Mañju´srof Mañju¯ı,ś detailrī, detail of the of Panoramicthe Panoramic View View of Mount of Mount Wutai Wutai on the west wall of Mogao Cave 61, Mid-10th Century. Reproduced by permission of The Wutaion the weston the wall west of Mogaowall of Cave Mogao 61, Mid-10thCave 61, Century.Mid-10th ReproducedCentury. Reproduced by permission by ofpermission The Commercial of The Commercial Press (Hong Kong) Limited from the publication of Art of Dunhuang Caves 12 (敦煌石窟 CommercialPress (Hong Press Kong) (Hong Limited Kong) from Limited the publication from the publication of Art of Dunhuangof Art of Dunhuang Caves 12 Caves (敦煌 12石 (窟敦煌石窟全集12, 全集 12, ISBN: 9620752732). 全集ISBN:12, 9620752732) ISBN: 9620752732)..

, Figure 10. Mañjuśrī and Four Assistants (detail). Dunhuang, 9th–10th century. Ink on paper, 30.6 × 42.5 Figure 10. 10. MaMañju´srñjuśrī and¯ı and Four Four Assistants Assistants (detail). Dunhuang 9th–10th century. Ink on paper, 30.6 × 42.5 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France (Pelliot(detail). chinois 4049). Dunhuang, 9th–10th century. Ink on paper, cm.30.6 Bibliothèque42.5 cm. Biblioth nationaleèque de nationale France (Pelliot de France chinois (Pelliot 4049). chinois 4049). ×

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Figure 11. Itinerant monk on the reverse of the Lotus Sutra (detail). Dunhuang. Ink on paper, H. 26.1 Figure 11. Itinerantcm. Bibliothèque monk on nationale the reverse de France of (Pelliot the Lotus chinois Sutra 3075). (detail). Dunhuang. Ink on paper, H. 26.1 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France (Pelliot chinois 3075). 4. Function of Clouds 4. Function of CloudsIn addition to the walking posture, the movement of the itinerant monk in the painting is further intimated by the cloud on which the monk is set. The cloud appears only in the paintings rendered In additionon to paper, the walking as the main posture, figure in the the two movement silk paintings in of the the Musée itinerant Guimet monkis presented in thewalking painting is further through a landscape (Figures 2 and 3). Regarding other differences between the paintings on silk and intimated by thethose cloud on paper, on which it has been the suggested monk that is set.the main The figures cloud in the appears silk paintings only appear in the Han paintingsChinese rendered on paper, as the mainwhile figure those on in paper the twoare intended silk paintings to look to be inof foreign the Mus origin.ée61 GuimetIt is difficult is to presented determine the walking through ethnicity of the protagonist in each painting, yet most of the monks featured in the paintings on paper a landscape (Figurescertainly2 andshow3 notably). Regarding long and crooked other noses. di ff Forerences Victor Mair, between their foreign the paintingsappearance was on silk and those on paper, it has beenproblematic suggested as it would that mean the that mainthe sūtras figures they arein carrying the silkshould paintings be in the form appear of flat leaves Han Chinese while (pattra) as commonly employed in India rather than the traditional61 Chinese scroll format actually those on paper aredepicted intended in the paintings. to look This to was be one of foreignof the main origin. reasons he concludedIt is diffi thatcult the main to determine figure was a the ethnicity of the protagonist inbianwen each performer. painting,62 Intriguing yet most as this ofmay the be, Mair’s monks argument featured is not entirely in the convincing paintings due to onthe paper certainly inability to explain the purpose and function of drawing such a bianwen performer. I am thus more show notably longinclined and to support crooked Michel noses. Soymié’s For opinion Victor that the Mair, inconsistency their indicates foreign that appearance these paintings are was problematic as it would meannot based that on the a realistic sutras¯ description they are of a partic carryingular figure, should but are instead be in largely the formfabricated. of63flat This leavesis (pattra) as particularly true in the case of the paintings on paper, and the clouds transporting the figures further commonly employedunderline in the India representational rather nature than of the the paintings. traditional Chinese scroll format actually depicted in the paintings. ThisA was cloud onemotif ofsymbolizes the main auspiciousness reasons and he otherworldliness, concluded and that has been the broadly main adopted figure was a bianwen performer.62 Intriguingin Chinese asart thissince maythe Han be, Dynasty Mair’s (206 argument BCE–220 CE). is According not entirely to Hida convincing Romi, clouds duefirst to the inability appeared in Buddhist art in the late fifth century as ethereal, qi-like waves around flying deities and to explain the purposebegan to serve and as function the vehicles of of drawingheavenly beings such during a bianwen the Northernperformer. Qi period (550–577). I am thus In the more inclined to support Michel Soymié’s opinion that the inconsistency indicates that these paintings are not based on 63 a realistic description61 (Mair 1986, of a pp. particular 29–30; Soymié 2000, figure, p. 51). but are instead largely fabricated. This is particularly 62 (Mair 1986, pp. 30–31). true in the case of63 the (Soymié paintings 2000, p. 52). on paper, and the clouds transporting the figures further underline the representational nature of the paintings. A cloud motif symbolizes auspiciousness and otherworldliness, and has been broadly adopted in Chinese art since the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE). According to Hida Romi, clouds first appeared in Buddhist art in the late fifth century as ethereal, qi-like waves around flying deities and began to serve as the vehicles of heavenly beings during the Northern Qi period (550–577). In the Tang era, clouds took on a fuller and more material form corresponding to the stylistic changes in the figural depiction of Buddhist deities. Moreover, the clouds in Tang bianxiang were not for the simple illustration of texts, but were imagery with its own logic and inspired literary compositions in subsequent periods.64

61 (Mair 1986, pp. 29–30; Soymié 2000, p. 51). 62 (Mair 1986, pp. 30–31). 63 (Soymié 2000, p. 52). 64 Similar observations were made in the previous studies of bianxiang and bianwen dealing with the themes of “Subjugation of Demons” and Vimalak¯ıtri Sutra¯ (Akiyama 1956, pp. 43–77; Fujieda 1958, pp. 87–95; Wu 1992, pp. 138–92). Religions 2020, 11, 479 17 of 28

For example, clouds appear abundantly in the Vimalak¯ırti and Amitabha¯ bianxiang of the 7th and 8th century and serve to convey a sense of movement and the flow of time, even though no textual counterparts are found in the Vimalak¯ırti or Amitabha¯ sutras.65 Unlike these sutras,¯ later literature such as the Weimojing jiangjingwen 維摩經講經文 (Vimalak¯ırti Sutra¯ Lecture Text) and the Foshuo Amituo jiangjingwen 佛說阿彌陀講經文 (Amitabha¯ Sutra¯ Lecture Text) dating to the 9th century include detailed accounts on clouds, which were most likely influenced by cloud imagery in paintings.66 Phillip Bloom’s discussion of clouds is also worth consideration in the present context. In tracing the origin of the clouds prevalent in Water and Land Rituals Paintings of the Song period, he pointed out the emergence of independent, self-sufficient cloud-borne deities among Dunhuang banners from the 9th to 10th century. The examples he listed are Vai´sravan. a and Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva housed in the British Museum, Guanyin attended by Two Donors in the Harvard Art Museums, and Itinerant Monk (MG. 17683) in Musée Guimet (Figures 12–14). Bloom further explained that these icons were completely divorced from the spatial and narrative concerns that often dominated the decorative schemes of cave-shrines and emerged as autonomous objects of devotion. Describing the new tendencies observed in textual and visual materials of Dunhuang as a “liturgical turn,” Bloom addressed how their emergence could be related to the development of the Water and Land Ritual.67

Figure 12. Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva . Dunhuang, 9th century. Ink and colors on silk, 80.5 53.8 cm. × The British Museum (1919,0101,0.47)Figure 12 © The Trustees of the British Museum.

65 The function of clouds in the Tang Buddhist paintings of Dunhuang is also discussed in (Lin 2013, pp. 172–78). 66 (Hida 1999, pp. 123–37; Hida 2011, pp. 439–69). Hida’s works are explained in detail in Bloom’s dissertation. Especially see (Bloom 2013, pp. 283–96). 67 (Bloom 2013, pp. 310–17, 328–31).

3 Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 19 of 29 Religions 2020, 11, 479 18 of 28 Figure 12. Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva. Dunhuang, 9th century. Ink and colors on silk, 80.5 × 53.8 cm. The British Museum (1919,0101,0.47) © The Trustees of the British Museum.

Figure 13. Guanyin attended by Two Donors. Dunhuang, c. 9th century. Banner; ink and color on silk, Figure 13. Guanyin attended by Two Donors. Dunhuang, c. 9th century. Banner; ink and color on silk, 95.3 × 61.8 cm. Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Second Fogg Expedition to China 95.3 61.8 cm. Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Second Fogg Expedition to China × Fund (1925,12). Photo © President and Fellows of Harvard College. FundReligions (1925,12). 2020, 11 Photo, x FOR PEER© President REVIEW and Fellows of Harvard College. 20 of 29

Figure 14. Vaiśravaṇa. Dunhuang, 9th century. Ink and colors on silk, 37.6 × 26.6 cm. The British Figure 14. Vai´sravana. Dunhuang, 9th century. Ink and colors on silk, 37.6 26.6 cm. The British Museum (1919,0101,0.45). © The Trustees of the British Museum. × Museum (1919,0101,0.45) © The Trustees of the British Museum. As Bloom himself acknowledged, any correlation between the paintings and the early stages of the Water and Land Ritual remains largely speculative, but it is worth noting that the itinerant monk paintings were part of a new trend in 9th and 10th century Dunhuang. The clouds that Bloom mentioned, whose dark red color represents an auspicious purple cloud, extend along the bottom and lateral edges of the compositions.68 While their formal and stylistic features are similar, the icon’s movement traced by the trails of the clouds in each painting slightly differs. In Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva, the cloud trail shows Avalokiteśvara’s transportation from the upper-right corner to the foreground (Figure 12).69 Along with the soul of the deceased woman toward whom he turns, the bodhisattva will travel further to a Pure Land indicated by the small architectural complex hovering in the upper-left corner of the painting. In Guanyin attended by Two Donors, the bodhisattva descends from the upper-right corner to the foreground and halts there as he gazes straight ahead toward the viewer (Figure 13). In Vaiśravaṇa, the Heavenly King’s cloud displays the longest trajectory as he appears in the upper-right, proceeds to the upper-left, descends along the left edge, and eventually arrives in the foreground (Figure 14). Unlike the bodhisattva in Guanyin attended by Two Donors, however, his movement does not end in the foreground and he continues towards the right. Unlike the deity in Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva, no allusion is made regarding his final destination. In terms of the icon’s movement and relationship with the figure within the painting and spectator outside it,

68 For the significance of the purple-colored cloud motif, see (Nagata 2009, pp. 740–43; Nagata 2010, pp. 833– 36; Bloom 2013, pp. 293–94). 69 At the foot of the cartouche are preserved three characters “Yin lu pu,” which seem to have been intended to refer to the bodhisattva as “Yinlu pusa” (Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva) (Whitfield 1982, p. 302).

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As Bloom himself acknowledged, any correlation between the paintings and the early stages of the Water and Land Ritual remains largely speculative, but it is worth noting that the itinerant monk paintings were part of a new trend in 9th and 10th century Dunhuang. The clouds that Bloom mentioned, whose dark red color represents an auspicious purple cloud, extend along the bottom and lateral edges of the compositions.68 While their formal and stylistic features are similar, the icon’s movement traced by the trails of the clouds in each painting slightly differs. In Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva, the cloud trail shows Avalokite´svara’stransportation from the upper-right corner to the foreground (Figure 12).69 Along with the soul of the deceased woman toward whom he turns, the bodhisattva will travel further to a Pure Land indicated by the small architectural complex hovering in the upper-left corner of the painting. In Guanyin attended by Two Donors, the bodhisattva descends from the upper-right corner to the foreground and halts there as he gazes straight ahead toward the viewer (Figure 13). In Vai´sravan. a, the Heavenly King’s cloud displays the longest trajectory as he appears in the upper-right, proceeds to the upper-left, descends along the left edge, and eventually arrives in the foreground (Figure 14). Unlike the bodhisattva in Guanyin attended by Two Donors, however, his movement does not end in the foreground and he continues towards the right. Unlike the deity in Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva, no allusion is made regarding his final destination. In terms of the icon’s movement and relationship with the figure within the painting and spectator outside it, the itinerant monk paintings are closest to Vai´sravan. a. The cloud trail demonstrates that the monks first appear either Figure in7. Itinerant the upper-right Monk. Dunhuang, or -left side 10th of century. the painting, Ink and move colors downon paper, along 51.8 one × 29. side, 3 cm. and Inv. reach No. the foreground. Dh-320.Without The State interacting Hermitage Museum, with any St. others Petersbu withinrg. Photograph or outside © the The painting, State Hermitage he is engaging Museum, in a journey the Photo bydestination Leonard Kheifets. of which remains unknown. Matsumoto Eiichi regarded Vai´sravan. a and two other Dunhuang paintings in the British Museum 3. Monks in Perambulation and the Musée Guimet as examples of Xingdao Tianwang tu 行道天王圖, which Roderick Whitfield Whereaptlyas most translated of the icons as “The from Heavenly the pre-Song King onperiod the March.” present70 theAlthough divine onebeings of thein static paintings poses in the British either seatedMuseum or standing, is dated the later main and figure shows of aitinerant slightly monk different paintings iconography strikes with a walking Vai´srava pose.n. a riding And on a horse, 71 this distinctivethe threecharacteristic paintings has all led feature scholars Vai´srava to considern. a crossing its relation a body ofwith water the withmurals his referred attendants to as (Figure 15). xingdao sengThis or xing theme seng appears in thein Tang several monasteries texts, including documented the Zhenguan in the Lidai gongsi minghua huashi 貞ji 觀歷代名畫記公私史 (Record of (Records ofPaintings Famous Paintings in Public of and Successive Private CollectionsDynasties, comp. in the 846),Zhenguan the TangchaoEra, 639), minghua the Yizhou lu 唐朝名 minghua lu, and 畫錄 (Recordsthe ofXuanhe Famous huapu Paintings宣和 of譜 th(Xuanhee Tang Dynasty, Catalogue 9th of century), Paintings, and 1120), the Yizhou and canminghua be traced lu 益 back to the 州名畫錄 (Recordtime of of Zhang Famous Sengyao Painting張僧s of繇 Yizhou,during 11th the Liang century). period35 The (502–557). earliest example It continued dates to to be the employed in Zhenguan erasubsequent (627–649), periods but most by of painters them were such cr aseated Yan Liben in the閻 High立本 Tang, Wu (713–765) Daoyuan 吳and道元Middle(or Daozi), Tang Fan Qiong (766–835) periods.范瓊, Sun36 Ten Wei monasteries孫位 of the Tang with era, murals, Yan Yun recorded燕筠 and in the Li Sheng sources李昇 mentionedduring the above, Five Dynastieswere Period, located in Chang’an,and Sun ZhiweiLuoyang孫洛陽知微, ofZhexi the Northern浙西, and SongChengdu Dynasty. 成都72. TheyMatsumoto includedfurther some of relates the most that the titles prestigious documentedsites of their intime the Xuanheand were huapu associated, such as with “Youxing imperial Tianwang patronage tu” 遊and行天prominent王圖, “Guohai monks Tianwang tu” such as Jianfu過海 Monastery天王圖, and 薦福寺 “Duhai, Cien Tianwang Monastery tu” 渡海慈恩寺天王圖, ,and all ofJing’ai which Monastery imply the Heavenly敬愛寺.37 King’sThe travel or murals mainlycrossing consist an of ocean multiple and figures were created of monks between painted the along Tang corridors and the Northernor a series Song of walls. periods, Given had features this, it is fairsimilar to say tothat “Heavenly it was a primary King on subject the March.” matter73 for the monastery mural paintings of the Tang period. Xie Jisheng held that paintings of “qujing gaoseng” 取經高僧 (eminent monk retrieving sūtras) grew popular68 Forwith the the significance expanding of the purple-coloredreputation of cloud Xuanzang motif, see (Nagataafter the 2009 ,Zhenguan pp. 740–43; Nagata era and 2010 that, pp. 833–36;this Bloom 2013, iconography evolvedpp. 293–94). into a type of painting designated as xing seng or xingjiao seng. He also noted 69 At the foot of the cartouche are preserved three characters “Yin lu pu,” which seem to have been intended to refer to the that the locationsbodhisattva of itinerant as “Yinlu monk pusa” images (Soul-Guiding in the Bodhisattva)passageways (Whitfield of Mogao 1982, p.Caves 302). 45, 306, 308, and 363 70 (Matsumoto 1937, pp. 463–65; Whitfield 1982, p. 314). For the painting in the Musée Guimet, also see (Nicolas-Vandier 1974–1976, p. 192). 35 71 (Zhongguo shuhuaThe iconography yanjiu ziliao of Vai´srava shi 1983,n. a riding vol. on1, pp. a horse 42, can43, be46, found 50, 54–55, in the murals57; vol. of 3, Bezeklik pp. 1383, Caves 1386–87, 15 and 391396, (Grünwedel 1912, 1405). pp. 238–40, 282–83; Le Coq 1913, Tafel 31; Matsumoto 1937, pp. 470–72). 72 (Lu 1993, vol. 1, 173; vol. 2, pp. 66, 70, 72). 36 王定吳道子 The earliest73 exampleThe painters was mentioned executed inby this Wang context Ding are Yan Lide. The閻 other立, Zhao painters Deqi 趙 mentioned德齊, Li Sheng, are Wu Sun Daozi Zhiwei, Wu Zongyuan, 武宗元, Zhou Fang 周昉and Shi, Han Ge 石 Gan恪 (Lu 韓幹 1993, ,Zhao vol. 2, Wutan pp. 64, 67,趙武壇 69–71,, 75,Liu 81). Xingchen 劉行臣, Lu Yao 陸曜, Lu Lengqie 廬楞伽, Zuo Quan 左全, Li Guonu 李果奴, Wang Shaoying 王韶應, Dong Chong 董忠 (Sirén 1956, pp. 14– 23; Nagahiro 1977, vol. 1, p. 221; Yu 2011, p. 103). 37 For more on major monasteries in the Tang era, see (Ho 2004, pp. 35–57; Wang 2010, pp. 65–106). Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 21 of 29 the itinerant monk paintings are closest to Vaiśravaṇa. The cloud trail demonstrates that the monks first appear either in the upper-right or -left side of the painting, move down along one side, and reach the foreground. Without interacting with any others within or outside the painting, he is engaging in a journey the destination of which remains unknown. Matsumoto Eiichi regarded Vaiśravaṇa and two other Dunhuang paintings in the British Museum and the Musée Guimet as examples of Xingdao Tianwang tu 行道天王圖, which Roderick Whitfield aptly translated as “The Heavenly King on the March.”70 Although one of the paintings in the British Museum is dated later and shows a slightly different iconography with Vaiśravaṇa riding on a horse, the three paintings all feature Vaiśravaṇa crossing a body of water with his attendants (Figure 15).71 This theme appears in several texts, including the Zhenguan gongsi huashi 貞觀公私畫史 (Record of Paintings in Public and Private Collections in the Zhenguan Era, 639), the Yizhou minghua lu, and the Xuanhe huapu 宣和畫譜 (Xuanhe Catalogue of Paintings, 1120), and can be traced back to the time of Zhang Sengyao 張僧繇 during the Liang period (502–557). It continued to be employed in subsequent periods by painters such as Yan Liben 閻立本, Wu Daoyuan 吳道元 (or Daozi), Fan Qiong 范瓊, Sun Wei 孫位 of the Tang era, Yan Yun 燕筠 and Li Sheng 李昇 during the Five Dynasties Period, and Sun Zhiwei 孫知微 of the Northern Song Dynasty.72 Matsumoto further relates that the titles documented in the Xuanhe huapu, such as “Youxing Tianwang tu” 遊行天王圖, “Guohai Tianwang tu” 過海天王圖, and “Duhai Tianwang tu” 渡海天王圖, all of which Religionsimply the2020 Heavenly, 11, 479 King’s travel or crossing an ocean and were created between the Tang and20of the 28 Northern Song periods, had features similar to “Heavenly King on the March.”73

Figure 15. VaiVai´sravaśravaṇna. Dunhuang, mid-10thmid-10th century.century. Ink Ink and and colors colors on on silk, silk, 61.8 61.8 × 57.457.4 cm.cm. The British . × Museum (1919,0101,0.26) © The Trus Trusteestees of the British Museum.

For the scriptural basis of the three surviving paintings, Matsumoto mentioned the chapters on Four70 (Matsumoto Heavenly 1937, Kings pp. in 463–65; the Zhang Whitfield Ahan 1982, jing p.長阿 314).含 For經 th(Longe painting Discourses), in the Musée the GuDaloutanimet, also jing see大 (Nicolas-樓炭經 (Sutra¯ Vandier of Great 1974–1976, Conflagration), p. 192). the Qishi jing 起世經 (Sutra¯ on the Arising of the Worlds), and the Qishi yinben71 Thejing iconography起世因本 of經 Vai(Sutra¯śrava onṇ a theriding Primary on a horse Causes can of be the found Arising in the of murals the Worlds). of Bezeklik74 He Caves tookparticular 15 and 39 notice(Grünwedel of the account 1912, pp. in 238–40, the Qishi 282–83; jing Leof Coq Vai´srava 1913, Tafeln. a with 31; Matsumoto five great yak1937,s.as pp.roaming 470–72). in a park with a pond72 (Lu near 1993, his vol. abode 1, 173; in vol. the 2, threepp. 66, cities 70, 72). on the northern slope of Mt. Sumeru. He considered that the 73 paintings The painters illustrated mentioned the scenein thisin context which are Vai´srava Yan Liden. a閻立 leaves徳, Zhao his cities Deqi and趙德齊 roams, Li Sheng, about Sun the Zhiwei, park with Wu hisZongyuan entourage. 武宗元75 , and Shi Ge 石恪 (Lu 1993, vol. 2, pp. 64, 67, 69–71, 75, 81). However, a more careful reading of the sutras¯ reveals that the divine beings are largely engaged in leisure as they wander about the park. Furthermore, according to some texts, they are bathing in the pond. As for the place where Vai´sravan. a and his entourage meander, which is referred to as a park or fortress, it appears palatial with seven-fold walls, balustrades, nets, and rows of trees made of seven jewels. The pond in particular recalls those in Pure Lands, lavishly decorated like the park with seven-fold walls, balustrades, nets, and rows of trees made of jewels. From its pure water grow lotus flowers in various colors that radiate light.76 The sentiment that the scriptural descriptions generate is quite different from the impression one gets from the paintings. In the case of the earlier piece in the British Museum, Vai´sravan. a and his attendants appear engaged in something far from relaxing or enjoying leisure time, and instead seem to be embarking on the missions assigned to each of them (Figure 16). The Heavenly King displays a lengthy spear and a pagoda at his either side, a fully armored yaks.a in the front row with wide-open eyes and mouth is posed in an intimidating stance, a deity at the left end holding a bow and arrow is about to shoot a mystical bird out of the sky, and

74 (Matsumoto 1937, pp. 466–69; T 1, 1: 130b1–131a2; T 23, 1: 293b12–294a21; T 24, 1: 339c15–341a5; T 25, 1: 394c15–396a6). 75 (T 24, 1: 339c15–341a5). 76 (T 1, 1: 130b21–27; T 23, 1: 293c27–294a3; T 24, 1: 340a20–b3; T 25, 1: 395a19–b3). Religions 2020, 11, 479 21 of 28 another yaks.a in the rear is carrying a large banner flapping in the wind. Additionally, the large body of water that the deities are crossing is without any railings or flowers and is filled with a constant stream of waves while a series of mountain peaks is lined along the horizon. Rather than the artificially made and decorated pond illustrated in the sutras,¯ it seems more to be a part of nature. Given this, I believe the painting depicts the Heavenly King and his entourage leaving his abode in Mt. Sumeru and heading towards the wider world.77 Another painting in the British Museum with abundant intriguing details that call for further examination conveys a similar ambiance (Figure 15). Vai´sravan. a riding on a horse is surrounded by armored yaks.as with fearsome faces and weapons, and the sense of agitation that the scene produces must have contributed to Arthur Waley’s proposal that the painting illustrated the story of Vai´sravan. a’s rescue of Anxi Fortress in 742 as recounted in the Pishamen yigui 毘沙門儀軌 (Ritual for Vai´sravan. a). Waley further pointed out that Vai´sravan. a is presenting the vitarka mudra¯ with his right hand and translated the inscription in the upper-right part of the composition as “The devaraja¯ on his way across the waters, preaching. Offered with whole heart by the donor Xu [Han]-rong (水路天王行道時施主徐[漢?]榮一心供養).”78 Although Waley asserted that the “xingdao” in the inscription corresponds to “preaching,” I would suggest that the word should be examined in relation to the definitions articulated in the foregoing discussion. What is notable in this context is that Vai´sravan. a is striking a walking posture in the two paintings, including the earliest surviving example in the British Museum. As it would not make sense to be walking while riding a cloud, I suspect that the cloud vehicle is a later addition. Whichever is the case, Vai´sravan. a’s waking posture and horseback riding in the case of the later painting accord with the meaning of the “xingdao” as “walking” or “on the march” as in Whitfield’s translation. As for its religious meaning, it seems related to the broadest definition of “practicing the Dharma” since it is unlikely that the Heavenly King was practicing circumambulation or jingxing. In other words, it would indicate Vai´sravan. a’s carrying out his mission in this world. The cloud vehicle is a visual device employed to emphasize his far-flung and speedy journey to protect and save additional sentient beings in this world. I believe that the clouds supporting the itinerant monks who are walking and riding clouds at the same time just like the Heavenly King were added for the same reason as in the Vai´sravan. a paintings: to illustrate the monk’s extensive travels in this world. One of the itinerant monk paintings in the Bibliothèque nationale de France demonstrates a further association between the itinerant monk paintings and Vai´sravan. a paintings (Figure 16). Below the cloud-borne monk is represented a body of water with streaming waves, which is comparable to the composition in the aforementioned Vai´sravan. a paintings. It is highly likely that this feature in this itinerant monk painting was adopted from the Vai´sravan. a paintings.

77 For the shape and surroundings of Mt. Sumeru, see (Sadakata 1997, pp. 26–30). 78 (Waley 1931, pp. 41–42; T 1249, 21: 228b1–c16). Religions 2020, 11, 479 22 of 28

Figure 16. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 71.0 29.0 cm. Bibliothèque × nationale de France (Pellio chinois 4074).

5. Conclusions This essay reexamined the iconography of the itinerant monk paintings from Dunhuang focusing on the issues surrounding Baosheng Buddha and the main figure’s walking posture and cloud vehicle. Whereas previous studies have tended to regard these itinerant monk paintings as a group and explain them in relation to a particular figure or visual tradition validated by relatively rich textual sources, a closer observation of the individual paintings reveals intriguing clues that improve the understanding of their religious and artistic implications. Regarding the issue of the identity of Baosheng Buddha, the two cartouche spaces in the Guimet painting (EO.1138) demonstrate that the small Buddha and the monk figure in the paintings were regarded as separate beings and that both of their names were given in the composition. Another Guimet piece (EO.1141) and the murals in Mogao Cave 45 point toward the possibility that the monk was identified as Baosheng Buddha, the deity that he venerated and whose name he recited. The worship of Baosheng Buddha presumably developed in relation to funerary and incantation practices attested in the inscription in the Guimet painting (EO. 1141) and the story of Muru. However, as the inscriptions in Mogao Cave 45 suggest, a new emphasis was given in the later period to his role of traveling in the world and leading sentient beings to enlightenment, Religions 2020, 11, 479 23 of 28 something which accorded well with the appearance of the itinerant monk figure. If this supposition is valid, it provides an interesting case in which the role and power of a deity is transformed and adjusted according to its appearance in its images. The main figure’s walking posture was considered in relation to various textual and artistic sources. Of particular interest was its relationship with the murals referred to as “xingdao seng” or “xing seng,” a term which can be translated as “walking monk(s).” Its meaning in a religious context can be understood as first, monks practicing circumambulation; second, cankrama˙ or jingxing; and third, the carrying out of Buddhist teachings. While it is difficult to establish a direct link between the traditions of xingdao seng murals and itinerant monk paintings, they are both part of the growing interest in the Tang period portrayal of monks in perambulation to underscore their position and role in the world of sentient beings. Furthermore, several features of the itinerant monk paintings, such as a monk traveling with bookcases and subduing a tiger and his typical attire, including gaiters and a wide-brimmed hat, were discussed through various textual and visual materials. The cloud vehicle of the main figure was examined in relation to the emergence of independent cloud-borne deities in the 9th and 10th century Dunhuang banners. In terms of the main icon’s movement and relationship with the figure(s) within the painting and viewer outside it, itinerant monk paintings are closest to the painting of Vai´sravan. a in the British Museum (1919,0101,0.45). This British Museum example and two other paintings from Dunhuang have been regarded as “Xingdao Tianwang tu” (Painting of Heavenly King in March). Contradicting the previous interpretation that Vai´sravan. a is roaming in the park near his cities on Mount Sumeru, I maintain that Vai´sravan. a and his entourage are being depicted embarking on their mission to protect the sentient beings of the world. The clouds in this context play a critical role in underlining their extensive and rapid travel to facilitate their encounters with and saving of a great number of sentient beings. The cloud vehicle employed in the itinerant monk paintings serves the same function of accentuating the main icon’s fleet travel to faraway places.

Funding: This research received no external funding. Acknowledgments: This is an extensively revised version of an earlier paper by the author published in 2018 [Posong˘ yorae,˘ haengdosong,˘ kurum:˘ Tonhwang changrae haenggaksongdo˘ tasi yilkki (Ð5px#A, '¸5px, ½ᅮ 2£§–7HS! ᆼ©A 'yᆨ5px¸다rᅵ 9{lᅵ), Misul Charyo (pᅵÕüt자«Ñ) 96: 117–46.] I would like to thank Seunghye Lee, Yoonah Hwang, and Sun-ah Choi for their insights and thoughtful suggestions. I am also grateful to Juhyung Rhi for his generous help with my research. Any errors in this document are my own. Conﬂicts of Interest: The author declares no conﬂict of interest.

Abbreviations T Takakusu Junjiro¯ 高楠順次郎 and Watanabe Kaikyoku 渡邊海旭 et al. Ed. 1924–1935. Taisho¯ shinshu¯ dai zoky¯ o¯ 大正新修大藏經. Tokyo: Taisho¯ issaikyo¯ kankokai.¯

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Figure 7. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 51.8 × 29. 3 cm. Inv. No. Dh-320. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photograph © The State Hermitage Museum, Photo by Leonard Kheifets. Religions 2020, 11, 479 24 of 28 3. Monks in Perambulation

Whereas most of the icons from the pre-Song period present the divineGaoseng beings zhuan in 高static僧傳 ,poses T 50, no. 2059. either seated or standing, the main figure of itinerant monk paintings strikesJi Shenzhou a walking Sanbao pose. gantong And lu 集神州三寶感通錄, T 52, no. 2106. this distinctive characteristic has led scholars to consider its relation with theJinguangming murals referred jing 金光 to明經as, T 16, no. 663. xingdao seng or xing seng in the Tang monasteries documented in the LidaiLidai minghua minghua ji ji歷代名畫記歷代名記 (Records of Famous Paintings of Successive Dynasties, comp. 846), the TangchaoMingseng minghua zhuan chaolu 唐朝名名僧傳抄畫錄 (Records of Famous Paintings of the Tang Dynasty, 9th century), and Nanhaithe Yizhou jigui neifaminghua zhuan lu南益海寄歸內法傳, T 54, no. 2125. 州名畫錄 (Record of Famous Paintings of Yizhou, 11th century).35 The earliestQishi example jing 起世經dates, T 1, to no. the 24. Zhenguan era (627–649), but most of them were created in the High Tang (713–765)Qishi yinben and jing Middle起世因 Tang本經 , T 1, no. 25. 僧伽和尙浴入涅槃說六度經 (766–835) periods.36 Ten monasteries with murals, recorded in the sourcesSengqie mentioned Heshang above, yu ru niepanwere shuo liudu jing , T 85, no. 2920. 神僧傳 located in Chang’an, Luoyang 洛陽, Zhexi 浙西, and Chengdu 成都. They includedShenseng some zhuan of the most, T 50, no. 3064. Shijia fangzhi 釋迦方志 prestigious sites of their time and were associated with imperial patronage and prominent monks, T 51, no. 2088. Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳, T 51, no. 2061. such as Jianfu Monastery 薦福寺, Cien Monastery 慈恩寺, and Jing’ai Monastery 敬愛寺.37 The Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名錄 murals mainly consist of multiple figures of monks painted along corridors or a series of walls. Given Xu gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳, T 50, no. 2060. this, it is fair to say that it was a primary subject matter for the monastery mural paintings of the Tang Xuanhe huapu 宣和譜 period. Yizhou minghua lu 益州名錄 Xie Jisheng held that paintings of “qujing gaoseng” 取經高僧 (eminent monk retrieving sūtras) Yuqie jiyao jiu Anan tuoluoni yankou guiyi jing 瑜伽集要救阿難陀罹尼焰口軌儀經, T 21, no. 1318. grew popular with the expanding reputation of Xuanzang after the ZhenguanYuqie jiyao era yankou and shishithat this yi 瑜伽集要焰口施食儀, T 21, no. 1320. iconography evolved into a type of painting designated as xing seng or xingjiaoZhang seng Ahan. He jing also長阿含noted經, T 1, no. 1. that the locations of itinerant monk images in the passageways of Mogao CavesZhenguan 45, 306, gongsi 308, huashi and貞 363觀公私史

35 (Zhongguo shuhua yanjiu ziliao shi 1983, vol. 1, pp. 42, 43, 46, 50, 54–55, 57; vol.Secondary 3, pp. 1383, Sources1386–87, 1396, 1405). Agnew, Neville, Marcia Reed, and Tevvy Ball, eds. 2016. Cave Temples of Dunhuang: Buddhist Art on China’s Silk 36 王定吳道子 The earliest example was executed by Wang Ding . The other painters mentioned Roadare Wu. Los Daozi Angeles: The, Getty Conservation Institute. 周昉韓幹趙武壇劉行臣陸曜 Zhou Fang , Han Gan , Zhao Wutan , Liu Xingchen ,Akiyama, Lu Yao Terukazu, Lu Lengqie (秋山光和). 1956. Tonko¯ bon goma¯ hen (Rotakusha¯ tosei¯ hen) gakan ni tsuite [敦煌本降魔廬楞伽, Zuo Quan 左全, Li Guonu 李果奴, Wang Shaoying 王韶應, Dong Chong 董忠變 ( (Sirén勞度差 1956,鬪聖變 pp.) 14–卷について]. Bijutsu Kenkyu¯ (美術硏究) 187: 43–77. 23; Nagahiro 1977, vol. 1, p. 221; Yu 2011, p. 103). Akiyama, Terukazu (秋山光和). 1965. Tonkoga¯ “Tora o tsureta angyaso”¯ o meguru kosatsu:¯ Perio shorai¯ kinue ni 37 For more on major monasteries in the Tang era, see (Ho 2004, pp. 35–57; Wang 2010, pp.irei 65–106). no shokai¯ o chushinni¯ (敦煌「虎をつれた行脚僧」をめぐる考察–ペリオ將來絹繪二遺例の紹介を中心に–). Bijutsu kenkyu¯ (美術硏究) 238: 163–83. Bloom, Phillip Emmanuel. 2013. Descent of the Deities: The Water-Land Retreat and the Transformation of the Visual Culture of Song-Dynasty (960–1279) Buddhism. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA. Brown, Robert L. 1990. God on Earth: The Walking Buddha in the Art of South and Southeast Asia. Artibus Asiae 40: 73–107. [CrossRef] Dainobu, Yuji (臺信祐爾). 2002. Otani¯ Kozui¯ to saiiki bijutsu (大谷光瑞と西域美術). Nihon no bijutsu 日本の美術. Tokyo: Shibundo,¯ vol. 434. Dalby, Michael T. 1979. Court politics in late T’ang times. In The Cambridge History of China. Edited by Denis Twitchett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, vol. 3, part I. pp. 561–681. Demiéville, Paul. 1978. Appendice sur 《Damouduoluo (Dharmatra|ta|》. In Peintures Monochromes de Dunhuang. Fascicule I. Paris: École Française d’Extrême-Orient, pp. 43–49. Eluosi guoli aiertashi bowuguan (俄罹斯國立艾爾米塔什博物館). 2000. Ezang Dunhuang yishupin (俄藏敦煌藝術品). Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe, vol. 2. Falkenhausen, Lothar von. 2008. Action and Image in Early Chinese Art. Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 17: 51–91. [CrossRef] Feltham, Heleanor. 2012. Encounter with a Tiger Traveling West. Sino-Platonic Papers 231: 1–29. Foulk, T. Griﬃth, and Robert H. Sharf. 1993. On the Ritual Use of Ch’an Portraiture in Medieval China. Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 7: 149–219. [CrossRef] Fujieda, Akira (藤枝晃). 1958. Yuimahen no ichibamen: Henso¯ to henbun no kankei (維摩變の一場面–變相と變文の關係). Bukkyo¯ Geijutsu (佛敎藝術) 34: 87–95. Giès, Jacques, Michel Soymié, Jean-Pierre Drège, Danielle Eliasberg, and Richard Schneider. 1995. Les arts de l’Asie centrale: La collection Paul Pelliot du musée nationaux des arts asiatiques-Guimet. Paris: Réunion des Musées Nationaux, vol. 2. Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 29

Figure 1. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 49.8 × 28.6 cm. National Museum of Korea.

A total of twelve paintings originating in Dunhuang and featuring similar iconography rendered on either silk or paper can be found in institutions around the world, which include the National Museum of Korea, the Tenri Library, the British Museum, the Musée Guimet, the Bibliothèque nationale de France, and the State Hermitage Museum.1 The two paintings in the Musée Guimet differ from the others in terms of medium and stylistic features: they are painted in refined brushwork on silks while the other ten show considerably simplified brushwork on paper. Most of the paintings have rectangular space(s) for a cartouche, and the appellation reading “Baosheng rulai” 寶勝如來 Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW (The Buddha Precious Victory)26 ofare 29 preserved on five paintings. Besides these paintings in portable formats, comparable iconography can be found in murals in Mogao Cave 45 from the Five (Giès et al. 1995) Giès, Jacques, Michel Soymié, Jean-Pierre Drège,Dynasties Danielle Period Eliasberg, (907–960) and and Richard Mogao Schneider. Caves 306, 308, and 363 from the Xixia period (1032–1227) in 1995. Les arts de l’Asie centrale: La collection Paul Pelliot duDunhuang. musée nationaux2 des arts asiatiques-Guimet. Paris: Religions 2020, 11, 479 25 of 28 Réunion des Musées Nationaux, vol. 2. In previous scholarship, this group of paintings was often referred to as “itinerant monk (Grünwedel 1912) Grünwedel, Albert. 1912. Altbuddhistischepaintings” Kultstätten or in“xingjiaoseng Chinesisch-Turkistan tu” 行脚僧圖. Berlin:.3 DeWhile a fair amount of attention has been paid to these Gruyter. Grünwedel, Albert. 1912. Altbuddhistische Kultstättenpieces, in no Chinesisch-Turkistan consensus exists. Berlin: regarding De Gruyter. whom the main figure represents. While few currently (Hara 2011) Hara,Hara, Eriko Eriko (原瑛莉子 (原瑛莉).子 2011.). 2011. Shaka Shaka Jūroku Juroku¯ Zenshin Zenshinsupport ni miru ni its miru Genj earlier Genjōzō oz¯no identificationso¯ hensen no hensen (釋迦十六善神にみ (釋迦 as十六 Xua善nzang神にみる玄玄奘像(602?–664), inarguably the most famous る玄奘像の變遷の).變 In遷 Tenjiku:). In Tenjiku: Sanjō SanjHōshio¯ Hsanmanoshi¯ sanman kiro nopilgrim kiro tabi no (天竺 tabi monk(–天三藏法師竺 from–三藏法3 the師萬キロの旅 3 Tang萬キロの period).旅 Nara:). Nara: (618–907), Nara Nara Kokuritsu or Dharmatrāta, one of the Eighteen Arhats in Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan,Hakubutsukan, pp. pp.216–19. 216–19. Tibetan Buddhism (Henan Sheng HenanGudai ShengJianzhu Gudai Baohu Jianzhu Yanjiusuo Baohu 1992) Yanjiusuo Henan (1 河 Sheng南 (Kim省古 Gudai 2013,代建筑 Jianzhupp.保護148–51;硏究Baohu所 Ō),saka ed. Yanjiusuo 1992.ShiritsuBaoshan ( 河南省古Bijutsukan Lingquansi et al.( 1992,寶山靈 pl. 133; Whitfield 1982, pl. 59, Figure 10; Giès et Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 代建筑保護硏究所11泉寺of), ). 29ed. Zhengzhou: 1992. Baoshan Henan Lingquansi Renmin (寶山靈泉寺 Chubanshe.al.). 1995, Zhengzhou: pp. 87–89, Henan 96; Eluosi Renmin guo Chubanshe.li aiertashi bowuguan 2000, p. 219). (Hida 1999) Hida,Hida, Romi Romi (肥田路美 (肥田路美). 1999.). 1999. Hen Hen to tokumo: kumo: daik Daikō2 zuozu¯ Forhens henstheō ni itineranto¯ okeru ni okeru imi monkimi to kin tofigures kinō woo¯ womeguttein the megutte mural (變と雲 ( 變paintingsと雲—大 of構 the圖變 Mogao Caves, see (Liu 1990, p. 4; Liu 1996, pp. ―大構圖變相における意味と機能をめぐって相における意味と機能をめぐって). Waseda). Waseda Daigaku Daigaku243–44). Daigakuin Daigakuin Bungakukenky Bungakukenkyūkauka ¯Kiy Kiyō (早o¯ 稲(早田大田大學大學院文學學大學院文學硏究科紀要硏究科紀要) )3: 3: 123–37. 123–37. 3 A few later works depicting itinerant monk figures have survived, such as the relief decoration of the Fan (Hida 2011) Hida,Hida, Romi Romi (肥田路美 (肥田路美).). 2011. 2011. ShotShotō o¯bukky bukkyōo¯ bijutsu bijutsu noPagoda no kenky inūu¯ (Kaifeng,初初唐佛唐佛教 Henan美美術の硏究術の硏Province,究). Tokyo: dated ChCh touūō¯ o ¯the Koron¯ 10th Bijutsuor 11th century, Along the River during the Qingming Kōron Bijutsu Shuppan. Festival from the 12th century, and Decent of Honorable Ones from the 13th century. In addition, this figural (Hida 2014) Hida,Hida, Romi Romi (肥田路美 (肥田路美). 2014.). 2014. BijutsushiryBijutsushiryō toshiteo¯ toshite yomu yomutype Shy Shywasū Jinshyu¯ employed Jinshyū uSanp¯ Sanp inō kantsseveralo¯ kantsūroku:uroku:¯ Kamakura Shyakudoku Shyakudoku era (1185–1333) to to kenkyu¯ (pain美術tings in Japan. The focus of this essay, however, kenkyū (美術史料として史料としてむ読集む集神州三寶感通錄神州三寶感通錄—釋讀―と釋讀と究).is Tokyo: the研究 group). Waseda Tokyo: of paintings daigaku Waseda Daigakuinfrom daigaku 9th and TDaigakuinoy¯ 10thobijutsushi,¯ century vol. Dunhuang, 8. which are the oldest extant examples and Tōyōbijutsushi,Ho, Puay-peng. vol. 8. 2004. Building on Hope: Monasticrepresent Sponsors itinerant and Merit monk in Sixth-as the toindependent Tenth-Century subject China. of theAsia painting. For later examples of itinerant monk (Ho 2004) Ho, Puay-peng.Major 17: 2004. 35–57. Building on Hope: Monastic Sponsorsimages, see and (Ide Merit 2008, in pp.Sixth- 22–28; to Tenth-CenturyXie 2009, pp. 82–84; Hara 2011, pp. 216–19). China. AsiaIde, Major Seinosuke 17: 35–57. (井手誠之輔). 2008. Shoson korin¯ zu (諸尊降臨圖). Kokka (國華) 353: 22–28. (Ide 2008) Ide, Inamoto,Seinosuke Yasuo (井手誠之輔 (稻本泰). 生2008.). 2019. Shoson Todai¯ kōrin ni zu okeru (諸尊降臨圖 kos¯ oz¯ o¯ ). no Kokka seisaku (國華 to) 353: Ganjin 22–28. waj o¯ zenshi: Hasseiki shoto¯ (Inamoto 2019) Inamoto,o chushinni¯ Yasuo ((唐稻本泰生代における). 2019.高僧像 Tōdaiの制ni作 okeruと鑑眞kō和sō上zō前史 no –seisaku八世紀初to 頭Ganjinを中心 wajに).ō zenshi: In Ajia bukky bijutsu Hasseiki shotōronshu–Higashi o chūshinni (唐代における高僧像の制作と鑑眞和上《史 ajia Zui To¯ (アジア佛美術論集東アジア隋–唐八世紀初頭を中心に). Edited by Hida Romi). In (Ajia肥田路美). Tokyo: bukky bijutsu ronshu–HigashiChuo¯ Koron¯ Bijutsu ajia Zui Shuppan, Tō (アジア pp.佛 491–522.教美術論集東アジア隋唐). Edited by Hida Romi (肥田路美). Tokyo:Ito,¯ Shir Chuo¯ ō (伊 K東ōron史朗 Bijutsu). 1978. Shuppan, Shos¯ oz¯ o¯ pp. ni kansuru 491–522. k osatsu—Kanshinjiz¯ o¯ o chushin¯ ni (聖僧像に關する考察—觀心寺 (Itō 1978) Itō, Shirō (像伊東史朗を中心に). ).1978.Kokka Sh(ō國sō華zō) ni 1018: kansuru 9–20. kōsatsu—Kanshinjizō o chūshin ni (聖僧像に關する考察―觀心寺像を中心にKarashima, Seishi.). Kokka 2016. (國華 Meaning) 1018: 9–20. of bian 變, bianxiang 變相 and bianwen 變文. Annual Report of The International (Karashima 2016) Karashima,Research Institute Seishi. for2016. Advanced Meaning Buddhology of bian 變19:, bianxiang 274–75. 變相 and bianwen 變文. Annual Report of The InternationalKim, Haewon Research (^K In"é¶stitute), ed. for 2013. AdvancedKungnip Buddhology Chungang 19: Pangmulgwan 274–75. sojang chungangasia chonggyo hoihwa (²DGnw×æᆼ© ' (Kim 2013) Kim, Haewon~ÃÌÓüta è(김혜원ᆼ© ×æᆼ©), 아rᅵ아ed. 2013.7áxᅭ Kungnipro). Seoul: Chungang Kungnip Pangmulgwan Chungang sojang Pangmulgwan. chungangasia chonggyo hoihwa (국립중앙박물관Kim, Minku. 2019a. 소장 Sites중앙아시아 of Cankrama˙ 종교 (Jingxing회화). Seoul:經行 )Kungnip in Faxian’s Chungang Record. Pangmulgwan.Hualin International Journal of Buddhist (Kim 2019a) Kim, Minku.Studies 2019a.2: 153–71. Sites of [CrossRef Caṅkrama] (Jingxing 經行) in Faxian’s Record. Hualin International Journal Kim, Minku. 2019b. Where the Blessed One Paced Mindfully: The Issue of Cankrama˙ on Mathura’s¯ Earliest Figure 7. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 51.8 × 29.of Buddhist3 cm. Inv. Studies No. 2: 153–71. Freestanding Images of the Buddha. Archives of Asian Art 69: 181–216. [ṅCrossRef] Dh-320. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photograph © The State(Kim Hermitage 2019b) Museum,Kim, Minku. 2019b. Where the Blessed One Paced Mindfully: The Issue of Ca krama on Mathurā’s Kobayashi, Taichiro¯ (小林太市郎). 1954. Kos¯ o¯ suhai¯ to shoz¯ o¯ no geijutsu (高僧崇拜と肖像の芸術). Bukkyo¯ geijutsu Photo by Leonard Kheifets. Earliest Freestanding Images of the Buddha. Archives of Asian Art 69: 181–216. (Kobayashi 1954) Kobayashi,(佛藝術 Taichir) 23: 3–36.ō (小林太市郞). 1954. Kōsō sūhai to shōzō no geijutsu (高僧崇拜と肖像の芸 Kucera, Karil. 2006. Recontextualizing Kanjingsi: Finding Meaning in the Emptiness at Longmen. Archives of 3. Monks in Perambulation 術). Bukkyō geijutsu (佛教藝術) 23: 3–36. (Kucera 2006) Kucera,Asian Karil. Art 2006.56: 61–80. Recontextualizing [CrossRef] Kanjingsi: Finding Meaning in the Emptiness at Longmen. Whereas most of the icons from the pre-Song period present the divine beingsArchives in ofKumagai,static Asian poses Art Nobuo 56: 61–80. (熊谷宣夫). 1958. Kotan¯ shorai¯ no kondo¯ butto¯ (コォタン將來の金銅佛頭). Bijutsu kenkyu¯ (美術 either seated or standing, the main figure of itinerant monk paintings strikes(Kumagai a walking 1958) pose. Kumagai,硏究And) 200: Nobuo 97–98. (熊谷宣夫). 1958. Kōtan shōrai no kondō buttō (コォタン將來の金銅佛頭). ¯ this distinctive characteristic has led scholars to consider its relation with the muralsBijutsu referredkenkyKumagai,ū (美術硏究 to Nobuoas ) 200: (熊 97–98谷宣夫 ). 1995. Otani Mishon shorai¯ no Genjo¯ sanjo¯ gazo¯ nizu 大谷ミション將來の玄三 ¯ xingdao seng or xing seng in the Tang monasteries documented in the Lidai(Kumagai minghua 1955) ji 歷代名畫記 Kumagai,藏像二 Nobuo 圖 (Two (熊谷宣夫 Examples). 1995. of Paintings Ōtani Mishon of Xuanzang shōrai no Brought Genjō sanj by Otaniō gazō Mission). nizu 大谷ミショBijutsu shi (美術史) 14: (Records of Famous Paintings of Successive Dynasties, comp. 846), the Tangchaoン將來の玄奘三藏畫像二圖 minghua lu 唐朝名60–63. (Two Examples of Paintings of Xuanzang Brought by Ōtani Mission). Bijutsu 畫錄 (Records of Famous Paintings of the Tang Dynasty, 9th century), and the Yizhoushi (美術史 minghuaLe) 14: Coq, 60–63. lu Albert 益 von. 1913. Chotscho. Facsimile-Wiedergaben der wichtigeren Funde der Ersten Königlich Preussischen 州名畫錄 (Record of Famous Paintings of Yizhou, 11th century).35 The earliest(Le Coqexample 1913) Ledates Coq,Expedition to Albert the von. nach 1913. Turfan Chotscho in Ost-Turkistan. Facsimile-Wiedergaben. Berlin: Dietrich der Reimer.wichtigeren Funde der Ersten Königlich Zhenguan era (627–649), but most of them were created in the High Tang (713–765)Preussischen and MiddleLee, Expedition Sonya Tang S. na 2010.ch TurfanSurviving in Ost-Turkistan Nirva¯.na: Death. Berlin: of the Dietrich Buddha Reimer. in Chinese Visual Culture. Hong Kong: Hong Kong (766–835) periods.36 Ten monasteries with murals, recorded in the sources (Leementioned 2010) Lee, above, SonyaUniversity wereS. 2010. Surviving Press. Nirvāṇa: Death of the Buddha in Chinese Visual Culture. Hong Kong: Hong located in Chang’an, Luoyang 洛陽, Zhexi 浙西, and Chengdu 成都. They includedKong some UniversityLee, of the Seunghye. most Press. 2013. Framing and Framed: Relics, Reliquaries, and Relic Shrines in Chinese and Korean Buddhist prestigious sites of their time and were associated with imperial patronage(Lee and 2013) prominent Lee, Seunghye. monksArt from 2013. the TenthFraming to theand Fourteenth Framed: Relic Centuries.s, Reliquaries, Ph.D. dissertation, and Relic Shrines The University in Chinese of and Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA. such as Jianfu Monastery 薦福寺, Cien Monastery 慈恩寺, and Jing’ai MonasteryKorean 敬愛寺 Buddhist.37 TheArt from the Tenth to the Fourteenth Centuries. Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Leidy, Denise, and Donna Strahan. 2010. Wisdom Embodied: Chinese Buddhist and Daoist Sculpture in The Metropolitan murals mainly consist of multiple figures of monks painted along corridors or a seriesChicago, of walls. Chicago, Given IL, USA. Museum of Art. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. this, it is fair to say that it was a primary subject matter for the monastery mural(Leidy paintings and Strahan of the 2010) Tang Leidy, Denise, and Donna Strahan. 2010. Wisdom Embodied: Chinese Buddhist and Daoist Li, Fang (李昉). 1961. Taiping guangji 太平廣記. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju. period. Sculpture in The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Rongxi Li, trans. 2000, Buddhist Monastic Traditions of Southern Asia: A Record of the Inner Law Sent Home from the Xie Jisheng held that paintings of “qujing gaoseng” 取經高僧 (eminent (Limonk 1961) retrieving Li, Fang (李昉 sūtras)). 1961 . Taiping guangji 太平廣記. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju. South Seas by Sraman´ , a Yijing. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research. grew popular with the expanding reputation of Xuanzang after the Zhenguan era and that this Li, Ling (李翎). 2012. Xuanzang huaxiang jiedu: Tebie guanzhu qi mijiao tuxiang yuansuo (玄像”解讀–特別 iconography evolved into a type of painting designated as xing seng or xingjiao seng. He also關 noted注其密敎圖像元素). Gugong bowuyuan yuankan (故宮博物院院刊) 162: 40–53. that the locations of itinerant monk images in the passageways of Mogao Caves 45, 306, 308, and 363

Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 27 of 29

(Li 2000) Li, Rongxi, trans. 2000. Buddhist Monastic Traditions of Southern Asia: A Record of the Inner Law Sent Home from the South SeasReligions by Śrama 2020ņa, 11Yijing, x FOR. Berkeley: PEER REVIEW Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research. 27 of 29 (Li 2012) Li, Ling (李翎). 2012. Xuanzang huaxiang jiedu: Tebie guanzhu qi mijiao tuxiang yuansuo (玄奘畫像” 解讀–特別關注其密敎圖像元素(Li 2000) Li, Rongxi,). Gugong trans. bowuyuan 2000. Buddhist yuankan Monastic (故宮博物院院刊 Traditions) of162: Southern 40–53. Asia: A Record of the Inner Law Sent Home (Lim 2000) Lim, Sanghee (임상희). 2000. Yi T’onghyŏn gwa Jungguk chŏnt’ong sasang (이통현과 중국 from theReligions South Seas2020 ,by11 ,Ś 479ramaņa Yijing. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research. 26 of 28 전통사상). Hanguk(Li pulgyo 2012) hakLi, Ling(한국불교학 (李翎). )2012. 50: 455–80. Xuanzang huaxiang jiedu: Tebie guanzhu qi mijiao tuxiang yuansuo (玄奘畫像” (Lin 2013) Lin, Wei-cheng. 解讀2013.– 特別關注其密敎圖像元素Building a Sacred Mountain:). Gugong The Buddhist bowuyuan Architecture yuankan ( 故宮博物院院刊of China’s Mount) 162:Wutai 40–53.. Seattle and London:(Lim Universi 2000) Lim,tyLim, ofSanghee WashingtonSanghee (e (임상힁B© Press.).). 2000. Religions 2000. Yi 2020 T’onghyYi T’onghy, 11, xon˘ FOR gwaŏn PEER gwa Jungguk REVIEW Jungguk ch ont’ong˘ chŏnt’ong sasang sasang (sᅵ:x ³&(이통현과õᅪ ×æ²DG :x중국상© ). Hanguk 26 of 29 Figure 7. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 51.8 × 29. 3 cm. Inv. No. (Liu 1990) Liu, Yuquan (劉玉權전통사상). 1990.). Hangukpulgyo Sashū hakpulgyo Kaikotsu(ôÇ ²DGÔhak¦ (ᅭno한국불교학Æ< sekkutsu) 50: 455–80.) 50:geijutsu 455–80. (沙洲回鶻の石窟藝術 ). Chūgoku Dh-320. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photograph © The State Hermitage Museum, sekkutsu: Ansei Yurinkutsu(Lin 2013) ( 中國石窟Lin,Lin, Wei-cheng. Wei-cheng.: 安西楡林窟 2013. 2013.). BuildingTokyo:Building(Giès Heibonsha,eta a Sacred Sacredal. 1995) Mountain: Mountain: pp.Giès, 240–53. Jacques, The The Buddhist Buddhist Michel Architecture Soymié, Jean-P of China’sierre Drège, MountMount Danielle WutaiWutai.. Seattle Eliasberg, and and Richard Schneider. Photo by Leonard Kheifets. Figure 1. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 49.8 × 28.6 cm. National (Liu 1995) Liu, Shufen. 1995. Art, RituLondon:al, Society: University Buddhist of Washington 1995.Practice Les inarts Press.Rural de l’Asie China centrale: during La thecollection Northern Paul Pelliot du musée nationaux des arts asiatiques-Guimet. Paris: Seattle and London:Museum Universi of Korea.ty of Washington Press. Dynasties. Asia Major(Liu 1990)8: 19–47. Liu,Liu, Yuquan Yuquan ( 劉玉權劉玉權). 1990. 1990. Sash SashRéunionūu¯ Kaikotsu Kaikotsu des Musées no no sekkutsu Nationaux, geijutsu vol. 2. (沙沙洲回鶻の石窟藝術洲回の石窟藝術). InChChūgokuugoku¯ sekkutsu: 3. Monks in Perambulation (Liu 1996) Liu, Yuquan (劉玉權). 1996. Minzu yishu de qipa:國 Lun窟 Dunhuang窟 Xixia Yuan shiqi de bihua (民族藝 sekkutsu: AnseiAnsei YurinkutsuA Yurinkutsu total of (中國石窟 twelve(中(Grünwedel石 paintings: 安西楡林窟: 安西楡1912) originating林 ). Tokyo:).Grünwedel, Tokyo: Heibonsha, in Heibonsha, Dunhuang Albert. pp. pp.1912. 240–53.and 240–53. Altbuddhistischefeaturing similar Kultstätten iconogra inp hyChinesisch-Turkistan rendered . Berlin: De Whereas most of the icons from the pre-Song術的奇葩 period–論敦煌西夏元時期的壁畫 present the divine beings). In inZhongguo static poses Dunhuang Gruyter. bihua quanji (中國敦煌壁畫全集). Tianjin: (Liu 1995) Liu, Shufen.Shufen.on either1995. 1995. silk Art, Art, or Ritual, paperRitual, Society: can Society: be Buddhist found Buddhist Practicein institutions Practice in Rural in ChinaaroundRural duringChina the theworld,during Northern whichthe Northern Dynasties. include Asia the MajorNational either seated or standing, the main figure of itinerantRenmin monk Meishu paintings Chubansh strikese, vol. 10,a8: walking 19–47.pp. 1–28. pose. And(Hara 2011) Hara, Eriko (原瑛莉子). 2011. Shaka Jūroku Zenshin ni miru Genjōzō no hensen (釋迦十六善神にみ Dynasties. AsiaMuseum Major 8:of 19–47. Korea , the Tenri Library, the British Museum, the Musée Guimet, the Bibliothèque this distinctive characteristic has led scholars(Lu to 1993) consider Lu, Fusheng its relation (盧輔聖 with), ed.Liu, the 1993. Yuquanmurals Zhongguo (劉玉權劉referred玉權shuhua). 1996. to quanshi as Minzu る玄奘像の變遷 (中國書畫全書 yishu de qipa:). ).In Shanghai: Lun Tenjiku: Dunhuang SanjShanghaiō H Xixiaōshi Shuhua Yuansanman shiqi kiro de no bihua tabi ((民天竺民族藝族藝–三藏法師術的奇–論3敦萬キロの旅). Nara: Nara (Liu 1996) Liu, Yuquannationale ( de ).France, 1996. Minzu and theyishu State de qipa: Hermitage Lun Du nhuangMuseum. Xixia1 The Yuan two shiqi paintings de bihua (in the Musée Guimet xingdao seng or xing seng in the Tang monasteriesChubanshe, documented 2 vols. in the術的奇葩 Lidai –minghua論敦煌西夏元時期的壁畫煌西夏元 ji時期歷代名畫記的壁 ). InKokuritsu).Zhongguo In Zhongguo Hakubutsukan, Dunhuang Dunhuang bihua pp.bihua quanji 216–19. quanji(中國 (敦中國敦煌壁畫全集煌壁全集). Tianjin:). Tianjin: Renmin Meishu differ from the others in terms of medium and stylistic features: they are painted in refined (Records of Famous Paintings of Successive(Mair Dynasties, 1986) Mair, comp. Victor. 846), 1986. theRenmin TheTangchao OriginsMeishuChubanshe, minghua ofChubansh an Iconographical vol.lu e,唐朝名 10,vol.(Henan pp. 10, 1–28.pp. Form Sheng 1–28. of theGudai Pilgrim Jianzhu Hsüan-tsang. Baohu Yanjiusuo Tang Studies 1992) Henan Sheng Gudai Jianzhu Baohu Yanjiusuo (河南省古 brushwork on silks while the other ten show considerably simplified brushwork on paper. Most of 畫錄 (Records of Famous Paintings of the Tang Dynasty,4: 29–41. 9th century),(Lu 1993) and Lu,Lu, the Fusheng Fusheng Yizhou (盧輔聖 ( 盧minghua輔聖),), ed. ed. lu 1993. 1993.益代建筑保護硏究所ZhongguoZhongguo shuhua shuhua quanshi quanshi), ed. 1992. (中中國書畫全書國 Baoshan書全 Lingquansi書).). Shanghai: Shanghai: (寶山靈泉寺 Shanghai Shanghai). Shuhua Zhengzhou: Chubanshe, Henan Renmin Chubanshe. 牧田諦亮the paintings have rectangular space(s) for a cartouche, and the中國 appellation reading “Baosheng rulai” 州名畫錄 (Record of Famous Paintings of Yizhou,(Makita 11th[1954] century). 1984) Makita,35 TheChubanshe, Tairy earliestō ( vol. example2 vols. 2. ). 1984. dates Ch ūtogoku(Hida the ni 1999) okeru Hida, minzoku Romi bukky (肥田路美ō seiritsu). 1999. no Hen katei to ( kumo: daikōzu hensō ni okeru imi to kinō wo megutte (變と雲における民族佛教成立の過程寶勝如來 (The Buddha Precious中國佛教 Victory)史研究 are preserved on five paintings. Besides these paintings in Zhenguan era (627–649), but most of them were created in the High(Mair Tang 1986) (713–765) Mair,Mair,). In ChVictor.Victor.ū gokuand 1986. Middlebukky The Theō shi TangOriginsOrigins kenky ―ū of大構圖變相における意味と機能をめぐって( of an an Ic Iconographicalonographical). Tokyo: Form Form Dait of of theō the Shuppansha, Pilgrim Pilgrim Hsüan-tsang. Hsüan-tsang.). Waseda Daigaku TangTang StudiesDaigakuin Studies 4: Bungakukenky 29–41. ūka Kiyō (早稲田大 vol. 2. pp. 207–92. First published portable1954. formats, comparable學大學院文學硏究科紀要 iconography can be found in murals in Mogao Cave 45 from the Five (766–835) periods.36 Ten monasteries with murals, recorded in the sources4: 29–41. mentioned[CrossRef ]above, were ) 3: 123–37. Dynasties Period (907–960) and Mogao Caves 306, 308, and 363 from the Xixia period (1032–1227) in (Matsumoto 1937) Matsumoto,(Makita [1954] EiichiMakita, 1984) (松本榮一 Tairy Makita,o¯). ( 牧1937. Tairy田諦 Tonkō亮 ((Hida).牧田諦亮 1984.ōga no2011) Ch kenky). ugoku1984.¯ Hida,ū (Ch燉煌畫の硏究 ni Romiū okerugoku (肥田路美 ni minzoku okeru). Tokyo: ).minzoku bukky2011. Tō oh¯Shotō seiritsubukky Bunkaō bukkyōno seiritsuōkatei bijutsu (no中 no國katei におけるkenky (中國ū (民初唐佛族佛教成美術の硏究). Tokyo: Chūō located in Chang’an, Luoyang 洛陽, Zhexi 浙西, and Chengdu 成都. They included some of2 the most Gakuin Kenkyūjo and HatsubaijoDunhuang. 立Bunkyの過程ūdō Shoten, Chugoku¯ 2 vols. bukky o¯ shi kenkyu¯ 中國佛史究 ¯ prestigious sites of their time and were associated with imperial patronageにおける民族 and佛 prominent教成立の過程). In monks). In Ch Kūōgokuron bukkyBijutsuō shi Shuppan.( kenkyū (中國).佛 Tokyo:教史研究 Dait). Tokyo:o Shuppansha, Daitō Shuppansha, vol. 2, pp. 207–92. First (Matsumoto 1940a) Matsumoto, Eiichi (published松本榮一In previous). 1954.1940a. Genj (Hidascholarship,ō sanj 2014)ō angyazu Hida, this Romi kgroupō (玄奘三藏行脚圖考 (肥田路美 of paintings). 2014. )Bijutsushiry (上was). Kokka often ō toshite referred yomu to Shy asū Jinshy“itineraū Sanpnt ōmonk kantsū roku: Shyakudoku to such as Jianfu Monastery 薦福寺, Cien Monastery 慈恩寺, and Jing’aivol. 2. Monasterypp. 207–92. First敬愛寺 published.37 The 1954. (國華) 590: 12–19. Matsumoto,paintings” Eiichi or (松本 “xingjiaoseng榮一松本榮一).kenky 1937. ūtu Tonk(”美術史料として行脚僧圖oga¯ no kenky.3 Wu¯ (hile燉煌読む集神州三寶感通錄 a fairの燉煌畫の硏究硏 amount究). Tokyo: of attention Toh―¯ 釋讀とo¯ Bunka has研 Gakuin究 been). Tokyo: Kenkypaid Wasedatoujo¯ these daigaku Daigakuin murals mainly consist of multiple figures of monks painted along(Matsumoto corridors or1937) a series Matsumoto, of walls. Eiichi Given ( ). 1937. Tonkōga no kenkyū ( ). Tokyo: Tōhō Bunka (Matsumoto 1940b) Matsumoto, Eiichi (pieces,and松本榮一 Hatsubaijo no). 1940b. consensus Bunky Genjōud¯ sanj To¯ existsō Shoten,yōō bijutsushi,angyazu regarding vol. k 2.ō vol. (玄奘三藏行脚圖考 8. whom the ma) (in下 ). figure Kokka represents. While few currently this, it is fair to say that it was a primary subject matter for the monasteryGakuin mural Kenky paintingsūjo and Hatsubaijoof the Tang Bunky ūdō Shoten, 2 vols. (國華) 591: 37–39.(Matsumoto Matsumoto, 1940a)support Matsumoto, Eiichi its ( earlier松本 Eiichi榮(Ho 一(松本榮一 identifications ).2004) 1940a. Ho,). Genj 1940a. Puay-peng.o¯ sanj asGenj o¯ Xuaō angyazu sanj2004.nzangō angyazu Building k o¯ 玄 (玄奘 k ōon 三 ((602?–664),玄奘三藏行脚圖考藏Hope:行脚圖Monast考)( inarguably上ic). Sponsors)Kokka (上). Kokka(國 the 華and) 590: most Merit 12–19. fainmous Sixth- to Tenth-Century period. (Miyake 1998) Miyake, Hisao(國華 )( Matsumoto,590:三宅久雄 12–19.pilgrim ). Eiichi 1998. monk ( 松本Sh fromō榮sō一in ). theChina.Takaramono 1940b. Tang Asia Genj period Majoro¯ urushi sanj o17:¯(618–907), angyazu 35–57.kingin ke o¯ or (butsuganhi玄 Dharmatr三藏行脚noāta,圖考 one)(下 ). ofKokka the ( Eighteen國華) 591: 37–39.Arhats in Xie Jisheng held that paintings of “qujing gaoseng” 取經高僧 (eminent monk retrieving sūtras) hukugendeki kōsatsu(Matsumoto (正倉院寶物漆金銀繪佛龕扉の復元的考察Miyake, 1940b)Tibetan Matsumoto, Hisao Buddhism (三宅久 Eiichi雄(Ide). 1998.(松本榮一 2008) Sh osIde,¯).). oinSh¯ 1940b. Seinosukeōs Takaramonoōin kiyGenjō ( ō正倉院紀要(井手誠之輔 sanj urushiō angyazu kingin) ).20: 2008. 59–93.kō e ( butsuganhiShoson玄奘三藏行脚圖考 kōrin no zu hukugendeki (諸尊降臨圖) (下). Kokka k).osatsu¯ Kokka ((正國華倉 ) 353: 22–28. grew popular with the expanding reputation of Xuanzang after the Zhenguan era and that this (Mizuno 1980) Mizuno, Seiichi(國華 (水野淸一) 591: 37–39.1院 ).寶 (Kim1980.物漆 2013, 金銀Ryūmon繪 pp.佛龕sekkutsu148–51;(Inamoto扉の復 Ōno元saka 2019)的kenky考 Shiritsu察 ūInamoto,). (龍門石窟の硏究Shos¯ Bijutsukanoin¯ Yasuo kiyo¯ (正 (et倉).稻本泰生 al.院Kyoto:紀 1992,要 )D). 20:pl. ō2019.h ō133; 59–93.sha, TWhitfield ōdai ni okeru 1982, pl.kō s59,ōz ōFigure no seisaku 10; Giès to etGanjin wajō zenshi: iconography evolved into a type of painting designated as xing seng or xingjiao seng. He also noted 2 vols. (Miyake 1998)Mizuno, Miyake,al. Seiichi 1995, Hisao (水 pp.野 87–89,(淸三宅久雄一). 1980.96;Hasseiki Eluosi).Ry umon1998.¯ guo shot li sekkutsuSh ōaiertashi ōos ōchinūno shinniTakaramono bowuguan kenky u(¯唐代における高僧像の制作と鑑眞和上《史(龍門 2000, 石urushi窟 p.の硏219). ki究ngin). Kyoto: e butsuganhi Doh¯ osha,¯ vol.no 2. –八世紀初頭を中心に). In Ajia that the locations of itinerant monk images in the passageways of Mogao Caves 45, 306, 308, and 363 (Mochizuki 1974) Mochizuki,hukugendeki ShinkMochizuki,ō (望月信亨2 k Forōsatsu Shinkthe), ed. ( 正倉院寶物漆金銀繪佛龕扉の復元的考察itineranto ¯1974. (望月 Bukky 信亨monk),bukkyō daijiten ed.figures bijutsu 1974. ( 佛in 教the Bukkyronshu–Higashi大辭典 muralo¯ daijiten). Enlargedpaintings).( ajia佛 Shō Edition.Zuisof大ōin 辭the Tkiy典ō Mogao(ō),アジア Kyoto:(正倉院紀要 Enlarged Caves,佛教美術論集 Edition.) see20: (Liu59–93. Kyoto:東アジア 1990, p. Sekai 4;隋唐 Liu Seiten). 1996, Edited pp. by Hida Romi (肥田 Sekai Seiten Kank(Mizunoō Kyōkai. 1980) Mizuno,Kank243–44).o¯ Seiichi Kyokai.¯ (水野淸一).路美 1980.). Tokyo: Ryūmon Chu sekkutsuō Kōron no Bijutsukenkyū (Shuppan,龍門石窟の硏究 pp. 491–522.). Kyoto: Dōhōsha, 35 (Zhongguo shuhua yanjiu ziliao shi 1983, vol.(Nagahiro 1, pp. 42, 1977)43, 46, Nagahiro, 50, 54–55, 2 Toshio 57;vols. vol.Nagahiro, ( 長廣敏雄3, pp.3 A1383, Toshiofew). Translated 1386–87, later (長廣works敏 1396, (It雄andō ).depicting 1978) 1977.Annotated. It Translatedō , itinerantShir 1977.ō (伊東史朗 and monkLidai Annotated. minghuafigures). 1978. haveShjiLidai ō(歷代名畫記s ōsurvived,z minghuaō ni kansuru). jisuch (歷代 kasō名satsu—Kanshinjiz the 記relief). Tokyo: decoration Heibonsha,ō o chof ūtheshin Fan ni (聖僧像に關する考 1405). Tokyo: Heibonsha,(Mochizuki vol. 1. 1974)vol. Mochizuki,Pagoda 1. in Shink Kaifeng,ō (望月信亨 Henan察―觀心寺像を中心に), Province, ed. 1974. Bukkydated ō).to daijiten Kokka the 10th ((國華佛教or)大辭典 11th1018: century, 9–20.). Enlarged Along Edition. the River Kyoto: during the Qingming ¯ 紫夢 36 The earliest example was executed by Wang Ding(Nagata 王定 2009). The Nagata,other painters MasatakaSekai mentioned SeitenNagata,(永田眞隆 Kank areFestival Masataka). Wu ō2009. Ky Daozi ōfrom kai.Ō (jō永 den 吳道子the田眞(Karashima ni12th隆 ,okeru ). century, 2009. shiun 2016)Oj and oden¯to Karashima, yumeDecent ni okeru( 往生傳における紫雲と夢of Honorable Seishi. shiun 2016. toOnes yume Meaning from (往 the生 ).of 傳 13thbianにおける century.變, bianxiang 雲In とaddition, 變相). Indogakuand this bianwen figural 變文. Annual Report 究 Zhou Fang 周昉, Han Gan 韓幹, Zhao Wutan 趙武壇Indogaku, Liu bukky Xingchenōgaku(Nagahiro kenky 劉行臣ū (1977)印度學佛, Lu Nagahiro,bukkyYaotype教 ogaku¯陸曜學硏究 was , Toshio kenkyLu employed) 57: Lengqieu ¯740–43. (長廣敏雄印度 in 學of several佛 The). Translated學International 硏Kamakura) 57: and 740–43. Research era Annotated. (1185–1333) Institute 1977. pain for AdvancedtingsLidai inminghua Japan. Buddhology jiThe (歷代名畫記 focus 19: 274–75. of this). essay, however, 永隆紫雲關一察廬楞伽, Zuo Quan 左全, Li Guonu 李果奴, Wang(Nagata Shaoying 2010) Nagata,王韶應, MasatakaDongTokyo: Chong (Nagata,永田眞隆 Heibonsha, 董忠Masataka is (Sirén). the2010. vol. group 1956, Shiun1. ( 田眞 pp.of nipaintings(Kim 14– kansuru). 2010. 2013) from Shiunikk Kim,ō satsu9t ni hHaewon kansuruand (紫雲に關する一考察 10th ( ikk 김혜원centuryosatsu¯ ), Dunhuang,ed. ( 2013.).に Indogaku するKungnip which 考 arChungange). theIndogaku oldest Pangmulgwan bukky extantogaku¯ examples kenky sojangu¯ andchungangasia chonggyo 印度學佛學硏究 23; Nagahiro 1977, vol. 1, p. 221; Yu 2011, p. 103). bukkyōgaku kenky(Nagataū (印度學佛 2009)教學硏究 Nagata,( represent) 58: Masataka 833–36. itinerant (永田眞隆) 58: monk 833–36.hoihwa). 2009. as (the국립중앙박물관 Ō jindependentōden ni okeru 소장subject shiun 중앙아시아 ofto theyume painting. (종교往生傳における紫雲と夢 회화For ).later Seoul: examples Kungnip ).of Chungangitinerant monk Pangmulgwan. 中村興二罹漢圖と高僧圖說話としての 37 For more on major monasteries in the Tang era,(Nakamura see (Ho 2004, 1984) pp. Nakamura, 35–57; WangIndogaku Kō ji2010,Nakamura, (中村興二 bukky pp.ōimages, gaku65–106).). K 1984. oji¯kenky (see Rakanzuū (Ide (印度學佛(Kim 2008,). to 1984. 2019a) pp.K教ō學硏究s Rakanzuō22–28;zu: Kim, Setsuwaga) 57:Xi Minku.e to 740–43.2009, Kos¯ ozu:2019a.¯ pp.tositeno 82–84; Setsuwaga Sites (羅漢圖と高僧圖 Haraof Ca tositenoṅ2011,krama pp. (Jingxing ( –216–19). 經行 ) in– Faxian’s Record. –).Hualin International Journal 說話畫としての–).(Nagata Museum 2010) 401: Nagata, 17–26.Museum Masataka401: 17–26. (永田眞隆of ).Buddhist 2010. Shiun Studies ni 2:kansuru 153–71. ikk ōsatsu (紫雲に關する一考察). Indogaku 野 (Nakamura and Takeshi 2002)bukky Nakamura,ōNakamura,gaku kenky Hajimeū ( Hajime印度學佛 (中村元 (中教村),學硏究(Kim and元), Kuno2019b) and) 58: Kuno 833–36.Takeshi Kim, Takeshi Minku. (久野健 ( 久2019b.). 2002.健 ).Where Bukky 2002. ōthe bijutsuBukky Blessed o¯jiten bijutsu One Paced jiten ( 佛Mind美fully:術事典The). Issue Tokyo: of Caṅkrama on Mathurā’s (佛教美術事典). Tokyo:(Nakamura Tōky ō1984) Shoseki.T Nakamura,oky¯ o ¯ Shoseki. Kōji (中村興二Earliest). 1984. Freestanding Rakanzu to Images Kōsōzu: of Setsuwagathe Buddha. tositeno Archives (羅漢圖と高僧圖 of Asian Art 69: –181–216. 奈國立博館 (Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan說話畫としての Nara2009) KokuritsuNara–). KokuritsuMuseum Hakubutsukan 401: Hakubutsukan(Kobayashi 17–26. ( 1954)良 (奈良國立博物館 Kobayashi,物 ). Taichir 2009.). 2009.ōSeichi (小林太市郞 Seichi Ninp Ninpo:¯ ).ō Nihon1954.: K bukkyōsō soū¯ hai 1300 to nenshōz noō no genry geijutsuu,¯ (高僧崇拜と肖像の芸聖地寧波日本佛年の源流すべてはここからやって來た Nihon bukkyō 1300(Nakamura nen no genry andū, subetewaTakeshisubetewa 2002) kokokara kokokara Nakamura, yate yate kita kita 術 (Hajime聖地寧波：日本(). Bukky (中村元ō geijutsu: ),佛教 and (佛 Kuno1300教1300藝術年の源流、すべては Takeshi) 23: 3–36. (久野健 ). 2002. Bukkyō bijutsu jiten). Nara: Nara ここからやって來た). (Nara:佛教美術事典 Nara KokuritsuKoku). Tokyo:ritsu Hakubutsukan.Hakubutsukan. Tōkyō Shoseki.(Kucera 2006) Kucera, Karil. 2006. Recontextualizing Kanjingsi: Finding Meaning in the Emptiness at Longmen. 奈良國立博物館天竺三藏法師萬 (Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan(Nara Kokuritsu 2011)Nara KokuritsuNaraHakubutsukan Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2009)Hakubutsukan NaraArchives ( Kokuritsu of(奈良國立博物館 Asian Hakubutsukan Art). 2011.56: 61–80.).Tenjiku: 2011. (奈良國立博物館 Tenjiku: Sanjo¯ hoshi¯ Sanj sanmanō ). 2009. kiro noSeichi tabi Ninp–ō: 3 キロの旅 hōshi sanman kiro no tabiNihon 天竺 bukky–三藏法師ō 13003 nen萬キロの旅. Nara:no genry Naraū.(Kumagai ,Nara: subetewa Kokuritsu Nara 1958)kokokara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan. Kumagai, yate Hakubutsukan.kita Nobuo(聖地寧波：日本 (熊谷宣夫佛教). 1958.1300 K年の源流、すべてはōtan shōrai no kondō buttō (コォタン將來の金銅佛頭). (Nattier 1992) Nattier, Jan. ここからやって來た1992. Nattier,The Heart Jan. Sūtra 1992.). :Nara: A TheChinese NaraHeart Koku ApocryphalBijutsu Sutra¯ ritsu: Akenky Hakubutsukan. Chinese Text?ū (美術硏究 The Apocryphal Journal ) 200: of 97–98 Text?the International The Journal of the International Association of Association of Buddhist(Nara Studies Kokuritsu 15: 153–223. BuddhistHakubutsukan Studies 15:2011)(Kumagai 153–223. Nara Kokuritsu 1955) Kumagai, Hakubutsukan Nobuo (熊谷宣夫 (奈良國立博物館). 1995. Ō).tani 2011. Mishon Tenjiku: shō Sanjrai noō Genjō sanjō gazō nizu 大谷ミショ (Nicolas-Vandier 1974) Nicohōlas-Vandier,shi sanmanNicolas-Vandier, kiro Nicole. no tabi 1974–1976. Nicole.天竺–三藏法師 1974–1976. Bannièresン將來の玄奘三藏畫像二圖3 萬キロの旅 etBanni peinturesères. et Nara:de peintures Touen-houang Nara (Twode Kokuritsu Touen-houang Examples conservées Hakubutsukan. of conservau Paintings ées au of Mus Xuanzangée Guimet Brought. Mission by Ōtani Mission). Bijutsu Musée Guimet. Mission(Nattier Paul 1992) Pelliot. Nattier,Paul Paris: Pelliot. Jan. Librairie 1992. Paris: The Adrien-Maisonneure. Librairie Heartshi S( Adrien-Maisonneure.美術史ūtra: A) Chinese14: 60–63. Apocryphal Text? 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The Assimilation 2013. Framing of Images and Framed: in the Buddhist Relics, RelicReliquaries, Cult of Gandhand Relicara:¯ Shrines in Chinese and Or Vice Versa. Artibus AsiaeKorean65: 169–211.Buddhist Art from the Tenth to the Fourteenth Centuries. Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA. (Leidy and Strahan 2010) Leidy, Denise, and Donna Strahan. 2010. Wisdom Embodied: Chinese Buddhist and Daoist Sculpture in The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. (Li 1961) Li, Fang (李昉). 1961. Taiping guangji 太平廣記. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju.

Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 29

Figure 1. Itinerant Monk. Dunhuang, 10th century. Ink and colors on paper, 49.8 × 28.6 cm. National Museum of Korea. Religions 2020, 11, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 29 A total of twelve paintings originating in Dunhuang and featuring similar iconography rendered on either silk or paper can be found in institutions around the world, which include the National Museum of Korea, the Tenri Library, the British Museum, the Musée Guimet, the Bibliothèque nationale de France, and the State Hermitage Museum.1 The two paintings in the Musée Guimet differ from the others in terms of medium and stylistic features: they are painted in refined brushwork on silks while the other ten show considerably simplified brushwork on paper. Most of the paintings have rectangular space(s) for a cartouche, and the appellation reading “Baosheng rulai” 寶勝如來 (The Buddha Precious Victory) are preserved on five paintings. Besides these paintings in portable formats, comparable iconography can be found in murals in Mogao Cave 45 from the Five Dynasties Period (907–960)Religions and Mogao2020, 11 ,Caves 479 306, 308, and 363 from the Xixia period (1032–1227) in 27 of 28 Dunhuang.2 In previous scholarship,Sadakata, this Akira.group 1997.of paintingsBuddhist Cosmology:was often Philosophy referred andto Originsas “itinera. Translatednt monk by Geynore Sekimori. Tokyo: paintings” or “xingjiaoseng tu”Kosei 行脚僧圖 Publishing..3 While a fair amount of attention has been paid to these pieces, no consensus existsSanders, regarding Rachel (Sand whomazu,¯ the Reicheru, main figureサンダズレイチェル represents. ). While 2014. Genj fewo ¯ currently sanjoz¯ o¯ kenky u:¯ Chusei Shaka juroku¯ support its earlier identificationszenshinzu as Xua o chnzangushinni¯ 玄 (玄奘三(602?–664),藏像硏究: 中世 inarguably釋迦十六善神 the圖を most中心に fa).mousKajima bijutsu kenkyu¯ (鹿島美術硏 pilgrim monkReligions from 2020 the, 11 Tang, x FOR究 periodPEER) 31: 226–38.REVIEW (618–907), or Dharmatrāta, one of the Eighteen Arhats in 26 of 29 Tibetan Buddhism Sasagawa, Kosen¯ (笹川浩仙). 1987. Kinhin ni tsuite: Tokuni ashi no hakobi ni tsuite (經行について—特に足の運 1 (Kim 2013,(Giès pp. 148–51; et al. 1995) Ōsaka Giès, Shiritsuびについて Jacques, Bijutsukan). MichelShugaku¯ etSoymié, al. kenky 1992,u¯ Jean-P( 宗學pl. 133;硏ierre究 Whitfield) 29:Drège, 107–12. Danielle1982, pl. Eliasberg,59, Figure 10;and Giès Richard et Schneider. al. 1995, pp. 87–89,1995. 96; Les Eluosi Shimono,arts deguo l’Asieli Akikoaiertashi centrale: (下 bowuguan野 La玲子collection). 2017. 2000, PaulTonk p. o ¯Pe219). Bucchlliot odu¯ sonsy muséeo¯ darani nationaux kyo¯ hens desozu¯ arts no asiatiques-Guimet kenkyu¯ (敦煌佛頂. Paris:尊勝陀罹尼經變相圖 2 For the itinerantRéunion monk figures des Musées のin硏 the究 Nationaux, ).mural Tokyo: paintings Bensei vol. 2. Shuppan.of the Mogao Caves, see (Liu 1990, p. 4; Liu 1996, pp. 243–44). (Grünwedel 1912)Sirén, Grünwedel, Osvald. 1956. Albert.Chinese 1912. Painting: Altbuddhistische Leading Masters Kultstätten and Principles in Chinesisch-Turkistan. New York: The Ronald. Berlin: Press De Company, part I. 3 Gruyter. vol. 2. A fewFigure later 7. worksItinerant depicting Monk. Dunhuang, itinerant monk 10th century.figures have Ink andsurvived, colors suchon paper, as the 51.8 relief × 29.decoration 3 cm. Inv. of No.the Fan (Hara 2011) Hara,So,˘ ChErikoongmok˘ (原瑛莉子"f& ñ).3lq 2011.. 2016. Shaka Ipdang Jūroku kubops ˘Zenshinung˘ K’yogak, ni miru Musang,Genjōzō Muru-no hensenui˘ ch (ongch’e-wa˘釋迦十六善神にみ ch’ulga kyegi (9{{ᆼ© ½ᅮ PagodaDh-320. in Kaifeng,The State Henan Hermitage Province, Museum, dated St. to Petersbu the 10thrg. or Photograph11th century, © AlongThe St theate RiverHermitage during Museum, the Qingming る玄奘像の變遷ZO).5px Inᅭ Tenjiku:yᆨ[地藏 Sanj], Áºōᆼ© H, ōÁºÀÒshi sanman_ᅴ & ñ^ü ᅨlᅵ tabi ).(天竺Sogang˘ –三藏法師 inmun nonchong3 萬キロの旅("fyᆼ©). ëHNara:7H8úx Nara) 47: 361–92. FestivalPhoto from by Leonard the 12th Kheifets. century, and Decent of Honorable Ones from the 13th century. In addition, this figural type was employedKokuritsu in severalSoper, Hakubutsukan, Kamakura Alexander. era pp. 1959. (1185–1333) 216–19.Literary pain Evidencetings forin Japan. Early Chinese The focus Buddhist of this Art essay,. Ascona: however, Artibus Asiae. (Henan Sheng SoymiGudaié Jianzhu, Michel. Baohu 2000. PeinturesYanjiusuo et 1992) dessins Henan de dunhuang: Sheng Gudai Notes Jianzhu d’iconographie. Baohu Yanjiusuo In Images (河南省古 de Dunhuang: Dessins et 3. Monksis the group in Perambulation of paintings from 9th and 10th century Dunhuang, which are the oldest extant examples and represent itinerant代建筑保護硏究所 monk as thepeintures independent), ed. 1992. sur papier Baoshan subject des fondsLingquansi of the Pelliot painting. ( et寶山靈泉寺 Stein For. Edited later). Zhengzhou: examples by Jean-Pierre of Henan itinerant Drè Renminge. Mmonkémoires Chubanshe. archéologiques 24. Paris: images,Where see(Hidaas (Ide most 1999)2008, of pp.Hida,the 22–28; icons RomiÉcole Xifrom (e肥田路美 française2009, the pp. ).pre-Song d’Extr1999.82–84; Henê Harame-Orient, period to 2011,kumo: present pp. pp. daik 216–19). 13–53.ō zuthe hens divineō ni okeru beings imi in to statickinō wo poses megutte (變と雲 either seated or ―standing,大構圖變相における意味と機能をめぐってStein, the Aurel.main figure 1921. Serindia: of itinerant Detailed monk). Report Waseda paintings of Daigaku Explorations strikes Daigakuin in a Central walking Bungakukenky Asia pose. and Westernmostū Andka Kiy ō (早稲 China田大 Carried Out and this distinctive characteristic學大學院文學硏究科紀要 hasDescribed led scholars under) 3: 123–37. the to Orders consider of H. M.its Indian relation Government with the by murals Aurel Stein referred. Oxford: to Clarendonas Press, vol. 2. xingdao seng(Hida or xing 2011) seng Hida,Sun, in Romithe Xiushen Tang (肥田路美 (孫 monasteries修身).), 2011. ed. 1999. Shot documentedōFojiao bukky Dongzhuanō bijutsu in the no gushi kenkyLidai huajuanū minghua (初唐佛(佛教 ji東美術の硏究歷代名畫記傳故事 ).卷 Tokyo:). Dunhuang Chūō meishu quanji (Records of FamousKōron Paintings Bijutsu Shuppan.( 敦of煌 Successive美術全集). HongDynasties, Kong: Shangwucomp. 846), Yinshuguan, the Tangchao vol. 12.minghua lu 唐朝名畫錄 (Records(Hida of 2014)Famous Hida,Taya, Paintings Romi Raisyun (肥田路美 of (th多e屋 ).Tang賴 2014.俊), Dynasty, OchBijutsushiry¯ o¯ Enichi 9thō (toshite 橫century),超慧 yomu日), and andShy ū Funabashithe Jinshy Yizhouū Sanp Issai minghuaō kants (舟橋ū roku:一lu哉益), Shyakudoku eds. 1995. toBukky ogaku¯ jiten 州名畫錄 (Recordkenky of ūFamous (美術史料として (Painting佛學典s). of読 Kyoto: Yizhou,む集神州三寶感通錄 Hoz¯ 11thokan.¯ century).―35釋讀と The 研earliest究). Tokyo: example Waseda dates daigaku to the Daigakuin Zhenguan era (627–649),Tōyōbijutsushi, Teiser,but most vol. Stephen of8. them F. 1994. wereThe created Scripture in the on theHigh Ten Tang Kings (713–765) and the Making and Middle of Purgatory Tang in Medieval Chinese Buddhism. (766–835) periods.(Ho 2004)36 TenHo, Puay-peng.monasteriesHonolulu: 2004. with University Building murals, ofon recorded Hawai’i Hope: Monast Press. in theic sourcesSponsors mentioned and Merit inabove, Sixth- wereto Tenth-Century located in Chang’an,China. Luoyang AsiaWaley, Major 洛陽 Arthur. 17: ,35–57. Zhexi 1931. 浙西A Catalogue, and Chengdu of Paintings 成都 Recovered. They included from Tun-huang some of by the Sir most Aurel Stein, K. C. I. E.. London: 井手誠之輔諸尊降臨圖國華 prestigious (Idesites 2008) of their Ide, SeinosuketimeBritish and ( were Museum. associated). 2008. withShoson imperial kōrin zu patronage ( and). Kokka prominent ( ) 353: monks 22–28. Wang, Huimin (王惠稻本泰生民). 2016. Xingjiaoseng tu (行脚僧圖). In Dunhuang fojiao tuxiang yanjiu (敦煌佛敎圖像硏究). such as Jianfu(Inamoto Monastery 2019) Inamoto, 薦福寺 ,Yasuo Cien (Monastery). 2019.慈恩寺 Tōdai, and ni okeruJing’ai k ōMonasterysōzō no seisaku 敬愛寺 to Ganjin.37 The waj ō zenshi: Hangzhou: Zhejiang唐代における高僧像の制作と鑑眞和上《史 Daxue Chubanshe, pp. 105–15. First published八世紀初頭を中心に 1995. murals mainly consistHasseiki of shotmultipleō o ch figuresūshinni of ( monks painted along corridors or a series– of walls. Given ). In Ajia bukky bijutsuWang, ronshu–Higashi Eugene. 2010. ajia Pictorial Zui Tō Program(アジア佛 in教 the美術論集 making 東アジア of monastic 隋唐 space:). Edited From by Jing’aisi Hida Romi of Luoyang (肥田 to Cave 217 at this, it is fair to say that it was a primary subject matter for the monastery mural paintings of the Tang 路美). Tokyo: ChuDunhuang.ō Kōron Bijutsu In Buddhist Shuppan, Monasticism pp. 491–522. in East Asia: Places and Practice. Edited by James A. Benn, Lori Meeks period. (Itō 1978) Itō, Shirō (伊東史朗and James). Robson.1978. Shō Newsōzō York:ni kansuru Routledge, kōsatsu—Kanshinjiz pp. 65–106. ō o chūshin ni (聖僧像に關する考 Xie Jisheng held that paintings of “qujing gaoseng” 取經高僧 (eminent monk retrieving sūtras) 察―觀心寺像を中心にWang, Michelle). Kokka C. 2016. (國華 Early) 1018: Chinese 9–20. Buddhist Sculptures as Animate Bodies and Living Presences. Ars Orientalis grew popular with the expanding reputation of Xuanzang after the Zhenguan era and that this (Karashima 2016) Karashima,46: 13–38. Seishi. [CrossRef 2016.] Meaning of bian 變, bianxiang 變相 and bianwen 變文. Annual Report iconography evolved into a type of painting designated as xing seng or xingjiao seng. He also noted of The InternationalWatanabe, Research Kosh¯ o ¯In (stitute河村孝for照 Advanced). 1975–1989. BuddhologyShinsan 19: 274–75. Dainippon zokuzoky¯ o¯ (新纂大日本續藏經). Tokyo: that the locations of itinerant monk images in the passageways of Mogao Caves 45, 306, 308, and 363 (Kim 2013) Kim, HaewonKokusho (김혜원 kankokai.¯), ed. 2013. Kungnip Chungang Pangmulgwan sojang chungangasia chonggyo hoihwa (국립중앙박물관Wen, Yucheng 溫소장玉成 중앙아시아. 1988. Ry umon¯종교 T회화odai¯ ). kutsuganSeoul: Kungnip no Hennen Chungang (龍門 Pangmulgwan.唐代窟龕の編年 ). In Chugoku¯ sekkutsu: 35 (Zhongguo(Kim shuhua 2019a) yanjiu Kim, ziliaoMinku.Ryumon shi 2019a. 1983, Sekkutsu Sites vol. (of1,中 pp.Ca國ṅ石 krama42,窟 –43,龍 ( Jingxing門46,石 50,窟 ).54–55, Tokyo:經行 )57; in Heibonsha, Faxian’svol. 3, pp. Record. 1383, vol. 2, 1386–87,Hualin pp. 170–222. International 1396, Journal 1405). of BuddhistWhitfield, Studies 2: Roderick153–71. (Wittofirudo, Roderikku, ロデリックウィットフィルド), ed. 1982. Saiiki bijutsu: Daiei 域大 36 The earliest(Kim example 2019b) was Kim, executed Minku.Hakubutsukan by 2019b. Wang Where StainDing korekushonthe王定 Bl. essedThe other( 西One painters美Paced術, Mind英 mentioned博fully:物館スタインコレクション The are Issue Wu Daozi of Ca ṅ吳道子krama). on, Ueno Mathur Akiā (’s上野アキ), trans. 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3. Monks in Perambulation Yu, Xiangdong (于向東). 2011. Tangdai “Xingdao seng” tuxiang kao (唐代“行道僧”圖像考). Yishu kaogu (藝術考古) Whereas most of the icons from the pre-Song3: period 103–8. present the divine beings in static poses either seated or standing, the main figure of itinerantYu, Xiangdong monk (于 paintings向東). 2016. strikes Xingdao a walking seng tuxiang pose. shuaiwei And (行道僧圖像衰微考). Dunhuangxue jikan (敦煌學輯 this distinctive characteristic has led scholars to consider刊) 2: 90–99. its relation with the murals referred to as xingdao seng or xing seng in the Tang monasteriesZhongguo documented bihua quanji in the bianzuan Lidai weiyuanhuiminghua ji (歷代名畫記中國壁全集編纂委員會), ed. 1996. Zhongguo Dunhuang bihua (Records of Famous Paintings of Successive Dynasties,quanji: comp. Dunhuang 846), Xixia the YuanTangchao(中國敦minghua煌壁全lu集唐朝名, 敦煌西夏元). Tianjin: Renmin Mishu Chubanshe. 畫錄 (Records of Famous Paintings of the TangZhongguo Dynasty, shuhua 9th century), yanjiu ziliaoand the shi Yizhou (中國書 minghua硏究資 lu料益史), ed. 1983. Huashi congshu ( 史叢書). Taipei: 州名畫錄 (Record of Famous Paintings of Yizhou, 11thWenshizhe century). Chubanshe.35 The earliest example dates to the Zhenguan era (627–649), but most of them were created in the High© Tang2020 (713–765) by the author. and LicenseeMiddle Tang MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access 36 (766–835) periods. Ten monasteries with murals, recorded in thearticle sources distributed mentioned under above, the terms were and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution located in Chang’an, Luoyang 洛陽, Zhexi 浙西, and Chengdu 成都(CC. They BY) included license (http: some//creativecommons.org of the most /licenses/by/4.0/). prestigious sites of their time and were associated with imperial patronage and prominent monks such as Jianfu Monastery 薦福寺, Cien Monastery 慈恩寺, and Jing’ai Monastery 敬愛寺.37 The murals mainly consist of multiple figures of monks painted along corridors or a series of walls. Given this, it is fair to say that it was a primary subject matter for the monastery mural paintings of the Tang period. Xie Jisheng held that paintings of “qujing gaoseng” 取經高僧 (eminent monk retrieving sūtras) grew popular with the expanding reputation of Xuanzang after the Zhenguan era and that this iconography evolved into a type of painting designated as xing seng or xingjiao seng. He also noted that the locations of itinerant monk images in the passageways of Mogao Caves 45, 306, 308, and 363